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9627	----	Proofreaders BURIED CITIES, Part 3 MYCENAE BY JENNIE HALL Author of "Four Old Greeks," Etc. Instructor in History and English in the Francis W. Parker School, Chicago With Many Drawings and Photographs From Original Sources The publishers are grateful to the estate of Miss Jennie Hall and to her many friends for assistance in planning the publication of this book. Especial thanks are due to Miss Nell C. Curtis of the Lincoln School, New York City, for helping to finish Miss Hall's work of choosing the pictures, and to Miss Irene I. Cleaves of the Francis Parker School, Chicago, who wrote the captions. It was Miss Katharine Taylor, now of the Shady Hill School, Cambridge, who brought these stories to our attention. FOREWORD: TO BOYS AND GIRLS Do you like to dig for hidden treasure? Have you ever found Indian arrowheads or Indian pottery? I knew a boy who was digging a cave in a sandy place, and he found an Indian grave. With his own hands he uncovered the bones and skull of some brave warrior. That brown skull was more precious to him than a mint of money. Another boy I knew was making a cave of his own. Suddenly he dug into an older one made years before. He crawled into it with a leaping heart and began to explore. He found an old carpet and a bit of burned candle. They proved that some one had lived there. What kind of a man had he been and what kind of life had he lived--black or white or red, robber or beggar or adventurer? Some of us were walking in the woods one day when we saw a bone sticking out of the ground. Luckily we had a spade, and we set to work digging. Not one moment was the tool idle. First one bone and then another came to light and among them a perfect horse's skull. We felt as though we had rescued Captain Kidd's treasure, and we went home draped in bones. Suppose that instead of finding the bones of a horse we had uncovered a gold-wrapped king. Suppose that instead of a deserted cave that boy had dug into a whole buried city with theaters and mills and shops and beautiful houses. Suppose that instead of picking up an Indian arrowhead you could find old golden vases and crowns and bronze swords lying in the earth. If you could be a digger and a finder and could choose your find, would you choose a marble statue or a buried bakeshop with bread two thousand years old still in the oven or a king's grave filled with golden gifts? It is of such digging and such finding that this book tells. CONTENTS 1. How a Lost City Was Found _Pictures of Mycenæ_: The Circle of Royal Tombs Doctor and Mrs. Schliemann at Work The Gate of Lions Inside the Treasury of Atreus The Interior of the Palace Gold Mask; Cow's Head The Warrior Vase Bronze Helmets; Gem Bronze Daggers Carved Ivory Head; Bronze Brooches A Cup from Vaphio Gold Plates; Gold Ornament Mycenæ in the Distance MYCENAE HOW A LOST CITY WAS FOUND Thirty years ago a little group of people stood on a hill in Greece. The hilltop was covered with soft soil. The summer sun had dried the grass and flowers, but little bushes grew thick over the ground. In this way the hill was like an ordinary hill, but all around the edge of it ran the broken ring of a great wall. In some places it stood thirty feet above the earth. Here and there it was twenty feet thick. It was built of huge stones. At one place a tower stood up. In another two stone lions stood on guard. It was these ruined walls that interested the people on the hill. One of the men was a Greek. A red fez was on his head. He wore an embroidered jacket and loose white sleeves. A stiff kilted skirt hung to his knees. He was pointing about at the wall and talking in Greek to a lady and gentleman. They were visitors, come to see these ruins of Mycenae. "Once, long, long ago," he was saying, "a great city was inside these walls. Giants built the walls. See the huge stones. Only giants could lift them. It was a city of giants. See their great ovens." He pointed down the hill at a doorway in the earth. "You cannot see well from here. I will take you down. We can look in. A great dome, built of stone, is buried in the earth. A passage leads into it, but it is filled with dirt. We can look down through the broken top. The room inside is bigger than my whole house. There giants used to bake their bread. Once a wicked Turk came here. He was afraid of nothing. He said, 'The giants' treasure lies in this oven. I will have it.' So he sent men down. But they found only broken pieces of carved marble--no gold." While the guide talked, the gentleman was tramping about the walls. He peered into all the dark corners. He thrust a stick into every hole. He rubbed the stones with his hands. At last he turned to his guide. "You are right," he said. "There was once a great city inside these walls. Houses were crowded together on this hill where we stand. Men and women walked the streets of a city that is buried under our feet, but they were not giants. They were beautiful women and handsome men. "It was a famous old city, this Mycenae. Poets sang songs about her. I have read those old songs. They tell of Agamemnon, its king, and his war against Troy. They call him the king of men. They tell of his gold-decked palace and his rich treasures and the thick walls of his city. "But Agamemnon died, and weak kings sat in his palace. The warriors of Mycenae grew few, and after hundreds of years, when the city was old and weak, her enemies conquered her. They broke her walls, they threw down her houses, they drove out her people. Mycenae became a mass of empty ruins. For two thousand years the dry winds of summer blew dust over her palace floors. The rains of winter and spring washed down mud from her acropolis into her streets and houses. Winged seeds flew into the cracks of her walls and into the corners of her ruined buildings. There they sprouted and grew, and at last flowers and grass covered the ruins. Now only these broken walls remain. You feed your sheep in the city of Agamemnon. Down there on the hillside farmers have planted grain above ancient palaces. But I will uncover this wonderful city. You shall see! You shall see how your ancestors lived. "Oh! for years I have longed to see this place. When I was a little boy in Germany my father told me the old stories of Troy, and he told me of how great cities were buried. My heart burned to see them. Then, one night, I heard a man recite some of the lines of Homer. I loved the beautiful Greek words. I made him say them over and over. I wept because I was not a Greek. I said to myself, 'I will see Greece! I will study Greek. I will work hard. I will make a bankful of money. Then I will go to Greece. I will uncover Troy-city and see Priam's palace. I will uncover Mycenae and see Agamemnon's grave.' I have come. I have uncovered Troy. Now I am here. I will come again and bring workmen with me. You shall see wonders." He walked excitedly around and around the ruins. He told stories of the old city. He asked his wife to recite the old tales of Homer. She half sang the beautiful Greek words. Her husband's eyes grew wet as he listened. This man's name was Dr. Henry Schliemann. He kept his word. He went away but he came again in a few years. He hired men and horse-carts. He rented houses in the little village. Myceae was a busy place again after three thousand years. More than a hundred men were digging on the top of this hill. They wore the fezes and kilts of the modern Greek. Little two-wheeled horse-carts creaked about, loading and dumping. Some of the men were working about the wall near the stone lions. "This is the great gate of the city," said Dr. Schliemann. "Here the king and his warriors used to march through, thousands of years ago. But it is filled up with dirt. We must clear it out. We must get down to the very stones they trod." But it was slow work. The men found the earth full of great stone blocks. They had to dig around them carefully, so that Dr. Schliemann might see what they were. "How did so many great stones come here?" they said among themselves. Then Dr. Schliemann told them. He pointed to the wall above the gate. "Once, long, long ago," he said, "the warriors of Mycenae stood up there. Down here stood an army--the men of Argos, their enemies. The men of Argos battered at the gate. They shot arrows at the men of Mycenae, and the men of Mycenae shot at the Argives, and they threw down great stones upon them. See, here is one of those broken stones, and here, and here. After a long time the people of Mycenae had no food left in their city. Their warriors fainted from hunger. Then the Argives beat down the gate. They rushed into the city and drove out the people. They did not want men ever again to live in Mycenae, so they took crowbars and tried to tear down the wall. A few stones they knocked off. See, here, and here, and here they are, where they fell off the wall. But these great stones are very heavy. This one must weigh a hundred twenty tons,--more than all the people of your village. So the Argives gave up the attempt, and there stand the walls yet. Then the rain washed down the dirt from the hill and covered these great stones, and now we are digging them out again." The men worked at the gateway for many weeks. At last all the dirt and the blocks had been cleared away. The tall gateway stood open. A hole was in the stone door-casing at top and bottom. Schliemann put his hand into it. "See!" he cried. "Here turned the wooden hinge of the gate." He pointed to another large hole on the side of the casing. "Here the gatekeeper thrust in the beam to hold the gate shut." Just inside the gate he found the little room where the keeper had stayed. He found also two little sentry boxes high up on the wall. Here guards had stood and looked over the country, keeping watch against enemies. From the gate the wall bent around the edge of the hilltop, shutting it in. In two places had been towers for watchmen. Inside this great wall the king's palace and a few houses had been safe. Outside, other houses had been built. But in time of war all the people had flocked into the fortress. The gate had been shut. The warriors had stood on the wall to defend their city. But while some of Dr. Schliemann's men were digging at the gateway and the wall, others were working outside the city. They were making a great hole, a hundred and thirteen feet square. They put the dirt into baskets and carried it to the little carts to be hauled away. And always Dr. Schliemann and his wife worked with them. From morning until dusk every day they were there. It was August, and the sun was hot. The wind blew dust into their faces and made their eyes sore, and yet they were happy. Every day they found some little thing that excited them,--a terra cotta goblet, a broken piece of a bone lyre, a bronze ax, the ashes of an ancient fire. At first Dr. Schliemann and his wife had fingered over every spadeful of dirt. There might be something precious in it. "Dig carefully, carefully!" Dr. Schliemann had said to the workmen. "Nothing must be broken. Nothing must be lost. I must see everything. Perhaps a bit of a broken vase may tell a wonderful story." But during this work of many weeks he had taught his workmen how to dig. Now each man looked over every spadeful of earth himself, as he dug it up. He took out every scrap of stone or wood or pottery or metal and gave it to Schliemann or his wife. So the excavators had only to study these things and to tell the men where to work. When a man struck some new thing with his spade, he called out. Then the excavators ran to that place and dug with their own hands. When anything was found, Dr. Schliemann sent it to the village. There it was kept in a house under guard. At night Dr. Schliemann drew plans of Mycenae. He read again old Greek books about the city. As he read he studied his plans. He wrote and wrote. "As soon as possible, I must tell the world about what we find," he said to his wife. "People will love my book, because they love the stories of Homer." There had been four months of hard work. A few precious things had been uncovered,--a few of bronze and clay, a few of gold, some carved gravestones. But were these the wonders Schliemann had promised? Was this to be all? They had dug down more than twenty feet. A few more days, and they would probably reach the solid rock. There could be nothing below that. November was rainy and disagreeable. The men had to work in the mud and wet. There was much disappointment on the hilltop. Then one day a spade grated on gravel. Once before that had happened, and they had found gold below. They called out to Dr. Schliemann. He and his wife came quickly. Fire leaped into Schliemann's eyes. "Stop!" he said. "Now I will dig. Spades are too clumsy." So he and his wife dropped upon their knees in the mud. They dug with their knives. Carefully, bit by bit, they lifted the dirt. All at once there was a glint of gold. "Do not touch it!" cried Schliemann, "we must see it all at once. What will it be?" So they dug on. The men stood about watching. Every now and then they shouted out, when some wonderful thing was uncovered, and Schliemann would stop work and cry, "Did not I tell you? Is it not worth the work?" At last they had lifted off all the earth and gravel. There was a great mass of golden things--golden hairpins, and bracelets, and great golden earrings like wreaths of yellow flowers, and necklaces with pictures of warriors embossed in the gold, and brooches in the shape of stags' heads. There were gold covers for buttons, and every one was molded into some beautiful design of crest or circle or flower or cuttle-fish. And among them lay the bones of three persons. Across the forehead of one was a diadem of gold, worked into designs of flowers. "See!" cried Schliemann, "these are queens. See their crowns, their scepters." For near the hands lay golden scepters, with crystal balls. And there were golden boxes with covers. Perhaps long ago, one of these queens had kept her jewels in them. There was a golden drinking cup with swimming fish on its sides. There were vases of bronze and silver and gold. There was a pile of gold and amber beads, lying where they had fallen when the string had rotted away from the queenly neck. And scattered all over the bodies and under them were thin flakes of gold in the shapes of flowers, butterflies, grasshoppers, swans, eagles, leaves. It seemed as though a golden tree had shed its leaves into the grave. "Think! Think! Think!" cried Schliemann. "These delicate lovely things have lain buried here for three thousand years. You have pastured your sheep above them. Once queens wore them and walked the streets we are uncovering." The news of the find spread like wildfire over the country. Thousands of people came to visit the buried city. It was the most wonderful treasure that had ever been found. The king of Athens sent soldiers to guard the place. They camped on the acropolis. Their fires blazed there at night. Schliemann telegraphed to the king: "With great joy I announce to your majesty that I have discovered the tombs which old stories say are the graves of Agamemnon and his followers. I have found in them great treasures in the shape of ancient things in pure gold. These treasures, alone, are enough to fill a great museum. It will be the most wonderful collection in the world. During the centuries to come it will draw visitors from all over the earth to Greece. I am working for the joy of the work, not for money. So I give this treasure, with much happiness, to Greece. May it be the corner stone of great good fortune for her." The work went on, and soon they found another grave, even more wonderful. Here lay five people--two of them women, three of them warriors. Golden masks covered the faces of the men. Two wore golden breastplates. The gold clasp of the greave was still around one knee. Near one man lay a golden crown and a sceptre, and a sword belt of gold. There was a heap of stone arrowheads, and a pile of twenty bronze swords and daggers. One had a picture of a lion hunt inlaid in gold. The wooden handles of the swords and daggers were rotted away, but the gold nails that had fastened them lay there, and the gold dust that had gilded them. Near the warriors' hands were drinking cups of heavy gold. There were seal rings with carved stones. There was the silver mask of an ox head with golden horns, and the golden mask of a lion's head. And scattered over everything were buttons, and ribbons, and leaves, and flowers of gold. Schliemann gazed at the swords with burning eyes. "The heroes of Troy have used these swords," he said to his wife, "Perhaps Achilles himself has handled them." He looked long at the golden masks of kingly faces. "I believe that one of these masks covered the face of Agamemnon. I believe I am kneeling at the side of the king of men," he said in a hushed voice. Why were all these things there? Thousands of years before, when their king had died, the people had grieved. "He is going to the land of the dead," they had thought. "It is a dull place. We will send gifts with him to cheer his heart. He must have lions to hunt and swords to kill them. He must have cattle to eat. He must have his golden cup for wine." So they had put these things into the grave, thinking that the king could take them with him. They even had put in food, for Schliemann found oyster shells buried there. And they had thought that a king, even in the land of the dead, must have servants to work for him. So they had sacrificed slaves, and had sent them with their lord. Schliemann found their bones above the grave. And besides the silver mask of the ox head they had sent real cattle. After the king had been laid in his grave, they had killed oxen before the altar. Part they had burned in the sacred fire for the dead king, and part the people had eaten for the funeral feast. These bones and ashes, too, Schliemann found. For a long, long time the people had not forgotten their dead chiefs. Every year they had sacrificed oxen to them. They had set up gravestones for them, and after a while they had heaped great mounds over their graves. That was a wonderful old world at Mycenae. The king's palace sat on a hill. It was not one building, but many--a great hall where the warriors ate, the women's large room where they worked, two houses of many bedrooms, treasure vaults, a bath, storehouses. Narrow passages led from room to room. Flat roofs of thatch and clay covered all. And there were open courts with porches about the sides. The floors of the court were of tinted concrete. Sometimes they were inlaid with colored stones. The walls of the great hall had a painted frieze running about them. And around the whole palace went a thick stone wall. One such old palace has been uncovered at Tiryns near Mycenae. To-day a visitor can walk there through the house of an ancient king. The watchman is not there, so the stranger goes through the strong old gateway. He stands in the courtyard, where the young men used to play games. He steps on the very floor they trod. He sees the stone bases of columns about him. The wooden pillars have rotted away, but he imagines them holding a porch roof, and he sees the men resting in the shade. He walks into the great room where the warriors feasted. He sees the hearth in the middle and imagines the fire blazing there. He looks into the bathroom with its sloping stone floor and its holes to drain off the water. He imagines Greek maidens coming to the door with vases of water on their heads. He walks through the long, winding passages and into room after room. "The children of those old days must have had trouble finding their way about in this big palace," he thinks. Such was the palace of the king. Below it lay many poorer houses, inside the walls and out. We can imagine men and women walking about this city. We raise the warriors from their graves. They carry their golden cups in their hands. Their rings glisten on their fingers, and their bracelets on their arms. Perhaps, instead of the golden armor, they wear breastplates of bronze of the same shape, but these same swords hang at their sides. We look at their golden masks and see their straight noses and their short beards. We study the carving on their gravestones, and we see their two-wheeled chariots and their prancing horses. We look at the carved gems of their seal rings and see them fighting or killing lions. We look at their embossed drinking cups, and we see them catching the wild bulls in nets. We gaze at the great walls of Mycenae, and wonder what machines they had for lifting such heavy stones. We look at a certain silver vase, and see warriors fighting before this very wall. We see all the beautiful work in gold and silver and gems and ivory, and we think, "Those men of old Mycenae were artists." PICTURES OF MYCENAE THE CIRCLE OF ROYAL TOMBS. Digging within this circle, Dr. Schliemann found the famous treasure of golden gifts to the dead, which he gave to Greece. In the Museum at Athens you can see these wonderful things. (From a photograph in the Metropolitan Museum.) DR. AND MRS. SCHLIEMANN AT WORK. This picture is taken from Dr. Schliemann's own book on his work. THE GATE OF LIONS. The stone over the gateway is immensely strong. But the wall builders were afraid to pile too great a weight upon it. So they left a triangular space above it. You can see how they cut the big stones with slanting ends to do this. This triangle they filled with a thinner stone carved with two lions. The lions' heads are gone. They were made separately, perhaps of bronze, and stood away from the stone looking out at people approaching the gate. INSIDE THE TREASURY OF ATREUS. No wonder the untaught modern Greeks thought that this was a giants' oven, where the giants baked their bread. But learned men have shown that it was connected with a tomb, and that in this room the men of Mycenae worshipped their dead. It was very wonderfully made and beautifully ornamented. The big stone over the doorway was nearly thirty feet long, and weighs a hundred and twenty tons. Men came to this beehive tomb in the old days of Mycenae, down a long passage with a high stone wall on either side. The doorway was decorated with many-colored marbles and beautiful bronze plates. The inside was ornamented, too, and there was an altar in there. THE INTERIOR OF THE PALACE. From these ruins and relics, we know much about the art of the Mycenaeans, something about their government, their trade, their religion, their home life, their amusements, and their ways of fighting, though they lived three thousand years ago. If a great modern city should be buried, and men should dig it up three thousand years later, what do you think they will say about us? GOLD MASK. This mask was still on the face of the dead king. The artist tried to make the mask look just as the great king himself had looked, but this was very hard to do. A COW'S HEAD OF SILVER. The king's people put into his grave this silver mask of an ox head with golden horns. It was a symbol of the cattle sacrificed for the dead. There is a gold rosette between the eyes. The mouth, muzzle, eyes and ears are gilded. In Homer's Iliad, which is the story of the Trojan war, Diomede says, "To thee will I sacrifice a yearling heifer, broad at brow, unbroken, that never yet hath man led beneath the yoke. Her will I sacrifice to thee, and gild her horns with gold." THE WARRIOR VASE. This vase was made of clay and baked. Then the artist painted figures on it with colored earth. This was so long ago that men had not learned to draw very well, but we like the vase because the potter made it such a beautiful shape, and because we learn from it how the warriors of early Mycenae dressed. Under their armor they wore short chitons with fringe at the bottom, and long sleeves, and they carried strangely shaped shields and short spears or long lances. Do you think those are knapsacks tied to the lances? BRONZE HELMETS. These may have been worn by King Agamemnon, or by the Trojan warriors. They are now in the Metropolitan Museum in New York. GEM FROM MYCENAE. Early men made many pictures much like this--a pillar guarded by an animal on each side. BRONZE DAGGERS. It would take a very skilfull man to-day, a man who was both goldsmith and artist, to make such daggers as men found at Mycenae. First the blade was made. Then the artist took a separate sheet of bronze for his design. This sheet he enamelled, and on it he inlaid his design. On one of these daggers we see five hunters fighting three lions. Two of the lions are running away. One lion is pouncing upon a hunter, but his friends are coming to help him. If you could turn this dagger over, you would see a lion chasing five gazelles. The artist used pure gold for the bodies of the hunters and the lions; he used electron, an alloy of gold and silver, for the hunters' shields and their trousers; and he made the men's hair, the lions' manes, and the rims of the shields, of some black substance. When the picture was finished on the plate, he set the plate into the blade, and riveted on the handle. On the smaller dagger we see three lions running. CARVED IVORY HEAD. It shows the kind of helmet used in Mycenae. Do you think the button at the top may have had a socket for a horse hair plume? BRONZE BROOCHES. These brooches were like modern safety pins, and were used to fasten the chlamys at the shoulder. The chlamys was a heavy woolen shawl, red or purple. ONE OF THE CUPS FOUND AT VAPHIO. Some people say that these cups are the most wonderful things that have been found, made by Mycenaean artists. Some people say that no goldsmiths in the world since then, unless perhaps in Italy in the fifteenth century, have done such lovely work. The goldsmith took a plate of gold and hammered his design into it from the wrong side. Then he riveted the two ends together where the handle was to go, and lined the cup with a smooth gold plate. One cup shows some hunters trying to catch wild bulls with a net. One great bull is caught in the net. One is leaping clear over it. And a third bull is tossing a hunter on his horns. On the other cup the artist shows some bulls quietly grazing in the forest, while another one is being led away to sacrifice. The Vaphian cups are now in the National museum in Athens. They were found in a "bee-hive" tomb at Vaphio, an ancient site in Greece, not far from Sparta. It is thought that they were not made there, but in Crete. PLATES. At Mycenae were found seven hundred and one large round plates of gold, decorated with cuttlefish, flowers, butterflies, and other designs. GOLD ORNAMENT. (Lower right hand corner.) MYCENAE IN THE DISTANCE. 
9626	----	Proofreaders BURIED CITIES, PART 2 OLYMPIA BY JENNIE HALL Author of "Four Old Greeks," Etc. Instructor in History and English in the Francis W. Parker School, Chicago With Many Drawings and Photographs From Original Sources The publishers are grateful to the estate of Miss Jennie Hall and to her many friends for assistance in planning the publication of this book. Especial thanks are due to Miss Nell C. Curtis of the Lincoln School, New York City, for helping to finish Miss Hall's work of choosing the pictures, and to Miss Irene I. Cleaves of the Francis Parker School, Chicago, who wrote the captions. It was Miss Katharine Taylor, now of the Shady Hill School, Cambridge, who brought these stories to our attention. FOREWORD: TO BOYS AND GIRLS Do you like to dig for hidden treasure? Have you ever found Indian arrowheads or Indian pottery? I knew a boy who was digging a cave in a sandy place, and he found an Indian grave. With his own hands he uncovered the bones and skull of some brave warrior. That brown skull was more precious to him than a mint of money. Another boy I knew was making a cave of his own. Suddenly he dug into an older one made years before. He crawled into it with a leaping heart and began to explore. He found an old carpet and a bit of burned candle. They proved that some one had lived there. What kind of a man had he been and what kind of life had he lived--black or white or red, robber or beggar or adventurer? Some of us were walking in the woods one day when we saw a bone sticking out of the ground. Luckily we had a spade, and we set to work digging. Not one moment was the tool idle. First one bone and then another came to light and among them a perfect horse's skull. We felt as though we had rescued Captain Kidd's treasure, and we went home draped in bones. Suppose that instead of finding the bones of a horse we had uncovered a gold-wrapped king. Suppose that instead of a deserted cave that boy had dug into a whole buried city with theaters and mills and shops and beautiful houses. Suppose that instead of picking up an Indian arrowhead you could find old golden vases and crowns and bronze swords lying in the earth. If you could be a digger and a finder and could choose your find, would you choose a marble statue or a buried bakeshop with bread two thousand years old still in the oven or a king's grave filled with golden gifts? It is of such digging and such finding that this book tells. CONTENTS: 1. Two Winners of Crowns 2. How a City Was Lost _Pictures of Olympia_: Entrance to Stadion Gymnasium Boys in Gymnasium Temple of Zeus The Labors of Herakles The Statue of Victory The Hermes of Praxiteles The Temple of Hera Head of an Athlete A Greek Horseman OLYMPIA TWO WINNERS OF CROWNS The July sun was blazing over the country of Greece. Dust from the dry plain hung in the air. But what cared the happy travelers for dust or heat? They were on their way to Olympia to see the games. Every road teemed with a chattering crowd of men and boys afoot and on horses. They wound down from the high mountains to the north. They came along the valley from the east and out from among the hills to the south. Up from the sea led the sacred road, the busiest of all. A little caravan of men and horses was trying to hurry ahead through the throng. The master rode in front looking anxiously before him as though he did not see the crowd. After him rode a lad. His eyes were flashing eagerly here and there over the strange throng. A man walked beside the horse and watched the boy smilingly. Behind them came a string of pack horses with slaves to guard the loads of wine and food and tents and blankets for their master's camp. "What a strange-looking man, Glaucon!" said the boy. "He has a dark skin." The boy's own skin was fair, and under his hat his hair was golden. As he spoke he pointed to a man on the road who was also riding at the head of a little caravan. His skin was dark. Shining black hair covered his ears. His garment was gay with colored stripes. "He is a merchant from Egypt," answered the man. "He will have curious things to sell--vases of glass, beads of amber, carved ivory, and scrolls gay with painted figures. You must see them, Charmides." But already the boy had forgotten the Egyptian. "See the chariot!" he cried. It was slowly rolling along the stony road. A grave, handsome man stood in it holding the reins. Beside him stood another man with a staff in his hand. Behind the chariot walked two bowmen. After them followed a long line of pack horses led by slaves. "They are the delegates from Athens," explained Glaucon. "There are, doubtless, rich gifts for Zeus on the horses and perhaps some stone tablets engraved with new laws." But the boy was not listening. "Jugglers! Jugglers!" he cried. And there they were at the side of the road, showing their tricks and begging for coins. One man was walking on his hands and tossing a ball about with his feet. Another was swallowing a sword. "Stop, Glaucon!" cried Charmides, "I must see him. He will kill himself." "No, my little master," replied the slave. "You shall see him again at Olympia. See your father. He would be vexed if we waited." And there was the master ahead, pushing forward rapidly, looking neither to the right hand nor the left. The boy sighed. "He is hurrying to see Creon. He forgets me!" he thought. But immediately his eyes were caught by some new thing, and his face was gay again. So the little company traveled up the sloping road amid interesting sights. For here were people from all the corners of the known world--Greeks from Asia in trailing robes, Arabs in white turbans, black men from Egypt, kings from Sicily, Persians with their curled beards, half civilized men from the north in garments of skin. "See!" said Glaucon at last as they reached a hilltop, "the temple!" He pointed ahead. There shone the tip of the roof and its gold ornament. Hovering above was a marble statue with spread wings. "And there is Victory!" whispered Charmides. "She is waiting for Creon. She will never wait for me," and he sighed. The crowd broke into a shout when they saw the temple. A company of young men flew by, singing a song. Charmides passed a sick man. The slaves had set down his litter, and he had stretched out his hands toward the temple and was praying. For the sick were sometimes cured by a visit to Olympia. The boy's father had struck his heels into his horse's sides and was galloping forward, calling to his followers to hasten. In a few moments they reached higher land. Then they saw the sacred place spread out before them. There was the wall all around it. Inside it shone a few buildings and a thousand statues. Along one side stretched a row of little marble treasure houses. At the far corner lay the stadion with its rows of stone seats. Nearer and outside the wall was the gymnasium. Even from a distance Charmides could see men running about in the court. "There are the athletes!" he thought. "Creon is with them." Behind all these buildings rose a great hill, dark green with trees. Down from the hill poured a little stream. It met a wide river that wound far through the valley. In the angle of these rivers lay Olympia. The temple and walls and gymnasium were all of stone and looked as though they had been there forever. But in the meadow all around the sacred place was a city of winged tents. There were little shapeless ones of skins lying over sticks. There were round huts woven of rushes. There were sheds of poles with green boughs laid upon them. There were tall tents of gaily striped canvas. Farther off were horses tethered. And everywhere were gaily robed men moving about. Menon, Charmides' father, looking ahead from the high place, turned to a slave. "Run on quickly," he said. "Save a camping place for us there on Mount Kronion, under the trees." The man was off. Menon spoke to the other servants. "Push forward and make camp. I will visit the gymnasium. Come, Charmides, we will go to see Creon." They rode down the slope toward Olympia. As they passed among the tents they saw friends and exchanged kind greetings. "Ah, Menon!" called one. "There is good news of Creon. Every one expects great things of him." "I have kept room for your camp next my tent, Menon," said another. "Here are sights for you, Charmides," said a kind old man. Charmides caught a glimpse of gleaming marble among the crowd and guessed that some sculptor was showing his statues for sale. Yonder was a barber's tent. Gentlemen were sitting in chairs and men were cutting their hair or rubbing their faces smooth with stone. In one place a man was standing on a little platform. A crowd was gathered about him listening, while he read from a scroll in his hands. But the boy had only a glimpse of these things, for his father was hurrying on. In a moment they crossed a bridge over a river and stopped before a low, wide building. Glaucon helped Charmides off his horse. Menon spoke a few words to the porter at the gate. The man opened the door and led the visitors in. Charmides limped along beside his father, for he was lame. That was what had made him sigh when he had seen Victory hovering over Olympia. She would never give him the olive branch. But now he did not think of that. His heart was beating fast. His eyes were big. For before him lay a great open court baking in the sun. More than a hundred boys were at work there, leaping, wrestling, hurling the disk, throwing spears. During the past months they had been living here, training for the games. The sun had browned their bare bodies. Now their smooth skins were shining with sweat and oil. As they bent and twisted they looked like beautiful statues turned brown and come alive. Among them walked men in long purple robes. They seemed to be giving commands. "They are the judges," whispered Glaucon. "They train the boys." All around the hot court ran a deep, shady portico. Here boys lay on the tiled floor or on stone benches, resting from their exercise. Near Charmides stood one with his back turned. He was scraping the oil and dust from his body with a strigil. Charmides' eyes danced with joy at the beauty of the firm, round legs and the muscles moving in the shoulders. Then the athlete turned toward the visitors and Charmides cried out, "Creon!" and ran and threw his arms around him. Then there was gay talk; Creon asked about the home and mother and sisters in Athens, for he had been here in training for almost ten months. Menon and Charmides had a thousand questions about the games. "I know I shall win, father," said Creon softly. "Four nights ago Hermes appeared to me in my sleep and smiled upon me. I awoke suddenly and there was a strange, sweet perfume in the air." Tears sprang into his father's eyes. "Now blessed be the gods!" he cried, "and most blessed Hermes, the god of the gymnasium!" After a little Menon and Charmides said farewell and went away through the chattering crowd and up under the cool trees on Mount Kronion to their camp. The slaves had cut poles and set them up and thrown a wide linen cover over them. Under it they had put a little table holding lumps of brown cheese, a flat loaf of bread, a basket of figs, a pile of crisp lettuce. Just outside the tent grazed a few goats. A man in a soiled tunic was squatted milking one. Menon's slave stood waiting and, as his master came up, he took the big red bowl of foaming milk and carried it to the table. The goatherd picked up his long crook and started his flock on, calling, "Milk! Milk to sell!" Menon was gay now. His worries were over. His camp was pitched in a pleasant place. His son was well and sure of victory. "Come, little son," he called to Charmides. "You must be as hungry as a wolf. But first our thanks to the gods." A slave had poured a little wine into a flat cup and stood now offering it to his master. Menon took it and held it high, looking up into the blue heavens. "O gracious Hermes!" he cried aloud, "fulfill thy omen! And to Zeus, the father, and to all the immortals be thanks." As he prayed he turned the cup and spilled the wine upon the ground. That was the god's portion. A slave spread down a rug for his master to lie upon and put cushions under his elbow. Glaucon did the same for Charmides, and the meal began. Menon talked gaily about their journey, the games to-morrow, Creon's training. But Charmides was silent. At last his father said: "Well, little wolf, you surely are gulping! Are you so starved?" "No," said Charmides with full mouth. "I'm in a hurry. I want to see things." His father laughed and leaped to his feet. "Just like me, lad. Come on!" Charmides snatched a handful of figs and rolled out of the tent squealing with joy. Menon came after him, laughing, and Glaucon followed to care for them. "The sun is setting," said Menon. "It will soon be dark, and to-morrow are the games. They will keep us busy when they begin, so you must use your eyes to-day if you want to see the fair." He stopped on the hillside and looked down into the sacred place. "It is wonderful!" he said, half to himself. "The home of glory! I love every stone of it. I have not been here since I myself won the single race. And now my son is to win it. That was when you were a baby, Charmides." "I know, father," whispered the boy with shining eyes. "I have kissed your olive wreath, where it hangs above our altar at home." The father put his hand lovingly on the boy's yellow head. "By the help of Hermes there soon will be a green one there for you to kiss, lad. The gods are very good to crown our family twice." "I wish there were crowns for lame boys to win," said Charmides. "I would win one!" He said that fiercely and clenched his fist. His father looked kindly into his eyes and spoke solemnly. "I think you would, my son. Perhaps there are such crowns." They started on thoughtfully and soon were among the crowd. There were a hundred interesting sights. They passed an outdoor oven like a little round hill of stones and clay. The baker was just raking the fire out of the little door on the side. Charmides waited to see him put the loaves into the hot cave. But before it was done a horn blew and called him away to a little table covered with cakes. "Honey cakes! Almond cakes! Fig cakes!" sang the man. "Come buy!" There they lay--stars and fish and ships and temples. Charmides picked up one in the shape of a lyre. "I will take this one," he said, and solemnly ate it. "Why are you so solemn, son?" laughed Menon. The boy did not answer. He only looked up at his father with deep eyes and said nothing. But in a moment he was racing off to see some rope dancers. "Glaucon," said the master to the slave, "take care of the boy. Give him a good time. Buy him what he wants. Take him back to camp when he is tired. I have business to do." Then he turned to talk with a friend, who had come up, and Glaucon followed his little master. What a good time the boy had! The rope dancers, the sword swallowers, the Egyptian with his painted scroll, a trained bear that wrestled with a wild-looking man dressed in skins, a cooking tent where whole sheep were roasting and turning over a fire, another where tiny fish were boiling in a great pot of oil and jumping as if alive--he saw them all. He stood under the sculptors' awning and gazed at the marble people more beautiful than life. And when he came upon Apollo striking his lyre, his heart leaped into his mouth. He stood quiet for a long time gazing at this god of song. Then he walked out of the tent with shining eyes. At last it grew dark, and torches began to blaze in front of the booths. "Shall we go home, Charmides?" said Glaucon. "Oh, no!" cried the boy. "I haven't seen it all. I am not tired. It is gayer now than ever with the torches. See all those shining flames." And he ran to a booth where a hundred little bronze lamps hung, each with its tongue of clear light. It was an imagemaker's booth. The table stood full of little clay statues of the gods. Charmides took up one. It was a young man leaning against a tree trunk. On his arm he held a baby. "It is a model of the great marble Hermes in the temple of Hera, my little master," said the image maker. "Great Praxiteles made that one, poor Philo made this one." "It is beautiful," said Charmides and turned away, holding it tenderly in his hand. Glaucon waited a moment to pay for the figure. Then he followed Charmides who had walked on. He was standing on the bridge gazing at the water. "Glaucon," he said, "I must see that statue of Hermes." They stood there talking about the wonderful works of Praxiteles and of many another artist. Glaucon pointed to a little wooden shed lying in the meadow. "That," he said, "is the workshop of Phidias. There he made the gold and ivory statue of Zeus that you shall see in Zeus's temple. That workshop will stay there many a year, I think, for people to love because so great a thing was done there." "Is it so wonderful?" asked Charmides. "When it was finished," Glaucon answered solemnly, "Phidias stood before it and prayed to Zeus to tell him whether it pleased the god. Great Zeus heard the prayer, and in his joy at the beautiful thing he hurled a blazing thunderbolt and smote the floor before the statue as if to say, 'This image is Zeus himself.' But I have never seen it, for a slave may not pass the sacred wall." Now the full moon had risen, and the world was swimming in silver light. The statue of Victory hung over the sacred place on spread wings. Many another great form on its high pillar seemed standing in the deep sky above the world. The little pool in the pebbly river had stars in the bottom. "This Kladeos is a savage little river in the spring," said Glaucon. "It tries to tear away our Olympia or drown it or cover it with sand. You see, men have had to fence it in with stone walls." But Charmides was looking at the sacred place and its soft shining statues in the sky. "Let us walk around the wall," he said. So they left the river and passed the gymnasium and the gate. Along this side the wall cast a wide shadow. Here they walked in silence. Here there were no tents, no torches, no noisy people. Everything was quiet in the evening air. The far-off sounds of the fair were a gentle hum. A hundred pictures were floating in Charmides' mind--Phidias, Zeus, Creon with the strigil, his own little Hermes, the strange people in the fair, the marble Apollo under the sculptor's tent. In a few moments they turned a corner and came out into the soft moonlight. A little beyond gleamed a broad river, the Alphaeus. Charmides and the slave went over and strolled along its banks. Here they were again in the crowd and among tents. They saw a group of people and went toward them. A man sat on a low knoll a little above the crowd. His hair hung about his shoulders and his long robe lay in glistening folds about his feet. A lyre rested on his knees, and he was striking the strings softly. The sweet notes floated high in the moonlit air. At last he lifted his voice and sang: When the swan spreadeth out his wings to alight On the whirling pools of the foaming stream, He sendeth to thee, Apollo, a note. When the sweet-voiced minstrel lifteth his lyre And stretcheth his hand on the singing string, He sendeth to thee, Apollo, a prayer. Even so do I now, a worshiping bard, With my heart lifted up to begin my lay, Cry aloud to Apollo, the lord of song. Then he sang of that lordliest of all minstrels, Orpheus--how the trees swung circling about to his music; how the savage beasts lay down at his feet to listen; how the rocks rose up at his bidding and followed him, dancing, to build a town without hands; how he went to the dismal land of the dead to seek his wife and with his clear lyre and sweet voice drew tears from the iron heart of the king of hell and won back his loved Eurydice and lost her again the same hour. The boy, sitting there in the moonlight, went floating away on the song until he felt himself straying through that fair garden of the dead with singing lyre or riding with Artemis through the sky in her moon chariot. When the song was ended, Glaucon said, "Come, little master, you have fallen asleep. Let us go home." And Charmides rose and went, still clutching his image of Hermes in his hand and still holding the song fast in his heart. In the morning the whole great camp was awake and moving long before daylight. Every man and boy was in his fairest clothes. On every head was a fresh fillet. Every hand bore some beautiful gift for the gods--a vase, a plate of gold, an embroidered robe, a basket of silver. All were pouring to the open gate in the sacred wall. Here a procession formed. Young men led cattle with gilded horns and swinging garlands, or sheep with clean, combed wool. Stately priests in long chitons paced to the music of flutes. The judges glowed in their purple robes. Then walked the athletes, their eyes burning with excitement. And last came all the visitors with gift-laden hands. The slaves and foreigners crowded at the gate to see the procession pass, for on this first holy day only freedmen and Greeks of pure blood might visit the sacred shrines. When Charmides passed through, his heart leaped. Here was no empty field with a few altars. He had never seen a greater crowd in the busy market place at home in Athens. But here the people were even more beautiful than the Athenians. Their limbs were round and perfect. They stood always gracefully. Their garments hung in delicate folds, for they were people made by great artists--people of marble and of bronze. All the gods of Olympos were there, and athletes of years gone by, wrestling, running, hurling the disc. There were bronze chariots with horses of bronze to draw them and men of bronze to hold the reins. There were heroes of Troy still fighting. And here and there were little altars of marble or stone or earth or ashes with an ancient, holy statue. At every one the procession halted. The priests poured a libation and chanted a prayer. The people sang a hymn. Many left gifts piled about the altar. Before Hermes Charmides left his little clay image of the god. And while the priests prayed aloud, the boy sent up a whispered prayer for his brother. Once the procession came before a low, narrow temple. It was of sun-dried bricks coated with plaster. Its columns were all different from one another. Some were slender, others thick; some fluted, others plain; and all were brightly painted. Charmides smiled up at his father. "It is not so beautiful as the Parthenon," he said. "No," his father answered, "but it is very old and very holy. Every generation of man has put a new column here. That is why they are not alike. This is the ancient temple of Hera." Then they entered the door. Down the long aisle they walked between small open rooms on either side. Here stood statues gazing out--some of marble, some of gold and ivory. The priests had moved to the front and stood praying before the ancient statues of Zeus and Hera. But suddenly Charmides stopped and would go no farther. For here, in a little room all alone, stood his Hermes with the baby Dionysus. The boy cried out softly with joy and crept toward the lovely thing. He gently touched the golden sandal. He gazed into the kind blue eyes and smiled. The marble was delicately tinted and glowed like warm skin. A frail wreath of golden leaves lay on the curling hair. Charmides looked up at the tiny baby and laughed at its coaxing arms. "Are you smiling at him?" he whispered to Hermes. "Or are you dreaming of Olympos? Are you carrying him to the nymphs on Mount Nysa?" And then more softly still he said, "Do not forget Creon, blessed god." When his father came back he found him still gazing into the quiet face and smiling tenderly with love of the beautiful thing. As Menon led him away, he waved a loving farewell to the god. The most wonderful time was after the sacrifice to Zeus before the great temple with its deep porches and its marble watchers in the gable. The altar was a huge pile of ashes. For hundreds of years Greeks had sacrificed here. The holy ashes had piled up and piled up until they stood as a hill more than twenty feet high. The people waited around the foot of it, watching. The priests walked up its side. Men led up the sleek cattle to be slain for the feast of the gods. And on the very top a fire leaped toward heaven. Far up in the sky Charmides could half see the beautiful gods leaning down and smiling upon their worshiping people. Then he turned and walked with the crowd under the temple porch and into the great, dim room. He trembled and grasped his father's hand in awe. For there in the soft light towered great Zeus. In embroidered robes of dull gold he sat high on his golden throne. His hands held his scepter and his messenger eagle. His great yellow curls almost touched the ceiling. He bent his divine face down, and his deep eyes glowed upon his people. Sweet smoke was curling upward, and the room rang with a hymn. As Charmides gazed into the solemn face, a strange light quivered about it, and the boy's heart shook with awe. The words of Homer sprang to his lips: "Zeus bowed his head. The divine hair streamed back from the kindly brows, and great Olympos quaked." After the sacrifices were over there was time to wander again among the statues and to sit on the benches under the cool porches and watch the moving crowd and the glittering sun on the gold ornaments of the temple peaks. Then there was time to see again the strange sights of the fair in the plain. The next morning was noisier and gayer than anything Charmides had ever known. While it was still twilight his father hurried him down the hill and through the gates, on through the sacred enclosure to another gate. And all about them was a hurrying, noisy crowd. They stumbled up some steps and began to wait. As the light grew, Charmides saw all about him men and boys, sitting or standing, and all gaily talking. Below the crowd he saw a long, narrow stretch of ground. He clapped his hands. That was the ground Creon's feet would run upon! Up and down both sides of the track went long tiers of stone seats. They were packed with people who were there to see Creon win. The seats curved around one narrow end of the course. But across the other end stood a wall with a gate. Menon pointed to a large white board hanging on the wall and said, "See! The list of athletes." Here were written names, and among them, "Creon, son of the Olympic winner Menon." Charmides' eyes glowed with pride. Every eye was watching the gate. Soon the purple-clad judges entered. Some of them walked the whole length of the stadion and took their seats opposite the goal posts. Two or three waited at the starting line. There was a blast of a trumpet. Then a herald cried something about games for boys and about only Greeks of pure blood and about the blessing of Hermes of the race course. Immediately there entered a crowd of boys, while the spectators sent up a rousing cheer. The lads gathered to cast lots for places. At last eight of them stepped out and stood at the starting line. Creon was not among them. A post with a little fluttering flag was between every two. The boys threw off their clothes and stood ready. One of the judges said to them: "The eyes of the world are upon you. Your cities love an Olympic winner. From Olympos the gods look down upon you. For the glory of your cities, for the joy of your fathers, for your own good name, I exhort you to do your best." Then he gave the signal and the runners shot forward. Down the long course they went with twinkling legs. The spectators cheered, called their names, waved their chlamyses and himations. Their friends cried to the gods to help. Down they ran, two far ahead, others stringing out behind. Every runner's eyes were on the marble goal post with its little statue of Victory. In a moment it was over, and Leotichides had first laid hand upon the post and was winner of the first heat. Immediately eight other boys took their places at the starting line. Charmides snatched his father's hand and held it tight, for Creon was one of them. Another signal and they were off, with Creon leading by a pace or two. So it was all the way, and he gave a glad shout as he touched the goal post. Charmides heard men all about him say: "A beautiful run!" "How easily he steps!" "We shall see him do something in the last heat." "Who is he?" And when the herald announced the name of the winner, the benches buzzed with, "Creon, Creon, son of Menon the Athenian." Four more groups were called and ran. Then the six winners stepped up to the line. This time the goal was the altar at the farther end of the stadion. A wave of excitement ran around the seats. Everybody leaned forward. The signal! Leotichides sprang a long pace ahead. Next came Creon, loping evenly. One boy stumbled and fell behind. The other three were running almost side by side. Menon was muttering between his teeth: "Hermes, be his aid! Great Zeus look upon him! Herakles give him wind!" Now they were near the goal, and Leotichides was still leading by a stride. Then Creon threw back his head and stretched out his legs and with ten great leaps he had touched the altar a good pace ahead. He had won the race. The crowd went wild with shouting. Menon leaped over men's heads and went running down the course calling for his son. But the guards caught him and forced him back upon the seats. Charmides sat down and wept for joy. And nobody saw him, for everybody was cheering and watching the victor. One of the judges stepped out and gave a torch to Creon. The boy touched the flame to the pile on the altar. As the fire sprang up, he stretched his hands to the sky and cried, "O blessed Hermes, Creon will not forget thy help." As he turned away the judge gave him a palm in sign of victory. The boy walked back down the course with the palm waving over his shoulder. His body was glistening, his cheeks were flushed, his eyes were burning with joy. He was looking up at the crowd, hoping to see his father and brother. And at every step men reached out a hand to him or called to him, until at last Menon's own loving arms pulled him up upon the benches. Then there was such a noise that no one heard any one else, but everybody knew that everybody was happy. Men pushed their heads over other men's shoulders, and boys peeped between their fathers' legs to see the Olympic winner. And in that circle of faces Menon stood with his arms about Creon, laughing and crying. And Charmides clung to his brother's hand. But at last Creon whispered to his father: "I must go and make ready. I am entered for the pentathlon, also." Menon cried out in wonder. "I kept that news for a surprise," laughed Creon. "Good-by, little one," he said to Charmides, and pushed through the crowd. Menon sat down trembling. If his boy should win in the pentathlon also! That would be too great glory. It could not happen. He began to mutter a hundred prayers. Another race was called--the double race, twice around the course. But Menon did not stand to see it. He could think of nothing but his glorious son. After the race was another great shout. Some other boy was carrying a palm. Some other father was proud. Then followed wrestling, bout after bout, and cheering from the crowd. But Menon cared little for it all. It was now near noon. The sun shone down scorchingly. A wind whirled dust up from the race course into people's faces. "My throat needs wetting," cried a man. He pulled off a little vase of wine that hung from his girdle and passed it to Menon, saying: "I should be proud if the father of the victor would drink from my bottle." And Menon took it, smiling proudly. Then he himself opened a little cloth bag and drew out figs and nuts. "Here is something to munch, lad," he said to Charmides. Other people, also, were eating and drinking. They walked about to visit their friends or sat down to rest. Menon's neighbor sank upon his seat with a sigh. "This is the first time I have sat down since sunrise," he laughed. Then the pentathlon was announced. Everyone leaped to his feet again. A group of boys stood ready behind a line. One of the judges was softening the ground with a pick. An umpire made a speech to the lads. Then, at a word, a boy took up the lead jumping weights. He swung his hands back and forth, swaying his graceful body with them. Then a backward jerk! He threw his weights behind him and leaped. The judges quickly measured and called the distance. Then another boy leaped, and another, and another--twenty or more. Last Creon took the weights and toed the line. "Creon! Creon!" shouted the crowd: "The victor! Creon again!" He swung and swayed and then sailed through the air. "By Herakles!" shouted a man near Charmides. "He alights like a sea-gull." There went up a great roar from the benches even before the judges called the distance. For any one could see that he had passed the farthest mark. The first of the five games was over and Creon had won it. Now the judges brought a discus. A boy took it and stepped behind the line. He fitted the lead plate into the crook of his hand. He swung it back and forth, bending his knees and turning his body. Then it flew into the air and down the course. Where it stopped rolling an umpire marked and called the distance. "I like this game best of all," said a man behind Charmides. "The whole body is in it. Every movement is graceful. See the curve of the back, the beautiful bend of the legs, the muscles working over the chest! The body moves to and fro as if to music." One after another the boys took their turn. But when Creon threw, Charmides cried out in sorrow, and Menon groaned. His disc fell short of the mark. He was third. "It was gracefully done," Charmides heard some one say, "but his arms are not so good as his legs. See the arms and chest of that Timon. No one can throw against him." After that a judge set up a shield in the middle of the course. Every boy snatched a spear from a pile on the ground and threw at the central boss of the shield. Again Creon was beaten. Phormio of Corinth, son of a famous warrior, won. Then they paired off for wrestling. Creon and Eudorus of Aegina were together. Each boy poured oil into his hand from a little vase and rubbed the body of his antagonist to limber his muscles. Then he took fine sand from a box and dusted it over his skin for the oiled body might slip out of his arms in the wrestling match. Then, at a signal, the pairs of wrestlers faced each other. Creon held his hands out ready, bent his knees, thrust forward his head, and stood waiting. Eudorus leaped to and fro around him trying to get a hold. At last he rushed at him. Creon caught him around the waist and hurled him to the ground. Charmides laughed and shouted and clapped his hands. That was one throw. There must be three. Eudorus was up immediately and was circling around and around again. Suddenly Creon leaped low and caught him by the leg and threw him. He had won two bouts out of three and stood victor without a throw. Soon all the pairs had finished. The eight victors stood forth and cast lots for new partners. Again they wrestled. This time, also, Creon won. Then these four winners paired off and wrestled, and at the end Creon and Timon were left to try it together. In the first bout the Spartan boy lifted Creon off the ground and threw him, back down. Then the men on the benches began shouting advice. "Look out for his arms!" "Don't let him grapple you!" "Feint, feint!" Creon leaped to his feet. He began circling around Timon as Eudorus had circled around him. He dodged out from under Timon's arms. He wriggled from between his hands. The benches rang with cheers and laughs. "He is an eel," cried one man. Suddenly Creon ducked under Timon's arms, caught him by his legs and tripped him. The two boys were even. In the next bout Timon ran at Creon like a wild bull. He caught him around the waist in his strong arms to whirl him to the ground. But with a crook of his leg Creon tripped him and wriggled out of his arms before he fell. Menon caught up Charmides and threw him to his shoulder laughing and stamping his feet. "Do you see, lad?" he cried. "He has won two games. Only the race is left, and we know how he can run." And how he did run! He threw back his head and leaped out like a deer, skimming over the ground in long strides and leaving his dust to the others. He had the three games out of five and was winner of the pentathlon. Then there was no holding the crowd. They poured down off the seats and ran to Creon. Some lifted him upon their shoulders and carried him out of the stadion, for this was the end of the games for that day. And those who could not come near Creon and his waving palms crowded around Menon. So they went, shouting, out of the gate and among the statues and on to the river. There they put Creon down, and his father and Charmides led him away to camp. That was the happiest night of Charmides' life. He heard his wonderful brother talk for hours of the life in the gymnasium. He heard new tales of Creon's favorite god, Hermes. He heard of the women's games that were held once a year at Olympia in honor of Hera. He heard a hundred new names of boys and cities, for there had been, athletes from every corner of Greece in training here. He held the victor's palms in his own hands. He slept beside this double winner of Olympic crowns. He dreamed that Apollo and Hermes came hand in hand and gazed down at him and Creon as they lay sleeping and dropped a great garland over them both. It was twined of Olympic olive leaves and Apollo's own laurel. On the next day there were games for the men, like those the boys had played. On the day after that there were chariot races in a wide place outside the walls. Every night there was still the gay noise of the fair. But instead of going to see it, Charmides stretched himself under the trees on Mount Kronion and gazed up at the moon and dreamed. Then came the last day, with its great procession again and its sacrifices at every altar. The proud victors walked with their palm leaves in their hands. In the temple of Zeus, under the eyes of the glowing god, the priests put the precious olive crowns upon the winners' heads. They were made from sacred olive leaves. They were cut with a golden sickle from the very tree that godlike Herakles had brought out of the far north. That wreath it was which should be more dear than a chest of gold to Creon's family and Creon's city. That was the crown which poets should sing about. When the priest set the crown upon Creon's head, Charmides thought he felt a god's hands upon his own brow. Menon leaned upon a friend's shoulder and burst into tears. "I could die happy now," he said. "I have done enough for Athens in giving her such a glorious son." As the three walked back to camp, Menon said: "Who shall write your chorus of triumph, Creon? Already my messengers have reached Athens, and the dancers are chosen who shall lead you home. But the song is not yet made. It must be a glorious one!" Then Charmides blushingly whispered, "May I sing you something, father? Apollo helped me to make it." His father smiled down in surprise. "So that is why you have been lying so quiet under the trees these moonlit nights!" he said. Charmides ran ahead and was sitting thrumming a lyre when his father and Creon came up. He struck a long, ringing chord and raised his clear voice in a dancing song: When Creon, son of Menon, bore off the Olympic olive, Mount Kronion shook with shouting of Hellas' hosts assembled. They praised his manly beauty, his grace and strength of body. They praised his eyes' alertness, the smoothness of his muscles. They blessed his happy father and wished themselves his brothers. Sweet rang the glorious praises in ears of Creon's lovers. But I, when upward gazing, beheld a sight more wondrous. The gates of high Olympos were open wide and clanging, Deserted ev'ry palace, the golden city empty. And all the gods were gathered above Olympia's race-course, They smiled upon my Creon and gifts upon him showered. From golden Aphrodite dropped half a hundred graces. Athene made him skillful. Boon Hermes gave him litheness. Fierce Ares added courage, Queen Hera happy marriage. Diana's blessed fingers into his soul shed quiet. Lord Bacchus gave him friendship and graces of the banquet, Poseidon luck in travel, and Zeus decreed him victor. Apollo, smiling, watched him and saw his thousand blessings. "Enough," he said, "for Creon. I'll bless the empty-handed." He turned to where I trembled, and stepping downward crowned me. "To thee my gift," he whispered, "to sing thy brother's glory." "Well done, little poet!" cried Menon. "A happy man am I. One son is beloved by Hermes, the other by Apollo. Bring wax tablets, Glaucon, and write down the song. I will prepare a messenger to hurry with it to Athens." So it happened that a lame boy won a crown. And when Creon stepped ashore at Pirseus, and all Athens stood shouting his name, a chorus of boys came dancing toward him singing his brother's song. Creon was led home wearing Zeus' wreath upon his head, and Charmides with Apollo's crown in his heart. [Illustration: _A Coin of Alexander the Great_. It shows Zeus sitting on his throne.] HOW A CITY WAS LOST Such was Olympia long ago. Every four years such games took place. Then the plain was crowded and busy and gay. Year after year new statues were set up, new gifts were brought, new buildings were made. Olympia was one of the richest places in the world. Its fame flew to every land. At every festival new people came to see its beauties. It was the meeting place of the world. But meantime the bad fortune of Greece began. Her cities quarreled and fought among themselves. A king came down from the north and conquered her. After that the Romans sailed over from Italy and conquered her again. Often Roman emperors carried off some of her statues to make Rome beautiful. Shipload after shipload they took. The new country was filled with Greek statues. The old one was left almost empty. Later, after Christ was born, and the Romans and the Greeks had become Christian, the emperor said, "It is not fitting for Christians to hold a festival in honor of a heathen god." And he stopped the games. He took away the gold and silver gifts from the treasure houses. He carried away the gold and ivory statues. Where Phidias' wonderful Zeus went nobody knows. Perhaps the gold was melted to make money. Olympia sat lonely and deserted by her river banks. Summer winds whirled dust under her porches. Rabbits made burrows in Zeus' altar. Doors rusted off their hinges. Foxes made their dens in Hera's temple. Men came now and then to melt up a bronze statue for swords or to haul away the stones of her temples for building. The Alpheios kept eating away its banks and cutting under statues and monuments. Many a beautiful thing crumbled and fell into the river and was rolled on down to the sea. Men sometimes found a bronze helmet or a marble head in the bed of the stream. After a long time people came and lived among the ruins. On an old temple floor they built a little church. Men lived in the temple of Zeus, and women spun and gossiped where the golden statue had sat. In the temple of Hera people set up a wine press. Did they know that the little marble baby in the statue near them was the god of the vineyard and had taught men to make wine? Out of broken statues and columns and temple stones they built a wall around the little town to keep out their enemies. Sometimes when they found a bronze warrior or a marble god they must have made strange stories about it, for they had half forgotten those wonderful old Greeks. But the marble statues they put into a kiln to make lime to plaster their houses. The bronze ones they melted up for tools. Sometimes they found a piece of gold. They thought themselves lucky then and melted it over into money. But an earthquake shook down the buildings and toppled over the statues. The columns and walls of the grand old temple of Zeus fell in a heap. The marble statues in its pediments dropped to the ground and broke. Victory fell from her high pillar and shattered into a hundred pieces. The roof of Hera's temple fell in, and Hermes stood uncovered to the sky. Old Kronion rocked and sent a landslide down over the treasure houses. Kladeos rushed out of his course and poured sand over the sacred place. That earthquake frightened the people away, and they left Olympia alone again. Hermes was still there, but he looked out upon ruins. Victory lay in a heap of fragments. Apollo was there, but broken and buried in earth with the other people of the pediments. Zeus and all the hundreds of heroes and athletes were gone. So it was for a while. Then a new race of people came and built another little town upon the earth-covered ruins. They little guessed what lay below their poor houses. But for some reason this town, also, died and left the ruins alone. Then dusty winds and flooding rivers began to cover up what was left. Kladeos piled up sand fifteen feet deep. Alpheios swung out of its banks and washed away the race-course for chariots. Under the rains and floods the sun-dried bricks of Hera's walls melted again into clay and covered the floor. Again the earth quaked, and Hermes fell forward on his face, and little was left of the beautiful old Olympia. Grass and flowers crept in from the sides. Seeds blew in and shrubs and trees took the place of columns. Soon the flowers and the animals had Olympia to themselves. A few gray stones thrust up through the soil. So it was for hundreds of years. Greece was conquered by the men of Venice and then by the Turks. But Olympia, in its far corner, was forgotten and untouched except when a Turkish officer or farmer went there to dig a few stones out of the ground. And they knew nothing of the ancient gods and the ancient festival and the old story of the place, for they were foreigners and new people. But about a hundred years ago Englishmen and Germans and Frenchmen began to visit Greece. They went to see, not her new Turkish houses or her Venetian castles or the strange dress of her new people, but her old ruins and the signs of her old glory. These men had read of Olympia in ancient Greek books and they knew what statues and buildings had once stood there. They wrote back to their friends things like this: "I saw a piece of a huge column lying on top of the ground. It was seven feet across. It must have belonged to the temple of Zeus." "To-day I saw a long, low place in the ground where I think must have been the stadion in ancient days." At last, about thirty years ago, Ernst Curtius and several other Germans went there. They were men who had studied Greek history and Greek art and they planned to excavate Olympia. "We will uncover the sacred enclosure again. Men shall see again the ancient temples and altars, the stadion, the statues." Germany had given them money for the work, and at last Greece allowed them to begin. In October they started their digging. Workmen up-rooted shrubs and dug away dirt. Excavators watched every spadeful. They were always measuring, making maps, taking notes. They found a few vases, terra cotta figures, pieces of bronze statues, swords and armor. They cleared off temple floors and were able to make out the plans of the old buildings. They found the empty pedestals of many statues. Yet they were disappointed. Olympia had been a beautiful place, a rich place. They were finding only the hints of these things. The beauty was gone. Of the three thousand statues that had been there should they not find one? Then they uncovered the fallen statues of the pediments of Zeus' temple. Thirty or more there were--Apollo, Zeus, heroes, women, centaurs, horses. Arms were gone, heads were broken, legs were lost. The excavators fitted together all the pieces and set the mended statues up side by side as they had been in the gable. They found, too, the carved marble slabs that showed the labors of Herakles. But even these were not the lovely things that people had hoped to see from Olympia. They were rather stiff and ungraceful. They had not been made by the greatest artists. In the temple of Hera one day men were digging in clay. Over all the rest of Olympia was only sand. The excavators wondered for a long time why this one spot should have clay. Where could it have come from? They read their old books over and over. They thought and studied. At last they said: "The walls of the temple must have been made of sun-dried brick. In the old days they must have been covered with plaster. This and the roof kept them dry. But the plaster cracked off, and the roof fell in, and the rain and the floods turned the bricks back to clay again." Then one May morning, when the men were digging in the clay, a workman lifted off his spadeful of dirt, and white marble gleamed out. After that there was careful work, with all the excavators standing about to watch. What would it be? They thought over all the statues that the ancient books said had stood in Hera's temple. Then were slowly uncovered, a smooth back, a carved shoulder, a curly head. A white statue of a young man lay face down in the gray clay. The legs were gone. The right arm was missing. From his left hung carved drapery. On his left shoulder lay a tiny marble hand. "It is the Hermes of Praxiteles," the excavators whispered among themselves. In his day Praxiteles had been almost as famous as Phidias. The old Greek world had rung with his praises. Modern men had dreamed of what his statues must have been and had longed to see them. How did he shape the head? How did his bodies curve? What expression was on his faces? All these things they had wished to know. But not one of his statues had ever been found. Now here lay one before the very eyes of these excavators. They put out their hands and lovingly touched the polished marble skin. But what would they find when they lifted it?--Perhaps the nose would be gone, the face flattened by the fall, the ears broken, the beautiful marble chipped. They almost feared to lift it. But at last they did so. When they saw the face, they were struck dumb by its beauty, and I think tears sprang into the eyes of some of them. No such perfect piece of marble had ever been found before. There was not a scratch. The skin still glowed with the polishing that Praxiteles' own hands had given it. There was even a hint of color on the lips. The soft clay bed had saved the falling statue. Here was a statue that the whole world would love. It would make the name of Olympia famous again. The excavators were proud and happy. That old ruined temple seemed indeed a sacred place to them as they gazed upon perhaps the most beautiful statue in the world. "Surely we shall find nothing else so perfect," they said. Yet they went on with the work. Before long Hermes' right foot was found imbedded in the clay. Its sandal still shone with the gilding put on two thousand years before. Workmen were tearing down one of the houses of the little town that had been built on the ancient ruins. Every stone in it had some old story. Pieces of fluted columns, carved capitals, broken pedestals, blocks from the temple of Zeus--all were cemented together to make these walls. The workmen pulled and chipped and lifted out piece after piece. The excavators studied each scrap to see whether it was valuable. And at last they found a baby's body. They carefully broke off the mortar. It was of creamy marble, beautifully carved. They carried it to Hermes. It fitted upon the drapery over his arm. On a rubbish heap outside the temple they had found a little marble head. They put it upon this baby's shoulders. It was badly broken, but they could see that it belonged there. So after two thousand years Hermes again smiled into the eyes of the baby Dionysus. Other things were found. The shattered Victory was uncovered. Carefully the excavators fitted the pieces together. But the wide wings could never be made again, and the head was ruined. Even so, the statue is a beautiful thing, with its thin drapery flying in the wind. After five years the work was finished. Now again hundreds of visitors journey to Olympia every year. They see no gleaming roofs and high-lifted statues and joyful games. They walk among sad ruins. But they can tread the gymnasium floor where Creon and many another victor wrestled. They can enter the gate of the grass-grown stadion. They can see the fallen columns of the temple of Zeus. In the museum they can see the statues of its pediments and, at the end of the long hall, they see Victory stepping toward them. They can wander on the banks of the Kladeos and the Alpheios. They can climb Mount Kronion and see the whole little plain and imagine it gay with tents and moving people. All these things are interesting to those who like the old Greek life. But most people make the long journey only to see Hermes. In the museum, in a little room all alone, he stands, always calm and lovable, always dreaming of something beautiful, always half smiling at the coaxing baby. PICTURES OF OLYMPIA ENTRANCE TO STADION. This was not the gate where Charmides entered. This entrance was reserved for the judges, the competitors, and the heralds. Inside there were seats for forty-five thousand people. On one side the hill made a natural slope for seats. But on the other sides a ridge of earth had to be built up. The track was about two hundred yards long. Only the two ends have been excavated. The rest still lies deep under the sand. GYMNASIUM. Here Creon and the other boys spent a month in training before the games. The gymnasium had a covered portico as long as the track in the stadion, where the boys could run in bad weather. A Greek boy of to-day is playing on his shepherd's pipes in the foreground, and they are the same kind of pipes on which the old Greeks played. BOYS IN GYMNASIUM. From a vase painting. They are wrestling, jumping with weights, throwing the spear, throwing the discus, while their teachers watch them. One man is saying, "A beautiful boy, truly." THE TEMPLE OF ZEUS. When we see a picture of fallen broken columns lying about a field in disorder, we try to learn how the original building looked and to imagine it in all its beauty. This, men believe, is the way the Temple of Zeus looked. The figures in the pediment were all of Parian marble. In the center stands Zeus himself. A chariot race is about to be run, and the contestants stand on either side of Zeus. Zeus gave the victory to Pelops, and Pelops became husband of Hippodameia, and king of Pisa, and founded the Olympic Games. These games were held every fourth year for more than a thousand years. Note: This and the following plates of the Labors of Herakles and the statue of Victory, were photographed from Curtius and Adler's "Olympia: Die Ergebnisse der von dem Deutschen Reich Veranstalteten Ausgrabung," etc. This is one of the most beautiful books ever made for a buried city. Boys and girls who can reach the Metropolitan Museum Library should not miss it. It is in many volumes, each almost as large as the top of the table, and you do not need to read German to appreciate the plates. THE LABORS OF HERAKLES. Under the porches of the Temple of Zeus were twelve pictures in marble, six at each end, showing the Labors of Herakles. Herakles was highly honored at Olympia and, according to one tale, he, instead of Pelops, was the founder of the Olympic Games. [Illustration: Herakles and the Nemean lion.--_Metropolitan Museum_] [Illustration: Herakles and the hydra.--_Metropolitan Museum_] THE STATUE OF VICTORY. In the sand, not far from the Temple of Zeus, the explorers found the fragments of this statue. It shows the goddess flying down from heaven to bring victory to the men of Messene and Naupaktos. So the victors must have erected this statue at Olympia in gratitude. Something like the picture used as the frontispiece, men believe the statue looked originally. It stood upon a base thirty feet high so that the goddess really looked as if she were descending from heaven. THE TEMPLE OF HERA. This shows the ruins of the temple where Charmides saw the statue of Hermes, perhaps the most beautiful statue in the world. HEAD OF AN ATHLETE. The Greek artist who made this statue believed that a beautiful body is glorious, as well as a beautiful mind, and a fine spirit. Do you think his statue shows all these things? The original is now at the Metropolitan Museum. A GREEK HORSEMAN. The artist had great skill who could chisel out of marble such a strong, bold rider, and such a spirited horse. This picture and the one before it are not pictures of things found at Olympia. They are two of the most beautiful statues of Greek athletes, and we give them to remind you of the sort of people who came to the games at Olympia. 
44460	----	CARLETON'S CONDENSED CLASSICAL DICTIONARY. BEING BRIEF BUT SUCCINCT INFORMATION CONCERNING THE PROMINENT NAMES IN CLASSICAL HISTORY AND MYTHOLOGY, TOGETHER WITH THE MOST CONSPICUOUS INCIDENTS ASSOCIATED WITH THEM. _CAREFULLY PREPARED AND EDITED_ BY GEORGE W. CARLETON, AUTHOR OF "OUR ARTIST IN CUBA, PERU, ALGIERS AND SPAIN." "Knowledge is of two kinds. We know a subject ourselves, or we know where we can find information upon it."--_Boswell's Life of Johnson._ NEW YORK Copyright, 1882, by _G. W. Carleton & Co., Publishers_. MADISON SQUARE. MDCCCLXXXII. CARLETON'S CONDENSED CLASSICAL DICTIONARY. =Aby´dos.= A city of Asia opposite Sestos in Europe. It is famous for the loves of Hero and Leander, and for the bridge of boats which Xerxes built there across the Hellespont. Leander was in the habit of swimming across the Hellespont to see Hero, till at length, on a stormy night, he was drowned. =Aby´dos.= A town of Egypt, where was the famous temple of Osiris. =Acade´mi´a.= A place surrounded with trees, near Athens, belonging to Academus, from whom the name is derived. Here Plato opened his school of philosophy, and from this every place sacred to learning has ever since been called Academia. =Acha´tes.= A friend of Æneas, whose fidelity was so exemplary that _Fidus Achates_ has become a proverb. =Achelo´us.= The son of Oceanus and Terra, or Tethys, god of the river of the same name in Epirus. As one of the numerous suitors of Dejanira, he entered the lists against Hercules, and being inferior, changed himself into a serpent, and afterwards into an ox. Hercules broke off one of his horns and defeated him, after which, according to some, he was changed into a river. =Ac´heron.= One of the rivers of hell; often used to signify hell itself. =Achil´les=, the son of Peleus and Thetis, was the bravest of all the Greeks in the Trojan war. During his infancy, Thetis plunged him in the Styx, thus making every part of his body invulnerable except the heel by which she held him. To prevent him from going to the Trojan war, Thetis sent him privately to the court of Lycomedes, where he was disguised in a female dress. As Troy could not be taken without his aid, Ulysses went to the court of Lycomedes in the habit of a merchant, and exposed jewels and arms for sale. Achilles, choosing the arms, discovered his sex, and went to the war. Vulcan made him a strong suit of armor, which was proof against all weapons. He was deprived by Agamemnon of his favorite Briseis, and for this affront he would not appear on the field till the death of Patroclus impelled him to vengeance. He slew Hector, who had killed Patroclus, and tying his corpse to his war-car, dragged it three times round Troy. He is said to have been killed by Paris, who inflicted a mortal wound in his vulnerable heel with an arrow. =A´cis.= A shepherd of Sicily, son of Faunus and the nymph Simæthis. Galatea passionately loved him, upon which his rival, Polyphemus, crushed him to death with a piece of broken rock. The gods changed Acis into a stream, which rises from Mount Etna. =Actæ´on.= A famous huntsman, son of Aristæus and Autonoe, daughter of Cadmus. He saw Diana and her attendants bathing, for which he was changed into a stag and devoured by his own dogs. =Ac´tium.= A town and promontory of Epirus, famous for the naval victory which Augustus obtained over Antony and Cleopatra, B. C. 31. =A´des or Hades.= The God of hell amongst the Greeks; the same as the Pluto of the Latins. The word is often used for hell itself by the ancient poets. =Adher´bal.= Son of Micipsa, and grandson of Masinissa, was besieged at Cirta, and put to death by Jugurtha, after vainly imploring the aid of Rome, B. C. 112. =Adme´tus.= Son of Pheres and Clymene, king of Pheræ in Thessaly. Apollo, when banished from heaven, is said to have tended his flocks for nine years. =Ado´nis=, son of Cinyras and Myrrha, was the favorite of Venus. He was fond of hunting, and was often cautioned not to hunt wild beasts. This advice he slighted, and at last was mortally wounded by a wild boar. Venus changed him into the flower anemone. Proserpine is said to have restored him to life, on condition that he should spend six months of the year with her, and the rest of the year with Venus. This implies the alternate return of summer and winter. =Adras´tus=, son of Talaus and Lysimache, was king of Argos. Polynices, being banished from Thebes by his brother Eteocles, fled to Argos, where he married Argia, daughter of Adrastus. The king assisted his son-in-law, and marched against Thebes with an army. He was defeated with great slaughter, and fled to Athens, where Theseus gave him assistance, and was victorious. Adrastus died from grief, occasioned by the death of his son Ægialeus. =Adria´nus.= A famous emperor of Rome. He is represented as an active, learned, warlike, and austere general. He came to Britain, where he built a wall between the modern towns of Carlisle and Newcastle-on-Tyne, to protect the Britons from the incursions of the Caledonians. =Ædi´les.= Roman magistrates, who had the charge of all buildings, baths, and aqueducts, and examined weights and measures. The office of an Ædile was honorable, and the primary step to a more distinguished position in the State. =Ægeus.= King of Athens, son of Pandion. Being desirous of having children, he went to consult the oracle, and on his return stopped at the court of Pittheus, king of Troezene, who gave him his daughter Æthra in marriage. He directed her, if she had a son, to send him to Athens as soon as he could lift a stone under which he had concealed his sword. Æthra became mother of Theseus, whom she sent to Athens with his father's sword, Ægeus being at that time living with Medea, the divorced wife of Jason. When Theseus came to Athens, Medea attempted to poison him, but he escaped; and upon showing Ægeus the sword, discovered himself to be his son. When Theseus returned from Crete, after the death of the Minotaur, he omitted to hoist up white sails, as a signal of success, and at sight of black sails, Ægeus, concluding that his son was dead, threw himself into the sea, which, as some suppose, has since been called the Ægean sea. Ægeus died B. C. 1235. =Ægis.= The shield of Jupiter. He gave it to Pallas, who placed Medusa's head on it, which turned into stones all those who gazed at it. =Ægy´ptus=, son of Belus, and brother to Danaus, gave his fifty sons in marriage to the fifty daughters of his brother. Danaus, who had established himself at Argos, and was jealous of his brother, obliged all his daughters to murder their husbands on the first night of their nuptials. This was done, Hypermnestra alone sparing her husband Lynceus. Ægyptus himself was killed by his niece Polyxena. =Ælia´nus Clau´dius.= A Roman sophist of Præneste in the reign of Adrian. He taught rhetoric at Rome. He wrote treatises on animals in seventeen books, and on various other subjects in fourteen books. Ælian died at the age of sixty, A. D. 140. =Æne´as.= A Trojan prince, son of Anchises and Venus. He married Creusa, the daughter of Priam, and they had a son named Ascanius. During the Trojan war Æneas behaved with great valor in defense of Troy. When the city was in flames he is said to have carried away his father Anchises on his shoulders, leading his son Ascanius by the hand, his wife following them. Subsequently he built a fleet of twenty ships, with which he set sail in quest of a settlement. He was driven on the coasts of Africa, and was kindly received by Dido, Queen of Carthage, who became enamored with him; but he left Carthage by the order of the gods. He has been praised for his piety and his submission to the will of the gods; the term "Pius" is generally appended to his name. =Æne´is.= The Æneid, a grand poem by Virgil, the great merit of which is well known. The author has imitated the style of Homer, and is by some thought to equal him. =Æolus=, the ruler of storms and winds, was the son of Hippotas. He reigned over Æolia. He was the inventor of sails, and a great astronomer, from which the poets have called him the god of wind. =Æs´chines.= An Athenian orator who lived about 342 B.C.; and distinguished himself by his rivalship with Demosthenes. =Æs´chylus=, a soldier and poet of Athens, son of Euphorion. He was in the Athenian army at the battles of Marathon, Salamis, and Platæa; but his most solid fame rests on his writings. He wrote ninety tragedies, forty of which were rewarded with a public prize. He was killed by the fall of a tortoise, dropped from the beak of an eagle on his head, B.C. 456. =Æscula´pius=, son of Apollo and Coronis, or, as some say, of Apollo and Larissa, daughter of Phlegias, was the god of medicine. He married Epione, and they had two sons, famous for their skill in medicine, Machaon and Podalirus; of their four daughters, Hygeia, goddess of health, is the most celebrated. =Æson=, son of Cretheus, was born at the same birth as Pelias. He succeeded his father in the kingdom of Iolchos, but was soon exiled by his brother. He married Alcimeda, by whom he had Jason, whose education he intrusted to Chiron. When Jason reached manhood he demanded his father's kingdom from his uncle, who gave him evasive answers, and persuaded him to go in quest of the Golden Fleece. On his return Jason found his father very infirm, and at his request Medea drew the blood from Æson's veins and refilled them with the juice of certain herbs, which restored the old man to the vigor of youth. =Æso´pus.= A Phrygian philosopher who, originally a slave, procured his liberty by his genius. He dedicated his fables to his patron Croesus. The fables which we have now under his name doubtless are a collection of fables and apologues of wits before and after the age of Æsop, conjointly with his own. =Agamem´non=, king of Mycenæ and Argos, was brother to Menelaus, and son of Plisthenes, the son of Atreus. He married Clytemnestra, and Menelaus Helen, both daughters of Tyndarus, king of Sparta. When Helen eloped with Paris, Agamemnon was elected commander-in-chief of the Grecian forces invading Troy. =Agesila´us.= Of the family of the Proclidæ, son of Archidamus, king of Sparta, whom he succeeded. He made war against Artaxerxes, king of Persia, with success; but in the midst of his conquests he was called home to oppose the Athenians and Boetians. He passed over in thirty days that tract of country which had taken up a whole year of Xerxes' expedition. He defeated his enemies at Coronea, but sickness interfered with his conquests, and the Spartans were beaten in every engagement till he again appeared at their head. He died 362 years B.C. =Agrip´pa, M. Vipsanius.= A celebrated Roman who obtained a victory over S. Pompey, and favored the cause of Augustus at the battles of Actium and Philippi, where he behaved with great valor. In his expeditions in Gaul and Germany he obtained several victories, but refused the honor of a triumph, and turned his attention to the embellishment of Rome and the raising of magnificent buildings, among them the Pantheon. Augustus gave him his daughter Julia in marriage. He died universally lamented at Rome, aged fifty-one, B.C. 12. =Agrip´pa.= A son of Aristobulus, grandson of the great Herod. He was popular with the Jews, and it is said that while they were flattering him with the appellation of god he was struck with death, A.D. 43. His son of the same name was with Titus at the siege of Jerusalem, and died A.D. 94. It was before him that St. Paul pleaded. There were a number of others of the same name, but of less celebrity. =A´jax=, son of Telamon and Periboea, or Eriboea, was one of the bravest of the Greeks in the Trojan war. After the death of Achilles, Ajax and Ulysses both claimed the arms of the dead hero, which were given to Ulysses. Some say that he was killed in battle by Paris, but others record that he was murdered by Ulysses. =Alari´cus.= A famous king of the Goths, who plundered Rome in the reign of Honorius. He was greatly respected for his valor, and during his reign he kept the Roman empire in continual alarm. He died after a reign of twelve years, A.D. 410. He was buried in the bed of a river which had been turned from its course for the reception of his corpse, in order that it might be said that no one should tread on the earth where he reposed. =Al´bion=, son of Neptune and Amphitrite, came into Britain, where he established a kingdom, and introduced astrology and the art of building ships. Great Britain is called "Albion" after him. =Alcæ´us.= A celebrated lyric poet of Mitylene, in Lesbos, about 600 years before the Christian era. He fled from a battle, and the armor in which he left the field was hung up in the temple of Minerva as a monument of his disgrace. He was enamored of Sappho. Of his works only a few fragments remain. =Alces´te= or =Alces´tis=, daughter of Pelias, married Admetus. She, with her sisters, put her father to death that he might be restored to youth and vigor by Medea, who had promised to effect this by her enchantments. She, however, refused to fulfill her promise, on which the sisters fled to Admetus, who married Alceste. =Alcibi´ades.= An Athenian general, famous for his enterprise, versatile genius, and natural foibles. He was a disciple of Socrates, whose lessons and example checked for a while his vicious propensities. In the Peloponnesian war he encouraged the Athenians to undertake an expedition against Syracuse. He died in his forty-sixth year, B.C. 404. =Alcme´na.= Daughter of Electrion, king of Argos. Her father promised her and his crown to Amphitryon if he would revenge the death of his sons, who had been killed by the Teleboans. In the absence of Amphitryon, Jupiter assumed his form and visited Alcmena, who, believing the god to be her lover, received him with joy. Amphitryon, on his return, ascertained from the prophet Tiresias the deception which had been practiced. After the death of Amphitryon Alcmena married Rhadamanthus. Hercules was the son of Jupiter and Alcmena. =Alcy´one= or =Halcy´one=, daughter of Æolus, married Ceyx, who was drowned as he was going to consult the oracle. The gods apprised Alcyone in a dream of her husband's fate, and when she found his body washed ashore she threw herself into the sea, and she and her husband were changed into birds. =Alec´to.= One of the Furies. She is represented with her head covered with serpents, and breathing vengeance, war, and pestilence. =Alexan´der=, surnamed the Great, was son of Philip and Olympias. He was born B. C. 355, on the night on which the famous temple of Diana at Ephesus was burnt. This event, according to the magicians, was a prognostic of his future greatness, as well as the taming of Bucephalus, a horse which none of the king's attendants could manage. Philip, it is recorded, said, with tears in his eyes, that his son must seek another kingdom, as that of Macedonia would not be large enough for him. He built a town, which he called Alexandria, on the Nile. His conquests were extended to India, where he fought with Porus, a powerful king of the country, and after he had invaded Scythia, he retired to Babylon laden with spoils. His entry into the city was predicted by the magicians as to prove fatal to him. He died at Babylon in his thirty-second year, after a reign of twelve years and eight months of continual success, B. C. 323. There were a number of others of the same name, but of less celebrity. =Althæ´a=, daughter of Thestius and Eurythemis, married OEneus, king of Calydon, by whom she had many children, amongst them being Meleager. When he was born the Parcæ put a log of wood on the fire, saying, as long as it was preserved the life of the child would be prolonged. The mother took the wood from the flames and preserved it, but when Meleager killed his two uncles, Althæa, to revenge them, threw the log in the fire, and when it was burnt Meleager expired. Althæa then killed herself. =Amaryl´lis.= The name of a countrywoman in Virgil's Eclogues. Some commentators have supposed that the poet spoke of Rome under this fictitious name. =Amaz´ones or Amazonides.= A nation of famous women who lived near the river Thermodon in Cappadocia. All their lives were employed in wars and manly exercises. They founded an extensive empire in Asia Minor along the shores of the Euxine. =Ambra´cia.= A city of Epirus, the residence of King Pyrrhus. Augustus, after the battle of Actium, called it Nicopolis. =Amphiara´us=, son of Oicleus and Hypermnestra, was at the chase of the Calydonian boar, and accompanied the Argonauts in their expedition. He was famous for his knowledge of futurity. =Amphic´tyon=, son of Deucalion and Pyrrha, reigned at Athens after Cranaus. Some say the deluge happened in his age. =Amphic´tyon=, the son of Helenus, who first established the celebrated Council of the Amphictyons, composed of the wisest and most virtuous men of some cities of Greece. =Amphi´on=, son of Jupiter and Antiope. He cultivated poetry, and made such progress in music that he is said to have been the inventor of it, and to have built the walls of Thebes by the sound of his lyre. =Amphitri´te.= A daughter of Oceanus and Tethys, who married Neptune. She is sometimes called Salatia. She was mother of Triton, a sea deity. =Amphit´ryon.= A Theban prince, son of Alcæus and Hipponome. His sister Anaxo married Electryon, king of Mycenæ, whose sons were killed in battle by the Teleboans. Electryon gave his daughter Alcmena to Amphitryon for avenging the death of his sons. =Anachar´sis=, a Scythian philosopher 592 years B. C., who, on account of his wisdom, temperance, and knowledge, has been called one of the seven wise men. He has rendered himself famous among the Ancients by his writings, his poems on war, the laws of the Scythians, etc. =Anac´reon.= A famous lyric poet of Teos, in Ionia, favored by Polycrates and Hipparchus, son of Philostratus. He was of intemperate habits and fond of pleasure. Some of his odes are extant, and the elegance of his poetry has been the admiration of every age and country. He lived to the age of eighty-five, and after a life of voluptuousness was choked with a grape stone. He flourished B. C. 532. =Anadyom´ene.= A famous painting by Apelles of Venus rising from the sea. =Anaxag´oras.= A Clazomenian philosopher, who disregarded wealth and honors to indulge his fondness for meditation and philosophy. He applied himself to astronomy, and obtained a knowledge of eclipses. He used to say he preferred a grain of wisdom to heaps of gold. He was accused of impiety and condemned to die, but he ridiculed the sentence, which he said had already been pronounced on him by nature. He died at the age of seventy-two, B. C. 428. =Anaxar´ete.= A girl of Salamis, who so arrogantly rejected the addresses of Iphis, a youth of ignoble birth, that he hanged himself at her door. She saw the spectacle without emotion, and was changed into stone. =Anchi´ses.= A son of Capys and Themis. He was so beautiful that Venus came down from heaven on Mount Ida to enjoy his company. Æneas was the son of Anchises and Venus, and was intrusted to the care of Chiron the Centaur. When Troy was taken, Anchises had become so infirm that Æneas had to carry him through the flames upon his shoulders, and thus saved his life. =Androm´ache.= Daughter of Eetion, king of Thebes. She married Hector, son of Priam, and was the mother of Astyanax. Her parting with Hector, who was going to battle, is described in the Iliad, and has been deemed one of the most beautiful passages in that great work. Pope's translation of the Iliad (book 6) describes with great pathos and beauty the parting of Hector from his wife and child. =Androm´eda.= A daughter of Cepheus, king of Æthiopia, and Cassiope. She was promised in marriage to Phineus when Neptune drowned the kingdom and sent a sea monster to ravage the country, because Cassiope had boasted that she was fairer than Juno and the Nereides. The oracle of Jupiter Ammon was consulted, but nothing could stop the resentment of Neptune except the exposure of Andromeda to the sea monster. She was accordingly tied to a rock, but at the moment that the monster was about to devour her, Perseus, returning from the conquest of the Gorgons, saw her, and was captivated with her beauty. He changed the monster into a rock by showing Medusa's head, and released Andromeda and married her. =Anthropoph´agi.= A people of Scythia who fed on human flesh. They lived near the country of the Messagetæ. Shakspeare makes Othello, in his speech to the Senate, allude to the Anthropophagi thus:-- "The cannibals that each other eat, The Anthropophagi, and men whose heads Do grow beneath their shoulders." =Antig´one.= A daughter of OEdipus, king of Thebes. She buried by night her brother Polynices, against the orders of Creon, who ordered her to be buried alive. She, however, killed herself on hearing of the sentence. The death of Antigone is the subject of one of the finest tragedies of Sophocles. The play has been adapted for representation on the English stage, Miss Helen Faucit performing the heroine with exquisite pathos. =Antig´onus.= One of Alexander's generals, who, on the division of the provinces after the king's death, received Pamphylia, Lycia, and Phrygia. Eventually his power became so great that Ptolemy, Seleucus, Cassander, and Lysimachus combined to destroy him. He gained many victories over them, but at last was killed in battle at the age of eighty, B.C. 301. There were others of the same name, but much less conspicuous. =Antin´ous.= A youth of Bithynia of whom the emperor Adrian was so extremely fond that, at his death, he erected a temple to him, and wished it to be believed that he had been changed into a constellation. =Anti´ochus=, surnamed _Soter_, was son of Seleucus and king of Syria. He made a treaty of alliance with Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt. He wedded his step-mother Stratonice. He was succeeded by his son Antiochus II., who put an end to the war which had begun with Ptolemy, and married his daughter Berenice, but being already married to Laodice, she, in revenge, poisoned him. Antiochus, the third of that name, surnamed the Great, was king of Syria, and reigned thirty-six years. He was defeated by Ptolemy Philopater at Raphia. He conquered the greater part of Greece, and Hannibal incited him to enter on a crusade against Roma. He was killed 187 years before the Christian era. Antiochus Epiphanes, the fourth of the name, was king of Syria after his brother Seleucus. He behaved with cruelty to the Jews. He reigned eleven years, and died unregretted. There were many others of the same name of less note. =Ant´iope=, daughter of Nycteus, king of Thebes, and Polyxo, was beloved by Jupiter. Amphion and Tethus were her offspring. =Antip´ater=, son of Iolaus, was a soldier under King Philip, and raised to the rank of a general under Alexander the Great. When Alexander went to invade Asia, he left Antipater supreme governor of Macedonia. He has been suspected of giving poison to Alexander to advance himself in power. =Antoni´nus=, surnamed _Pius_, was adopted by the Emperor Adrian, whom he succeeded. He was remarkable for all the virtues forming a perfect statesman, philosopher, and king. He treated his subjects with affability and humanity, and listened with patience to every complaint brought before him. He died in his seventy-fifth year, after a reign of twenty-three years, A.D. 160. =Anto´nius Mar´cus.= Mark Antony, the triumvir, distinguished himself by his ambitious views. When Julius Cæsar was killed in the senate house, Antony delivered an oration over his body, the eloquence of which is recorded in Shakspeare's tragedy of Julius Cæsar. Antony had married Fulvia, whom he repudiated to marry Octavia, the sister of Augustus. He fought by the side of Augustus at the battle of Philippi, against the murderers of Julius Cæsar. Subsequently he became enamored with Cleopatra, the renowned queen of Egypt, and repudiated Octavia to marry her. He was utterly defeated at the battle of Actium, and stabbed himself. He died in the fifty-sixth year of his age, B.C. 30. =Anto´nius, Ju´lius=, son of the famous triumvir Antony, by Fulvia, was consul with Paulus Fabius Maximus. He was surnamed Africanus, and put to death by order of Augustus, but some say he killed himself. =Anto´nius M. Gni´pho.= A poet of Gaul who taught rhetoric at Rome. Cicero and other illustrious men frequented his school. There were a number of others of the same name, but of less repute. =Apel´les.= A celebrated painter of Cos, or, as others say, of Ephesus, son of Pithius. He lived in the age of Alexander the Great, who forbade any one but Apelles to paint his portrait. He was so absorbed in his profession that he never allowed a day to pass without employing himself at his art: hence the proverb of _Nulla dies sine linea_. His most perfect picture was Venus Anadyomene, which was not quite finished when he died. He painted a picture in which a horse was a prominent feature, and so correctly was it delineated that a horse passing by it neighed, supposing it to be alive. He was ordered by Alexander to paint a portrait of one of his favorites--Campaspe. Apelles became enamored with her and married her. He only put his name to three of his pictures--a sleeping Venus, Venus Anadyomene, and an Alexander. The proverb, _Ne sutor ultra crepidam_, has been used in reference to him by some writers. =Aphrodi´te.= The Grecian name for Venus, from the Greek word [Greek: aphros], _froth_, because Venus is said to have been born from the froth of the ocean. =Apic´ius.= A famous gourmand in Rome. There were three of this name, all noted for their voracious appetites. =A´pis.= One of the ancient kings of Peloponnesus, son of Phoroneus and Laodice. Some say that Apollo was his father, and that he was king of Argos, whilst others called him king of Sicyon, and fix the time of his reign above 200 years earlier. Varro and others have supposed that Apis went to Egypt with a colony of Greeks, and that he civilized the inhabitants and polished their manners, for which they made him a god after death, and paid divine honors to him under the name of Serapis. =A´pis.= A god of the Egyptians, worshiped under the form of an ox. Some say that Isis and Osiris are the deities worshiped under this name, because they taught the Egyptians agriculture. =Apol´lo.= Son of Jupiter and Latona; called also Phoebus. He was the god of the fine arts and the reputed originator of music, poetry, and eloquence. He had received from Jupiter the power of knowing futurity, and his oracles were in repute everywhere. As soon as he was born he destroyed with his arrows the serpent Python, which Juno had sent to persecute Latona; hence he was called Pythius. He was not the inventor of the lyre, as some have supposed, but it was given to him by Mercury, who received in return the famous Caduceus. He received the surnames of Phoebus, Delius, Cynthius, Pæan, Delphicus, etc. He is in sculpture generally represented as a handsome young man with a bow in his hand, from which an arrow has just been discharged. =Appia´nus.= An historian of Alexandria, who flourished A.D. 123. His Universal History, which consisted of twenty-four books, was a history of all the nations conquered by the Romans. =Ap´pius Clau´dius.= A decemvir who obtained his power by force and oppression. He grossly insulted Virginia, whom her father killed to save her from the power of the tyrant. =Arca´dia.= A district of Peloponnesus, which has been much extolled by the poets. It was famous for its mountains. The inhabitants were for the most part shepherds, who lived upon acorns. They were skillful warriors and able musicians. Pan lived chiefly among them. =Archil´ochus.= A poet of Paros, who wrote elegies, satires, odes, and epigrams. He lived B.C. 685. =Archime´des.= A famous geometrician of Syracuse, who invented a machine of glass that represented the motion of the heavenly bodies. When Marcellus, the Roman consul, besieged Syracuse, Archimedes constructed machines which suddenly raised into the air the ships of the enemy, which then fell into the sea and were sunk. He also set fire to the ships with burning-glasses. When the enemy were in possession of the town, a soldier, not knowing who he was, killed him, B.C. 212. =Arethu´sa=, a nymph of Elis, daughter of Oceanus, and one of Diana's attendants. As she returned one day from hunting she bathed in the Alpheus stream. The god of the river was enamored of her, and pursued her over the mountains, till Arethusa, ready to sink from fatigue, implored Diana to change her into a fountain, which the goddess did. =Ar´go.= The name of the famous ship which carried Jason and his companions to Polchis, when they went to recover the Golden Fleece. =Argonau´tæ.= The Argonauts, those ancient heroes who went with Jason in the Argo to Aolchis to recover the Golden Fleece, about seventy-nine years before the capture of Troy. The number of the Argonauts is not exactly known. =Ar´gus.= A son of Arestor, whence he is sometimes called Arestorides. He had a hundred eyes, of which only two were asleep at one time. Juno set him to watch Io, whom Jupiter had changed into a heifer, but Mercury, by order of Jupiter, slew him, by lulling all his eyes to sleep with the notes of the lyre. Juno put the eyes of Argus in the tail of the peacock, a bird sacred to her. =Ariad´ne=, daughter of Minos, second king of Crete, and Pasiphæ, fell in love with Theseus, who was shut up in the labyrinth to be devoured by the Minotaur. She gave Theseus a clue of thread by which he extricated himself from the windings of the labyrinth. After he had conquered the Minotaur he married her, but after a time forsook her. On this, according to some authorities, she hanged herself. According to other writers, after being abandoned by Theseus, Bacchus loved her, and gave her a crown of seven stars, which were made a constellation. =Ari´on.= A famous lyric poet and musician, son of Cyclos of Methymna in Lesbos. He went into Italy with Periander, tyrant of Corinth, where he gained much wealth by his profession. Afterwards he wished to revisit the place of his nativity, and he embarked in a ship, the sailors of which resolved to kill him for the riches he had with him. Arion entreated them to listen to his music, and as soon as he had finished playing he threw himself into the sea. A number of dolphins had been attracted by the sweetness of his music, and it is said that one of them carried him safely on its back to Tænarus, whence he went to the court of Periander, who ordered all the sailors to be crucified. =Aristæ´us.= Son of Apollo and Cyrene, famous for his fondness for hunting. He married Autonoe, the daughter of Cadmus, Actæon being their son. He was after death worshiped as a demigod. =Aristar´chus.= A celebrated grammarian of Samos, disciple of Aristophanes. He lived the greatest part of his life at Alexandria. He wrote about 800 commentaries on different authors. He died in his seventy-second year, B.C. 157. =Aristi´des.= A celebrated Athenian, son of Lysimachus, in the age of Themistocles, whose great temperance and virtue procured for him the name of the "Just." He was rival to Themistocles, by whose influence he was banished for ten years, B.C. 484. He was at the battle of Salamis, and was appointed to be chief commander with Pausanias against Mardonius, whom they defeated at Platæa. =Aristip´pus=, the elder, a philosopher of Cyrene, a disciple of Socrates, and founder of the Cyrenaic sect. =Aristogi´ton= and =Harmo´dis=. Two celebrated friends of Athens, who, by their joint efforts, delivered their country from the tyranny of the Pisistratidæ, B.C. 510. =Aristoph´anes.= A celebrated comic poet of Athens, son of Philip of Rhodes. He wrote fifty-four comedies, of which eleven have come down to us. He lived B.C. 434, and lashed the vices of the age with a masterly hand. =Aristot´eles.= A famous philosopher, son of Nicomachus, born at Stagira. He went to Athens to hear Plato's lectures, where he soon signalized himself by his genius. He has been called by Plato the philosopher of truth, and Cicero complimented him for his eloquence, fecundity of thought, and universal knowledge. He died in his sixty-third year, B.C. 322. As he expired he is said to have exclaimed: _Causa causarum miserere mei_, which sentence has since become famous, and is by some attributed to Cicero. The term Stagirite has been applied to Aristotle from the name of his birthplace. =Artaxerx´es= the First succeeded to the kingdom of Persia after Xerxes. He made war against the Bactrians, and reconquered Egypt, which had revolted. He was remarkable for his equity and moderation. =Artaxerx´es= the Second. King of Persia, surnamed Mnemon. His brother Cyrus endeavored to make himself king in his place, and marched against his brother at the head of 100,000 Barbarians and 13,000 Greeks. He was opposed by Artaxerxes with a large army, and a bloody battle was fought at Cunaxa, in which Cyrus was killed and his forces routed. =Ar´temis.= The Greek name of Diana. Her festivals, called Artemesia, were celebrated in several parts of Greece, particularly at Delphi. =Asca´nius=, son of Æneas and Creusa, was saved from the flames of Troy by his father, whom he accompanied in his voyage to Italy. He was afterwards called Iulus. =Aspa´sia.= Daughter of Axiochus, born at Miletus. She came to Athens, where she taught eloquence. Socrates was one of her scholars. She so captivated Pericles by her accomplishments that he made her his wife. The conduct of Pericles and Aspasia greatly corrupted the morals of the Athenians, and caused much dissipation in the State. =Aspa´sia.= A daughter of Hermotimus of Phocæa, famous for her personal charms. She was priestess of the sun, and became mistress to Cyrus. =Astar´te.= A powerful divinity of Syria, the same as the Venus of the Greeks. She had a famous temple at Hierapolis in Syria, which was attended by 300 priests. =Astræ´a.= A daughter of Astræus, king of Arcadia, or, according to others, daughter of Titan and Aurora. Some make her daughter of Jupiter and Themis. She was called Justice, of which virtue she was the goddess. =Asty´anax.= A son of Hector and Andromache. He was very young when the Greeks besieged Troy, and when the city was taken his mother saved him in her arms from the flames. According to Euripides he was killed by Menelaus. =Atalan´ta.= Daughter of Schoeneus, king of Scyros. According to some she was the daughter of Jasus, or Jasius, and Clymene, but others say that Menalion was her father. She determined to live in celibacy, but her beauty gained her many admirers, and to free herself from their importunities she proposed to run a race with them. As she was almost invincible in running, her suitors, who entered the lists against her, were defeated, till Hippomenes, the son of Macareus, proposed himself as an admirer. Venus gave him three golden apples from the garden of the Hesperides, and with these concealed about him he entered the lists to race against Atalanta. As the race proceeded he dropped the apples, which she stopped to pick up, thus enabling Hippomenes to arrive first at the goal, and obtain her in marriage. =A´te.= Daughter of Jupiter, and goddess of all evil. She raised such discord amongst the gods that Jupiter banished her from heaven, and sent her to dwell on earth, where she incited mankind to evil thoughts and actions. =Athana´sius.= A bishop of Alexandria, celebrated for his determined opposition to Arius and his doctrines. He died A.D. 373, after filling the archiepiscopal chair for forty-seven years. The famous creed which is named after him is no longer supposed to have been written by him, and its authorship remains in doubt. =At´las.= One of the Titans, son of Iapetus and Clymene. He married Pleione, daughter of Oceanus (or of Hesperis, according to some writers). He had seven daughters, who were called the Atlantides. =A´treus.= A son of Pelops and Hippodamia, was king of Mycenæ. His brother Chrysippus was illegitimate, and Hippodamia wished to get rid of him, and urged Atreus and another of her sons, Thyestes, to murder him, which, on their refusal, she did herself. Atreus retired to the court of Eurystheus, king of Argos, and succeeded to his throne. =At´ticus, T. Pomponius.= A celebrated Roman knight, to whom Cicero wrote a number of letters, containing the general history of the age. He retired to Athens, where he endeared himself to the citizens, who erected statues to him in commemoration of his virtues. He died at the age of seventy-seven, B.C. 32. =At´tila.= A celebrated king of the Huns, who invaded the Roman empire in the reign of Valentinian, with an army of half a million of men. He laid waste the provinces, and marched on Rome, but retreated on being paid a large sum of money. He called himself the "Scourge of God," and died A.D. 453, of an effusion of blood, on the night of his marriage. =Angus´tus, Octavia´nus Cæ´sar=, emperor of Rome, was son of Octavius, a senator, and Accia, sister to Julius Cæsar. He was associated in the triumvirate with Antony and Lepidus, and defeated the armies of Brutus and Cassius at Philippi. Octavia, the sister of Augustus, married Antony after the death of his wife Fulvia. Octavia, however, was slighted for the charms of Cleopatra, which incensed Augustus, who took up arms to avenge the wrongs of his sister, and at the great battle of Actium (B.C. 31), the forces of Antony and Cleopatra suffered a disastrous defeat. =Aurelia´nus=, emperor of Rome, was austere and cruel in the execution of the laws, and in his treatment of his soldiers. He was famous for his military character, and his expedition against Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, gained him great honors. It is said that in his various battles he killed 800 men with his own hand. He was assassinated near Byzantium, A.D. 275. =Aure´lius, M. Antoni´nus=, surnamed "the philosopher," possessed all the virtues which should adorn the character of a prince. He raised to the imperial dignity his brother L. Verus, whose dissipation and voluptuousness were as conspicuous as the moderation of the philosopher. During their reign the Quadi, Parthians, and Marcomanni were defeated. Verus died of apoplexy, and Antoninus survived him eight years, dying in his sixty-first year, after a reign of nineteen years and ten days. =Auro´ra.= A goddess, daughter of Hyperion and Thia or Thea. She is generally represented by the poets as sitting in a chariot and opening with her fingers the gates of the east, pouring dew on the earth, and making the flowers grow. The Greeks call her Eos. =Bac´chus= was son of Jupiter and Semele, the daughter of Cadmus. He was the god of wine, and is generally represented crowned with vine leaves. He is said to have married Ariadne after she had been forsaken by Theseus. =Belisa´rius.= A celebrated general who, in the reign of Justinian, emperor of Constantinople, renewed the victories which had rendered the first Romans so distinguished. He died, after a life of glory, suffering from royal ingratitude, 565 years before the Christian era. =Beller´ophon=, son of Glaucus, king of Ephyre, and Eurymede; was at first called Hipponous. He was sent by Iobates, king of Lycia, to conquer the monster Chimæra. Minerva assisted him in the expedition, and by the aid of the winged horse Pegasus he conquered the monster and returned victorious. After sending him on other dangerous adventures, Iobates gave him his daughter in marriage, and made him successor to his throne. =Bello´na=, goddess of war, was daughter of Phorcys and Ceto; called by the Greeks Enyo, and is often confounded with Minerva. She prepared the chariot of Mars when he was going to war, and appeared in battles armed with a whip to animate the combatants, and holding a torch. =Be´lus=, one of the most ancient kings of Babylon, about 1800 years before the age of Semiramis, was made a god after death, and was worshiped by the Assyrians and Babylonians. He was supposed to be the son of the Osiris of the Egyptians. The temple of Belus was the most ancient and magnificent in the world, and was said to have been originally the tower of Babel. =Bereni´ce.= A daughter of Philadelphus, who married Antiochus, king of Syria, after he had divorced his former wife Laodice. =Bereni´ce.= The mother of Agrippa, whose name occurs in the history of the Jews as daughter-in-law of Herod the Great. A number of others of minor celebrity were known by the same name. =Bi´on.= A philosopher of Scythia who rendered himself famous for his knowledge of poetry, music, and philosophy. Another of the same name was a Greek poet of Smyrna who wrote pastorals. He was a friend of Moschus, who says that he died by poison about 300 years B.C. =Boadice´a.= A famous British queen who rebelled against the Romans and was defeated, on which she poisoned herself. Her cruel treatment by the Romans is the subject of an ode by Cowper. =Bo´reas.= The name of the north wind blowing from the Hyperborean mountains. According to the poets, he was son of Astræus and Aurora. He was passionately fond of Hyacinthus. =Bren´nus.= A general of the Galli Senones, who entered Italy, defeated the Romans, and marched into the city. The Romans fled into the Capitol, and left the city in possession of the enemy. The Gauls climbed the Tarpeian rock in the night, and would have taken the Capitol had not the Romans been awakened by the cackling of some geese, on which they roused themselves and repelled the enemy. =Bri´a´reus.= A famous giant, son of Coelus and Terra. He had a hundred hands and fifty heads, and was called by men by the name of Ægeon. =Bru´tus L. Junius.= Son of M. Junius and Tarquinia. When Lucretia killed herself, B.C. 509, in consequence of the brutality of Tarquin, Brutus snatched the dagger from the wound and swore upon the reeking blade immortal hatred to the royal family, and made the people swear they would submit no longer to the kingly authority. His sons conspired to restore the Tarquins, and were tried and condemned before their father, who himself attended their execution. Mr. John Howard Payne, the American dramatist, has written a tragedy, of which Brutus is the hero. =Bru´tus, Mar´cus Ju´nius=, father of Cæsar's murderer, followed the party of Marius, and was conquered by Pompey, by whose orders he was put to death. =Bru´tus, Mar´cus Ju´nius=, the destroyer of Cæsar, conspired with many of the most illustrious citizens of Rome, against Cæsar, and stabbed him in Pompey's Basilica. The tumult following the murder was great, but the conspirators fled to the Capitol, and by proclaiming freedom and liberty to the populace, for the time established tranquillity. Antony, however, soon obtained the popular ear, and the murderers were obliged to leave Rome. Brutus retired into Greece, where he gained many friends. He was soon pursued by Antony, who was accompanied by the young Octavius. The famous battle of Philippi followed, in which Brutus and his friend Cassius, who commanded the left wing of the army, were totally defeated. Brutus fell on his own sword, B.C. 42, and was honored with a magnificent funeral by Antony. Plutarch relates that Cæsar's ghost appeared to Brutus in his tent before the battle of Philippi, warning him of his approaching fall. =Buceph´alus.= A horse of Alexander's, so frequently named by writers that the term has become proverbial. Alexander was the only person that could mount him, and he always knelt down for his master to bestride him. =Ca´cus.= A famous robber, son of Vulcan and Medusa, represented as a three-headed monster vomiting flames. He resided in Italy, and the avenues of his cave were covered with human bones. When Hercules returned from the conquest of Geryon, Cacus stole some of his cows, which Hercules discovering, he strangled Cacus. =Cad´mus=, son of Agenor, king of Phoenicia, and Telephassa, or Agriope, was ordered by his father to go in quest of his sister Europa, whom Jupiter had carried away. His search proving fruitless, he consulted the oracle of Apollo, and was told to build a city where he saw a heifer stop in the grass, and call the country around Boeotia. He found the heifer, as indicated by the oracle. Requiring water, he sent his companions to fetch some from a neighboring grove. The water was guarded by a dragon, who devoured those who were sent for it, and Cadmus, tired of waiting, went himself to the place. He attacked the dragon and killed it, sowing its teeth in the ground, on which a number of armed men rose out of the earth. Cadmus threw a stone amongst them, and they at once began fighting, and all were killed except five, who assisted him in building the city. Cadmus introduced the use of letters in Greece--the alphabet, as introduced by him, consisting of sixteen letters. =Cadu´ceus.= A rod entwined at one end with two serpents. It was the attribute of Mercury, and was given to him by Apollo in exchange for the lyre. =Cæ´sar.= A surname given to the Julian family in Rome. This name, after it had been dignified in the person of Julius Cæsar and his successors, was given to the apparent heir of the empire in the age of the Roman emperors. The first twelve emperors were distinguished by the name of Cæsar. They reigned in this order--Julius Cæsar, Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian. Suetonius has written an exhaustive history of the Cæsars. C. Julius Cæsar, the first emperor of Rome, was son of L. Cæsar and Aurelia, the daughter of Cotta. He was descended, according to some accounts, from Julus, the son of Æneas. His eloquence procured him friends at Rome, and the generous manner in which he lived equally served to promote his interest. He was appointed for five years over the Gauls. Here he enlarged the boundaries of the Roman empire by conquest, and invaded Britain, which till then was unknown to the Romans. The corrupt state of the Roman senate, and the ambition of Cæsar and Pompey, caused a civil war. Neither of these celebrated Romans would endure a superior, and the smallest matters were grounds enough for unsheathing the sword. By the influence of Pompey a decree was passed to strip Cæsar of his power. Antony, as tribune, opposed this, and went to Cæsar's camp with the news. On this Cæsar crossed the Rubicon, which was the boundary of his province. The passage of the Rubicon was a declaration of war, and Cæsar entered Italy with his army. Upon this Pompey left Rome and retired to Dyrrachium, and Cæsar shortly afterwards entered Rome. He then went to Spain, where he conquered the partisans of Pompey, and on his return to Rome was declared dictator, and soon afterwards consul. The two hostile generals met in the plains of Pharsalia, and a great battle ensued B.C. 48. Pompey was defeated and fled to Egypt, where he was slain. At length Cæsar's glory came to an end. Enemies had sprung up around him, and a conspiracy, consisting of many influential Romans, was formed against him. Conspicuous among the conspirators was Brutus, his most intimate friend, who, with others, assassinated him in the senate house in the ides of March, B.C. 44, in the fifty-sixth year of his age. He wrote his Commentaries on the Gallic wars when the battles were fought. This work is admired for its elegance and purity of style. It was after his conquest over Pharnaces, king of Pontus, that he made use of the words, which have since become proverbial, _Veni, vidi, vici_, illustrative of the activity of his operations. Shakspeare's tragedy of Julius Cæsar, in the third act of which he is assassinated, uttering as his last words, "_Et tu, Brute!_ Then fall Cæsar"--is devoted to the conspiracy and its results, ending with defeat and death of Brutus and Cassius at Philippi. =Calig´ula=, a Roman emperor, was son of Germanicus by Agrippina. He was proud, wanton, and cruel. He was pleased when disasters befell his subjects, and often expressed a wish that the Romans had but one head, that he might have the pleasure of striking it off. He had a favorite horse made consul, and adorned it with the most valuable trappings and ornaments. The tyrant was murdered A.D. 41, in his twenty-ninth year, after a reign of three years and ten months. =Calli´ope.= One of the Muses, daughter of Jupiter and Mnemosyne, who presided over eloquence and heroic poetry. =Cal´ydon.= A city of Ætolia, where OEneus, the father of Meleager, reigned. During the reign of OEneus Diana sent a wild boar to ravage the country on account of the neglect which had been shown of her divinity by the king. All the princes of the age assembled to hunt the Calydonian boar. Meleager killed the animal, and gave the head to Atalanta, of whom he was enamored. =Calyp´so.= One of the Oceanides, or one of the daughters of Atlas, according to some writers. When Ulysses was shipwrecked on her coasts she received him with hospitality, and offered him immortality if he would remain with her as a husband, which he refused to do, and after seven years' delay he was permitted to depart from the island where Calypso reigned. =Camby´ses=, king of Persia, was the son of Cyrus the Great. He conquered Egypt, and was so disgusted at the superstition of the Egyptians, that he killed their god Apis and plundered their temples. =Camill´us, L. Fu´rius.= A celebrated Roman, called a second Romulus from the services he rendered his country. He was banished for distributing the spoils he had obtained at Veii. During his exile Rome was besieged by the Gauls under Brennus. The besieged Romans then elected him dictator, and he went to the relief of his country, which he delivered after it had been some time occupied by the enemy. He died B.C. 365. =Cam´pus Mar´tius.= A large plain without the walls of Rome, where the Roman youth were instructed in athletic exercises and learnt to throw the discus, hurl the javelin, etc. =Can´næ.= A village of Apuleia, where Hannibal defeated the Roman consuls Æmylius and Varro, B.C. 216. =Capitoli´num.= A celebrated temple and citadel at Rome on the Tarpeian rock. =Caracal´la=, son of the emperor Septimius Severus, was notorious for his cruelties. He killed his brother Geta in his mother's arms, and attempted to destroy the writings of Aristotle. After a life made odious by his vices he was assassinated, A.D. 217, in the forty-third year of his age. =Carac´tacus.= A king of the Britons, who was conquered by the Romans and taken prisoner to Rome. =Cartha´go.= Carthage, a celebrated city of Africa, the rival of Rome, and for a long period the capital of the country, and mistress of Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia. The time of its foundation is unknown, but it seems to be agreed on that it was built by Dido about 869 years before the Christian era, or, according to some writers, 72 or 73 years before the foundation of Rome. It had reached its highest glory in the days of Hamilcar and Hannibal. =Cassan´der=, son of Antipater, made himself master of Macedonia after his father's death, where he reigned for eighteen years. =Cassan´dra=, daughter of Priam and Hecuba, was passionately loved by Apollo, who promised to grant her whatever she might require, and she obtained from him the power of seeing into futurity. Some say she received the gift of prophecy, with her brother Helenus, by being placed when young one night in the temple of Apollo, where serpents were found wreathed round their bodies and licking their ears, which gave them a knowledge of futurity. She was allotted to Agamemnon in the division of the spoils of Troy, and was slain by Clytemnestra, Agamemnon's wife. =Cas´sius C.= A celebrated Roman who became famous by being first quæstor to Crassus in his expedition against Parthia. He married Junia, the sister of Brutus, and joined Brutus in the conspiracy formed to assassinate Cæsar, after which he returned to Philippi with Brutus, and commanded one wing of the army in the famous battle fought there. On the defeat of his forces he ordered one of his freedmen to kill him, and he perished by the sword which had inflicted a wound on Cæsar. He was called by Brutus "the last of all the Romans." =Casta´lius Fons=, or =Casta´lia=. A fountain of Parnassus sacred to the Muses. =Castor= and =Pollux= were twin brothers, sons of Jupiter and Leda. Mercury carried them to Pallena, where they were educated. As soon as they arrived at manhood they embarked with Jason in quest of the Golden Fleece. In this expedition they evinced great courage. Pollux defeated and slew Amycus in the combat of the Cestus, and was afterwards considered to be the god and patron of boxing and wrestling. Castor distinguished himself in the management of horses. =Catili´na, L. Ser´gius=, a celebrated Roman, descended from a noble family. When he had squandered his fortune he secretly meditated the ruin of his country, and conspired with many Romans as dissolute as himself to extirpate the senate, plunder the treasuries, and set Rome on fire. This plot, known as the Catiline conspiracy, was unsuccessful. The history of it is written by Sallust. Catiline was killed in battle B.C. 63. =Ca´to, Mar´cus=, was great-grandson of the censor Cato. The early virtues that appeared in his childhood seemed to promise that he would become a great man. He was austere in his morals and a strict follower of the tenets of the Stoics. His fondness for candor was so great that his veracity became proverbial. In the Catilinian conspiracy he supported Cicero, and was the chief cause of the capital punishment which was inflicted on some of the conspirators. He stabbed himself after reading Plato's treatise on the immortality of the soul, B.C. 46, in the fifty-ninth year of his age. =Catul´lus C.=, or =Q. Vale´rius=. A poet of Verona whose compositions are the offspring of a luxuriant imagination. He was acquainted with the most distinguished people of his age. He directed his satire against Cæsar, whose only revenge was to invite him to a sumptuous banquet. =Cel´sus=, a physician in the age of Tiberius, who wrote eight books on medicine, besides treatises on agriculture, rhetoric, and military affairs. =Centau´ri.= A people of Thessaly, half men and half horses. They were the offspring of Centaurus and Stilbia. =Centum´viri.= The members of a court of justice at Rome. Though originally 105 in number, they were known as Centumvirs, and this name they retained when they were increased to 180. =Cer´berus.= A dog of Pluto. According to Hesiod he had fifty heads, but according to other mythologists he had three only. He was placed at the entrance to the infernal regions to prevent the living from entering, and the inhabitants of the place from escaping. =Ce´res=, the goddess of corn and harvests, was daughter of Saturn and Vesta. She was the mother of Proserpine, who was carried away by Pluto whilst she was gathering flowers. =Chærone´a=, a city of Boeotia celebrated for a great battle fought there, in which the Athenians were defeated by the Boeotians, B.C. 447, and for the victory which Philip of Macedonia obtained there over the confederate armies of the Thebans and Athenians, B.C. 338. It was the birth-place of Plutarch. =Cha´ron.= A god of the infernal regions, son of Nox and Erebus, who conducted the souls of the dead in a boat over the rivers Styx and Acheron. =Che´ops.= A king of Egypt, after Rhampsinitus, famous for building pyramids. =Chimæ´ra.= A celebrated monster which continually vomited flames. It was destroyed by Bellerophon. =Chi´ron.= A centaur, half a man and half a horse, son of Philyra and Saturn. He was famous for his knowledge of music, medicine, and shooting, and taught mankind the use of plants and medicinal herbs. =Chrysos´tom.= A bishop of Constantinople who died A.D. 407. He was a great disciplinarian, and by severely lashing the vices of his age he made many enemies. =Cic´ero, M. T.=, born at Arpinum, was son of a Roman knight and lineally descended from the ancient kings of the Sabines. In youth he displayed many abilities, and was taught philosophy by Philo, and law by Mutius Scævola. He applied himself with great diligence to the study of oratory, and was distinguished above all the speakers of his time in the Roman forum. He signalized himself in opposing Catiline, whom he publicly accused of treason against the State, and whom he drove from the city. After a number of vicissitudes of fortune he was assassinated, B.C. 43, at the age of sixty-three. =Cincinna´tus, L. Q.= A celebrated Roman, who was informed, as he plowed in the fields, that the senate had chosen him to be dictator. On this he left the plow and repaired to the field of battle, where his countrymen were opposed by the Volsci and Æqui. He conquered the enemy, and entered Rome in triumph. =Cir´ce.= A daughter of Sol and Perseis, celebrated for her knowledge of magic and venomous herbs. She was carried by her father to an island called Æaea. Ulysses, on his return from the Trojan war, visited her coasts, and his companions were changed, by her potions, into swine. Ulysses, who was fortified against enchantments by an herb which he had received from Mercury, demanded of Circe the restoration of his companions to their former shape; she complied with his wishes, and eventually permitted him to depart from her island. =Claudia´nus.= A celebrated poet, in the age of Honorius, who is considered by some writers to equal Virgil in the majestic character of his style. =Clau´dius, T. Drusus Nero=, son of Drusus, became emperor of Rome after the death of Caligula. He went to Britain, and obtained a triumph for victories achieved by his generals. He suffered himself to be governed by favorites, whose avarice plundered the State and distracted the provinces. He was poisoned by Agrippina, who wished to raise her son Nero to the throne. =Cleopa´tra=, queen of Egypt, daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, was celebrated for her beauty. Antony became enamored of her and married her, ignoring his connection with Octavia, the sister of Augustus. He gave her the greatest part of the eastern provinces of the Roman empire. This caused a rupture between Augustus and Antony, and these two famous men met at Actium, when Cleopatra, by flying with sixty ships, ruined the battle for Antony, and he was defeated. Cleopatra destroyed herself by applying an asp to her breast. =Cli´o.= The first of the Muses, daughter of Jupiter and Mnemosyne. She presided over history. =Cloaci´na.= A goddess at Rome who presided over the Cloacæ, which were large receptacles for the filth of the whole city. =Clo´tho=, the youngest of the three Parcæ, who were daughters of Jupiter and Themis, was supposed to preside over the moment of birth. She held the distaff in her hand and spun the thread of life. =Clytemnes´tra.= A daughter of Tyndarus, king of Sparta, and Leda, married Agamemnon, king of Argos, in whose absence in the Trojan war she misconducted herself with his cousin Ægysthus. On the return of Agamemnon Clytemnestra murdered him, as well as Cassandra, whom he had brought with him. After this Clytemnestra ascended the throne of Argos. In the meantime her son Orestes, after an absence of seven years, returned, resolved to avenge the death of his father Agamemnon. On an occasion when Ægysthus and Clytemnestra repaired to the Temple of Apollo, Orestes, with his friend Pylades, killed them. =Clyt´ia= or =Clyt´ie=. A daughter of Oceanus and Tethys, beloved by Apollo. She was changed into a sun-flower. =Co´cles, P. Horatius.= A celebrated Roman who alone opposed the whole army of Porsenna at the head of a bridge whilst his companions were cutting off the communication with the other shore. When the bridge was destroyed, Cocles, though wounded by the darts of the enemy, leapt into the Tiber and swam across it, armed as he was. For his heroism a brazen statue was raised to him in the Temple of Vulcan. =Co´drus.= The last king of Athens, son of Melanthus. When the Heraclidæ made war against Athens, the oracle said that the victory would be granted to that nation whose king was killed in battle. The Heraclidæ on hearing this gave orders to spare the life of Codrus, but the patriotic king disguised himself, and engaging with one of the enemy, was killed. The Athenians obtained the victory, and Codrus was regarded as the savior of his country. =Coe´lus= or =Ura´nus=. An ancient deity supposed to be the father of Saturn, Oceanus, and Hyperion. =Col´chis= or =Col´chos=. A country of Asia famous for the expedition of the Argonauts, and as being the birthplace of Medea. =Collati´nus, L. Tarquinius.= A nephew of Tarquin the Proud. He married Lucretia. He, with Brutus, drove the Tarquins from Rome. =Colos´sus.= A celebrated brazen image at Rhodes, which was considered to be one of the seven wonders of the world. =Com´modus, L. Aure´lius Antoni´nus=, son of M. Antoninus, succeeded his father in the Roman empire. He was naturally cruel and fond of indulging his licentious propensities. Desirous of being likened to Hercules, he adorned his shoulders with a lion's skin, and carried a knotted club in his hand. He fought with the gladiators, and boasted of his skill in killing wild beasts in the amphitheatre. He was strangled by a wrestler in the thirty-first year of his age, A.D. 192. =Co´mus.= The god of revelry, feasting, and nocturnal amusements. He is represented as a drunken young man with a torch in his hand. =Concor´dia.= The goddess of peace and concord at Rome, to whom Camillus raised a temple in the Capitol. =Confu´cius.= A Chinese philosopher, as much honored amongst his countrymen as if he had been a monarch. He died about 499 years B.C. =Co´non.= A famous general of Athens, son of Timotheus. He was made governor of all the islands of the Athenians, and was defeated in a naval battle by Lysander. He defeated the Spartans near Cnidos, when Pisander, the enemy's admiral, was killed. He died in prison B.C. 393. =Constan´tia.= A granddaughter of the great Constantine, married the Emperor Gratian. =Constanti´nus=, surnamed the Great from the greatness of his exploits, was son of Constantius. It is said that as he was going to fight against Maxentius, one of his rivals, he saw a cross in the sky with the inscription, _In hoc vince_. From this he became a convert to Christianity, ever after adopting a cross for his standard. He founded a city where old Byzantium formerly stood, and called it Constantinopolis. There he kept his court, and made it the rival of Rome in population and magnificence. He died A.D. 337, after a reign of thirty-one years of the greatest glory. =Constan´tius Chlo´rus=, son of Eutropius, and father of the great Constantine. He obtained victories in Britain and Germany. He became the colleague of Galerius on the abdication of Dioclesian, and died A.D. 306, bearing the reputation of being brave, humane, and benevolent. =Con´sul.= A magistrate at Rome with real authority for the space of a year. There were two consuls, who were annually chosen in the Campus Martius. The first two were L. Jun. Brutus and L. Tarquinius Collatinus. =Corin´na.= A celebrated woman of Thebes, whose father was Archelodorus. It is said that she obtained a poetical prize five times against the competitorship of Pindar. =Coriola´nus.= The surname of C. Martius, from his victory over Corioli. After a number of military exploits, and many services to his country, he was refused the consulship. He was banished, and went to the Volsci, where he met with a gracious reception from Tullus Aufidius, whom he advised to make war against Rome, marching with the Volsci as general. His approach alarmed the Romans, who sent his mother and his wife to meet him and appease his resentment against his countrymen, which with difficulty they succeeded in doing. =Corne´lia.= A daughter of Scipio Africanus, famous for her learning and virtues, and as being the mother of the Gracchi, Tiberius and Caius Gracchus. Her husband was T. Sempronius Gracchus. =Cras´sus, M. Licin´ius.= A celebrated Roman, who by educating slaves and selling them, became very wealthy. He was made consul with Pompey, and was afterwards censor, and formed one of the first triumvirate, his associates in it being Pompey and Cæsar. In the hope of enlarging his possessions he left Rome, crossed the Euphrates, and hastened to make himself master of Parthia. He was met by Surena, the Parthian general, and in the battle which ensued 20,000 of the Romans were killed and 10,000 made prisoners. Crassus surrendered, and was put to death B.C. 53. =Cre´on=, king of Corinth, was son of Sisyphus. He promised his daughter Glauce to Jason, who had repudiated Medea. To revenge herself on her rival, Medea sent her a present of a dress covered with poison. Glauce put it on, and was seized with sudden pain. Her body took fire, and she expired in the greatest agony. The house in which she was was also consumed, and Creon and his family shared Glauce's fate. =Cre´on.= King of Thebes, whose territories were ravaged by the Sphinx. Creon offered his crown to any one who would explain the enigmas proposed by the Sphinx. OEdipus solved the riddles, and ascended the throne of Thebes. =Croe´sus=, the fifth and last of the Mermnadæ, who reigned in Lydia, was the son of Alyattes, and was considered the richest man in the world. His court was an asylum for learning, and Æsop, the famous fable writer, with other learned men, lived under his patronage. "As rich as Croesus," has become a proverb. =Cupi´do=, god of love, son of Jupiter and Venus, is represented as a winged infant, naked, armed with a bow and arrows. On gems and ornaments he is represented generally as amusing himself with some childish diversion. Cupid, like the rest of the gods, assumed different shapes, and we find him in the Æneid putting on, at the request of his mother, the form of Ascanius, and going to Dido's court, where he inspired the queen with love. =Cur´tius, M.= A Roman who devoted himself to the service of his country, about 360 years B.C., by leaping on horseback, and fully armed, into a huge gap in the earth, at the command of the oracle. =Cyb´ele.= A goddess, daughter of Coelus and Terra, and wife of Saturn. She was supposed to be the same as Ceres, Rhea, Ops, Vesta, etc. According to Diodorus, she was the daughter of a Lydian prince. On her birth she was exposed on a mountain, where she was tended and fed by wild beasts, receiving the name of Cybele from the mountain where her life had been preserved. =Cyclo´pes.= A race of men of gigantic stature, supposed to be the sons of Coelus and Terra. They had only one eye, which was in the center of the forehead. According to Hesiod they were three in number, and named Arges, Brontes, and Steropes. =Cy´rus.= A king of Persia, son of Cambyses and Mandane, daughter of Astyages, king of Media. Xenophon has written the life of Cyrus; and delineates him as a brave and virtuous prince, and often puts in his mouth many of the sayings of Socrates. =Cy´rus= the younger was the son of Darius Nothus, and the brother of Artaxerxes, the latter succeeding to the throne at the death of Nothus. Cyrus was appointed to the command of Lydia and the sea-coasts, where he fomented rebellion and levied troops under various pretenses. At length he took the field with an army of 100,000 Barbarians and 13,000 Greeks under the command of Clearchus. Artaxerxes met him with 900,000 men near Cunaxa. The engagement ended fatally for Cyrus, who was killed 401 years B.C. =Dæd´alus=, an Athenian, was the most ingenious artist of his age; he was the inventor of the wedge and many other mechanical instruments. He made a famous labyrinth for Minos, king of Crete, but incurred the displeasure of Minos, who ordered him to be confined in the labyrinth. Here he made himself wings with feathers and wax, and fitted them to his body, adopting the same course with his son Icarus, who was the companion of his confinement. They mounted into the air, but the heat of the sun melted the wax on the wings of Icarus, and he fell into the ocean, which after him has been called the Icarian Sea. The father alighted safely at Cumæ, where he built a temple to Apollo. =Dan´ae=, daughter of Acrisius, king of Argos, and Eurydice. Jupiter was enamored with her, and they had a son, with whom Danae was exposed in a boat on the sea by her father. The winds carried them to the island of Seriphus, where she was saved by some fishermen, and carried to Polydectes, king of the place, whose brother, named Dictys, educated the child, who was called Perseus, and kindly treated the mother. =Dana´ides.= The fifty daughters of Danaus, king of Argos, who married the fifty sons of their uncle Ægyptus. Danaus had been told by the oracle that he would be killed by a son-in-law, and he made his daughters promise to slay their husbands immediately after marriage. All of them fulfilled their father's wishes except one, Hypermnestra, who spared her husband Lynceus. =Daph´ne.= A daughter of the River Peneus, or of the Ladon, and the goddess Terra, of whom Apollo became enamored. Daphne fled to avoid the addresses of this god, and was changed into a laurel. =Dar´danus.= A son of Jupiter, who killed his brother Jasius to obtain the kingdom of Etruria. He built the city of Dardania, and was reckoned to have been the founder of Troy. =Dari´us.= A noble satrap of Persia, son of Hystaspes, who usurped the crown of Persia after the death of Cambyses. Darius was twenty-nine years old when he ascended the throne, and he soon distinguished himself by his military prowess. He besieged Babylon, which he took after a siege of twenty months. He died B.C. 485. =Dari´us=, the second king of Persia of that name, ascended the throne of Persia soon after the murder of Xerxes. He carried on many wars with success, aided by his generals and his son Cyrus the younger. He died B.C. 404, after a reign of nineteen years. =Dari´us.= The third king of Persia of that name. He soon had to take the field against Alexander, who invaded Persia. Darius met him with an enormous army, which, however, was more remarkable for the luxuries indulged in by its leaders than for military courage. A battle was fought near the Granicus, in which the Persians were easily defeated, and another conflict followed near Issus, equally fatal to the Persians. Darius escaped and assembled another powerful army. The last and decisive battle was fought at Arbela, Alexander being again victorious. When the fight was over Darius was found in his chariot covered with wounds and expiring, B.C. 331. =Dejani´ra.= A daughter of OEneus, king of Ætolia. Her beauty procured her many admirers, and her father promised to give her in marriage to him who should excel in a competition of strength. Hercules obtained the prize, and married Dejanira. =Del´phi.= A town of Phocis, at the south-west side of Mount Parnassus. It was famous for a temple of Apollo, and for an oracle celebrated in every age and country. =Deme´trius.= A son of Antigonus and Stratonice, surnamed Poliorcetes, _destroyer of towns_. At the age of twenty-two he was sent by his father against Ptolemy, who had invaded Syria. He was defeated at Gaza, but soon afterwards obtained a victory. The greater part of his life was passed in warfare, his fortunes undergoing many changes. He was distinguished for his fondness of dissipation when in dissolute society, and for military skill and valor in the battle-field. He died B.C. 286. =Deme´trius.= Surnamed _Soter_, king of Syria. His father gave him as a hostage to the Romans. After the death of his father, Seleucus Philopator, Antiochus Epiphanes usurped the throne of Syria, and was succeeded by his son Antiochus Eupator. Demetrius procured his liberty, and established himself on the throne, causing Eupator to be put to death. =Deme´trius.= Son of Soter, whom he succeeded after he had driven from the throne a usurper, Alexander Bala. Demetrius gave himself up to luxury, and suffered his kingdom to be governed by his favorites, thus becoming odious to his subjects. He was at last killed by the governor of Tyre, where he had fled for protection. =Deme´trius Phale´reus.= A disciple of Theophrastus, who gained such influence over the Athenians by his eloquence and the purity of his manners that he was elected decennial archon, B.C. 317. He embellished the city, and rendered himself popular by his munificence, but his enemies plotted against him, and he fled to the court of Ptolemy Lagus, where he was received with kindness. He put an end to his life by permitting an asp to bite him, B.C. 284. There were several others of the name of Demetrius of minor note. =Democ´ritus.= A celebrated philosopher of Abdera, one of the disciples of Leucippus. He travelled over the greatest part of Europe, Asia, and Africa, in quest of knowledge, and returned home in the greatest poverty. He indulged in continual laughter at the follies of mankind for distracting themselves with care and anxiety in the short term of their lives. He told Darius, who was inconsolable for the loss of his wife, that he would raise her from the dead if he could find three persons who had gone through life without adversity, whose names he might engrave on the queen's monument. He taught his disciples that the soul died with the body. He died in his 109th year, B.C. 361. He has been termed "the laughing philosopher." =Demos´thenes.= A celebrated Athenian, was son of a rich blacksmith and Cleobule. He became pupil of Plato, and applied himself to study the orations of Isocrates. At the age of seventeen he gave early proof of his eloquence and abilities in displaying them against his guardians, from whom he obtained restitution of the greater part of his estate. To correct the stammering of voice under which he labored he spoke with pebbles in his mouth. In the battle of Cheronæa he evinced cowardice, and saved his life by flight. He ended his life by taking poison, which he always carried in a quill, in the sixtieth year of his age, B.C. 322. =Deuca´lion.= A son of Prometheus, who married Pyrrha, the daughter of Epimetheus. He reigned over part of Thessaly, and in his age the earth was covered by a deluge of water, sent by Jupiter as a punishment for the impiety of mankind. Deucalion constructed a ship, and by this means saved himself and Pyrrha. The ship, after being tossed on the waves for nine days, rested on Mount Parnassus. The deluge of Deucalion is supposed to have occurred B.C. 1503. =Dia´na.= The goddess of hunting. According to Cicero there were three of the name--viz.: a daughter of Jupiter and Proserpine, a daughter of Jupiter and Latona, and a daughter of Upis and Glauce. The second is the most celebrated, and all mention of Diana by ancient writers refers to her. To shun the society of men she devoted herself to hunting, and was always accompanied by a number of young women, who, like herself, abjured marriage. She is represented with a quiver, and attended by dogs. The most famous of her temples was that at Ephesus, which was one of the wonders of the world. =Dicta´tor.= A magistrate at Rome, invested with regal authority. =Di´do.= A daughter of Belus, king of Tyre, who married Sichæus or Sicharbus, her uncle, who was priest of Hercules. Pygmalion killed Sichæsus to obtain his immense riches, and Dido, disconsolate at the loss of her husband, set sail with a number of Tyrians in quest of a place in which to form a settlement. A storm drove her fleet on the African coast, and she bought of the inhabitants as much land as could be covered by a bull's hide cut into thongs. On this land she built a citadel called Byrsa, which was the nucleus of a great city. Her subjects wished her to marry again, but she refused, and erected a funeral pile, on which she ascended and stabbed herself to death. =Diocletia´nus, Cai´us Valer´ius Jo´vius.= A celebrated Roman emperor, born of an obscure family in Dalmatia. He was first a common soldier, and by merit gradually rose to the position of a general, and at length he was invested with imperial power. He has been celebrated for his military virtues, and though he was naturally unpolished by education, yet he was the friend and patron of learning and genius. His cruelty, however, against the followers of Christianity, has been severely reprobated. After reigning twenty-one years in great prosperity, he abdicated, A.D. 304, and died nine years afterwards, aged sixty-eight. =Diodo´rus, Sic´ulus.= Celebrated as the author of a history of Egypt, Persia, Syria, Media, Greece, Rome and Carthage. It was divided into forty books, of which only fifteen are extant, with a few fragments. =Dio´genes.= A celebrated cynic philosopher of Sinope, banished from his country for coining false money. From Sinope he retired to Athens, where he became the disciple of Antisthenes, who was at the head of the Cynics. He dressed himself in the garment which distinguished the Cynics, and walked about the streets with a tub on his head, which served him as a house. His singularity, joined to his great contempt for riches, gained him reputation, and Alexander the Great visited the philosopher and asked him if there was anything in which he could oblige him. "Get out of my sunshine," was the reply of the Cynic. Such independence pleased the monarch, who, turning to his courtiers, said, "Were I not Alexander, I would wish to be Diogenes." He was once sold as a slave, and his magnanimity so pleased his master, that he made him the preceptor of his children and the guardian of his estates. He died, B.C. 324, in the ninety-sixth year of his age. The life of Diogenes does not bear strict examination: whilst boasting of his poverty, he was so arrogant that it has been observed that his virtues arose from pride and vanity, not from wisdom or sound philosophy. =Dio´genes Laer´tius.= An Epicurean philosopher, born in Cilicia. He wrote the lives of the philosophers, in ten books. This work contains an accurate account of the ancient philosophers, and is replete with anecdotes respecting them. It is compiled, however, without any plan, method, or precision, though neatness and conciseness are observable in it. =Diome´des=, a son of Tydeus and Deiphyle, was king of Ætolia, and one of the bravest of the Grecian chiefs in the Trojan war. He often engaged Hector and Æneas, and obtained much military glory. =Diome´des.= A king of Thrace, son of Mars and Cyrene, who fed his horses with human flesh. Hercules destroyed Diomedes, and gave him to his own horses to be devoured. =Di´on.= A Syracusan, son of Hipparina, famous for his power and abilities. He was related to Dionysius the First, who constantly advised with him, and at whose court he obtained great popularity. He was assassinated 354 years before the Christian era by one of his familiar friends. His death was greatly lamented by the Syracusans, who raised a monument to his memory. When Dionysius the Second ascended the throne he banished Dion, who collected some forces, and in three days made himself master of Syracuse. =Di´on Cas´sius.= A native of Nicæa in Bithynia, who was raised to some of the greatest offices of state in the Roman empire. He is celebrated as the writer of a history of Rome which occupied him twelve years in composing. =Dionys´ius= the Elder was son of Hermocrates. He signalized himself in the wars which the Syracusans carried on against Carthage, and made himself absolute at Syracuse. His tyranny rendered himself odious to his subjects. He made a subterraneous cave in a rock in the form of a human ear, which was called "the Ear of Dionysius." The sounds of this cave were all directed to one common tympanum, which had a communication with an adjoining room, where Dionysius spent part of his time in listening to what was said by those whom he had imprisoned. He died in the sixty-third year of his age, B.C. 368, after a reign of thirty-eight years. =Dionys´ius= the Younger was son of Dionysius the First and Doris. He succeeded his father, and as soon as he ascended the throne he invited Plato to his court and studied under him for some time. Plato advised him to lay aside the supreme power, in which he was supported by Dion. This highly incensed Dionysius, who banished Dion, who collected forces in Greece, and in three days rendered himself master of Syracuse, and expelled the tyrant, B.C. 357. He, however, recovered Syracuse ten years afterward, but was soon compelled to retire again by the Corinthians under Timoleon. =Dionys´ius= of Halicarnassus. A historian who left his country and came to reside in Rome that he might study all the authors who had written Roman history. He was occupied during twenty-four years on his work on Roman antiquities, which consisted of twenty books. =Dir´ce.= A woman whom Lycus, king of Thebes, married after he had divorced Antiope. Amphion and Zethus, sons of Antiope, for cruelties she practiced on Antiope, tied Dirce to the tail of a wild bull, by which she was dragged over rocks and precipices till the gods pitied her and changed her into a fountain. =Discor´dia.= A malevolent deity, daughter of Nox, and sister to Nemesis, the Parcæ, and Death. She was driven from heaven by Jupiter because she sowed dissensions amongst the gods. At the nuptials of Peleus and Thetis she threw an apple amongst the gods, inscribed with the words, _Detur pulchriori_, which was the primary cause of the ruin of Troy, and of infinite misfortunes to the Greeks. =Dolabel´la, P. Corn.= A Roman who married the daughter of Cicero. During the civil wars he warmly espoused the cause of Julius Cæsar, whom he accompanied at the famous battles of Pharsalia and Munda. =Domitia´nus, Ti´tus Fla´vius=, son of Vespasian and Flavia Domitilla, made himself emperer of Rome on the death of his brother Titus, whom, according to some accounts, he destroyed by poison. The beginning of his reign promised hopefully, but Domitian became cruel, and gave way to vicious indulgences. In the latter part of his reign he became suspicious and remorseful. He was assassinated A.D. 96, in the forty-fifth year of his age. =Dra´co.= A celebrated lawgiver of Athens, who made a code of laws, B.C. 623, which, on account of their severity, were said to be written in letters of blood. Hence the term "Draconic," applied to any punishment of exceptional severity. =Dru´sus.= A son of Tiberius and Vipsania, who became famous for his courage displayed in Illyricum and Pannonia. =Dru´sus, M. Liv´ius.= A celebrated Roman, who renewed the proposals bearing on the Agrarian laws, which had proved fatal to the Gracchi. =Dru´sus, Ne´ro Clau´dius.= A son of Tiberius Nero and Livia. He distinguished himself in the wars in Germany and Gaul, and was honored with a triumph. There were other Romans of the same name, but of smaller distinction. =Dry´ades.= Nymphs that presided over the woods. Oblations of milk, oil, and honey were offered to them. Sometimes the votaries of the Dryads sacrificed a goat to them. =Duum´viri.= Two patricians at Rome, first appointed by Tarquin to keep the Sibylline books, which were supposed to contain the fate of the Roman empire. =Ech´o.= A daughter of the Air and Tellus, who was one of Juno's attendants. She was deprived of speech by Juno, but was allowed to reply to questions put to her. =Ege´ria.= A nymph of Aricia in Italy, where Diana was particularly worshiped. Egeria was courted by Numa, and, according to Ovid, became his wife. Ovid says that she was disconsolate at the death of Numa, and that she wept so violently that Diana changed her into a fountain. =Elec´tra.= A daughter of Agamemnon, king of Argos. She incited her brother Orestes to revenge his father's death by assassinating his mother Clytemnestra. Her adventures and misfortunes form the subject of one of the finest of the tragedies of Sophocles. =Eleu´sinia.= A great festival observed by the Lacedæmonians, Cretans, and others, every fourth year, and by the people of Athens every fifth year, at Eleusis in Attica, where it was introduced by Eumolpus, B.C. 1356. It was the most celebrated of all the religious ceremonies of Greece. The term "Mysteries" is often applied to it. The expression "Eleusinian mysteries," as applied to anything that is inexplicable, has become proverbial. =Elys´ium.= The Elysian Fields, a place in the infernal regions, where, according to the ancients, the souls of the virtuous existed after death. =Emped´ocles.= A philosopher, poet, and historian of Agrigentum in Sicily, who lived 444 B.C. He was a Pythagorean, and warmly espoused the belief in the transmigration of souls. =Endym´ion.= A shepherd, son of Æthlius and Calyce. He is said to have required of Jupiter that he might be always young. Diana saw him as he slept on Mount Latmus, and was so struck with his beauty that she came down from heaven every night to visit him. =En´nius.= An ancient poet, born in Calabria. He obtained the privileges of a Roman citizen on account of his learning and genius. =E´os.= The name of Aurora among the Greeks. =Epaminon´das.= A famous Theban descended from the ancient kings of Boeotia. At the head of the Theban armies he defeated the Spartans at the celebrated battle of Leuctra about 370 B.C. He was killed in battle in the forty-eighth year of his age. =Eph´esus.= A city of Ionia, famous for a temple of Diana, which was considered to be one of the seven wonders of the world. =Epicte´tus.= A Stoic philosopher of Hieropolis, originally the slave of Epaphroditus, the freedman of Nero. He supported the doctrine of the immortality of the soul. =Epicu´rus.= A celebrated philosopher, born in Attica of obscure parents. He distinguished himself at school by the brilliancy of his genius. He taught that the happiness of mankind consisted in pleasure, which arises from mental enjoyment, and the sweets of virtue. His death occurred 270 B.C., his age being seventy-two. =Er´ato.= One of the Muses. She presided over lyric poetry, and is represented as crowned with roses and myrtle, and holding a lyre in her hand. =Er´ebus=, A deity of the infernal regions, son of Chaos and Darkness. The poets often use the word to signify the infernal regions. =Ete´ocles.= A king of Thebes, son of OEdipus and Jocasta. After his father's death it was agreed between him and his brother Polynices that they should reign a year each alternately. Eteocles first ascended the throne, but at the end of the year he refused to resign the crown. Thus treated, Polynices implored assistance from Adrastus, king of Argos, whose daughter he married, and who placed an army at his disposal. Eteocles marshalled his forces, and several skirmishes took place between the hostile hosts, when it was agreed on that the brothers should decide the contest by single combat. They fought with inveterate fury, and both were killed. =Eucli´des.= A famous mathematician of Alexandria, who lived B.C. 300. He wrote fifteen books on the elements of mathematics. Euclid was so much respected that King Ptolemy became one of his pupils. =Eu´menes.= A Greek officer in the army of Alexander. He was the most worthy of all Alexander's generals to succeed him after his death. He conquered Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, of which he obtained the government, till the power of Antigonus obliged him to retire. Eventually, after many vicissitudes of fortune, he was put to death in prison by order of Antigonus. =Eumen´ides.= A name given to the Furies. They sprang from the drops of blood which flowed from a wound which Coelus received from Saturn. According to some writers they were daughters of the Earth, and sprung from the blood of Saturn. Others make them to be daughters of Acheron and Night, or Pluto and Proserpine. According to the generally received opinion they were three in number--Tisiphone, Megara, and Alecto, to which some add Nemesis. =Euphor´bus.= A famous Trojan. He wounded Patroclus, whom Hector killed. He died by the hand of Menelaus. =Euphra´tes.= A large river in Asia which flowed through the middle of the city of Babylon. =Eurip´ides.= A celebrated tragic poet born at Salamis. He studied eloquence under Prodicus, ethics under Socrates, and philosophy under Anaxagoras. He often retired to a solitary cave, where he wrote his tragedies. It is said that he met his death by being attacked and torn in pieces by dogs, 407 years before the Christian era, in the seventy-eighth year of his age. He is accredited with the authorship of seventy-five tragedies, of which only nineteen are extant. One of his plays, "Ion," has become familiarized in name to general readers by the exquisite play thus called written by the late Judge Talfourd, and first acted at Covent Garden theater, May 26, 1836. =Euro´pa.= A daughter of Agenor, king of Phoenicia, and Telaphassa. Her beauty attracted Jupiter, and to become possessed of her he assumed the shape of a handsome bull, and mingled with the herds of Agenor while Europa was gathering flowers in the meadows. She caressed the animal, and mounted on his back. The god crossed the sea with her, and arrived in Crete, where he assumed his proper form, and declared his love. She became mother of Minos, Sarpedon, and Rhadamanthus. =Euryd´ice.= The wife of the poet Orpheus. As she fled from Aristæus, who was enamored with her, she was bit by a serpent, and died of the wound. Orpheus was disconsolate at her loss, and descended to the infernal regions in search of her, and by the melody of his lyre he obtained from Pluto the restoration of Eurydice, provided he did not look behind him till he reached the earth; but his eagerness to see his wife caused him to violate the conditions, and he looked behind him, thus losing Eurydice forever. =Euryd´ice.= Wife of Amyntas, king of Macedonia. Alexander, Perdiccas, and Philip were their sons, and they had a daughter named Euryone. She conspired against Amyntas, but was prevented from killing him by Euryone. =Eurys´thenes.= A son of Aristodemus, who lived in perpetual dissension with his twin brother Procles whilst they both sat on the Spartan throne. The descendants of Eurysthenes were called Eurysthenidæ, and those of Procles Proclidæ. =Eurys´theus.= A king of Argos and Mycenæ, son of Sthenelus and Nicippe. Juno hastened his birth by two months that he might come into the world before Hercules, the son of Alcmena, as the younger of the two was doomed by Jupiter to be subservient to the other. This natural right was cruelly exercised by Eurystheus, who was jealous of the fame of Hercules, and who, to destroy him, imposed upon him the most dangerous enterprises, known as the Twelve Labors of Hercules, all of which were successfully accomplished. =Euse´bius.= A bishop of Cæsarea, in favor with the Emperor Constantine. He was mixed up in the theological disputes of Arius and Athanasius, and distinguished himself by writing an ecclesiastical history and other works. =Euter´pe.= One of the Muses, daughter of Jupiter and Mnemosyne. She presided over music. =Entro´pius.= A Latin historian in the age of Julian. He wrote an epitome of the history of Rome from the age of Romulus to the reign of the emperor Valens. =Fa´bii.= A noble and powerful family at Rome. They fought with the Veientes, and all of them were slain. One of the family, of tender age, remained in Rome, and from him descended the family which afterwards became so distinguished. =Fa´bius, Max´imus Rullia´nus=, was the first of the Fabii who obtained the name of "Maximus." He was master of the horse, and his victory over the Samnites in that capacity nearly cost him his life. He was five times consul, twice dictator, and once censor. =Fa´bius, Q. Max´imus.= A celebrated Roman who was raised to the highest offices of state. In his first consulship he obtained a victory over Liguria, and the battle of Thrasymenus caused his election to the dictatorship. In this office he opposed Hannibal, harassing him more by countermarches and ambuscades than by fighting in the open field. He died at the age of 100, after being consul five times. Others of the family were of minor distinction, though their names occur in Roman history. =Fabric´ius, Cai´us.= A distinguished Roman, who in his first consulship obtained several victories over the Samnites and Lucanians. He had the most consummate knowledge of military matters, and was distinguished for the simplicity of his manners. =Faler´nus.= A fertile mountain and plain of Campania, famous for its wine. Falernian wine was held in great esteem by the Romans, and it is often alluded to by the poets. =Fau´ni.= Rural deities represented as having the legs, feet, and ears of goats, and the rest of the body human. =Flac´cus.= A consul who marched against Sylla and was assassinated. =Flamin´ius, T. Q.= A famous Roman who was trained in the art of war against Hannibal. He was sent in command of the Roman troops against Philip of Macedonia, and met with great success. =Flo´ra.= The goddess of flowers and gardens among the Romans. She was the same as the Chloris of the Greeks. =Fortu´na.= A powerful deity among the ancients, daughter of Oceanus, according to Homer, or one of the Parcæ according to Pindar. She was the goddess of Fortune, and bestowed riches or poverty on mankind. =Ful´via.= An ambitious woman, wife of the tribune Clodius, afterwards of Curio, and lastly of Antony. Antony divorced her for Cleopatra. She attempted to avenge her wrongs by persuading Augustus to take up arms against Antony. =Galatæ´a.= A sea nymph, daughter of Nereus and Doris. She was loved by Polyphemus, the Cyclops, whom she treated with disdain, while she was in love with Acis, a shepherd of Sicily. =Gal´ba, Ser´vius Sulpi´cius.= A Roman who rose to the greatest offices of the state, and exercised his powers with equity till he was seated on the throne, when his virtues disappeared. He was assassinated in the seventy-third year of his age. =Gallie´nus, Pub. Licin´ius.= A son of the emperor Valerian. He reigned conjointly with his father for seven years, and then became sole emperor, A.D. 260. In his youth he showed military ability in an expedition against the Germans and Sarmatæ, but when possessed of the purple he gave himself up to pleasure and vice. He was assassinated in his fiftieth year, A.D. 268. =Gal´lus, Corne´lius.= A Roman knight famous for his poetical as well as his military talents. He was greatly attached to his slave Lycoris (or Cytheris), whose beauty he extolled in his poetry. =Ganyme´des.= A beautiful youth of Phrygia. He was taken to heaven by Jupiter while tending flocks on Mount Ida, and he became the cupbearer of the gods in place of Hebe. =Gel´lius Au´lus.= A Roman grammarian in the age of M. Antoninus. He wrote a work called "Noctes Atticæ," which he composed at Athens. =German´icus Cæ´sar.= A son of Drusus and Antonia, the niece of Augustus. He was raised to the most important position in the state, and was employed in war in Germany, where his successes obtained him a triumph. He was secretly poisoned, A.D. 19, in the thirty-fourth year of his age. He has been commended not only for his military talents but for his learning and humanity. =Ge´ryon.= A monster, represented by the poets as having three bodies and three heads. It was killed by Hercules. =Gigan´tes.= The sons of Coelus and Terra, who, according to Hesiod, sprang from the blood of a wound inflicted on Coelus by his son Saturn. They are represented as huge giants, with strength in accordance with their size. =Glau´cus.= A son of Hippolochus, the son of Bellerophon. He aided Priam in the Trojan war, and was noted for his folly in exchanging his golden armor with Diomedes for an iron one. =Glau´cus.= A fisherman of Boeotia. He observed that the fishes which he caught and laid on the grass became invigorated and leaped into the sea. He tasted the grass, and suddenly felt a desire to live in the sea. He was made a sea deity by Oceanus and Tethys. =Glau´cus.= A son of Minos the Second and Pasiphae, who was smothered in a cask of honey. The soothsayer Polyidus, on being commanded by Minos to find his son, discovered him, and by rubbing his body with a certain herb restored him to life. =Gordia´nus, M. Anto´nius Africa´nus.= Son of Metius Marcellus. He applied himself to poetry, and composed a poem in thirty books. He was sent as proconsul to Africa, and subsequently, when he had attained his eightieth year, he was proclaimed emperor. He strangled himself at Carthage A.D. 236, and was deeply lamented by the army and the people. =Gordia´nus, M. Anto´nius Africa´nus=, son of Gordianus, was made prefect of Rome, and afterwards consul, by Alexander Severus. He was elected emperor in conjunction with his father. He was killed in a battle fought with Maximinus in Mauritania. =Gordia´nus M. Anto´nius Pius=, was grandson of the first Gordian. He was proclaimed emperor in the sixteenth year of his age. He married the daughter of Misetheus, who was distinguished by his virtues, and to whom Gordian intrusted many of the chief offices of the state. Gordian conquered Sapor, king of Persia, and took many cities from him. He was assassinated A.D. 244. =Gor´dius.= A Phrygian who, from the position of a peasant, was raised to the throne consequent on a prediction of the oracle. The knot which tied the yoke to the draught-tree of his chariot was made so cunningly that the ends of the cord could not be seen, and a report arose that the empire of Asia was promised by the oracle to him who should untie the Gordian knot. Alexander cut the knot with his sword. =Gor´gones= (the Gorgons). Three sisters, daughters of Phorcys and Ceto, whose names were Stheno, Euryale, and Medusa. They possessed the power of turning into stone those on whom they looked. Perseus attacked them and cut off Medusa's head, which he gave to Minerva, who placed it on her ægis, which turned into stone those who fixed their eyes on it. =Grac´chus, T. Sempronius=, was twice consul and once censor. He married Cornelia, of the family of the Scipios, a woman of piety and learning. Their children, Tiberius and Caius, rendered themselves famous for their obstinate attachment to the interests of the populace, which at last proved fatal to them. The Gracchi stand out conspicuously in Roman annals. The history of Gaius Gracchus has been dramatized by James Sheridan Knowles. It was one of his earliest efforts in dramatic literature, and has long been obsolete as an acting play. =Gymna´sium.= A place among the Greeks where all the public exercises were performed, and where not only dancers and wrestlers exhibited, but where poets and philosophers repeated their compositions. =Ha´des=, see ADES. =Halicarnas´sus.= A maritime city in Asia Minor, where a mausoleum, one of the seven wonders of the world, was erected. It is celebrated as being the birthplace of Herodotus, Dionysius, and Heraclitus. =Hamadry´ades.= Nymphs who lived in the country and presided over trees. =Hamil´car.= A famous Carthaginian, father of Hannibal. He was engaged in Sicily during the first Punic war. He used to say of his three sons that he kept three lions to devour the Roman power. =Han´nibal.= A celebrated Carthaginian general, son of Hamilcar. While a child he took a solemn oath never to be at peace with Rome. His passage of the Alps with a great army was achieved by softening the rocks with fire and vinegar, so that even his armed elephants descended the mountains without difficulty. He defeated the Romans in the great battle of Cannæ, but was subsequently conquered by Scipio at Zama. He died by poison taken from a ring in which he kept it concealed. This occurred in his seventieth year, about 182 years B.C. =Harmo´dius.= A friend of Aristogiton who assisted in delivering his country from the tyranny of the Pisistratidæ. =Harpy´læ.= The Harpies, winged monsters who had the face of a woman, the body of a vulture, and feet and fingers armed with claws. They were three in number--Aello, Ocypete, and Celeno. They were daughters of Neptune and Terra. =Has´drubal.= A son of Hamilcar, and brother of Hannibal. He crossed the Alps and entered Italy, where he was defeated by the consuls, M. Livius Salinator and Claudius Nero. He was killed in the battle B.C. 207, and his head was sent to Hannibal. One of the finest passages in Professor Nichol's tragedy of Hannibal is the invocation over Hasdrubal's head at the close of the play. =He´be.= A daughter of Jupiter and Juno. She was made cup-bearer to the gods, but was dismissed from the office by Jupiter, because she fell down in a clumsy posture as she was pouring out nectar at a festival, and Ganymedes succeeded her as cupbearer. =Hec´ate.= A daughter of Persus and Asteria. She was called Luna in heaven, Diana on earth, and Hecate or Proserpine in hell. =Hec´tor=, son of King Priam and Hecuba, was the most valiant of all the Trojan chiefs who fought against the Greeks. He married Andromache, the daughter of Eetion, Astyanax being their son. Hector was made chief of the Trojan forces when Troy was besieged by the Greeks, and it is said that thirty-one of the most valiant Greek chiefs were killed by him, but when he met Achilles he fled. Achilles pursued him, and Hector was killed, and his body dragged in triumph at the chariot wheels of the conqueror. =Hec´uba=, daughter of Dymas, a Phrygian prince, or, according to some, of Cisseus, a Thracian king, was the second wife of Priam, king of Troy. When her son Paris was born, she exposed him on Mount Ida, hoping he would perish, as the soothsayers had predicted that he would be the ruin of his country. In the Trojan war she saw most of her children perish. After enduring many misfortunes, she threw herself into the sea, and was drowned. =Hel´ena.= One of the most beautiful women in the age in which she lived. Her beauty was so universally admired, even in her infancy, that Theseus, with his friend Pirithous, carried her away when she was ten years of age and concealed her with his mother, but she was recovered by Castor and Pollux, and restored to her native country. She married Menelaus, son of Atreus, but when Paris visited Menelaus he persuaded her to fly with him to Troy, B.C. 1198. On this, Menelaus sent ambassadors to the court of Priam to demand her restitution, but in vain, and the result was the Trojan war. When Troy was taken she returned to Menelaus, and after his death she retired to Rhodes, where she was strangled by order of Polyxo, who reigned there. Her beauty and misfortunes have been a theme for the poets in all ages. =Hel´icon.= A mountain of Boeotia on the borders of Phocis. It was sacred to the Muses, who had a temple there. The fountain Hippocrene flowed from this mountain. =Heliogab´alus, M. Aure´lius Antoni´nus.= A Roman emperor who had been priest to a divinity in Phoenicia. Under his sway Rome became the scene of cruelty and vice. He raised his horse to the honors of consulship, and indulged in a number of absurdities which rendered him odious to his subjects. His head was cut off by his soldiers A.D. 222. =Hel´le.= A daughter of Athamas and Nephele. She fled from her father's house to avoid the oppression of her mother-in-law Ino. According to some accounts she was carried through the air on a golden ram, when, becoming giddy, she fell into the sea, which received from her the name Hellespont. =Hellespon´tus.= A narrow strait between Europe and Asia, which received its name from Helle, who is said to have been drowned in it. It is celebrated as being the scene of the love and death of Leander. =Heracli´tus.= A celebrated Greek philosopher of Ephesus, who lived about 500 years before the Christian era. He received the appellation of the Obscure Philosopher and the Mourner, from his custom of weeping at the follies and frailties of human life. =Hercula´neum.= A town of Campania swallowed up by an earthquake, produced by an eruption of Mount Vesuvius, A.D. 79. =Her´cules.= A celebrated hero who, after death, was ranked among the gods. According to the ancients there were many persons of the same name, but the son of Jupiter and Alcmena, generally called the Theban, is the most celebrated. The birth of Hercules was attended with many miraculous events. Before he was eight months old Juno sent two snakes to devour him, which he seized, and crushed them to death. He achieved a series of enterprises known as the "Twelve Labors of Hercules." These comprised the slaughter of the Nemæan lion, the destruction of the Lernæan hydra, the catching of a stag having golden horns and remarkable for his swiftness, the seizing alive a wild boar which committed great ravages, the cleansing of the stables of Augias, the killing of the carnivorous birds near Lake Stymphalis, the taking captive a prodigious wild bull, the obtaining the mares of Diomedes which fed on human flesh, the getting possession of the girdle of the queen of the Amazons, the destruction of the monster Geryon, the obtaining the apples from the garden of the Hesperides, and the bringing to the earth the three-headed dog Cerberus. Besides these labors he aided the gods in their wars with the giants, and performed numerous difficult feats. He was conducted by Mercury to Omphale, queen of Lydia, whom he married, and whom he permitted to dress in his armor while he was sitting to spin with her female servants. He delivered Dejanira from the Centaur Nessus, whom he killed. The Centaur, as he expired, gave Dejanira a mystic tunic, which, in a jealous paroxysm, she gave to Hercules to put on, which he had no sooner done than he was seized with a desperate distemper which was incurable. He erected a burning pile on Mount Ætna, on which he cast himself. Jupiter surrounded the burning pile with smoke, amidst which Hercules, after his mortal parts were consumed, was carried to heaven in a chariot drawn by four horses. =Her´mes.= A name of Mercury among the Greeks. =Hermin´ius.= A valiant Roman who defended the bridge with Cocles against the army of Porsenna. =Hermi´one.= A daughter of Mars and Venus who married Cadmus. She was changed into a serpent, and placed in the Elysian Fields. =Hermi´one.= A daughter of Menelaus and Helen. She was privately promised in marriage to Orestes, the son of Agamemnon, but her father, ignorant of the engagement, gave her hand to Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles, whose services he had experienced in the Trojan war. =Hermip´pus.= A freedman, disciple of Philo, in the reign of Adrian, by whom he was greatly esteemed. He wrote five books on dreams. =Hermoc´rates.= A general of Syracuse, who was sent against the Athenians. His lenity towards the Athenian prisoners was regarded with suspicion. He was banished from Sicily, and was murdered on his attempt to return to his country. =Hermodo´rus.= A philosopher of Ephesus who is said to have assisted, as interpreter, the Roman decemvirs, in the composition of the ten tables of laws which had been collected in Greece. =He´ro.= A beautiful girl of Sestos, greatly beloved by Leander, a youth of Abydos. The lovers were greatly attached to each other, and often in the night Leander swam across the Hellespont to Hero in Sestos, till on one tempestuous night he was drowned, and Hero in despair threw herself into the sea and perished. =Hero´des=, surnamed the Great, followed the fortunes of Brutus and Cassius, and afterwards those of Antony. He was made king of Judæa by the aid of Antony, and after the battle of Actium he was continued in power by submission to and flattery of Augustus. He rendered himself odious by his cruelty, and as he knew his death would be a cause for rejoicing, he ordered a number of the most illustrious of his subjects to be confined and murdered directly he expired, that there might appear to be grief and shedding of tears for his own death. Herod died in the seventieth year of his age, after a reign of 40 years. =Herod´otus.= A celebrated historian of Halicarnassus. He ranks amongst historians as Homer does amongst the poets and Demosthenes amongst the orators. His great work is a history of the wars of the Persians against the Greeks, from the age of Cyrus to the battle of Mycale in the reign of Xerxes; besides which it gives an account of many celebrated nations. A life of Homer is attributed to his pen, though by some the authorship is doubted. =Hesi´odus.= A celebrated poet, born at Ascra in Boeotia. He lived in the age of Homer, and obtained a poetical prize in competition with him, according to Varro and Plutarch. Quintilian, Philostratus, and others, maintain that Hesiod lived before the age of Homer. Hesiod, without possessing the sublimity of Homer, is admired for the elegance of his diction. =Hesi´one.= A daughter of Laodemon, king of Troy. It was her fate to be exposed to a sea-monster, to whom the Trojans presented yearly a young girl to appease the resentment of Apollo and Neptune, whom Laodemon had offended. Hercules undertook to rescue her, and attacking the monster just as he was about to devour her, killed him with his club. =Hesper´ides.= Three Nymphs, daughters of Hesperus. Apollodorus mentions four, Ægle, Erythia, Vesta and Arethusa. They were appointed to guard the golden apples which Juno gave to Jupiter on the day of their marriage. The place where the Hesperides lived was a celebrated garden, abounding with delicious fruit, and was guarded by a dragon which never slept. It was one of the labors of Hercules to procure some of the golden apples, which he succeeded in doing after slaying the dragon. =Hieron´ymus.= A tyrant of Sicily, who succeeded to the throne when he was fifteen years old. He rendered himself odious by his cruelty and oppression. =Hieron´ymus.= A Christian writer, commonly called St. Jerome. He was distinguished for his zeal against heretics. He wrote commentaries on the prophets, St. Matthew's Gospel, &c. He died A.D. 420, in his eightieth year. =Hippar´chus.= A son of Pisistratus, who succeeded his father, as tyrant of Athens, with his brother Hippias. He patronized some of the learned men of his age, and distinguished himself for his love of literature. =Hippoc´rates.= A celebrated physician of Cos. He delivered Athens from a dreadful pestilence in the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, for which he was rewarded with a golden crown. He died in his ninety-ninth year, B.C. 361. =Hippocre´ne.= A fountain of Boeotia, near Mount Helicon, sacred to the Muses. It rose from the ground when struck by the feet of the horse Pegasus. =Hippodami´a.= A daughter of OEnomaus, king of Pisa, who married Pelops, son of Tantalus. Her father would marry her only to some one who should conquer him in a chariot race. Her beauty was great, and many were competitors for her hand, though the conditions involved death in case of defeat in the race. After thirteen suitors had been defeated, Pelops entered the lists, and by bribing the charioteer of OEnomaus, obtained the victory and married Hippodamia. =Hippol´yte.= A queen of the Amazons, given in marriage to Theseus by Hercules. Hippolytus was their son. =Hippol´ytus.= Son of Theseus and Hippolyte. His step-mother Phædra fell in love with him. He fled to the sea-shore, where, his horses taking fright and rushing among the rocks, his chariot was broken in pieces, and he was killed. According to some accounts he was restored to life by Diana. =Hippo´nax.= A Greek poet born at Ephesus, 540 years before the Christian era. He cultivated satirical poetry, which was marked by its beauty and vigor. =Home´rus.= A celebrated Greek poet, the most ancient of all the profane writers. The age in which he lived is not known, though some suppose it to be about 168 years after the Trojan war. Uncertainty prevails, also, as to the place of his nativity, seven cities claiming to be thus honored. These are Smyrna, Chios, Colophon, Salamis, Rhodos, Argos, and Athenæ. In his two famous poems, the Iliad and Odyssey, he has displayed the most consummate knowledge of human nature, and rendered himself immortal by the sublimity and elegance of his poetry. In the Iliad be gives a narrative of the siege of Troy, and the Odyssey deals with the wanderings of Ulysses after the fall of the city. =Hono´rius.= An emperor of the Western Empire of Rome, who succeeded his father, Theodosius the Great. He conquered his enemies by the ability of his generals, and suffered his people to be governed by ministers who took advantage of his indolence and indifference. He died A.D. 423. =Hora´tii.= Three brave Romans, born at the same time, who fought against the three Curiatii about 667 years before Christ. At the beginning of the fight two of the Horatii were killed, and the surviving one pretended to fly, thus separating his antagonists as they pursued him, and then, attacking them singly, he slew them all. =Hora´tius Q. Flac´cus.= A celebrated poet born at Venusia. His rising talents obtained the attention of Virgil and Varius, who recommended him to the care of Mæcenas and Augustus, the celebrated patrons of literature. Under this fostering patronage Horace gave himself up to indolence and pleasure. He was warm in his friendships, and if he at any time gave offense he was ready to make any concession to effect a reconciliation. In his satires and epistles he displays much wit and satirical humor. He died in his fifty-seventh year, B.C. 8. =Hora´tius.= See =Cocles=. =Horten´sius, Q.= A celebrated orator who began to distinguish himself in the Roman Forum when he was nineteen years old. Cicero speaks eulogistically of his oratorical powers, and of his retentive memory. Quintilian alludes to his orations in terms of high commendation. =Hyacin´thus.= A son of Amyclas and Diomede, greatly beloved by Apollo and Zephyrus. He was accidentally killed by Apollo, who changed his blood into a flower which bore his name. =Hy´bla.= A mountain in Sicily, famous for the odoriferous herbs which grew on it. It was famous for its honey. =Hy´dra.= A celebrated monster which infested the neighborhood of Lake Lerna in Peloponnesus. It was one of the labors of Hercules to destroy the monster, which he effected with the aid of Iolas. =Hyge´ia.= The goddess of health, daughter of Æsculapius. She was held in great veneration among the ancients. =Hymenæ´us= or =Hy´men=, the god of marriage among the Greeks, was the son of Bacchus and Venus, or, according to some, of Apollo and one of the Muses. =Hymet´tus.= A mountain of Attica, about two miles from Athens, famous for its bees and honey. =Hyperi´on.= A son of Coelus and Terra, who married Thea. Aurora was their daughter. Hyperion is often used by the poets to signify the sun. Also in "Troilus and Cressida" and other of Shakspeare's plays, the same license is used. =Hypermnes´tra.= One of the Danaides, who were the fifty daughters of Danaus. She was ordered by her father to murder her husband Lynceus on the night of their marriage, which she refused to do. Danaus wished to punish her for her disobedience, but afterwards forgave her, and left his kingdom at his death to Lynceus. =Hypsip´yle.= A queen of Lemnos, daughter of Thoas. During her reign, Venus, whose altars had been slighted, punished the Lemnian women by causing their husbands' affections to be estranged from them. This enraged the women, and they put to death their male relations, except in the case of Hypsipyle, who spared her father Thoas. =Ic´arus.= A son of Daedalus, who, with his father, took a winged flight from Crete to escape the anger of Minos. His flight was too high, and thus the sun melted the wax which cemented his wings, and he fell into the sea and was drowned. =Idom´eneus= succeeded his father Deucalion on the throne of Crete, and accompanied the Greeks to the Trojan war, during which he rendered himself famous for his valor. On his voyage home, being caught in a great tempest, he vowed to Neptune that if he escaped he would make an offering to the god of the first living creature he saw on his arrival at the Cretan shore. He escaped the storm, and the first to meet him on his landing was his son. He performed his vow, and became so odious to his subjects that he had to leave his dominions. =Igna´tius.= A bishop of Antioch, torn to pieces by lions in the amphitheater at Rome A.D. 107. His works consisted of letters to the Ephesians, Romans, etc. He zealously supported the doctrine of the divinity of Christ. =I´lus=, fourth king of Troy, was son of Tros by Callirrhoe. He married Eurydice, the daughter of Adrastus. He embellished the city of Ilium, called also Troy from his father Tros. =I´no.= A daughter of Cadmus and Harmonia, who nursed Bacchus. She married Athamas, king of Thebes, after he had divorced Nephele. =I´o=, a daughter of Inachus, was a priestess of Juno at Argos. Juno changed her into a beautiful heifer, and eventually restored her to her own form. She was greatly persecuted by Juno. She married Telegonus, king of Egypt, or Osiris, according to others, and treated her subjects with such kindness that after death she received divine honors, and was worshiped under the name of Isis. =I´olas= or =Iola´us=. A son of Iphiclus, king of Thessaly, who assisted Hercules in conquering the Hydra; he burnt with a hot iron the place where the monster's heads had been cut off to prevent their re-growth. =Iph´iclus.= A son of Amphitryon and Alcmena, twin brother of Hercules. As the children were cradled together, Juno, jealous of Hercules, sent two large serpents to destroy him. At the sight of the snakes Iphiclus showed great alarm, but Hercules seized them, one in each hand, and squeezed them to death. =Iphic´rates.= A celebrated general of Athens, who, though son of a shoemaker, rose to the highest offices in the state. He made war against the Thracians, and assisted the Persian king against Egypt. =Iphigeni´a.= A daughter of Agamemnon and Clytemnestra. When the Greeks, going to the Trojan war, were detained at Aulis by contrary winds, they were informed by a soothsayer that to appease the gods they must sacrifice Iphigenia to Diana. As the fatal knife was about to be plunged into her, Iphigenia suddenly disappeared, and a goat of great beauty was found in the place where she had stood ready for the sacrifice. =Iph´itus.= A son of Eurytus, king of OEchalia. When his father had promised his daughter Iole to any one who could excel him or his sons in drawing the bow, Hercules accepted the challenge and was victorious. Eurytus, however, refused to fulfill the compact by giving his daughter to the conqueror. Afterwards some oxen were stolen from Eurytus, and Iphitus was sent in quest of them. In his search he met Hercules, who aided him in seeking the lost animals, but on recollecting the faithlessness of Eurytus he killed Iphitus. =Irenæ´us.= A native of Greece, disciple of Polycarp, and bishop of Lyons. He wrote on different subjects, and suffered martyrdom A.D. 202. =I´ris.= One of the Oceanides, messenger of the gods, and more particularly of Juno. Her office was to cut the thread which seemed to detain the soul of those who were expiring. She is the same as the rainbow. =I´sis.= A celebrated deity of the Egyptians, daughter of Saturn and Rhea, according to Diodorus of Sicily. Some suppose her to be the same as Io, who was changed into a cow, and restored to her human form in Egypt, where she taught agriculture, and governed the people with mildness and equity, for which she received divine honors after her death. =Isoc´rates.= A celebrated orator, son of a musical instrument maker at Athens. He opened a school of eloquence at Athens, where he was distinguished for the number, character, and fame of his pupils. He was intimate with Philip of Macedon, but the aspiring ambition of Philip displeased Isocrates, and the defeat of the Athenians at Chæronea had such an effect on him that he did not long survive it. He died, after being four days without taking any aliment, in his ninety-ninth year, about 338 years B.C. He was honored after death by the erection of a brazen statue to his memory by Timotheus, one of his pupils, and Aphareus, his adopted son. Milton, in one of his sonnets, speaks of him as "that old man eloquent" when alluding to his death as being caused by the news of the battle of Chæronea. =I´tys.= A son of Tereus, king of Thrace, and Procne, daughter of Pandion, king of Athens. He was killed by his mother when he was six years old, and served up to his father to be eaten by him. He was changed into a pheasant, his mother into a swallow, and his father into an owl. =Ixi´on.= A king of Thessaly, son of Phlegias, or, according to Hyginus, of Leontes, or, according to Diodorus, of Antion and Perimela. Jupiter carried him to heaven and placed him at the table of the gods, where he became enamored with Juno, which so incensed Jupiter that he banished him from heaven, and ordered Mercury to tie him to a wheel in hell, which continually whirled round, keeping Ixion in perpetual torture. =Ja´nus.= An ancient king who reigned in Italy. He was a native of Thessaly, and, according to some writers, a son of Apollo. He built a town which he called Janiculum. Some authors make him to have been son of Coelus and Hecate. He is represented with two faces, because he was acquainted with the past and future. His temple was always open in time of war, and was shut when peace existed. =Jap´etus.= A son of Coelus or Titan and Terra, who married Asia, or, according to some writers, Clymene. The Greeks looked on him as the father of all mankind. =Ja´son.= A celebrated hero, son of Æson and Alcimedes. His education was entrusted to the Centaur Chiron. The greatest feat recorded of him is his voyage in the Argo to Colchis to obtain the Golden Fleece, which, aided by Juno, he succeeded in doing. Medea, daughter of Ætes, king of Colchis, fell in love with Jason. She was a powerful magician, and on Jason having vowed eternal fidelity to her, she gave him charms to protect him from danger. After securing the Fleece, Jason set sail from the country with his wife Medea. After some years he became enamored with Glauce, daughter of Creon, king of Corinth, whom he married, having divorced Medea. This cruel act was revenged by Medea, who destroyed her children in the presence of their father. Jason is said to have been killed by a beam which fell on his head as he was reposing by the side of the ship which had borne him to Colchis. =Jocas´ta.= A daughter of Menoeceus, who married Laius, king of Thebes, OEdipus being their son. She afterwards married OEdipus without knowing who he was, and on the discovery she hanged herself. By some mythologists she is called Epicasta. =Jose´phus, Fla´vius.= A celebrated Jew, born in Jerusalem, who signalized himself in a siege conducted by Vespasian and Titus in a small town in Judæa. He was present at the siege of Jerusalem by Titus, and received all the sacred books which it contained from the conqueror's hands. He wrote a history of the wars of the Jews, in Syriac, and afterwards translated it into Greek. He also wrote a work, which he divided into twenty books, on Jewish antiquities. He died A.D. 93, in his fifty-sixth year. =Jovia´nus, Fla´vius Clau´dius.= A native of Pannonia elected emperor of Rome by the soldiers after the death of Julian. He refused the purple at first, but on being assured that his subjects were favorably disposed towards Christianity he accepted the crown. He died about seven months after assuming the supreme power, being found in bed suffocated by the vapors of charcoal which had been lighted in his room, A.D. 364. =Ju´ba.= A king of Numidia and Mauritania who favored the cause of Pompey against Julius Cæsar. He defeated Curio, whom Cæsar had sent to Africa, and after the battle of Pharsalia he joined his forces to those of Scipio. He was conquered in a battle at Thapsus, and killed himself. His kingdom became a Roman province, of which Sallust was the first governor. =Ju´ba=, the second of that name, was led captive to Rome to give lustre to the triumph of Cæsar. He wrote a history of Rome, which was often commended and quoted by the ancients. =Jugur´tha.= A distinguished Numidian who went with a body of troops to the assistance of Scipio, who was besieging Numantia. Jugurtha endeared himself to the Roman general by his bravery and activity. His uncle Micipsa appointed him successor to the throne, with his two sons Adherbal and Hiempsal, the latter of whom was slain by Jugurtha, and the former had to fly to Rome for safety. Cæcilius Metellus was sent against Jugurtha, who was betrayed and delivered into the hands of the Romans. He died in prison B.C. 106. =Ju´lia.= A daughter of Julius Cæsar and Cornelia, famous for her virtues and personal charms. She was obliged by her father to divorce herself from her first husband to marry Pompey the Great, with the object of cementing the friendship between him and her father. =Ju´lia.= Daughter of Augustus, remarkable for her beauty, genius, and vices. Her father give her in marriage to Marcellus, after whose death she united herself to Agrippa, and again becoming a widow she married Tiberius. Her conduct now became so unseemly that she was banished to a small island on the coast of Campania, where she was starved to death. =Ju´lia.= A daughter of Germanicus and Agrippina, born at Lesbos, A.D. 17. She married M. Vinucius, a senator, when she was sixteen years old. She was banished on suspicion of conspiracy by her brother Caligula. She was notorious for her licentious conduct, and was put to death when she was about twenty-four years of age. =Ju´lia.= A celebrated woman born in Phoenicia. She applied herself to the study of philosophy, and was conspicuous for her mental as well as her personal charms. She came to Rome, where she married Septimius Severus, who was afterwards invested with the purple. She was also called Domna. =Julia´nus.= A son of Julius Constantius, the brother of Constantine the Great, born in Constantinople. The massacre which attended the elevation of the sons of Constantine to the throne nearly proved fatal to Julian and his brother Gallus. The two brothers were privately educated and taught the doctrines of the Christian religion--which afterwards Julian disavowed, and in consequence of this the term "Apostate" is generally affixed to his name. He died, A.D. 363, in his thirty-second year. His last moments were spent in a conversation with a philosopher about the immortality of the soul. Julian's character has been admired by some writers, but generally he is censured for his apostasy. =Ju´no.= A celebrated deity among the ancients, daughter of Saturn and Ops. Jupiter married her, and the nuptials were celebrated with the greatest solemnity in the presence of all the gods. By her marriage with Jupiter, Juno became the queen of all the gods, and mistress of heaven and earth. She presided over marriage, and patronized those of her sex who were distinguished for virtuous conduct. Paris gave her great offense by giving the golden apple, as an award to beauty, to Venus instead of herself. =Ju´piter.= The chief of all the gods of the ancients. According to Varro there were three hundred persons of that name. To him of Crete, who passed for the son of Saturn and Ops, the actions of the rest have been attributed. Jupiter was educated in a cave on Mount Ida, in Crete, and fed with the milk of the goat Amalthæa. While he was very young he made war on the Titans, whom he conquered. The beginning of his reign in the supernal regions was interrupted by the rebellion of the giants, who were sons of the earth, and who were desirous of revenging the death of the Titans, but by the aid of Hercules, Jupiter overpowered them. Jupiter married Metis, Themis, Ceres, Euronyme, Mnemosyne, Latona, and Juno. His worship was universal: he was the Ammon of the Africans, the Belus of Babylon, and the Osiris of Egypt. =Juvena´lis, D. Ju´nius.= A poet born at Axuinum in Italy. He came to Rome at an early age, where he applied himself to the writing of satires, some of which are extant. He died in the reign of Trajan, A.D. 128. His writings are distinguished by a lively style, but abound with ill humor. =Labe´rius, J. Dec´imus.= A Roman knight famous for his skill in writing pantomimes. Cæsar made him appear on the stage in one of his plays, which he resented by throwing out aspersions on Cæsar during the performance, and by warning the audience against tyranny. =Lach´esis.= One of the Parcæ, or Fates. She presided over futurity, and was represented as spinning the thread of life, or, according to some, as holding the spindle. =Laer´tes.= A king of Ithaca who married Anticlea, daughter of Autolycus. Ulysses was their son, and succeeded him on the throne, Laertes retiring to the country, and devoting his time to gardening, in which employment he was found by Ulysses on his return from the Trojan war, after twenty years´ absence. =La´gus.= A Macedonian of mean extraction, who married Arsinoe, daughter of Meleager. On the birth of a child it was exposed in the woods by Lagus, but an eagle preserved its life by feeding and sheltering it with her wings. The infant was afterwards known as King Ptolemy the First of Egypt. =La´is.= A woman of immoral character, daughter of Timandra and Alcibiades. Diogenes, the Cynic, was one of her admirers, and gained her heart. She went to Thessaly, where the women, jealous of her charms, assassinated her. =Laoc´oon.= A priest of Apollo who in the Trojan war was opposed to the admission of the wooden horse to the city. For this, as a punishment, two enormous serpents were sent to attack him, which they did whilst, accompanied by his two sons, he was offering a sacrifice to Neptune. The serpents coiled round him and his sons, and crushed them to death. =Laom´edon.= Son of Ilus, and king of Troy. He married Strymo, called by some Placia or Leucippe. Podarces, afterwards known as Priam, was their son. Laomedon built the walls of Troy, in which he was assisted by Apollo and Neptune. =Lap´ithus.= A son of Apollo and Stilbe. He married Orsinome, Phorbas and Periphas being their children, to whose numerous descendants was given the name Lapithæ, a number of whom attended the nuptials of Pirithous with Hippodamia, the daughter of Adrastus, king of Argos. The Centaurs also attended the festivity, and quarrelled with the Lapithæ, which resulted in blows and slaughter. Many of the Centaurs were slain, and they were at last obliged to retire. =La´res.= Gods of inferior power at Rome, who presided over houses and families. They were two in number, sons of Mercury and Lara. =Lati´nus.= A son of Faunus and Marica, king of the Aborigines in Italy, who from him were called Latini. =Lato´na.= A daughter of Coeus, the Titan, and Phoebe. She was admired for her beauty by Jupiter. Juno made Latona the object of her vengeance, and sent the serpent Python to persecute her. =Lean´der.= A youth of Abydos. He was passionately in love with Hero, a young girl of Sestos. He was in the habit of swimming across the Hellespont to visit her, in doing which, on a tempestuous night, he was drowned. Lord Byron performed the same feat in 1810, an exploit which he has celebrated in verse in his occasional pieces. He expresses surprise that, as the truth of Leander's story had been questioned, no one had hitherto tested its practicability. =Le´da.= A daughter of king Thespius and Eurythemis, who married Tyndarus, king of Sparta. She is famous for her intrigue with Jupiter. She brought forth two eggs, from one of which sprang Pollux and Helena, and from the other Castor and Clytemnestra. She is said to have received the name of Nemesis after death. =Lem´ures.= The manes of the dead. The ancients supposed that after death the departed souls wandered over the world and disturbed the peace of its inhabitants. =Leon´idas.= A celebrated king of Lacedæmon who went to oppose Xerxes, king of Persia, who had invaded Greece with a vast army. A great battle was fought at Thermopylæ, the entire army of Leonidas consisting of 300 men who refused to abandon him. For a time this small army resisted the vast legions of Xerxes, till at length a traitor conducted a detachment of Persians by a secret path to the rear of Leonidas, when his soldiers were cut to pieces, one only of the 300 escaping. =Lep´idus, M. Æmil´ius.= A celebrated Roman, one of the triumvirs with Augustus and Antony. He was of an illustrious family, and, like many of his contemporaries, remarkable for ambition. He was unable to maintain his position as triumvir, and, resigning power, he sank into obscurity. =Le´the.= One of the rivers of hell, whose waters were imbibed by the souls of the dead which had been for a certain period confined in Tartarus. Those who drank of this river forgot what they had previously known. In this sense the word is constantly used by the poets. =Leucip´pus.= A celebrated philosopher of Abdera, about 428 years before Christ. He was a disciple of Zeno. His life was written by Diogenes. There were several others of the same name. =Leuc´tra.= A village in Boeotia, famous for the victory which Epaminondas, the Theban general, obtained over the superior force of Cleombrotus, king of Sparta, B.C. 371. =Licin´ius, C.= A tribune of the people, celebrated for his intrigues and ability. He was a plebeian, and was the first of that class that was raised to the office of master of the horse to the dictator. There were a number of other Romans of the same name. =Liv´ius, Ti´tus.= A native of Padua, a celebrated historian. He passed the chief part of his time at Naples and Rome, but more particularly at the court of Augustus, who liberally patronized him. The name of Livy is rendered immortal by his history of the Roman empire. The merit of this history is admitted by all, and the high rank which Livy holds amongst historians is undisputed. =Liv´ius Androni´cus= was a dramatic poet who flourished at Rome about 240 years before the Christian era. =Longi´nus, Dionys´ius Cas´sius.= A celebrated Greek philosopher of Athens. He was preceptor of the Greek language, and afterwards minister, to Zenobia, the famous queen of Palmyra. =Luca´nus M. Annæ´us.= A native of Corduba in Spain. At an early age he went to Rome, where his rising talents recommended him to the emperor Nero. He unwisely entered into a poetical contest with Nero, in which he obtained an easy victory, which greatly offended the emperor. After this Lucan was exposed to much annoyance from Nero, and was induced to join in a conspiracy against him, on which he was condemned to death, the mode of which he had the liberty of choosing. He decided to have his veins opened in a warm bath, and died quoting some lines from his "Pharsalia." Of all his works none but the "Pharsalia" remains. =Lucia´nus.= A celebrated writer of Samosata. His works are numerous, consisting chiefly of dialogues written with much force. He died A.D. 180, being, as some say, torn in pieces by dogs for his impiety. =Lu´cifer.= The name of the planet Venus, or morning star. It is called Lucifer when appearing in the morning before the sun, but when it appears after its setting it is called Hesperus. =Lucil´ius, C.= A Roman knight, who is regarded as the first satirical writer amongst the Romans. Of thirty satires which he wrote only a few verses remain. He died at Naples B.C. 103. =Lucil´ius Luci´nus.= A famous Roman who fled with Brutus from the battle of Philippi. He was taken prisoner, but the conquerors spared his life. =Luci´na.= Daughter of Jupiter and Juno. She was the goddess who presided over the birth of children. =Lucre´tia.= A celebrated Roman lady, daughter of Lucretius and wife of Tarquinius Collatinus. A number of young noble Romans at Ardea, among whom were Collatinus and the sons of Tarquin the Proud, were discussing the virtues of their wives at home, and it was agreed to go to Rome to ascertain how their wives employed themselves in their husbands' absence in the camp. While the wives of the others were indulging in feasting and dissipation, Lucretia was found in her house employing herself with her servants in domestic duties. She was brutally treated by Sextus Tarquin, a relative of Collatinus, and stabbed herself. This was the signal for a rebellion, the result being the expulsion of the Tarquins from Rome. =Lucre´tius, Ca´rus T.= A celebrated Roman poet and philosopher. The tenets of Epicurus were embraced by him, and were explained and elucidated in a poem which he wrote, _De rerum natura_. This poem is distinguished by genius and elegance, but the doctrines it inculcates have an atheistical tendency. Lucretius is said to have destroyed himself B.C. 54. =Lucul´lus, Lu´cius Licin´ius.= A Roman noted for his fondness of luxury and for his military abilities. He was born about 115 years before the Christian era, and distinguished himself by his proficiency in eloquence and philosophy. He was soon advanced to the consulship, and intrusted with the management of the Mithridatic war, in which he displayed his military talents. =Lycur´gus.= A celebrated lawgiver of Sparta, son of King Eunomus and brother to Polydectes. He succeeded his brother on the Spartan throne. In the laws which he enacted he maintained a just equilibrium between the throne and the people; he banished luxury and encouraged the useful arts, and adopted a number of measures having for their object the well-being of the people. Lycurgus has been compared with Solon, the celebrated legislator of Athens. =Lyn´ceus=, son of Aphareus, was one of the hunters of the Calydonian boar, and one of the Argonauts. He was so sharp-sighted that he could see through the earth and distinguish objects at a great distance from him. There was another person of the same name who married Hypermnestra, daughter of Danaus. =Lysan´der.= A celebrated general of Sparta in the last years of the Peloponnesian war. He drew Ephesus from the interest of Athens, and gained the friendship of Cyrus the Younger. He gave battle to the Athenian fleet, and destroyed it all except three ships. In this battle, which was fought 405 years before the Christian era, the Athenians lost a great number of men, and in consequence of it forfeited their influence over neighboring states. Lysander was killed in battle 394 years B.C. =Lysim´achus.= A son of Agathocles, who was one of the generals of Alexander. After the death of that monarch Lysimachus made himself master of Thrace, where he built a town which he called Lysimachia. =Lysip´pus.= A famous statuary of Sicyon. He applied himself to painting, but he was born to excel in sculpture. He lived about 325 years before the Christian era, in the age of Alexander the Great. =Macro´bius.= A Latin writer, who died A.D. 415. He has rendered himself famous for a composition called _Saturnalia_, a miscellaneous collection of antiquarian and critical literature. =Mæan´der.= A celebrated river of Asia Minor flowing into the Ægean Sea. It is famous amongst the poets for its windings, and from it the application of the word "meandering" to a winding stream has become proverbial. =Ma´ecenas=, or =Meca´enas, C. Cilnius=, a celebrated Roman knight, has rendered himself immortal by his liberal patronage of learned men. To the interference of Maecenas Virgil was indebted for the restitution of his lands. Maecenas, according to the received opinion, wrote a history of animals and a journal of the life of Augustus. Virgil dedicated his Georgics to him, as did Horace his Odes. =Ma´nes.= A name applied by the ancients to the soul when departed from the body. =Man´lius, Mar´cus.= A celebrated Roman who, at an early age, distinguished himself for valor. When Rome was taken by the Gauls, he, with a body of his countrymen, fled to the Capitol, which he defended when it was surprised in the night by the enemy. This gained him the surname of _Capitolinus_, and the geese which had awakened him to action by their clamor were afterwards held sacred among the Romans. =Mar´athon.= A village of Attica, celebrated for the victory which the Athenians and Platæans, under the command of Miltiades, gained over the Persian army, 490 B.C. =Marcel´lus, Mar´cus Clau´dius.= A famous Roman general. He was the first Roman who obtained some advantage over Hannibal. He conquered Syracuse, with the spoils from which he adorned Rome. He was killed in battle in his fifth consulship. =Marcel´lus.= A Roman who distinguished himself in the civil wars of Cæsar and Pompey by his firm attachment to the latter. He was banished by Cæsar, but was afterwards recalled at the request of the Senate. There were some other Romans of the same name, of minor repute. =Mardo´nius.= A general in the army of Xerxes who was defeated in the battle of Platæa, where he was slain, B.C. 479. =Ma´rius, C.= A celebrated Roman who signalized himself under Scipio at the siege of Numantia. He was appointed to finish the war against Jugurtha, who was defeated and betrayed into the hands of the Romans. After this new honors awaited Marius. He was elected consul, and was sent against the Teutones. The war was prolonged, and Marius was a third and fourth time invested with the consulship. At length two engagements were fought, and the Teutones were defeated, a vast number of them being left dead on the battlefields. After many vicissitudes Marius died, B.C. 86, directly after he had been honored with the consulship for the seventh time. There were a number of others of the same name, but of minor note. =Mars=, the god of war, was the son of Jupiter and Juno, or of Juno alone, according to Ovid. The loves of Mars and Venus are greatly celebrated. On one occasion, while in each other's company, Vulcan spread a net round them, from which they could not escape without assistance. They were thus exposed to the ridicule of the gods till Neptune induced Vulcan to set them at liberty. During the Trojan war Mars interested himself on the side of the Trojans, and defended the favorites of Venus with great determination. =Mar´syas.= A celebrated piper of Celæne in Phrygia. He challenged Apollo to a trial of skill in music, which challenge was accepted, the Muses being appointed umpires. The palm of victory was awarded to Apollo, who tied his antagonist to a tree and flayed him. =Martia´lis, Mar´cus Vale´rius.= A native of Spain who came to Rome when he was about twenty years old, where he became noticeable by his poetical genius. Martial wrote fourteen books of epigrams, and died in the seventy-fifth year of his age. =Masinis´sa.= A king of a small part of Africa, who at first assisted the Carthaginians in their wars against Rome, but who subsequently became an ally of the Romans. After his defeat of Syphax he married Sophonisba, the wife of Syphax, which gave offense to the Roman general, Scipio, on which Masinissa induced Sophonisba to end her life by poison. In the battle of Zama, Masinissa greatly contributed to the defeat of Hannibal. He died in his ninety-seventh year, 149 years before the Christian era. =Mauso´lus.= A king of Caria. His wife Artemisia was very disconsolate at his death, and erected one of the grandest monuments of antiquity to perpetuate his memory. This famous building, which was deemed to be one of the seven wonders of the world, was called "Mausoleum," which name has been since applied to other grand sepulchral monuments. =Maximi´nus, Ca´ius Ju´lius Ve´rus=, was the son of a peasant of Thrace. He entered the Roman armies, where he gradually rose till he was proclaimed emperor A.D. 235. He ruled with great cruelty, and was eventually killed by his own soldiers. He was of immense size and strength, and was able to break the hardest stones between his fingers. =Mede´a.= A celebrated magician, daughter of Ætes, king of Colchis, and niece of Circe. When Jason came to Colchis in quest of the Golden Fleece, Medea fell in love with him, and they exchanged oaths of fidelity, and when he had overcome all the difficulties which he had to encounter, Medea embarked with him for Greece. She lived in Corinth with her husband Jason for ten years, with much conjugal happiness, when he became enamored with Glauce, daughter of Creon, king of Corinth. To avenge herself on Jason she caused the destruction of Glauce, and killed her two children in his presence. =Medu´sa.= One of the three Gorgons, daughter of Phorcys and Ceto. She was the only one of the Gorgons subject to mortality. She was celebrated for her personal charms and the beauty of her hair, which Minerva changed into serpents. According to Apollodorus and others, the Gorgons were born with snakes on their heads instead of hair, and with yellow wings and brazen hands. Perseus rendered himself famous by his conquest of Medusa. He cut off her head and placed it on the ægis of Minerva. The head had the power of changing those who looked at it into stone. =Melea´ger.= A celebrated hero of antiquity, who signalized himself in the Argonautic expedition, and especially by killing the Calydonian boar, a famous event in mythological history. =Melpom´ene.= One of the Muses, daughter of Jupiter and Mnemosyne. She presided over tragedy. She is generally represented as a young woman wearing a buskin and holding a dagger in her hand. =Mem´non.= A king of Ethiopia, son of Tithonus and Aurora. He came with ten thousand men to assist Priam in the Trojan war, where he behaved with great courage, and killed Antilochus, Nestor's son, on which Nestor challenged Memnon to fight, but he refused on account of the great age of the challenger; but he fought Achilles, who killed him. A statue was erected in his honor, which had the property of uttering a melodious sound every day at sunrise. =Menan´der.= A celebrated comic poet of Athens, educated under Theophrastus. He was universally esteemed by the Greeks. He wrote 108 comedies, but of which only a few fragments remain. =Menela´us.= A king of Sparta, brother to Agamemnon. He married Helen, the most beautiful woman of her time. Paris, having arrived in Sparta in the absence of Menelaus, persuaded her to elope with him, which was the cause of the Trojan war. In the tenth year of the war Helen, it is said, obtained the forgiveness of Menelaus, with whom she returned to Sparta, where, shortly after his return, he died. =Mene´nius Agrippa.= A celebrated Roman who appeased the Roman populace in the infancy of the consular government by repeating to them the well-known fable of the belly and limbs. He lived B.C. 495. =Menip´pus.= A Cynic philosopher of Phoenicia. He was originally a slave, and, obtaining his liberty, became notorious as a usurer. He wrote thirteen books of satires. =Men´tor.= A faithful friend of Ulysses, and guide and instructor of his son Telemachus. The term Mentor has become proverbial as applied to any one who is an educator of youth. =Mercu´rius.= A celebrated god of antiquity, called Hermes by the Greeks. He was the messenger of the gods, and conducted the souls of the dead into the infernal regions. He presided over orators, merchants, and was also the god of thieves. The invention of the lyre is ascribed to him. This he gave to Apollo, and received in exchange the Caduceus, which the god of poetry used to drive the flocks of King Admetus. =Mer´ope.= One of the Atlantides. She married Sisyphus, son of Æolus, and was changed into a constellation. =Me´rops.= A king of the island of Cos, who married Clymene, one of the Oceanides. He was changed into an eagle, and placed among the constellations. =Messali´na, Vale´ria=, was notorious for her vices. She married the emperor Claudius, who, wearied with her misconduct, cited her to appear before him and reply to the accusations which were brought against her, on which she attempted to destroy herself, but failing to do so, was slain by one of the tribunes who had been sent to summon her. =Metel´li.= The surname of the family of the Cæcilii at Rome, the most noted of whom are--a general who defeated the Achæans, took Thebes, and invaded Macedonia; Quintus Cæcilius, rendered famous by his successes against Jugurtha, the king of Numidia; Q. Cæcilius Celer, who distinguished himself against Catiline. He died fifty-seven years B.C., greatly lamented by Cicero, who was one of his warmest friends; L. Cæcilius, a tribune in the civil wars of Cæsar and Pompey, who favored the cause of Pompey; Q. Caæilius, a warlike general who conquered Crete and Macedonia; Metellus Cimber, one of the conspirators against Cæsar. He gave the signal to attack and murder the dictator. =Micip´sa.= A king of Numidia, son of Masinissa, who, at his death, B.C. 119, left his kingdom between his sons Adherbal and Hiempsal, and his nephew Jugurtha. =Mi´das.= A king of Phrygia, son of Gordius or Gorgias. According to some traditions, in the early part of his life he found a treasure, to which he owed his greatness and opulence. He showed hospitality to Silenus, in return for which Bacchus permitted him to choose whatever recompense he pleased. He demanded of the god that whatever he touched might be turned into gold. His wish was granted, but when the very food which he attempted to eat became gold in his mouth he prayed Bacchus to revoke the favor, and he was ordered to wash himself in the river Pactolus, the sands of which were turned into gold by the touch of Midas. Afterwards, in consequence of maintaining that Pan was superior to Apollo in singing and playing the flute, he had his ears changed into those of an ass by the god. =Mi´lo.= A celebrated athlete of Crotona in Italy. He is said to have carried on his shoulders a bullock for a considerable distance, and to have killed it with a blow from his fist, and eaten it in one day. In his old age he attempted to pull up a tree by the roots, which, when half-cleft, reunited, and his hands remaining imprisoned in the tree, he was eaten by wild beasts about 500 years before the Christian era. =Milti´ades=, son of Simon, was sent by the Athenians to take possession of the Chersonesus. On his arrival he seized some of the principal inhabitants of the country, made himself absolute in Chersonese, and married the daughter of Olorus, king of the Thracians. He was present at the celebrated battle of Marathon, where the command was ceded to him, owing to his superior abilities. He obtained the victory, but an olive crown, which he demanded from his fellow-citizens as a reward for his valor, was refused. Afterwards he was intrusted with a fleet of seventy ships, with which to punish some islands which had revolted to the Persians. At first he was successful, but afterwards fortune frowned on him. He was accused of treason and condemned to death, but his sentence was, owing to his great services, commuted. He died in prison of some wounds he had received, which became incurable. =Miner´va=, the goddess of wisdom, war, and all the liberal arts, sprang, full-grown and armed, from the head of Jupiter, and was immediately admitted to the assembly of the gods, and became one of the most faithful counselors of her father. Her power in heaven was great: she could hurl the thunders of Jupiter, prolong the life of men, and bestow the gift of prophecy. She was known amongst the ancients by many names. She was called Athena, Pallas, Parthenos, Tritonia (because she was worshiped near the lake Tritonis) and Hippia (because she first taught mankind how to manage the horse), Sais (because she was worshipped at Sais), and some other names. She is usually represented with a helmet on her head with a large plume on it, in one hand holding a spear, and in the other a shield with the head of Medusa on it. Temples were erected for her worship in different places, one of the most renowned of which was the Parthenon at Athens. From this building a large collection of ancient sculpture was brought to the British Museum by Lord Elgin more than sixty years ago, which is known as the "Elgin Marbles." =Mi´nos.= A king of Crete, son of Jupiter and Europa, who gave laws to his subjects, B.C. 1406, which remained in full force in the age of Plato. =Mi´nos the Second= was a son of Lycastes, the son of Minos the first, and king of Crete. He married Pasiphae, the daughter of Sol and Perseis. =Minotau´rus.= A celebrated monster, half a man and half a bull, for which a number of young Athenian men and maidens were yearly exacted to be devoured. The Minotaur was confined in a famous labyrinth, where at length it was slain by Theseus, who was guided out of the labyrinth by a clue of thread given to him by Ariadne, daughter of King Minos. =Mithrida´tes First=, king of Pontus. He was tributary to the crown of Persia: his attempts to make himself independent of that fealty proved fruitless, being defeated in a battle which he had provoked, and having to sue for peace. =Mithrida´tes=, surnamed "Eupator" and "The Great," succeeded to the throne of Pontus when eleven years of age. The beginning of his reign was marked by ambition and cruelty. At an early age he inured himself to hardships by devoting himself to manly exercises, and sleeping in the open air on the bare earth. He was constantly engaged in warfare against the Romans, and his contests with them are known as the Mithridatic wars. His hatred of the Romans was so great that, to destroy their power, he ordered all of them that were in his dominions to be massacred, and in one night 150,000, according to Plutarch, or 80,000, according to another authority, were slaughtered. This cruel act called for revenge, and great armies were sent against him. After varied fortunes Mithridates had to succumb to Pompey, and, worn out with misfortune, attempted to poison himself, but unsuccessfully, as the numerous antidotes to poison which in early life he had taken strengthened his constitution to resist the effect. He then ordered one of his soldiers to give him the fatal blow with a sword, which was done. He died about sixty-three years before the Christian era, in his seventy-second year. He is said to have been the most formidable opponent the Romans ever had, and Cicero estimates him as the greatest monarch that ever sat upon a throne. It is recorded of him that he conquered twenty-four nations, whose different languages he knew and spoke fluently. There were a number of persons of the same name, but of inferior note. =Mnemos´yne.= A daughter of Coelus and Terra, mother of the nine Muses. Jupiter assumed the form of a shepherd in order to enjoy her company. =Mo´mus=, the god of mirth amongst the ancients, according to Hesiod, was the son of Nox. He amused himself by satirizing the gods by turning into ridicule whatever they did. =Mor´pheus.= A minister of the god Somnus, who imitated very naturally the gestures, words, and manners of mankind. He is sometimes called the god of sleep. He is generally represented as a sleeping child, of great corpulence, with wings. =Mos´chus.= A Greek Bucolic poet in the age of Ptolemy Philadelphus. His eclogues are characterized by sweetness and elegance, and are said to be equal in merit to the productions of Theocritus. =Mure´na.= A celebrated Roman who invaded the dominions of Mithridates, at first with success, but afterwards he met with defeat. He was honored with a triumph on his return to Rome. =Mu´sæ.= The Muses, certain goddesses who presided over poetry, music, dancing, and all the liberal arts. They were daughters of Jupiter and Mnemosyne, and were nine in number, Clio, Euterpe, Thalia, Melpomene, Terpsichore, Erato, Polyhymnia, Calliope, and Urania. =Myce´næ.= A town of Argolis, said to have been built by Perseus. It received its name from Mycene, a nymph of Laconia. It was taken and destroyed by the Argives. =Nai´ades.= Inferior deities who presided over rivers, springs, wells, and fountains. The Naiads generally inhabited the country, and resorted to the woods and meadows near the stream over which they presided. They are represented as young and beautiful girls leaning on an urn, from which flows a stream of water. Ægle was the fairest of them, according to Virgil. The word Naiad has become Anglicized, and is in frequent use, especially by the poets. =Narcis´sus=, a beautiful youth, son of Cephisus and the nymph Liriope, was born at Thespis in Boeotia. He saw his image reflected in a fountain and became in love with it, thinking it to be the nymph of the place. His fruitless attempts to reach this beautiful object so provoked him, that he killed himself. His blood was changed into a flower which still bears his name. =Nemæ´a.= A town of Argolis, with a wood where Hercules in the sixteenth year of his age killed the celebrated Nemæan lion. It was the first of the labors of Hercules to destroy the monster, and when he found that his arrows and clubs were useless, against an animal whose skin was impenetrable, he seized it in his arms and strangled it. =Nem´esis.= One of the infernal deities, daughter of Nox. She was the goddess of vengeance. She is made one of the Parcæ by some mythologists, and is represented with a helm and a wheel. The term is sometimes used to signify vengeance itself. =Neoptol´emus.= A king of Epirus, son of Achilles and Deidamia, called also Pyrrhus. He greatly signalized himself during the siege of Troy, and he was the first who entered the wooden horse. He was inferior to none of the Grecian warriors in valor. Ulysses and Nestor alone were his superiors in eloquence and wisdom. =Ne´pos, Corne´lius.= A celebrated historian in the reign of Augustus, and, like the rest of his literary contemporaries, he enjoyed the patronage and obtained the favor of the emperor. He was the intimate friend of Cicero and Atticus, and recommended himself to notice by delicacy of sentiment and a lively disposition. Of all his valuable works the only one extant is his lives of illustrious Greek and Roman generals. =Neptu´nus.= One of the gods, son of Saturn and Ops, and brother to Jupiter and Pluto. He was devoured by his father as soon as he was born, and restored to life again by a potion given to Saturn, by Metis, the first wife of Jupiter. Neptune shared with his brothers the empire of Saturn, and received as his portion the kingdom of the sea. He did not think this equivalent to the empire of heaven and earth, which Jupiter had claimed, therefore he conspired to dethrone him. The conspiracy was discovered, and Jupiter condemned Neptune to build the walls of Troy. He married Amphitrite, who thus broke a vow she had made of perpetual celibacy. =Nere´ides.= Nymphs of the sea, daughters of Nereus and Doris. According to most of the mythologists, they were fifty in number. They are represented as young and handsome girls, sitting on dolphins and armed with tridents. =Ne´ro, Clau´dius Domit´ius Cæ´sar.= A celebrated Roman emperor, son of Caius Domitius Ahenobarbus and Agrippina, the daughter of Germanicus. His name is the synonym for cruelty and vice. In the night it was his wont to sally out from his palace to visit the meanest taverns and the different scenes of depravity that were to be found. He appeared on the stage, sometimes representing the meanest characters. He resolved to imitate the burning of Troy, and caused Rome to be set on fire in different places, the flames being unextinguished for nine days, and he enjoyed the terrible scene. During the conflagration he placed himself on the top of a tower and sang, accompanying himself on a lyre, of the destruction of Troy. Many conspiracies were formed against him, the most dangerous of which he was saved from by the confession of a slave. He killed himself A.D. 68, in the thirty-second year of his age, after a reign of thirteen years and eight months. Wretch that he was, it is said that he had some few to mourn for him, and Suetonius records that some unseen hand had placed flowers on his tomb. =Ner´va, M. Cocce´ius.= A Roman emperor after the death of Domitian A.D. 96. He rendered himself popular by his mildness and generosity. In his civil character he set an example of good manners and sobriety. He made an oath that no senator should suffer death during his reign, which he carried out by pardoning two members of the Senate who had conspired against his life. He died in his seventy-second year, A.D. 98, and was succeeded by his son Trajan. =Nes´sus.= A celebrated Centaur killed by Hercules for insulting Dejanira. =Nes´tor.= A son of Neleus and Chloris, nephew to Pelias, and grandson to Neptune. He was present at the bloody battle between the Lapithæ and the Centaurs, which took place at the nuptials of Pirithous. As king of Pylos he led his soldiers to the Trojan war, where he distinguished himself among the Grecian chieftains by eloquence, wisdom, and prudence. Homer makes his character as the most perfect of all his heroes. After the Trojan war Nestor retired to Greece, where he lived during his declining years in peace and tranquillity. The manner and time of his death are unknown. =Ni´nus.= A son of Belus. He built Nineveh and founded the Assyrian monarchy, of which he was the first sovereign, B.C. 2059. He married Semiramis, whose husband had destroyed himself through fear of Ninus. He reigned fifty-two years. =Ni´obe.= A daughter of Tantalus, king of Lydia, and Euryanassa, or Dione. She married Amphion, and, according to Hesiod, they had ten sons and ten daughters. All the sons of Niobe expired by the darts of Apollo, and all the daughters, except Chloris, were destroyed by Diana. Niobe, overwhelmed with grief, was changed into a stone. =Nito´cris.= A celebrated queen of Babylon, who built a bridge across the Euphrates in the middle of that city, and dug a number of reservoirs for the superfluous water of the river. =Nom´ades.= A name given to people who had no fixed habitation, and who continually changed their place of residence in quest of fresh pastures for the cattle they tended. There were Nomades in Scythia, India, Arabia, etc. The word is in constant use as Anglicized--Nomad--meaning any one who leads a wandering and unsettled life. =Nox.= One of the most ancient deities among the heathens, daughter of Chaos. She gave birth to the Day and the Light, and was mother of the Parcæ, Hesperides, Dreams, Death, etc. =Nu´ma Pompil´ius.= A celebrated philosopher of Cures. He married Tatia, daughter of Tatius, king of the Sabines, and at her death he retired into the country to devote himself to literary pursuits. At the death of Romulus the Romans fixed on him to be their new king. Numa at first refused the offer of the crown, but at length was prevailed on to accept it. He endeavored to inculcate into the minds of his subjects a reverence for the deity, and he did all he could to heal their dissensions. He encouraged the report of his visits to the nymph Egeria, and made use of her name to give sanction to the laws which he had made. He dedicated a temple to Janus, which, during his whole reign, remained closed as a mark of peace and tranquillity at Rome. Numa died after a reign of forty-three years (B.C. 672), during which he had given encouragement to the useful arts, and had cultivated peace. =Nym´phæ.= Certain female deities among the ancients. They were generally divided into two classes--nymphs of the land and nymphs of the sea. Of the former some presided over woods, and were called Dryades and Hamadryades. Of the sea nymphs some were called Oceanides, Nereides, Naiades, etc. =Ocean´ides and Oceanit´ides.= Sea nymphs, daughters of Oceanus, from whom they received their name. According to Apollodorus they were 3000 in number, whilst Hesiod speaks of them as consisting of forty-one. =Oce´anus.= A powerful deity of the sea, son of Coelus and Terra. He married Tethys, the Oceanides being their children. =Octa´via.= A Roman lady, sister to the emperor Augustus, celebrated for her beauty and virtues. She married Claudius Marcellus, and, after his death, Antony, who for some time was attentive to her, but eventually deserted her for Cleopatra. =Octavia´nus, or Octa´vius Cæ´sar.= A famous Roman who, after the battle of Actium, had bestowed on him by the senate the surname _Augustus_, as expressing his dignity and greatness. =Odena´tus.= A celebrated prince of Palmyra. At an early period of his life he inured himself to bear fatigue by hunting wild beasts. He was a faithful ally of the Romans, and gave great offense to Sapor, king of Persia, in consequence. In the warfare which ensued he obtained advantage over the troops of Sapor, and took his wife prisoner, besides gaining great booty. He died by the hand of one of his relations whom he had offended. Zenobia succeeded him on the throne. =OE´dipus.= A son of Laius, king of Thebes, and Jocasta. Laius was informed by the oracle, as soon as he married Jocasta, that he would perish by the hands of his son. On his birth OEdipus was given to a domestic, with orders to expose him to death on the mountains, where he was found by one of the shepherds of Polybus, king of Corinth. Periboea, the wife of Polybus, educated him as her own child, tending him with great care. In after life he met Laius in a narrow lane in a chariot, and being haughtily ordered to make way for Laius, a combat ensued in which Laius was slain. After this OEdipus was attracted to Thebes by the fame of the Sphinx, who devoured all those who attempted to explain without success the enigmas which she propounded. The enigma proposed by the Sphinx to OEdipus was:--What animal in the morning walks upon four feet, at noon upon two, and in the evening upon three? OEdipus solved the riddle by replying that the animal was man, who in childhood crawls on his hands and feet, on attaining manhood walks on two feet erect, and in the evening of life supports his tottering steps with a staff. The monster on hearing the correct solution of the riddle, dashed her head against a rock and perished. =OE´neus.= A king of Calydon, son of Parthaon or Portheus and Euryte. He married Althæa, their children being Clymenus, Meleager, Gorge, and Dejanira. In a general sacrifice he made to the gods he slighted Diana, who, in revenge, sent a wild boar to waste his country. The animal was killed by Meleager in the celebrated Calydonian boar hunt. After this misfortunes overtook OEneus, and he exiled himself from Calydon, and died on his way to Argolis. =OEnom´aus.= King of Pisa, in Elis, and father of Hippodamia. He was told by the oracle that he would perish by his son-in-law. Being skillful in driving a chariot, he announced that he would give his daughter in marriage only to some one who could defeat him in a race, death being the result of those who were defeated. After a number of aspirants had contended and failed, Pelops, son of Tantalus, entered the lists, and by bribing the charioteer of OEnomaus, who provided a chariot with a broken axle-tree, Pelops won the race, and married Hippodamia, becoming king of Pisa. OEnomaus was killed in the race. =Olym´pia.= Celebrated games which received their name either from Olympia, where they were observed, or from Jupiter Olympius, to whom they were dedicated. =Olym´pus.= A mountain in Macedonia and Thessaly. The ancients supposed that it touched the heavens, and thus they have made it the residence of the gods, and the place where Jupiter held his court. On the top of the mountain, according to the poets, eternal spring reigned. =Om´phale.= A queen of Lydia, daughter of Jardanus. She married Tmolus, who at his death left her mistress of his kingdom. She had heard of the exploits of Hercules, and wished to see him. After he had slain Eurytus, Hercules was ordered to be sold as a slave, and was purchased by Omphale, who gave him his liberty. He became in love with Omphale, who reciprocated his passion. He is represented by the poets as being so infatuated with her that he sat spinning by her side surrounded by her women, whilst she garbed herself with his lion's skin, arming herself with his club. =Oppia´nus.= A Greek poet of Cilicia. He wrote some poems celebrated for their sublimity and elegance. Caracalla gave him a piece of gold for every verse in one of his poems. Oppian died of the plague in the thirtieth year of his age. =Ops.= A daughter of Coelus and Terra, the same as the Rhea of the Greeks, who married Saturn, and became mother of Jupiter. She was known amongst the ancients by the different names of Cybele, Bona Dea, Magna Mater, Thya, Tellus, and Proserpina. =Ores´tes.= A son of Agamemnon and Clytemnestra. His father was slain by Clytemnestra and Ægisthus, but young Orestes was saved from his mother's dagger by his sister Electra, called by Homer Laodicea, and was conveyed to the house of Strophius, king of Phocis, who had married a sister of Agamemnon. He was indulgently treated by Strophius, who educated him with his son Pylades. The two young princes formed the most inviolable friendship. When Orestes had arrived at years of manhood he avenged his father's death by killing his mother Clytemnestra. =Or´igen.= A Greek writer, celebrated for his learning and the sublimity of his genius. He suffered martyrdom in his sixty-ninth year. His works are numerous, consisting of commentaries on the Scriptures and various treatises. =Or´pheus.= A son of OEger and the Muse Calliope. Some suppose him to be the son of Apollo. He received a lyre from Apollo, or, according to some, from Mercury, on which he played in such a masterly manner that the melodious sounds caused rivers to cease to flow, and savage beasts to forget their wildness. He married Eurydice, who died from the bite of a serpent. Orpheus felt her death acutely, and to recover her he visited the infernal regions. Pluto, the king of the infernal regions, was enraptured with the strains of music from the lyre of Orpheus, and, according to the poets, the wheel of Ixion stopped, the stone of Sisyphus stood still, Tantalus forgot his burning thirst, and even the Furies relented, so fascinating were the sounds extracted from the lyre. Pluto was moved by the sorrow of Orpheus, and consented to restore Eurydice to him, provided he forebore to look behind him till he had reached the extremity of his domain. Orpheus agreed to this, but forgot his promise, and turned round to look at Eurydice, who instantly vanished from his sight. After this he separated himself from the society of mankind, and the Thracian women, whom he had offended by his coldness, attacked him whilst they celebrated the orgies of Bacchus, and after they had torn his body to pieces they threw his head into the Hebrus. =Osi´ris.= A great deity of the Egyptians, husband of Isis. The ancients differ in opinion concerning this celebrated god, but they all agree that as ruler of Egypt he took care to civilize his subjects, to improve their morals, to give them good and salutary laws, and to teach them agriculture. =Ovid´ius, P. Na´so.= A celebrated Roman poet born at Sulmo. He was sent at an early age to Rome, and afterwards went to Athens in the sixteenth year of his age, where his progress in the study of eloquence was great. His natural inclination, however, was towards poetry, and to this he devoted his chief attention. His lively genius and fertile imagination soon gained him admirers; the learned became his friends; Virgil, Propertius, Horace, and Tibullus, honored him with their correspondence, and Augustus patronized him with unbounded liberality. These favors, however, were transitory, and he was banished to a place on the Euxine Sea by order of the emperor. The true cause of his banishment is not known. His friends ardently entreated the emperor to permit him to return, but in vain, and he died in the seventh or eighth year of his banishment, in the fifty-ninth year of his age, A.D. 17. A great portion of his works remains. These consist of the "Metamorphoses," "Fasti," "Epistolæ," etc. Whilst his works are occasionally disfigured by indelicacy, they are distinguished by great sweetness and elegance. =Pacto´lus.= A celebrated river of Lydia. It was in this river that Midas washed himself when he turned into gold whatever he touched. =Pæ´an.= A surname of Apollo, derived from the word _pæan_, a hymn which was sung in his honor for killing the serpent Python. =Palæ´mon= or =Pale´mon=. A sea deity, son of Athamas and Ino. His original name was Melicerta. He assumed the name of Palæmon after being changed into a sea deity by Neptune. =Palame´des.= A Grecian chief, son of Nauplius, king of Euboea, and Clymene. He was sent by the Greek princes, who were going to the Trojan war, to bring Ulysses to the camp, who, to withdraw himself from the expedition, had pretended to be insane. Palamedes soon penetrated the deception, and Ulysses was obliged to join in the war, but an inveterate enmity arose between the two, and by an unworthy artifice Ulysses procured the death of Palamedes. Palamedes is accredited with the invention of dice, backgammon, and other games. =Palati´nus, Mons.= A celebrated hill, the largest of the seven hills on which Rome was built. =Palinu´rus.= A skillful pilot of the ship of Æneas. He fell into the sea whilst asleep, and was exposed to the waves for three days, and on reaching the shore was murdered by the inhabitants of the place where he landed. =Palla´dium.= A celebrated statue of Pallas. It represented the goddess as holding a spear in her right hand, and in her left a distaff and spindle. It fell down from heaven near the tent of Ilus as he was building the citadel of Ilium, whilst, according to others, it fell in Phrygia; another account says Dardanus received it as a present from his mother Electra; other accounts are given of its origin. It is generally agreed, however, that on the preservation of the statue the fate of Troy depended. This was known to the Greeks during the Trojan war, and they contrived to obtain possession of it. But some authors say that the true Palladium was not carried away by the Greeks, but only a statue which had been placed near it, and which bore some resemblance to it. =Pal´las.= A name of Minerva. She is said to have received the name because she killed a noted giant bearing that name. =Palmy´ra.= The capital of Palmyrene, a country on the eastern boundaries of Syria, now called Tadmor. It is famous as being the seat of government of the celebrated Queen Zenobia. =Pan.= The god of shepherds, huntsmen, and the inhabitants of the country. He was in appearance a monster; he had two small horns on his head, and his legs, thighs, tail, and feet were like those of the goat. =Pan´darus.= A son of Lycaon, who aided the Trojans in their war with the Greeks. He broke the truce which had been agreed on by the contending armies, and wounded Menelaus and Diomedes. He was at last killed by Diomedes. =Pandi´on.= A king of Athens, father of Procne and Philomela. During his reign there was such an abundance of corn, wine, and oil in his realm, that it was supposed that Bacchus and Minerva had personally visited the country. =Pando´ra.= A celebrated woman; the first mortal female that ever lived, according to Hesiod. She was made of clay by Vulcan, and having received life, all the gods made presents to her. Venus gave her beauty and the art of pleasing; the Graces gave her the power of captivating; Apollo taught her how to sing, and Mercury instructed her in eloquence. Jupiter gave her a beautiful box, which she was ordered to present to the man who married her. This was Epithemeus, brother of Prometheus, who opened the box, from which issued a multitude of evils, which became dispersed all over the world, and which from that fatal moment have never ceased to affect the human race. Hope alone remained at the bottom of the box. =Pan´sa, C. Vib´ius.= A Roman consul, who, with Hirtius, pursued the assassins of Cæsar, and was killed in a battle near Mutina. =Pan´theon.= A celebrated temple at Rome, built by Agrippa in the reign of Augustus, and dedicated to all the gods. =Par´cæ.= The Fates, powerful goddesses who presided over the birth and life of mankind. They were three in number, Clotho, Lachesis, and Atropos, daughters of Nox and Erebus, according to Hesiod, or, according to what he says in another place, of Jupiter and Themis. =Par´is.= The son of Priam, king of Troy, and Hecuba; he was also called Alexander. He was destined before his birth to cause the ruin of his country, and before he was born his mother dreamt that he would be a torch which would set fire to her palace. The soothsayers predicted that he would be the cause of the destruction of Troy. In consequence of these foretold calamities Priam ordered a slave to destroy the child immediately after birth, but instead of acting thus the slave exposed the child on Mount Ida, where some shepherds found him and took care of him. Paris gave early proofs of courage, and his graceful countenance recommended him to OEnone, a nymph of Ida, whom he married. At the marriage of Peleus and Thetis, the goddess of discord, who had not been invited, showed her displeasure by throwing into the assembly of the gods, who were at the nuptials, a golden apple, on which were the words: Let it be given to the fairest. The apple was claimed by Juno, Venus, and Minerva. Paris, who had been appointed to award it to the most beautiful of the three goddesses, gave it to Venus. Subsequently Paris visited Sparta, where he persuaded Helen, wife of Menelaus, the most beautiful woman of the age, to elope with him. This caused the Trojan war. Different accounts are given of the death of Paris. By some he is said to have been killed by one of the arrows of Philoctetes which had once belonged to Hercules. =Parme´nio.= A celebrated general in the armies of Alexander the Great, by whom he was regarded with the greatest affection. The firm friendship which existed between the two generals was broken in a sudden fit of anger by Alexander, who ordered his friend to be put to death, B.C. 330. =Parnas´sus.= A mountain of Phocis sacred to the Muses, and to Apollo and Bacchus. It was named thus after a son of Neptune who bore that designation. =Parrha´sius.= A famous painter of Ephesus in the age of Zeuxis, about fifteen years before Christ. He contended, on one occasion, with Zeuxis for the palm in painting, and Zeuxis acknowledged that he was excelled by Parrhasius. =Par´thenon.= A temple of Athens sacred to Minerva. It was destroyed by the Persians, and was rebuilt by Pericles. =Pasiph´ae.= A daughter of the Sun and of Perseis, who married Minos, king of Crete. She became the mother of the Minotaur, which was killed by Theseus. =Patro´clus.= One of the Grecian chiefs during the Trojan war. He contracted an intimate friendship with Achilles, and when the Greeks went to the Trojan war Patroclus accompanied them. He was the constant companion of Achilles, living in the same tent, and when his friend refused to appear in the field of battle, because of being offended with Agamemnon, Patroclus imitated his example. Nestor, however, prevailed on him again to take the field, and Achilles lent him his armor. Hector encountered him, and after a desperate fight slew him. The Greeks obtained his dead body, which was brought into the Grecian camp, where Achilles received it with great lamentation, and again taking the field, killed Hector, thus avenging the death of his friend. =Pau´lus Æmil´ius.= A Roman celebrated for his military achievements, surnamed "Macedonicus" from his conquest of Macedonia. In early life he distinguished himself by his application and for his love for military discipline. In his first consulship he reduced the Ligurians to subjection, and subsequently obtained a great victory over the Macedonians, making himself master of the country. In the office of censor, which he filled, he behaved with great moderation, and at his death, about 168 years before the Christian era, the Romans mourned deeply for him. =Pausa´nias.= A Spartan general who greatly signalized himself at the battle of Platæa against the Persians. He afterwards, at the head of the Spartan armies, extended his conquests in Asia, but the haughtiness of his behavior made him many enemies. He offered, on certain conditions, to betray Greece to the Persians, but his perfidy was discovered, on which he fled for safety to a temple of Minerva, where he was starved to death, B.C. 471. =Peg´asus.= A winged horse sprung from the blood of Medusa. According to Ovid he fixed his abode on Mount Helicon, where, by striking the earth with his foot, he raised a fountain which has been called Hippocrene. =Pe´leus.= A king of Thessaly, son of Æacus and Endeis, the daughter of Chiron. He married Thetis, one of the Nereids. =Pe´lias.= Son of Neptune and Tyro. On his birth he was exposed in the woods, but his life was preserved by some shepherds. Subsequently Tyro was married to Cretheus, king of Iolchos. They had three children, of whom Æson was the eldest. Pelias visited his mother after the death of Cretheus, and usurped the authority which properly belonged to the children of the deceased monarch. Jason, the son of Æson, who had been educated by Chiron, on attaining manhood demanded the kingdom, the government of which Pelias had usurped. Jason was persuaded by Pelias to waive his claim for the present, and start on the Argonautic expedition. On his return, accompanied by the sorceress Medea, she undertook to restore Pelias to youth, explaining that it was necessary first to cut his body to pieces and place the limbs in a caldron of boiling water. This was done, when Medea refused to fulfill her promise, which she had solemnly made to the daughters of Pelias, who were four in number, and who had received the patronymic of the "Peliades." =Pe´lion=, sometimes called Pelios. A celebrated mountain of Thessaly, the top of which is covered with pine-trees. =Pelop´idas.= A celebrated general of Thebes, son of Hippoclus. It was owing to his valor and prudence, combined with the ability of Epaminondas, that the famous victory of Leuctra was won. =Pe´lops.= A celebrated prince, son of Tantalus, king of Phrygia. He was killed by his father, and served up as a feast to the gods, who had visited Phrygia. He was restored to life, and married Hippodamia, having won her through defeating her father in a chariot race. =Pena´tes.= Certain inferior deities among the Romans, who presided over the domestic affairs of families. =Penel´ope.= A celebrated princess of Greece, daughter of Icarius, and wife of Ulysses, king of Ithaca. She became the mother of Telemachus, and was obliged to part, with great reluctance, from her husband, when the Greeks obliged him to go to the Trojan war. The strife between the hostile forces continued for ten years, and when Ulysses did not return home at the conclusion of the war her fears and anxieties became overwhelming. She was beset by a number of suitors, who told her that her husband would never return, and she ought to give herself to one of her admirers. She received their advances with coldness, but as she was devoid of power, and, as it were, almost a prisoner in their hands, she temporized with them. After twenty years' absence Ulysses returned, and at once delivered her from the persecutions of her suitors. Penelope is described by Homer as a model of female propriety, whilst some more modern writers dispute the correctness of this view. The accounts given by different authors respecting her, in fact, differ materially. By some she is said to have been the mother of Pan. =Penthesile´a.= A queen of the Amazons, daughter of Mars. She came to assist Priam in the last years of the Trojan war, and was slain by Achilles. =Per´gamus.= The citadel of the city of Troy. The word is often used to signify Troy. From it Xerxes reviewed his troops as he marched to invade Greece. =Per´icles.= An Athenian of noble family, son of Xanthippus and Agariste. His naturally great mental powers were greatly improved by attending the lectures of Zeno and other philosophers. He became a commander, a statesman, and an orator, and gained the esteem of the people by his address and liberality. In his ministerial capacity, Pericles did not enrich himself. The prosperity and happiness of Athens was his primary object. He made war against the Lacedæmonians, and restored the temple of Delphi to the care of the Phocians, who had been improperly deprived of that honorable trust. The Peloponnesian war was fomented by his ambitious views. He at length lost his popularity, but only temporarily, and he was restored to all the honors of which he had been deprived. A pestilence which prevailed proved fatal to him in his seventieth year, about 429 years before Christ. =Per´seus.= A son of Jupiter and Danae, the daughter of Acrisius. It had been predicted by the oracle that Acrisius was to perish by his daughter's offspring, so Perseus, soon after his birth, was, with his mother Danae, thrown into the sea. Both were saved and reached the island of Seriphos, where they were treated kindly by Polydectes, the king, who, however, soon became jealous of the genius of Perseus. Perseus had promised Polydectes to bring him the head of the Gorgon Medusa. To enable him to obtain this Pluto lent him a helmet which made the wearer invisible. Minerva gave him her buckler, and Mercury furnished him with wings. Thus equipped he found the Gorgons, and cut off Medusa's head, with which he fled through the air, and from the blood which dropped from it, sprang the horse Pegasus. During his flight Perseus discovered Andromeda chained to a rock to be devoured by a sea monster, which he destroyed, and married Andromeda. He now returned to Seriphos, where he turned into stone Polydectes by showing him Medusa's head. By an accident, in throwing a quoit he killed Acrisius, thus fulfilling the prediction of the oracle. =Per´seus= or =Per´ses=. A son of Philip, king of Macedonia. He distinguished himself by his enmity to the Romans, and when he had made sufficient preparations he declared war against them. He, however, wanted courage and resolution, and though he at first obtained some advantages over the Roman armies, his timidity proved destructive to his cause. He was defeated at Pydna, and soon after was taken prisoner, and died in prison at Rome. =Per´sius, Au´lus Flac´cus.= A Latin poet of Volaterræ. He was of a good family, and soon became intimate with the most illustrious Romans of his day. The early part of his life was spent in his native town, but at the age of sixteen he was removed to Rome, where he studied philosophy. He died in his thirtieth year, A.D. 62. The satires of Persius were read with pleasure and avidity by his contemporaries. =Per´tinax, Pub´lius Hel´vius.= A Roman emperor after the death of Commodus. He was descended from an obscure family, and for some time was employed in drying wood and making charcoal. He entered on a military life and by his valor rose to offices of the highest trust, and was made consul. At the death of Commodus he was selected to succeed to the throne. His patriotism gained him the affection of the worthiest of his subjects, but there were some who plotted against him. He was killed by his soldiers, A.D. 193. =Petro´nius Ar´biter.= A favorite of the emperor Nero, and one of the ministers and associates of his pleasures and vices. He was made proconsul of Bithynia, and afterwards was honored with the consulship. Eventually he became out of favor with Nero, and resolved to destroy himself, which he did by having his veins opened, A.D. 66. Petronius distinguished himself by his writings as well as by his voluptuousness. He is the author of many elegant compositions, which are, however, often characterized by impropriety of language. =Phæ´dra.= A daughter of Minos and Pasiphæ, who married Theseus. She became the mother of Acamas and Demophoon. She brought an unjust accusation against Hippolytus (a son of Theseus before she married him), who was killed by the horses in his chariot taking fright, causing him to be thrown under the wheels and crushed to death. On hearing this Phædra acknowledged the falseness of the charge she had brought against Hippolytus, and hanged herself in despair. =Phæ´drus.= A Thracian who became one of the freed men of the emperor Augustus. He translated the fables of Æsop into Iambic verse. =Pha´ethon.= A son of the Sun, or of Phoebus and Clymene. According to Hesiod and Pausanias he was son of Cephalus and Aurora, or of Tithonus and Aurora, according to Apollodorus. He is, however, generally acknowledged to be son of Phoebus and Clymene. Phoebus allowed him to drive the chariot of the sun for one day. Phaethon, on receiving the reins, at once showed his incapacity; the horses became unmanageable, and heaven and earth were threatened with a conflagration, when Jupiter struck Phaethon with a thunderbolt, and hurled him into the river Po, where he perished. =Phal´aris.= A tyrant of Agrigentum, who treated his subjects with great cruelty. Perillus made him a brazen bull, inside of which he proposed to place culprits, and by applying fire burn them to death. The first to be thus burnt in this manner was Perillus himself. The cruelties practiced by Phalaris were revenged by a revolt of his people, who put him to death by burning him in the bull. =Pha´on.= A boatman of Mitylene, in Lesbos. He received a box of ointment from Venus, who had presented herself to him in the form of an old woman. When he had rubbed himself with the unguent he became beautiful, and Sappho, the celebrated poetess, became enamored with him. For a short time he devoted himself to her, but soon treated her with coldness, upon which she threw herself into the sea and was drowned. =Pharnaba´zus.= A satrap of Persia who assisted the Lacedæmonians against the Athenians, and gained their esteem by his devotion to their cause. =Pha´ros.= A small island in the bay of Alexandria, on which was built a tower which was considered one of the seven wonders of the world. It was erected in the reigns of Ptolemy Soter and Ptolemy Philadelphus, the architect being Sostratus, the son of Dexiphanes. =Pharsa´lia.= A town of Thessaly, famous for the great battle fought there between Julius Cæsar and Pompey, in which the former obtained the victory. =Phid´ias.= A celebrated sculptor of Athens, who died B.C. 432. He executed a statue of Minerva, which was placed in the Pantheon. =Philip´pi.= A town of Macedonia, celebrated for two battles fought there, B.C. 42, between Augustus and Antony and the republican forces of Brutus and Cassius, in which the former were victorious. =Philip´pus=, king of Macedonia, was son of Amyntas, king of Macedonia. He learnt the art of war from Epaminondas. He married Olympias, the daughter of Neoptolemus, king of the Molossi, and became father of Alexander the Great. Amongst the most important events of his reign was the battle of Chæronea, which he won from the Greeks. The character of Philip is that of a sagacious, prudent, but artful and intriguing, monarch. He was assassinated by Pausanias at the celebration of the nuptials of his daughter, in the forty-seventh year of his age and the twenty-fourth of his reign, about 336 years before the Christian era. =Philip´pus.= The last king of Macedonia of that name was son of Demetrius. He aspired to become the friend of Hannibal. His intrigues were discovered by the Romans, who invaded his territories, and extorted peace from him on terms which were humiliating. He died in the forty-second year of his reign, 179 years before the Christian era. =Phi´lo.= A Jewish writer of Alexandria, A.D. 40. His works related to the creation of the world, sacred history, and the laws and customs of the Jewish nation. =Philocte´tes= was one of the Argonauts. He received from Hercules the arrows which had been dipped in the gall of the Hydra. The Greeks, in the tenth year of the Trojan war, were informed by the oracle that Troy could not be taken without these arrows. Philoctetes repaired to the Grecian camp, where he destroyed a number of the Trojans, among whom was Paris, with the arrows. The adventures of Philoctetes are the subject of one of the best tragedies of Sophocles. =Philome´la.= A daughter of Pandion, king of Athens. Her sister Procne had married Tereus, king of Thrace, and being separated from Philomela spent her time in great melancholy. She persuaded her husband to go to Athens and bring her sister to Thrace. Tereus, on the journey, treated Philomela with great cruelty, and cut off her tongue, confining her in a lonely castle, and reporting to Procne that she was dead. Philomela, however, found means to inform Procne that she was living. In revenge for the cruelty of Tereus, Procne murdered his son and served him up as food at a banquet. On hearing this Tereus drew his sword to slay the sisters, when he was changed into a hoopoe, Philomela into a nightingale, and Procne into a swallow. =Philopoe´men.= A celebrated general of the Achæans, born at Megalopolis. At an early age he distinguished himself in the field of battle, at the same time appearing fond of agriculture and a country life. He adopted Epaminondas as his model, and was not unsuccessful in imitating the prudence and other good qualities of the famous Theban. When Megalopolis was attacked by the Spartans, Philopoemen, then in his thirtieth year, gave the most decisive proofs of his valor. Raised to the rank of commander, he showed his ability to discharge that important trust, by killing with his own hand Mechanidas, the tyrant of Sparta, and defeating his army. Sparta having become, after its conquest, tributary to the Achæans, Philopoemen enjoyed the triumph of having subdued one of the most powerful states of Greece. He was at length made prisoner by the Messenians, and was treated by their general, Dinocrates, with great severity. He was poisoned in his seventieth year, about 183 years before the Christian era. =Philos´tratus.= A famous Sophist, born at Lemnos, or, according to some, at Athens. He came to Rome, where he was patronized by Julia, the wife of the emperor Severus. She intrusted him with some papers referring to Apollonius, whose life he wrote. This biography is written with elegance, but contains many exaggerated descriptions and improbable stories. =Phi´neus.= A son of Agenor, king of Phoenicia, or, according to some, a son of Neptune, who became king of Thrace. He married Cleopatra (called by some Cleobula), the daughter of Boreas, their children being Plexippus and Pandion. After the death of Cleopatra, he married Idæa, the daughter of Dardanus, who, jealous of Cleopatra's children, accused them of an attempt on their father's life, and they were condemned by Phineus to have their eyes put out. This cruelty was punished by the gods, Phineus being made blind, and the Harpies were sent by Jupiter to keep him in continual alarm. He recovered his sight by means of the Argonauts, whom he received with great hospitality. =Phleg´ethon.= A river in the infernal regions, between the banks of which flames of fire flowed instead of water. =Phle´gon.= One of the emperor Adrian's freedmen. He wrote a historical account of Sicily, an account of the principal places in Rome, and treatises on different subjects. His style was inelegant, and he evinced a want of judgment in his writings. =Pho´cion.= An Athenian celebrated for his public and private virtues. He was distinguished for his zeal for the general good, and for his military abilities. The fickleness of the Athenians, however, caused them to lose sight of his virtues, and being accused of treason, he was condemned to drink poison, which he took with the greatest heroism. His death occurred about 318 years before the Christian era. =Phoe´nix=, son of Amyntor, king of Argos, and Cleobule or Hippodamia, was preceptor to Achilles. He accompanied his pupil to the Trojan war, and Achilles was ever grateful for the precepts he had received from him. After the fall of Troy he died in Thrace, and, according to Strabo, was buried near Trachinia, where his name was given to a river. =Phry´ne.= A beautiful woman who lived at Athens about 328 years before the Christian era. She was beloved by Praxiteles, who painted her portrait. It is said that Apelles painted his Venus Anadyomene after he had seen Phryne on the sea-shore with disheveled hair. There was another woman of the same name, who was accused of impiety. When her judges were about to condemn her she unveiled her bosom, and her beauty so captivated them that they acquitted her. =Phryx´us.= A son of Athamas, king of Thebes, and Nephele. On the plea of insanity, Nephele was repudiated by Athamas, who then married Ino, who persecuted Phryxus with inveterate hatred, because he was to succeed to the throne in preference to one of her own children. Being apprised that Ino had designs on his life, he started with his sister Helle to go to Ætes, king of Colchis. According to the poets they mounted on a ram, whose fleece was gold, which soared into the air, directing its course to Colchis. Helle became giddy, and falling into the sea (afterwards called the Hellespont), was drowned. Phryxus arrived at the court of Ætes, whose daughter Chalciope he married. Sometime afterwards he was killed by his father-in-law. The murder of Phryxus gave rise to the famous Argonautic expedition under Jason, the object being to recover the Golden Fleece, which Jason succeeded in obtaining. =Phyl´lis.= A daughter of Sithon, or, according to other writers, of Lycurgus, king of Thrace. She received Demophoon, who landed on her coasts on his return from the Trojan war, and fell in love with him, and he reciprocated her affection; but afterwards proving faithless, Phyllis hanged herself, and according to an old tradition, was changed into an almond tree. =Pi´cus.= King of Latium, son of Saturn, who married Venilia. As he was hunting he was met by Circe, who became enamored with him. She changed him into a woodpecker. =Pier´ides.= A name given to the Muses, because they were born in Pieria, or, as some say, because they were supposed to be the daughters of Pierus, a king of Macedonia, who settled in Boeotia. =Pin´darus.= A celebrated lyric poet of Thebes. When he was young it is said that a swarm of bees settled on his lips and left on them some honey, which was regarded as a prognostic of his future greatness. After his death great respect was shown to his memory, and a statue was erected in his honor in one of the most public places in Thebes. Pindar is said to have died at the age of eighty-six, B.C. 435. Of his works, the odes only are extant; they are admired for sublimity of sentiment and grandeur of expression. =Piræ´us.= A celebrated harbor at Athens about three miles from the city. It was joined to the town by two walls, one built by Pericles, and the other by Themistocles. =Pirith´ous.= Son of Ixion and Dia, the daughter of Deioneus. He was king of the Lapithæ, and wished to become acquainted with Theseus, king of Athens, of whose fame and exploits he had heard. They became cordial friends. Pirithous married Hippodamia, and invited the Centaurs to attend his nuptials, where, having become intoxicated, they behaved with great rudeness, on which they were attacked and overcome by Theseus, Pirithous, Hercules, and the rest of the Lapithæ. Many of the Centaurs were slain, and the rest saved their lives by flight. =Pisan´der.= A commander in the Spartan fleet during the Peloponnesian war. He was greatly opposed to democracy at Athens. He was killed in a naval battle near Cnidus, B.C. 394. =Pisis´tratus.= A celebrated Athenian who distinguished himself by valor in the field and by eloquence at home. He obtained a bodyguard of fifty men to defend his person, and having thus got a number of armed men on whom he could rely, he seized the citadel of Athens, and soon made himself absolute. After this a conspiracy was formed against him, and he was banished from the city. He soon, however, re-established himself in power, and married the daughter of Megacles, one of his greatest enemies, whom he afterwards repudiated. On this his popularity waned, and he fled from Athens, but after an absence of eleven years he returned, and was received by the people with acclamation. He died about 527 years before the Christian era. =Pi´so.= A celebrated family at Rome, eleven of whom had obtained the consulship, and some of whom had been honored with triumphs for their victories. Of this family the most famous were--LUCIUS CALPURNIUS, who was tribune of the people about 149 years before Christ, and afterwards consul. He gained honor as an orator, a statesman, and a historian. CAIUS, another of the family, distinguished himself during his consulship by his firmness in resisting the tumults raised by the tribunes and the clamors of the people. CENIUS, who was consul under Augustus, rendered himself odious by his cruelty. He was accused of poisoning Germanicus, and, being shunned by his friends, destroyed himself. LUCIUS, a governor of Spain, who was assassinated by a peasant. LUCIUS, a governor of Rome for twenty years, during which time he discharged his duties with moderation and justice. CAIUS, who was at the head of a conspiracy against Nero. He committed suicide by venesection. =Pit´tacus=, a native of Mitylene in Lesbos, was one of the seven wise men of Greece. He died in the eighty-second year of his age, about 570 years B.C., the latter part of his life being spent in retirement. Many of his maxims were inscribed on the walls of Apollo's temple at Delphi, to show how high an opinion his countrymen entertained of his abilities as a moralist and philosopher. =Plau´cus L. Muna´tius.= A Roman conspicuous for his follies and extravagance. He had been consul, and had presided over a province, but he forgot his dignity, and became one of the most servile flatterers of Antony and Cleopatra. =Platæ´a.= A town of Boeotia, near Mount Citheron, celebrated as the scene of a battle between Mardonius, the general of Xerxes, king of Persia, and Pausanias, who commanded the Athenians. The Persians were defeated with great slaughter. =Pla´to.= A celebrated philosopher of Athens. He was educated carefully, his mind being cultivated by the study of poetry and geometry, whilst his body was invigorated by the practice of gymnastics. He began his literary career by writing poetry and tragedies. At the age of twenty he was introduced to Socrates, with whom he was for some time a pupil. After traveling in various countries, he retired to the neighborhood of Athens, where his lectures were attended by a crowd of learned, noble, and illustrious pupils. He died on his birthday in the eighty-first year of his age, about 348 years before the Christian era. His writings were so celebrated, and his opinions so highly regarded, that he was called the Divine. =Plau´tus, M. Ac´cius.= A dramatic poet born in Umbria. He wrote twenty-five comedies, of which only nineteen are extant. He died about 184 years before the Christian era. =Plei´ades.= A name given to seven daughters of Atlas and Pleione. They were placed after death in the heavens, and formed a constellation. =Plin´ius, C. Secun´dus=, called the Elder, was born at Verona, of a noble family. He distinguished himself in the field, and was appointed governor of Spain. When at Misenum in command of the Roman fleet, Pliny observed the appearance of a cloud of dust and ashes, which was the commencement of the famous eruption of Mount Vesuvius which overwhelmed Herculaneum and Pompeii. He sailed for the scene of the eruption, where he was suffocated by the vapors emitted. This occurred in the seventy-ninth year of the Christian era. =Plin´ius, C. Cæcil´ius Secun´dus=, surnamed the Younger Pliny, was son of L. Cæcilius by the sister of Pliny the Elder. At the age of nineteen he distinguished himself at the bar. When Trajan was invested with the purple Pliny was created consul. He died in the fifty-second year of his age, A.D. 113. Pliny had much to do with the persecutions of the Christians in the early promulgation of the Christian religion. The Rev. James Copland, M. A., in an admirable little work entitled "Reasons why we Believe the Bible," gives a very interesting letter from Pliny to the emperor Trajan, asking instructions how to deal with the Christians when they were cited to appear before him. =Plutar´chus=, the celebrated biographer, was born at Chæronea, his father being distinguished for his learning and virtues. After traveling in quest of knowledge, he retired to Rome, where he opened a school. Subsequently he removed to Chæronea, where he died at an advanced age about the 140th year of the Christian era. His most esteemed work is the Lives of Illustrious Men. =Plu´to=, son of Saturn and Ops, inherited his father's kingdom with his brothers, Jupiter and Neptune. He received as his portion the kingdom of the infernal regions, of death, and funerals. He seized Proserpine as she was gathering flowers, and carrying her away on his chariot, she became his wife and queen of the infernal regions. =Plu´tus=, the god of riches, was the son of Jason, or Jasius, and Ceres. =Pol´lio, C. Asin´ius.= A Roman consul in the reign of Augustus, who distinguished himself equally by his eloquence and exploits in war. He wrote a history and some tragedies, and died in his eightieth year, A.D. 4. =Pol´lux.= A son of Jupiter and Leda, brother to Castor. =Polyb´ius.= A native of Megalopolis. He distinguished himself by his valor against the Romans in Macedonia, He wrote an universal history in Greek, and died about 124 years B.C. =Polydec´tes.= A son of Magnes, king of Seriphos. He received with kindness Danae and her son Perseus, who had been exposed on the sea. Polydectes was turned into stone by being shown Medusa's head by Perseus. =Polyhym´nia.= One of the Muses, daughter of Jupiter and Mnemosyne. She presided over singing and rhetoric. =Polyni´ces.= A son of OEdipus, king of Thebes, and Jocasta. He inherited his father's throne with his brother Eteocles, and it was agreed that they should reign a year alternately. Eteocles first ascended the throne, but refused to resign the crown. Polynices upon this fled to Argos, where he married Argia, the daughter of Adrastus, the king of the country, and levied an army with which he marched on Thebes. The battle was decided by a combat between the brothers, who killed each other. =Polyphe´mus.= A celebrated Cyclops, son of Neptune and Thoosa, the daughter of Phorcys. He is represented as a monster with one eye in the middle of his forehead. Ulysses was his captive, but escaped by putting a firebrand in the monster's eye. =Pomo´na.= A nymph at Rome, who was supposed to preside over gardens and to be the goddess of fruit trees. =Pompe´ii or Pompei´um.= A town of Campania. It was partly destroyed by an earthquake, A.D. 63, and sixteen years afterwards it was swallowed up by another earthquake. Herculaneum, in its vicinity, shared the same fate. =Pompe´ius, Cnei´us=, surnamed Magnus from his exploits, was son of Pompeius Strabo and Lucilia. In the contentions which existed between Marius and Sylla, Pompey linked himself with the latter. Subsequently he united his interest with that of Cæsar and Crassus, thus forming the first triumvirate. A breach soon occurred, and at the great battle of Pharsalia, where the forces of Cæsar and Pompey met, the latter was totally defeated, and fled to Egypt, where he was assassinated in the fifty-eighth year of his age, B.C. 48. He left two sons, Cneius and Sextus, who at their father's death were masters of a powerful army, with which they opposed Cæsar, but were defeated at the battle of Munda, where Cneius was slain. Sextus escaped, and was put to death by Antony about thirty-five years before the Christian era. =Por´cia.= A daughter of Cato of Utica, who married Bibulus, and after his death Brutus. She was distinguished for her prudence and courage. After her husband's death she killed herself by swallowing burning coals. She is said to have given herself a severe wound to show that she could bear pain. =Porphyr´ius.= A Platonic philosopher of Tyre. He studied eloquence at Athens under Longinus, and afterwards retired to Rome. His most celebrated work was in reference to the Christian religion. Porphyry died A.D. 304, aged seventy-one years. =Porsen´na or Por´sena.= A king of Etruria, who declared war against the Romans because they refused to restore Tarquin to the throne; He was prevented from entering the gates of Rome by the valor of P. Horatius Cocles, who at the head of a bridge kept back Porsenna's army, whilst the bridge was being cut down by the Romans to prevent the entry of their enemies into the city. Eventually Porsenna abandoned the cause of Tarquin. =Praxit´eles.= A famous sculptor of Greece, who lived about 324 years before the Christian era. The most famous of his works was a Cupid, which he gave to Phyrne. He executed a statue of Phyrne, and also one of Venus. =Pri´amus.= The last king of Troy was son of Laomedon, by Strymo, called Placia by some writers. He married Arisba, whom he divorced in order to marry Hecuba, by whom he had a number of children, the most celebrated of whom were Hector, Paris, Deiphobus, Helenus, Laodice, and Cassandra. After he had reigned some time, Priam was anxious to recover his sister Hesione, who had been carried into Greece by Hercules, and to achieve this, he manned a fleet, the command of which he gave to his son Paris, who, instead of obeying the paternal instructions, carried away Helen, the wife of Menelaus, king of Sparta. This caused the Trojan war, which lasted for ten years. At the end of the war Priam was slain by Neoptolemus, the son of Achilles. =Pro´bus, M. Aure´lius.= A native of Pannonia. His father was a gardener, who became a military tribune. His son obtained the same office in the twenty-second year of his age, and distinguished himself so much by his probity and valor that he was invested with the imperial purple. He encouraged the arts, and by his victories added to the glory of his country. He was slain by his soldiers in the fiftieth year of his age, B.C. 282. =Proco´pius=, born of a noble family in Cilicia, was related to the emperor Julian. He signalized himself under Julian, and afterwards retired to the Thracian Chersonesus, whence he made his appearance at Constantinople, and proclaimed himself master of the Eastern Empire. He was defeated in Phrygia, and beheaded A.D. 366. There was a famous Greek historian of the same name, who wrote the history of the reign of Justinian, and who was secretary to Belisarius. =Prome´theus.= A son of Iapetus and Clymene, one of the Oceanides. He ridiculed the gods and deceived Jupiter himself, who, to punish him and the rest of mankind, took fire away from the earth; but Prometheus climbed the heavens by the assistance of Minerva, and stole fire from the chariot of the sun, which he brought down to the earth. This provoked Jupiter, and he ordered Prometheus to be chained to a rock, where a vulture was to feed on his liver, which was never exhausted. He was delivered from his torture by Hercules, who killed the vulture. =Proper´tius, Sex´tus Aure´lius.= A Latin poet born in Umbria. He came to Rome, where his genius greatly recommended him to the great and powerful. His works consist of four books of elegies which are marked by much ability. He died about nineteen years B.C. =Proser´pina=, a daughter of Ceres and Jupiter, called by the Greeks Persephone. As she was gathering flowers Pluto carried her off to the infernal regions, where he married her. Ceres, having learnt that her daughter had been carried away by Pluto, demanded of Jupiter that Pluto should be punished. As queen of hell, Proserpine presided over the death of mankind. She was known by the names of Hecate, Juno Inferna, Libitina, and several others. =Protag´oras.= A Greek philosopher of Abdera in Thrace. He wrote a book in which he denied the existence of a Supreme Being, which book was publicly burnt at Athens, and its author was banished from the city. =Pro´tesila´us.= A king of part of Thessaly, who married Laodamia, and shortly afterwards went to the Trojan war. He was the first of the Greeks who entered the Trojan domain, and on that account, in accordance with the prediction of the oracle, was killed by his countrymen. =Pro´teus.= A sea deity, son of Oceanus and Tethys, or, according to some writers, of Neptune and Phenice. He had received the gift of prophecy from Neptune, but when consulted he often refused to give answers, and puzzled those who consulted him by assuming different shapes. =Psy´che.= A nymph who married Cupid. Venus put her to death because of this, but Jupiter, at the request of Cupid, granted immortality to her. =Ptolemæ´us= First, called Ptolemy, surnamed Lagus. A king of Egypt, son of Arsinoe and Lagus. He was educated in the court of the king of Macedonia, and when Alexander invaded Asia Ptolemy attended him. After Alexander's death Ptolemy obtained the government of Egypt, where he gained the esteem of the people by acts of kindness. He made himself master of Phoenicia and Syria, and rendered assistance to the people of Rhodes against their enemies, for which he received the name of _Soter_. He laid the foundation of a library, which became the most celebrated in the world. He died in his eighty-fourth year, about 284 years B.C. He was succeeded by his son, Ptolemy Philadelphus, who showed himself to be a worthy successor of his father. His palace was an asylum for learned men, and he greatly increased the library his father had founded. Ptolemy Third succeeded his father Philadelphus on the Egyptian throne. He conquered Syria and Cilicia, and returned home laden with spoils. He was, like his predecessors, a patron of learning and the arts. Ptolemy Fourth, called Philopater, succeeded to the throne, his reign being marked by acts of cruelty and oppression. He died in his thirty-seventh year, after a reign of seventeen years, 204 years B.C. Numerous members of this celebrated family in succession occupied the throne, not, however, approaching to the greatness of the founders of the family. =Ptolemæ´us.= A celebrated geographer and astronomer in the reign of Adrian and Antoninus. He was a native of Alexandria, or, as some say, of Pelusium. In his system of the world, designated the Ptolemaic system, he places the earth in the center of the universe, which was generally received as correct till it was confuted by Copernicus. =Pyr´rhus.= A famous king of Epirus, son of Æacides and Phthia. He is celebrated for his military talents; and not only his friends, but his enemies, have been warm in extolling him. He is said to have had no superior in the art of war. He wrote several books on encampments and the ways of training an army. He fought against the Romans with much valor, and they passed encomiums on his great military skill. He was killed in an attack on Argos, by a tile thrown on his head from a housetop. =Pyr´rhus.= See NEOPTOLEMUS. =Pythag´oras.= A celebrated philosopher born at Samos. He first made himself known in Greece at the Olympic games, where, when he was eighteen years old, he obtained the prize for wrestling. He also distinguished himself by his discoveries in geometry, astronomy, and mathematics. He was the first who supported the doctrine of metempsychosis, or transmigration of the soul into different bodies. He believed that the universe was created from a shapeless mass of passive matter by the hands of a powerful Being, who was the mover and soul of the world, and of whose substance the souls of mankind were a portion. The time and place of death of this great philosopher are unknown, but some suppose that he died at Metapontum about 497 years B.C. =Py´thon.= A celebrated serpent sprung from the mud and stagnated waters which remained on the surface of the earth after the deluge of Deucalion. Apollo killed the monster. =Quintilia´nus, Mar´cus Fa´bius=, a celebrated rhetorician, born in Spain. He opened a school of rhetoric at Rome, and was the first who obtained a salary from the State as a public teacher. He died A.D. 95. =Quin´tus Cur´tius Ru´fus.= A Latin historian supposed to have lived in the reign of Vespasian. He wrote a history of the reign of Alexander the Great. This work is admired for the elegance of its diction. =Regil´lus.= A small lake in Latium, famous as being the scene of a great Roman victory, which forms the subject of a fine poem by Lord Macaulay, called "The Battle of the Lake Regillus," included in his "Lays of Ancient Rome." =Reg´ulus, M. Attil´ius.= A consul during the first Punic war. He reduced Brundusium, and in his second consulship he captured a great portion of the Carthaginian fleet. After further successes he was taken prisoner by the Carthaginians, who put him to death with refined tortures. =Rhadaman´thus.= A son of Jupiter and Europa. He reigned in the Cyclades, where his rule was characterized by marked justice and impartiality. =Rom´ulus.= According to tradition the founder of Rome. He was a son of Mars and Ilia, and was twin brother of Remus. The twins were thrown into the Tiber, but were saved and suckled by a she-wolf till they were found by Fautulus, a shepherd, who brought them up. Disputes arising between the brothers in reference to the building of the city, Romulus caused Remus to be slain. =Ros´cius.= A celebrated Roman actor. He died about 60 years B.C. =Ru´bicon.= A small river in Italy. By crossing it, and thus transgressing the boundaries of his province, Cæsar declared war against the senate and Pompey. "Passing the Rubicon" has become a proverbial expression, indicating an irrevocable step taken in any weighty matter. =Sa´cra, Vi´a.= An important street in Rome, where a treaty of peace was made between Romulus and Tatius. =Sal´amis.= An island of Attica celebrated for a battle fought there between the fleets of the Greeks and the Persians, in which the latter suffered defeat. =Sallus´tius Cris´pus.= A celebrated Latin historian. He wrote a history of the Catalinian conspiracy, and died thirty-five years before the Christian era. =Sanchoni´athon.= A Phoenician historian born at Berytus, or, as some say, at Tyre. He lived a few years before the Trojan war; and wrote on the antiquities of Phoenicia. =Sa´por.= A king of Persia, who succeeded to the throne about the 238th year of the Christian era. He wished to increase his dominions by conquest, but was defeated by Odenatus, who defeated his army with great slaughter. He was assassinated A.D. 273. =Sa´por.= The second king of Persia of that name. He fought against the Romans, and obtained several victories over them. Died A.D. 380. =Sap´pho=, celebrated for her beauty and poetical talents, was born at Lesbos about 600 years before Christ. She became enamored with Phaon, a youth of Mitylene, but he not reciprocating her passion, she threw herself into the sea from the rock of Leucadia. =Sardanapa´lus.= The last king of Assyria, celebrated for his luxury and indolence. His effeminacy induced his subjects to conspire against him with success, on which he set fire to his palace and perished in the flames, B.C. 820. =Satur´nus.= The son of Coelus, or Uranus, by Terra. It was customary to offer human victims on his altars till this custom was abolished by Hercules. He is generally represented as an old man bent with age, and holding a scythe in his right hand. =Sat´yri.= Demigods whose origin is unknown. They had the feet and legs of a goat, their body bearing the human form. =Scævola, Mu´tius=, surnamed Cordus, was famous for his courage. He attempted to assassinate Porsenna, but was seized; and to show his fortitude when confronted with Porsenna, he thrust his hand into the fire, on which the king pardoned him. =Scip´io.= The name of a celebrated family at Rome, the most conspicuous of which was Publius Cornelius, afterwards called Africanus. He was the son of Publius Scipio, and commanded an army against the Carthaginians. After obtaining some victories he encountered Hannibal at the famous battle of Zama, in which he obtained a decisive victory. He died about 184 years before Christ, in his forty-eighth year. =Scip´io, Lu´cius Corne´lius=, surnamed Asiaticus, accompanied his brother Africanus in his expedition in Africa. He was made consul A.U.C. 562, and sent to attack Antiochus, king of Syria, whom he completely routed. He was accused of receiving bribes of Antiochus, and was condemned to pay large fines which reduced him to poverty. =Scip´io, P. Æmilia´nus.= Called Africanus the younger. He finished the war with Carthage, the total submission of which occurred B.C. 147. The captive city was set on fire, and Scipio was said to have wept bitterly over the melancholy scene. On his return to Rome he was appointed to conclude the war against Numantia, the fall of which soon occurred, and Scipio had Numantinus added to his name. He was found dead in his bed, and was presumed to have been strangled, B.C. 128. =Sem´ele.= A daughter of Cadmus and Hermione, the daughter of Mars and Venus. She was the mother of Bacchus. After death she was made immortal under the name of Thyone. =Semir´amis.= A celebrated queen of Assyria, who married the governor of Nineveh, and at his death she became the wife of King Ninus. She caused many improvements to be effected in her kingdom, as well as distinguishing herself as a warrior. She is supposed to have lived 1965 years before the Christian era. =Sen´eca, L. Annæ´us=, at an early period of his life, was distinguished by his talents. He became preceptor to Nero, in which capacity he gained general approbation. The tyrant, however, determined to put him to death, and he chose to have his veins opened in a hot bath, but death not ensuing, he swallowed poison, and was eventually suffocated by the soldiers who were in attendance. This occurred in his fifty-third year, and in the sixty-fifth of the Christian era. His works, which were numerous, were chiefly on moral subjects. =Sera´pis.= One of the Egyptian deities, supposed to be the same as Osiris. He had a magnificent temple at Memphis, another at Alexandria, and a third at Canopus. =Sesos´tris.= A celebrated king of Egypt, who lived long prior to the Trojan war. He was ambitious of military fame, and achieved many conquests. On his return from his victories he employed himself in encouraging the fine arts. He destroyed himself after a reign of forty-four years. =Seve´rus, Lu´cius Septim´ius.= A Roman emperor, born in Africa, noticeable for his ambition. He invaded Britain, and built a wall in the north as a check to the incursions of the Caledonians. He died at York in the 211th year of the Christian era. =Sile´nus.= A demigod, who is represented generally as a fat old man riding on an ass, with flowers crowning his head. =Sil´ius Ital´icus, C.= A Latin poet who retired from the bar to consecrate his time to study. He imitated Virgil, but with little success. His poetry, however, is commended for its purity. =Simon´ides.= A celebrated poet of Cos, who lived B.C. 538 years. He wrote elegies, epigrams, and dramatic pieces, esteemed for their beauty. =Sire´nes.= The Sirens. They lured to destruction those who listened to their songs. When Ulysses sailed past their island he stopped the ears of his companions with wax, and had himself tied to the mast of his ship. Thus he passed with safety, and the Sirens, disappointed of their prey, drowned themselves. =Sis´yphus.= Son of Æolus and Enaretta. After death he was condemned, in the infernal regions, to roll a stone to the summit of a hill, which always rolled back, and rendered his punishment eternal. =Soc´rates.= The most celebrated philosopher of antiquity, born near Athens, whose virtues rendered his name venerated. His independence of spirit created for him many enemies, and he was accused of making innovations in the religion of the Greeks. He was condemned to death by drinking hemlock, and expired a few moments after imbibing the poison, in his seventieth year, B.C. 400. His wife was Xanthippe, remarkable for her shrewish disposition, for which her name has become proverbial. =So´lon=, one of the wise men of Greece, was born at Salamis, and educated at Athens. After traveling over Greece he returned, and was elected archon and sovereign legislator, in which capacity he effected numerous reforms in the state, binding the Athenians by a solemn oath to observe the laws he enacted for one hundred years. After this he visited Egypt, and on returning to Athens after ten years' absence, he found most of his regulations disregarded by his countrymen. On this he retired to Cyprus, where he died in his eightieth year, 558 years before the Christian era. =Som´nus=, son of Nox and Erebus, was one of the infernal deities and presided over sleep. =Soph´ocles.= A celebrated tragic poet of Athens. He was distinguished also as a statesman, and exercised the office of archon with credit and honor. He wrote for the stage, and obtained the poetical prize on twenty different occasions. He was the rival of Euripides for public applause, each having his admirers. He died at the age of ninety-one, 406 years before Christ. =Sophonis´ba.= A daughter of Hasdrubal, the Carthaginian, celebrated for her beauty. She married Syphax, prince of Numidia, and when he was conquered by the Romans she became a captive to their ally, the Numidian general Masinissa, whom she married. This displeased the Romans, and Scipio ordered Masinissa to separate from Sophonisba, and she, urged to this by Masinissa, took poison, about 203 years before Christ. =Soz´omen.= A historian who died 450 A.D. He wrote an important work on ecclesiastical history. =Sphinx.= A monster, having the head and breasts of a woman, the body of a dog, the tail of a serpent, the wings of a bird, and the paws of a lion. The Sphinx was sent into the neighborhood of Thebes by Juno, where she propounded enigmas, devouring those who were unable to solve them. One of the riddles proposed was--What animal walked on four legs in the morning, two at noon, and three in the evening? OEdipus solved it, giving as the meaning--A man, who when an infant crawled on his hands and feet, walking erect in manhood, and in the evening of life supporting himself with a stick. On hearing the solution the Sphinx destroyed herself. =Stagi´ra.= A town on the borders of Macedonia, where Aristotle was born; hence he is called the Stagirite. =Sta´tius, P. Papin´us.= A poet, born at Naples in the reign of Domitian. He was the author of two epic poems, the Thebais, in twelve books, and the Achilleis, in two books. =Sten´tor.= One of the Greeks who went to the Trojan war. He was noted for the loudness of his voice, and from him the term "stentorian" has become proverbial. =Sto´ici.= A celebrated sect of philosophers founded by Zeno. They preferred virtue to all other things, and regarded everything opposed to it as an evil. =Stra´bo.= A celebrated geographer, born at Amasia, on the borders of Cappadocia. He flourished in the age of Augustus. His work on geography consists of seventeen books, and is admired for its purity of diction. =Styx.= A celebrated river of the infernal regions. The gods held it in such veneration that they always swore by it, the oath being inviolable. =Sueto´nius, C. Tranquil´lus.= A Latin historian who became secretary to Adrian. His best known work is his Lives of the Cæsars. =Sul´la.= See SYLLA. =Syb´aris.= A town on the bay of Tarentum. Its inhabitants were distinguished by their love of ease and pleasure, hence the term "Sybarite." =Syl´la= (or =Sulla=), =L. Corne´lius=. A celebrated Roman, of a noble family, who rendered himself conspicuous in military affairs; and became antagonistic to Marius. In the zenith of his power he was guilty of the greatest cruelty. His character is that of an ambitious, tyrannical, and resolute commander. He died about seventy years before Christ, aged sixty. =Sy´phax.= A king of the Masæsyllii in Numidia, who married Sophonisba, the daughter of Hasdrubal. He joined the Carthaginians against the Romans, and was taken by Scipio as a prisoner to Rome, where he died in prison. =Tac´itus, C. Corne´lius.= A celebrated Latin historian, born in the reign of Nero. Of all his works the "Annals" is the most extensive and complete. His style is marked by force, precision, and dignity, and his Latin is remarkable for being pure and classical. =Tac´itus, M. Clau´dius.= A Roman, elected emperor by the Senate when he was seventy years of age. He displayed military vigor, and as a ruler was a pattern of economy and moderation. He died in the 276th year of the Christian era. =Tan´talus.= A king of Lydia, father of Niobe and Pelops. He is represented by the poets as being, in the infernal regions, placed in a pool of water which flowed from him whenever he attempted to drink, thus causing him to suffer perpetual thirst; hence the origin of the term "tantalizing." =Tarquin´ius Pris´cus=, the fifth king of Rome, was son of Demaratus, a native of Greece. He exhibited military talents in the victories he gained over the Sabines. During peace he devoted attention to the improvement of the capital. He was assassinated in his eightieth year, 578 years B.C. =Tarquin´ius Super´bus.= He ascended the throne of Rome after Servius Tullius, whom he murdered, and married his daughter Tullia. His reign was characterized by tyranny, and eventually he was expelled from Rome, surviving his disgrace for fourteen years, and dying in his ninetieth year. =Tar´tarus.= One of the regions of hell, where, according to Virgil, the souls of those who were exceptionally depraved were punished. =Telem´achus.= Son of Penelope and Ulysses. At the end of the Trojan war he went in search of his father, whom, with the aid of Minerva, he found. Aided by Ulysses he delivered his mother from the suitors that beset her. =Tem´pe.= A valley in Thessaly through which the river Peneus flows into the Ægean. It is described by the poets as one of the most delightful places in the world. =Teren´tius Pub´lius= (=Terence=). A native of Africa, celebrated for the comedies he wrote. He was twenty-five years old when his first play was produced on the Roman stage. Terence is admired for the purity of his language and the elegance of his diction. He is supposed to have been drowned in a storm about 159 B.C. =Te´reus.= A king of Thrace who married Procne, daughter of Pandion, king of Athens. He aided Pandion in a war against Megara. =Terpsich´ore.= One of the Muses, daughter of Jupiter and Mnemosyne. She presided over dancing. =Tertullia´nus, J. Septim´ius Flor´ens.= A celebrated Christian writer of Carthage, who lived A.D. 196. He was originally a Pagan, but embraced Christianity, of which faith he became an able advocate. =Tha´is.= A celebrated woman of Athens, who accompanied Alexander the Great in his Asiatic conquests. =Tha´les.= One of the seven wise men of Greece, born at Miletus in Ionia. His discoveries in astronomy were great, and he was the first who calculated with accuracy a solar eclipse. He died about 548 years before the Christian era. =Thali´a.= One of the Muses. She presided over festivals and comic poetry. =Themis´tocles.= A celebrated general born at Athens. When Xerxes invaded Greece, Themistocles was intrusted with the care of the fleet, and at the famous battle of Salamis, fought B.C. 480, the Greeks, instigated to fight by Themistocles, obtained a complete victory over the formidable navy of Xerxes. He died in the sixty-fifth year of his age, having, as some writers affirm, poisoned himself by drinking bull's blood. =Theoc´ritus.= A Greek poet who lived at Syracuse in Sicily, 282 B.C. He distinguished himself by his poetical compositions, of which some are extant. =Theodo´sius, Fla´vius.= A Roman emperor surnamed _Magnus_ from the greatness of his exploits. The first years of his reign were marked by conquests over the Barbarians. In his private character Theodosius was an example of temperance. He died in his sixtieth year, A.D. 395, after a reign of sixteen years. =Theodo´sius Second= became emperor of the Western Roman empire at an early age. His territories were invaded by the Persians, but on his appearance at the head of a large force they fled, losing a great number of their army in the Euphrates. Theodosius was a warm advocate of the Christian religion. He died, aged forty-nine, A.D. 450. =Theophras´tus.= A native of Lesbos. Diogenes enumerates the titles of more than 200 treatises which he wrote. He died in his 107th year, B.C. 288. =Thermop´ylæ.= A narrow Pass leading from Thessaly into Locris and Phocis, celebrated for a battle fought there, B.C. 480, between Xerxes and the Greeks, in which three hundred Spartans, commanded by Leonidas, resisted for three successive days an enormous Persian army. =Thersi´tes.= A deformed Greek, in the Trojan war, who indulged in ridicule against Ulysses and others. Achilles killed him because he laughed at his grief for the death of Penthesilea. Shakspeare, who introduced Thersites in his play of "Troilus and Cressida," describes him as "a deformed and scurrilous Grecian." =The´seus=, king of Athens and son of Ægeus by Æthra, was one of the most celebrated heroes of antiquity. He caught the bull of Marathon and sacrificed it to Minerva. After this he went to Crete amongst the seven youths sent yearly by the Athenians to be devoured by the Minotaur, and by the aid of Ariadne he slew the monster. He ascended his father's throne B.C. 1235. Pirithous, king of the Lapithæ, invaded his territories, but the two became firm friends. They descended into the infernal regions to carry off Proserpine, but their intentions were frustrated by Pluto. After remaining for some time in the infernal regions, Theseus returned to his kingdom to find the throne filled by an usurper, whom he vainly tried to eject. He retired to Scyros, where he was killed by a fall from a precipice. =Thes´pis.= A Greek poet of Attica, supposed to be the inventor of tragedy, B.C. 536. He went from place to place upon a cart, on which he gave performances. Hence the term "Thespians" as applied to wandering actors. =The´tis.= A sea deity, daughter of Nereus and Doris. She married Peleus, their son being Achilles, whom she plunged into the Styx, thus rendering him invulnerable in every part of his body except the heel by which she held him. =This´be.= A beautiful girl of Babylon, beloved by Pyramus. =Thrasybu´lus.= A famous general of Athens, who, with the help of a few associates, expelled the Thirty Tyrants, B.C. 401. He was sent with a powerful fleet to recover the Athenian power on the coast of Asia, and after gaining many advantages, was killed by the people of Aspendos. =Thucid´ydes.= A celebrated Greek historian born at Athens. He wrote a history of the events connected with the Peloponnesian war. He died at Athens in his eightieth year, B.C. 391. =Tibe´rius, Clau´dius Ne´ro.= A Roman emperor descended from the Claudii. In his early years he entertained the people with magnificent shows and gladiatorial exhibitions, which made him popular. At a later period of his life he retired to the island of Capreæ, where he indulged in vice and debauchery. He died aged seventy-eight, after a reign of twenty-two years. =Tibul´lus, Au´lus Al´bius.= A Roman knight celebrated for his poetical compositions. His favorite occupation was writing love poems. Four books of elegies are all that remain of his compositions. =Timo´leon.= A celebrated Corinthian, son of Timodemus and Demariste. When the Syracusans, oppressed with the tyranny of Dionysius the Younger, solicited aid from the Corinthians, Timoleon sailed for Syracuse with a small fleet. He was successful in the expedition, and Dionysius gave himself up as a prisoner. Timoleon died at Syracuse, amidst universal regret. =Ti´mons.= A native of Athens, called the Misanthrope from his aversion to mankind. He is the hero of Shakspeare's play of "Timon of Athens" in which his churlish character is powerfully delineated. =Timo´theus.= A famous musician in the time of Alexander the Great. Dryden names him in his well-known ode, "Alexander's Feast." =Tire´sias.= A celebrated prophet of Thebes. Juno deprived him of sight, and, to recompense him for the loss, Jupiter bestowed on him the gift of prophecy. =Tisiph´one.= One of the Furies, daughter of Nox and Acheron. =Tita´nes.= The Titans. A name given to the gigantic sons of Coelus and Terra. The most conspicuous of them are Saturn, Hyperion, Oceanus, Iapetus, Cottus, and Briareus. =Ti´tus Vespasia´nus.= Son of Vespasian and Flavia Domitilla, known by his valor, particularly at the siege of Jerusalem. He had been distinguished for profligacy, but on assuming the purple, he became a model of virtue. His death, which occasioned great lamentations, occurred A.D. 81, in the forty-first year of his age. =Traja´nus, M. Ul´pius Crini´tus.= A Roman emperor born at Ithaca. His services to the empire recommended him to the notice of the emperor Nerva, who adopted him as his son, and invested him with the purple. The actions of Trajan were those of a benevolent prince. He died in Cilicia, in August A.D. 117, in his sixty-fourth year, and his ashes were taken to Rome and deposited under a stately column which he had erected. =Tribu´ni Ple´bi.= Magistrates at Rome created in the year, U.C. 261. The office of Tribune to the people was one of the first steps which led to more honorable employments. =Triptol´emus.= Son of Oceanus and Terra, or, according to some authorities, son of Celeus, king of Attica, and Neæra. He was in his youth cured of a severe illness by Ceres, with whom he became a great favorite. She taught him agriculture, and gave him her chariot drawn by dragons, in which he traveled over the earth, distributing corn to the inhabitants. =Tri´ton.= A sea deity, son of Neptune and Amphitrite. He was very powerful, and could calm the sea and abate storms at his pleasure. =Trium´viri.= Three magistrates appointed to govern the Roman state with absolute power. =Tul´lus Hostil´ius= succeeded Numa as king of Rome. He was of a warlike disposition, and distinguished himself by his expedition against the people of Alba, whom he conquered. =Typhoe´us=, or =Ty´phon=. A famous giant, son of Tartarus and Terra, who had a hundred heads. He made war against the gods, and was put to flight by the thunderbolts of Jupiter, who crushed him under Mount Ætna. =Tyrtæ´us.= A Greek elegiac poet born in Attica. Of his compositions none are extant except a few fragments. =Ulys´ses.= The famous king of Ithaca, son of Anticlea and Laertes (or, according to some, of Sisyphus). He married Penelope, daughter of Icarius, on which his father resigned to him the crown. He went to the Trojan war, where he was esteemed for his sagacity. On the conclusion of the war he embarked for Greece, but was exposed to numerous misfortunes on his journey. In his wanderings, he, with some of his companions, was seized by the Cyclops, Polyphemus, from whom he made his escape. Afterwards he was thrown on the island of Æea, where he was exposed to the wiles of the enchantress Circe. Eventually he was restored to his own country, after an absence of twenty years. The adventures of Ulysses on his return from the Trojan war form the subject of Homer's Odyssey. =Ura´nia.= One of the Muses, daughter of Jupiter and Mnemosyne. She presided over astronomy. =Valentinia´nus= the First. Son of Gratian, raised to the throne by his merit and valor. He obtained victories over the Barbarians in Gaul and in Africa, and punished the Quadi with severity. He broke a blood-vessel and died, A.D. 375. Immediately after his death, his son, Valentinian the Second, was proclaimed emperor. He was robbed of his throne by Maximus, but regained it by the aid of Theodosius, emperor of the East. He was strangled by one of his officers. He was remarkable for benevolence and clemency. The third Valentinian was made emperor in his youth, and on coming to maturer age he disgraced himself by violence and oppression. He was murdered A.D. 454. =Valeria´nus, Pub´lius Licin´ius.= A celebrated Roman emperor, who, on ascending the throne, lost the virtues he had previously possessed. He made his son Gallienus his colleague in the empire. He made war against the Goths and Scythians. He was defeated in battle and made prisoner by Tapor, king of Persia, who put him to death by torture. =Var´ro.= A Latin author, celebrated for his great learning. He wrote no less than five hundred volumes, but all his works are lost except a treatise De Re Rusticâ, and another De Linguâ Latinâ He died B.C. 28, in his eighty-eighth year. =Ve´nus.= One of the most celebrated deities of the ancients; the goddess of beauty, and mother of love. She sprang from the foam of the sea, and was carried to heaven, where all the gods admired her beauty. Jupiter gave her in marriage to Vulcan, but she intrigued with some of the gods, and, notably, with Mars, their offspring being Hermione, Cupid, and Anteros. She became enamored of Adonis, which caused her to abandon Olympus. Her contest for the golden apple, which she gained against her opponents Juno and Minerva, is a prominent episode in mythology. She had numerous names applied to her, conspicuous amongst which may be named Anadyomene, under which cognomen she is distinguished by the picture, representing her as rising from the ocean, by Apelles. She was known under the Grecian name of Aphrodite. =Vespasia´nus Ti´tus Fla´vius.= A Roman emperor of obscure descent. He began the siege of Jerusalem, which was continued by his son Titus. He died A.D. 79, in his seventieth year. =Ves´ta.= A goddess, daughter of Rhea and Saturn. The Palladium, a celebrated statue of Pallas, was supposed to be preserved within her sanctuary, where a fire was kept continually burning. =Vesta´les.= The Vestals, priestesses consecrated to the service of Vesta. They were required to be of good families and free from blemish and deformity. One of their chief duties was to see that the sacred fire of Vesta was not extinguished. =Virgil´ius, Pub´lius Ma´ro=, called the prince of the Latin poets, was born at Andes, near Mantua, about seventy years before Christ. He went to Rome, where he formed an acquaintance with Mæcenas, and recommended himself to Augustus. His Bucolics were written in about three years, and subsequently he commenced the Georgics, which is considered one of the most perfect of all Latin compositions. The Æneid is supposed to have been undertaken at the request of Augustus. Virgil died in his fifty-first year B.C. 19. =Virgin´ia.= Daughter of the centurion L. Virginius. She was slain by her father to save her from the violence of the decemvir, Appius Claudius. =Virgin´ius.= A valiant Roman, father of Virginia. (See Virginia.) The story of Virginius and his ill-fated daughter is the subject of the well-known tragedy of "Virginius," one of the early productions of J. Sheridan Knowles. It is rarely performed in the present day. =Vulca´nus.= The god who presided over fire, and who was the patron of those who worked in iron. According to Homer, he was the son of Jupiter and Juno, and was so deformed, that at his birth his mother threw him into the sea, where he remained nine years; but other writers differ from this opinion. He married Venus at the instigation of Jupiter. He is known by the name of Mulciber. The Cyclopes were his attendants, and with them he forged the thunderbolts of Jupiter. =Xanthip´pe= or =Xantip´pe=. The wife of Socrates, remarkable for her ill-humor and fretful disposition. She was a constant torment to her husband, and on one occasion, after bitterly reviling him, she emptied a vessel of dirty water on him, on which the philosopher coolly remarked, "After thunder rain generally falls." =Xenoc´rates.= An ancient philosopher born at Calcedonia, and educated in the school of Plato, whose friendship he gained. Died B.C. 314. =Xen´ophon.= A celebrated Athenian, son of Gryllus, famous as a general, philosopher, and historian. He joined Cyrus the Younger in an expedition against Artaxerxes, king of Persia, and after the decisive battle of Cunaxa, in which Cyrus was defeated and killed, the skill and bravery of Xenophon became conspicuous. He had to direct an army of ten thousand Greeks, who were now more than six hundred leagues from home, and in a country surrounded by an active enemy. He rose superior to all difficulties till the celebrated "Retreat of the Ten Thousand" was effected; the Greeks returning home after a march of two hundred and fifteen days. Xenophon employed his pen in describing the expedition of Cyrus, in his work the "Anabasis." He also wrote the "Cyropædia," "Memorabilia," "Hellenica," etc. He died at Corinth in his ninetieth year, about 360 years before the Christian era. =Xer´xes= succeeded his father Darius on the throne of Persia. He entered Greece with an immense army, which was checked at Thermopylæ by the valor of three hundred Spartans under king Leonidas, who, for three successive days, successfully opposed the enormous forces of Xerxes, and were at last slaughtered. From this period the fortunes of Xerxes waned. His fleet being defeated at Salamis, and mortified with ill-success, he hastened to Persia, where he gave himself up to debauchery, and was murdered in the twenty-first year of his reign, about 464 years before the Christian era. =Za´ma.= A town of Numidia, celebrated as the scene of the victory of Scipio over Hannibal, B.C. 202. =Ze´no=, a celebrated philosopher, the founder of the sect of Stoics, was born at Citium in Cyprus. He opened a school in Athens, and soon became noticed by the great and learned. His life was devoted to sobriety and moderation. He died at the age of ninety-eight, B.C. 264. =Ze´no.= A philosopher of Elea or Velia, in Italy. He was the disciple, or, according to some, the adopted son of Parmenides. Being tortured to cause him to reveal his confederates in a plot he had engaged in, he bit off his tongue that he might not betray his friends. =Zeno´bia.= A celebrated princess of Palmyra, the wife of Odenatus. After her husband's death, the Roman emperor Aurelian declared war against her. She took the field with seven hundred thousand men, and though at first successful, she was eventually conquered. Aurelian, when she became his prisoner, treated her with great humanity and consideration. She was admired for her literary talents as well as her military abilities. =Zeux´is.= A celebrated painter born at Heraclea. He flourished 468 years before the Christian era. He painted some grapes so naturally that the birds came to peck them on the canvas; but he was disgusted with the picture, because the man painted as carrying the grapes was not natural enough to frighten the birds. =Zo´ilus.= A sophist and grammarian of Amphipolis, B.C. 259. He became known by his severe criticisms on the works of Isocrates and Homer. =Zoroas´ter.= A king of Bactria, supposed to have lived in the age of Ninus, king of Assyria, some time before the Trojan war. He rendered himself known by his deep researches in philosophy. He admitted no visible object of devotion except fire, which he considered the proper emblem of a Supreme Being. He was respected by his subjects and contemporaries for his abilities as a monarch, a lawgiver, and a philosopher, and though many of his doctrines may be deemed puerile, he had many disciples. The religion of the Parsees of the present day was founded by Zoroaster. =Zos´imus.= A Greek historian who lived about the year 410 of the Christian era. He wrote a history of some of the Roman emperors, which is characterized by graceful diction, but he indulges in malevolent and vituperative attacks on the Christians in his History of Constantine. A LIST OF COMMON ABBREVIATIONS OF WORDS USED IN WRITING AND PRINTING. =A 1=, first class. =a= or =aa= (Gr. _ana_), in _med._, of each the same quantity. =A.B.=, Bachelor of Arts. =A.D.= (L. _anno Domini_), in the year of our Lord. =ad lib.=, or =ad libit.= (L. _ad libitum_), at pleasure. =Æ.=, =Æt.= (L. _ætatis_), of age; aged. =A.M.= (L. _artium magister_), Master of Arts. =A.M.= (L. _ante meridiem_), before noon. =A.M.= (L. _anno mundi_), in the year of the world. =anon.=, anonymous. =A.R.A.=, Associate of the Royal Academy. =A.R.S.A.=, Associate of the Royal Scottish Academy. =A.R.S.S.= (L. _antiquariorum regiæ societatis socius_), Fellow of the Royal Society of Antiquaries. =AS.=, Anglo-Saxon. =A.U.C.= (L. _anno urbis conditæ_, or _anno ab urbe conditâ_), in the year of, or from the building of the city, viz., Rome. =B.A.=, Bachelor of Arts. =Bart.= or =Bt.=, Baronet. =B.C.=, before Christ. =B.C.L.=, Bachelor of Civil Law. =B.D.=, Bachelor of Divinity. =B.LL.=, also =LL.B.=, Bachelor of Laws. =B.Sc.=, Bachelor of Science. =B.S.L.=, Botanical Society of London. =C.= (L. _centum_), a hundred. =Cantab.= (L. _Cantabrigiensis_), of Cambridge. =Cantuar.=, Canterbury. =cap.= (L. _caput_, the head), chapter; =cap.=, capital; =cap.=, a capital letter; =caps.=, capital letters. =C.B.=, Companion of the Bath. =C.E.=, Civil Engineer. =cent.= (L. _centum_), a hundred. =cf.= (L. _confer_), compare. =chap.=, chapter. =con.= (L. _contra_), against; in opposition. =cos.=, cosine. =cres.=, crescendo. =crim. con.=, criminal conversation; adultery. =ct.=, cent; also (L. _centum_), a hundred. =curt.=, current--that is, in this period of time, as month, year, or century. =cwt.= (_c._ for L. _centum_, a hundred; _wt._ for Eng. weight), a hundred-weight. =D.C.= (It. _da capo_), in _music_, again; from the beginning. =D.C.L.=, Doctor of Civil or Canon Law. =D.D.= (L. _divinitatis doctor_), Doctor of Divinity. =D.G.= (L. _Dei gratiâ_), by the grace of God; (L. _Deo gratias_), thanks to God. =do.= or =Do.=, the same. =doz.=, dozen. =Dr.=, doctor; debtor. =D.S.= (It. _dal segno_), from the sign. =D.Sc.=, Doctor of Science. =Dunelm.=, Durham. =D.V.= (L. _Deo volente_), God willing. =dwt.= (L. _denarius_, a silver coin, a penny; and first and last letters of Eng. _weight_), pennyweight. =Ebor.= (L. _Ebor[)a]cum_), York. =E.C.=, Established Church. =Ed.=, editor. =E.E.=, errors excepted. =e.g.=, (L. _exempli gratiâ_, for the sake of example), for example; for instance. =E.I.=, East Indies; East India. =E.I.C.=, East India Company; =E.I.C.S.=, East India Company's Service. =E. long.=, east longitude. =E.N.E.=, east-north-east. =E.S.E.=, east-south-east. =Esq.= or =Esqr.=, Esquire. =etc.= (L. _et cætera_), &c.; and others; and so forth. =et seq.= (L. _et sequentia_), and the following. =ex.=, example; exception; =ex=, "out of," as, a cargo _ex_ Maria. =exch.=, exchequer; exchange. =Exon.= (L. _Exonia_), Exeter. =f.=, feminine; farthing or farthings; foot or feet. =Fahr.=, Fahrenheit. =far.=, farriery; farthing. =F.A.S.=, Fellow of the Society of Arts. =F.A.S.E.=, Fellow of the Antiquarian Society, Edinburgh. =F.B.S.E.=, Fellow of the Botanical Society of Edinburgh. =F.C.=, Free Church. =fcp.=, foolscap. =F.D.= (L. _fidei defensor_), Defender of the Faith. =F.E.I.S.=, Fellow of the Educational Institute of Scotland. =F.E.S.=, Fellow of the Entomological Society; Fellow of the Ethnological Society. =F.G.S.=, Fellow of the Geological Society. =F.H.S.=, Fellow of the Horticultural Society. =Fl.=, Flemish; Florida; florin. =F.L.S.=, Fellow of the Linnæan Society. =F.M.=, field-marshal. =fo.=, =fol.=, folio. =F.P.=, fire-plug. =F.P.S.=, Fellow of the Philological Society. =Fr.=, France; French. =F.R.A.S.=, Fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society. =F.R.C.P.=, Fellow of the Royal College of Preceptors, or of Physicians. =F.R.C.P.E.=, Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians, Edinburgh. =F.R.C.S.=, Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons. =F.R.C.S.E.=, Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons, Edinburgh. =F.R.C.S.I.=, Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons, Ireland. =F.R.C.S.L.=, Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons, London. =F.R.G.S.=, Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society. =F.R.S.=, Fellow of the Royal Society. =F.R.S.E.=, Fellow of the Royal Society, Edinburgh. =F.R.S.L.=, Fellow of the Royal Society of Literature. =F.S.A.=, Fellow of the Society of Arts, or of Antiquaries: =F.S.A., Scot.=, an F.S.A. of Scotland. =ft.=, foot or feet. =F.T.C.D.=, Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. =F.Z.A.=, Fellow of the Zoological Academy. =G.A.=, General Assembly. =G.C.B.=, Knight Grand Cross of the Bath. =G.P.O.=, General Post-office. =gtt.= (L. _gutta_ or _guttæ_), a drop or drops. =H.B.C.=, Hudson Bay Company. =H.E.I.C.=, Honorable East India Company. =H.G.=, Horse Guards. =hhd.=, hogshead; hogsheads. =H.I.H.=, His (or Her) Imperial Highness. =H.M.S.=, Her (or His) Majesty's steamer, ship, or service. =H.R.H.=, His (or Her) Royal Highness. =H.S.S.= (L. _historiæ societatis socius_), Fellow of the Historical Society. =ib.=, =ibid.= (L. _ibidem_), in the same place. =id.= (L. _idem_), the same. =i. e.= (L. _id est_), that is. =I.H.S.= (L. _Iesus Hominum Salvator_), Jesus the Saviour of Men. =incog.= (L. _incognito_), unknown. =in lim.= (L. _in limine_), at the outset. =in loc.= (L. _in loco_), in its place. =inst.=, instant--that is, the present month. =in trans.= (L. _in transitu_), on the passage. =I.O.U.=, three letters being identical in sound with the three words "I owe you,"--written as a simple acknowledgment for money lent, followed by sum and signature. =Ir.=, Ireland; Irish. =i.q.= (L. _idem quod_), the same as. =J.P.=, Justice of the Peace. =K.C.B.=, Knight Commander of the Bath (Great Britain). =K.G.=, Knight of the Garter (Great Britain). =K.G.C.=, Knight of the Grand Cross (Great Britain). =K.G.C.B.=, Knight of the Grand Cross of the Bath (Great Britain). =Knt.=, knight. =K.P.=, Knight of St. Patrick (Ireland). =Kt.= or =Knt.=, knight. =K.T.=, Knight of the Thistle (Scotland). =K.S.E.=, Knight of the Star of the East. =L.= or =lb.= (L. _libra_), a pound in weight. =lat.=, latitude, N. or S. =lb.=--see =L.= =leg.= (It. _legato_), smoothly. =L.G.=, Life Guards. =lib.= (L. _liber_), a book. =Linn.=, Linnæus; Linnæan. =LL.B.=, (L. _legum_, of laws, and _baccalaureus_, bachelor), Bachelor of Laws, an academic title. =LL.D.=, (L. _legum_, of laws, and _doctor_, doctor), Doctor of Laws, an academic title, higher than LL.B. =long.=, longitude, E. or W. =L.S.D.=, or =£ s. d.= (said to be from L. _libra_, a balance, a pound in weight; _solidus_, a coin of the value of 25 denarii, subsequently only a half of that value; and _denarius_, a silver coin worth about 8-1/2d. Eng.), pounds, shillings, pence--that is, in any written statement of money, L. is put over pounds, S. over shillings, and D. over pence; in _printing_, £ for L. is put before the sum, as £15, s. and d. in single letter, after, as 4s. 6d. =M.= (L. _mille_), a thousand. =M.A.= (L. _magister artium_), Master of Arts, an academic title. =M.C.S.=, Madras Civil Service. =M.D.=, (L. _medicinæ_, of medicine, _doctor_, doctor), Doctor of Medicine. =M.E.=, Mining Engineer. =Mdlle.= (F. _Mademoiselle_), Miss. =Mme.= (F. _Madame_), Madam. =Mons.= (F. _Monsieur_), Mr.; Sir. =M.P.=, Member of Parliament. =M.P.S.=, Member of the Philological Society; Member of the Pharmaceutical Society. =M.R.A.S.=, Member of the Royal Asiatic Society; Member of the Royal Academy of Science. =M.R.C.P.=, Member of the Royal College of Preceptors, or of Physicians. =M.R.C.S.=, Member of the Royal College of Surgeons. =M.R.G.S.=, Member of the Royal Geographical Society. =MS.=, manuscript; =MSS.=, manuscripts. =Mus. B.=, Bachelor of Music; =Mus. D.=, Doctor of Music. =N.B.=, North British; North Britain, that is Scotland; New Brunswick; (L. _nota_, note, _bene_, well), note well, or take notice. =N.E.=, north-east; New England. =N.N.E.=, north-north-east. =N.N.W.=, north-north-west. =non obst.= (L. _non_, not, _obstante_, standing over against, withstanding), notwithstanding. =non pros.= (L. _non_, not, _prosequitur_, he follows after, he prosecutes), he does not prosecute--applied to a judgment entered against a plaintiff who does not appear. =non seq.= (L. _non_, not, _sequitur_, it follows), it does not follow. =N.P.=, notary public. =N.S.=, new style; Nova Scotia. =N.T.=, New Testament. =N.W.=, north-west. =ob.= (L. _obiit_), he died. =obs.=, obsolete. =O.S.=, old style. =Oxon.= (L. _Oxonia_), Oxford. =oz.=, ounce. =p.=, page; =pp.=, pages. =P.C.=, Privy Council or Councillor. =P.D.= or =Ph.D.=, Doctor of Philosophy. =per an.= (L. _per annum_), by the year. =per cent.= (L. _per_, by; _centum_, a hundred,) by the hundred. =pinx., pxt.= (L. _pinxit_), he or she painted it. =P.M.=, postmaster; (L. _post meridiem_), afternoon. =P.M.G.=, postmaster-general. =P.O.=, post-office; =P.O.O.=, Post-Office Order. =pp.=, pages. =P.P.=, parish-priest. =P.P.C.=, (F. _pour prendre congé_, to take leave), put on calling cards to intimate leave-taking. =pr.= (L. _per_, by), by the. =pres.=, also =preses=, _pr[)e]s´-[)e]s_; president. =prof.=, professor. =pro tem.= (L. _pro tempore_), for the time being. =prox.= (L. _proximo_), next; of the next month. =P.S.=, (L. _post scriptum_), postscript. =p.t.=, post-town. =pxt.= (L. _pinxit_), he or she painted it. =Q.= or =Qu.=, question; query. =Q.C.=, Queen's Counsel; Queen's College. =q.e.= (L. _quod est_), which is. =Q E.D.= (L. _quod erat demonstrandum_), which was to be demonstrated. =Q.E.F.= (L. _quod erat faciendum_), which was to be done. =Q.E.I.= (L. _quod erat inveniendum_), which was to be found out. =q.l.= (L. _quantum libet_), as much as you please. =Q.M.G.=, quartermaster-general. =qr.=, quarter; quire: =qrs=., quarters. =qt.=, quart: =qts.=, quarts. =q.v.= (L. _quod vide_), which see. =R.=, L. _rex_, king; _regina_, queen. =R.=, L. _recipe_, take. =R.A.=, Royal Academy, or Academician; Royal Artillery; Rear-Admiral; Right Ascension. =R.C.=, Roman Catholic. =Ref. Ch.=, Reformed Church. =Reg. Prof.=, Regius Professor. =R.I.P.= (L.), requiescat in pace. =R.Rev.=, right reverend. =R.S.A.=, Royal Society of Antiquaries; Royal Scottish Academy. =R.S.S.= (L. _regiæ societatis socius_), Fellow of the Royal Society. =Rt.=, Right. =S.=, south. =S.A.=, South America; South Africa; South Australia. =Sarum=, Salisbury. =S.A.S.= (L. _societatis antiquariorum socius_), Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries. =s. caps.=, small capital letters. =sc.= or =sculp.= (L. _sculpsit_), he or she engraved it. =s.= or =scil.= (L. _scilicet_), to wit; namely. =scr.=, scruple. =sculp.= or =sculpt.= (L. _sculpsit_), he or she engraved it. =S.E.=, south-east. =sec.=, secretary; second. =Sep.= or =Sept.=, Septuagint; also LXX. =seq.= (L. _sequentes_ or _sequentia_), the following; the next. =S.G.=, solicitor-general. =S.H.S.= (_societatis historiæ socius_), Fellow of the Historical Society. =S.J.=, Society of Jesus. =S.L.=, solicitor-at-law. =Sol.-Gen.=, solicitor-general. =S.P.C.K.=, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. =S.P.G.=, Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. =sq.=, square: =sq. ft.=, square feet: =sq. in.=, square inches: =sq. m.=, square miles: =sq. yds.=, square yards. =S.R.I.= (L. _sacrum Romanum imperium_), the Holy Roman Empire. =s.s.=, steamship. =S.S.E.=, south-south-east. =S.S.W.=, south-south-west. =S.T.P.= (L. _sacræ theologia professor_), Professor of Theology. =super.=, superfine. =supp.=, supplement. =S.W.=, south-west. =syn.=, synonym; synonymous. =T.O.=, turn over. =tr.= or =trs=., transpose. =U.C.=, Upper Canada; (L. _urbe condita_, the founding of the city), the year of Rome. =univ.=, university. =U.P.=, United Presbyterian. =U.S.=, United States. =v.g.= (L. _verbi gratiâ_), for example. =vid.= (L. _vide_), see. =viz.= (a corruption of L. _videlicet_), namely; to wit. =vol.=, volume: =vols.=, volumes. =V.P.=, vice-president. =vul.=, vulgate. =W.=, west; western. =Winton=, Winchester. =W. long.=, west longitude. =W.M.S.=, Wesleyan Missionary Society. =W.N.W.=, west-north-west. =W.S.W.=, west-south-west. =wt.=, weight. =X.= or =Xt.=, Christ: =Xm.= or =Xmas.=, Christmas: =Xn.= or =Xtian.=, Christian. =yd.=, yard: =yds.=, yards. THE END. * * * * * 1883.--1883. G. W. CARLETON & CO. NEW BOOKS AND NEW EDITIONS, RECENTLY ISSUED BY G. W. CARLETON & CO., Publishers, Madison Square, New York. The Publishers, on receipt of price, send any book on this Catalogue by mail, _postage free_. All handsomely bound in cloth, with gilt backs suitable for libraries. =Mary J. Holmes' Works.= Tempest and Sunshine $1 50 English Orphans 1 50 Homestead on the Hillside 1 50 'Lena Rivers 1 50 Meadow Brook 1 50 Dora Deane 1 50 Cousin Maude 1 50 Marian Grey 1 50 Edith Lyle 1 50 Daisy Thornton 1 50 Chateau D´Or (New) 1 50 Darkness and Daylight 1 50 Hugh Worthington 1 50 Cameron Pride 1 50 Rose Mather 1 50 Ethelyn's Mistake 1 50 Millbank 1 50 Edna Browning 1 50 West Lawn 1 50 Mildred 1 50 Forrest House 1 50 Madeline (New) 1 50 =Marion Harland's Works.= Alone $1 50 Hidden Path 1 50 Moss Side 1 50 Nemesis 1 50 Miriam 1 50 At Last 1 50 Helen Gardner 1 50 True as Steel (New) 1 50 Sunnybank 1 50 Husbands and Homes 1 50 Ruby's Husband 1 50 Phemie's Temptation 1 50 The Empty Heart 1 50 Jessamine 1 50 From My Youth Up 1 50 My Little Love 1 50 =Charles Dickens--15 Vols.--"Carleton's Edition."= Pickwick and Catalogue $1 50 Dombey and Son 1 50 Bleak House 1 50 Martin Chuzzlewit 1 50 Barnaby Rudge--Edwin Drood. 1 50 Child's. England--Miscellaneous 1 50 Christmas Books--Two Cities 1 50 David Copperfield 1 50 Nicholas Nickleby 1 50 Little Dorrit. 1 50 Our Mutual Friend 1 50 Curiosity Shop--Miscellaneous 1 50 Sketches by Boz--Hard Times 1 50 Great Expectations--Italy 1 50 Oliver Twist--Uncommercial 1 50 Sets of Dickens' Complete Works, in 15 vols.--[elegant half calf bindings] 50 00 =Augusta J. Evans' Novels.= Beulah $1 75 Macaria 1 75 Ines 1 75 St. Elmo $2 00 Vashti 2 00 Infelice (New) 2 00 =May Agnes Fleming's Novels.= Guy Earlscourt's Wife $1 50 A Wonderful Woman 1 50 A Terrible Secret 1 50 A Mad Marriage 1 50 Norine's Revenge 1 50 One Night's Mystery 1 50 Kate Danton 1 50 Silent and True 1 50 Heir of Charlton 1 50 Carried by Storm 1 50 Lost for a Woman 1 50 A Wife's Tragedy 1 50 A Changed Heart 1 50 Pride and Passion 1 50 Sharing Her Crime (New) 1 50 =Allan Pinkerton's Works.= Expressmen and Detectives $1 50 Mollie Maguires and Detectives 1 50 Somnambulists and Detectives 1 50 Claude Melnotte and Detectives 1 50 Criminal Reminiscences, etc. 1 50 Rail-Road Forger, etc. 1 50 Bank Robbers and Detectives 1 50 Gypsies and Detectives 1 50 Spiritualists and Detectives 1 50 Model Town and Detectives 1 50 Strikers, Communists, etc. 1 50 Mississippi Outlaws, etc. 1 50 Bucholz and Detectives 1 50 =Bertha Clay's Novels.= Thrown on the World $1 50 A Bitter Atonement 1 50 Love Works Wonders 1 50 Evelyn's Folly 1 50 Under a Shadow (New) 1 50 A Woman's Temptation 1 50 Repented at Leisure 1 50 Between Two Loves 1 50 Lady Damer's Secret 1 50 A Struggle for a Ring (New) 1 50 ="New York Weekly" Series.= Brownie's Triumph--Sheldon $1 50 The Forsaken Bride. do. 1 50 Earle Wayne's Nobility. do. 1 50 A New Book. do. 1 50 His Other Wife--Ashleigh 1 50 Curse of Everleigh--Pierce 1 50 Peerless Cathleen--Agnew 1 50 Faithful Margaret--Ashmore 1 50 Nick Whiffles--Robinson 1 50 Grinder Papers--Dallas 1 50 Lady Leonora--Conklin 1 50 =Miriam Coles Harris' Novels.= Rutledge $1 50 Frank Warrington 1 50 Louie's Last Term, St. Mary's 1 50 A Perfect Adonis 1 50 Missy (New) 1 50 The Sutherlands 1 50 St. Philips 1 50 Round Hearts for Children 1 50 Richard Vandermarck 1 50 Happy-Go-Lucky 1 50 =A. S. Roe's Select Stories.= True to the Last $1 50 The Star and the Cloud 1 50 How Could He Help it? 1 50 A Long Look Ahead 1 50 I've Been Thinking 1 50 To Love and to be Loved 1 50 =Julie P. Smith's Novels.= Widow Goldsmith's Daughter $1 50 Chris and Otho 1 50 Ten Old Maids 1 50 His Young Wife 1 50 Lucy (New) 1 50 The Widower 1 50 The Married Belle 1 50 Courting and Farming 1 50 Kiss and be Friends 1 50 =Artemas Ward.= Complete Comic Writings--With Biography, Portrait and 50 illustrations $1 50 =The Game of Whist.= Pole on Whist--The English standard work. With the "Portland Rules" $ 75 =Victor Hugo's Great Novel.= Les Miserables--Translated from the French. The only complete edition $1 50 =Mrs. Hill's Cook Book.= Mrs. A. P. Hill's New Southern Cookery Book, and domestic receipts $2 00 =Carleton's Popular Quotations.= Carleton's New Hand-Book--Familiar Quotations, with their authorship $1 50 Carleton's Classical Dictionary--Condensed Mythology for popular use 75 =Celia E. Gardner's Novels.= Stolen Waters. (In verse) $1 50 Broken Dreams. do. 1 50 Compensation. do. 1 50 A Twisted Skein. do. 1 50 Tested 1 50 Rich Medway 1 50 A Woman's Wiles 1 50 Terrace Roses 1 50 ="New York Weekly" Series.= Thrown on the World. $1 50 A Bitter Atonement. 1 50 Love Works Wonders. 1 50 Evelyn's Folly. 1 50 Lady Damer's Secret. 1 50 A Woman's Temptation. 1 50 Repented at Leisure. 1 50 Between Two Loves. 1 50 Peerless Cathleen. 1 50 Brownie's Triumph. 1 50 The Forsaken Bride. 1 50 His Other Wife. 1 50 Nick Whiffles. 1 50 Lady Leonore. 1 50 The Grinder Papers. 1 50 Faithful Margaret. 1 50 Curse of Everleigh. 1 50 =Artemas Ward.= Complete Comic Writings--With Biography, Portrait, and 50 illustrations. $1 50 =Charles Dickens.= Dickens' Parlor Table Album of Illustrations--with descriptive text. $2 50 =M. M. Pomeroy= ("=Brick="). Sense. A serious book. $1 50 Gold Dust.--Do. 1 50 Our Saturday Nights. 1 50 Nonsense. (A comic book). 1 50 Brick-dust.--Do. 1 50 Home Harmonies. 1 50 =Ernest Renan's French Works.= The Life of Jesus. Translated. $1 75 Lives of the Apostles.--Do. 1 75 The Life of St. Paul. Translated. 1 75 The Bible in India--By Jacolliot. 2 00 =G. W. Carleton.= Our Artist in Cuba, Peru, Spain, and Algiers--150 Caricatures of travel. $1 00 =Miscellaneous Publications.= The Children's Fairy Geography--With hundreds of beautiful illustrations. $2 50 Hawk-eyes--A comic book by "The Burlington Hawkeye Man." Illustrated. 1 50 Among the Thorns--A new novel by Mrs. Mary Lowe Dickinson. 1 50 Our Daughters--A talk with mothers, by Marion Harland, author of "Alone," 50 Redbirds Christmas Story--An illustrated Juvenile. By Mary J. Holmes. 50 Carleton's Popular Readings--Edited by Mrs. Anna Randall Diehl. 1 50 The Culprit Fay--Joseph Rodman Drake's Poem. With 100 illustrations. 2 00 L'Assommoir--English Translation from Zola's famous French novel. 1 00 Parlor Amusements--Games, Tricks, and Home Amusements, by F. Bellew. 1 00 Love [L'Amour]--Translation from Michelet's famous French work. 1 50 Woman [La Femme].--Do.--Do.--Do. 1 50 Verdant Green--A racy English college Story. With 200 comic illustrations. 1 00 Solid for Mulhooly--The Sharpest Political Satire of the Day. 1 00 A Northern Governess at the Sunny South--By Professor J. H. Ingraham. 1 50 Laus Veneris, and other Poems--By Algernon Charles Swinburne. 1 50 Birds of a Feather Flock Together--By Edward A. Sothern, the actor. 1 00 Beatrice Cenci--from the Italian novel, with Guido's celebrated portrait. 1 50 Morning Glories--A charming collection of Children's stories. By Louisa Alcot. 1 00 Some Women of To-day--A novel by Mrs. Dr. Wm. H. White. 1 50 From New York to San Francisco--By Mrs. Frank Leslie. Illustrated. 1 50 Why Wife and I Quarreled--A Poem by author "Betsey and I are out." 1 00 West India Pickles--A yacht Cruise in the Tropics. By W. P. Talboys. 1 00 Threading My Way--The Autobiography of Robert Dale Owen. 1 50 Debatable Land between this World and Next--Robert Dale Owen. 2 00 Lights and Shadows of Spiritualism--By D. D. Home, the Medium. 2 00 Yachtman's Primer--Instructions for Amateur Sailors. By Warren. 50 The Fall of Man--A Darwinian Satire, by author of "New Gospel of Peace." 50 The Chronicles of Gotham--A New York Satire.--Do.--Do. 25 Tales from the Operas--A collection of stories based upon the Opera plots. 1 00 Ladies and Gentlemen's Etiquette Book of the best Fashionable Society. 1 00 Self Culture in Conversation, Letter-Writing, and Oratory. 1 00 Love and Marriage--A book for young people. By Frederick Saunders. 1 00 Under the Rose--A Capital book, by the author of "East Lynne," 1 00 So Dear a Dream--A novel by Miss Grant, author of "The Sun Maid". 1 00 Give me thine Heart--A Capital new Love Story by Roe. 1 00 Meeting Her Fate--A charming novel by the author of "Aurora Floyd". 1 00 The New York Cook-Book--Book of Domestic Receipts. By Mrs. Astor. 1 00 =Miscellaneous Works.= Dawn to Noon--By Violet Fane $1 50 Constance's Fate--Do. 1 50 French Love Songs--Translated 50 A Bad Boy's First Reader 10 Lion Jack--By P. T. Barnum 1 50 Jack in the Jungle--Do. 1 50 Cats, Cooks, Etc--By Edw. T. Ely 50 Drumming as a Fine Art 50 How to Win in Wall Street 50 The Life of Sarah Bernhardt 25 Arctic Travels--Isaac I. Hayes 1 50 College Tramps--Fred. A. Stokes 1 50 Gospels in Poetry--E. H. Kimball 1 50 Me--By Mrs. Spencer W. Coe 50 N.Y. to San Francisco--Leslie 1 50 Don Quixote--Illustrated $1 00 Arabian Nights--Do. 1 00 Robinson Crusoe--Do 1 00 Swiss Family Robinson--Illus. 1 00 Debatable Land--R. Dale Owen 2 00 Threading My Way.--Do. 1 50 Spiritualism--By D. D. Home 2 00 Fanny Fern Memorials 2 00 Orpheus C. Kerr--4 vols. in one 2 00 Northern Ballads--E. L. Anderson 1 00 Offenbach's Tour in America 1 50 Stories about Doctors--Jeffreson 1 50 Stories about Lawyers--Do. 1 50 Mrs. Spriggins.--By Widow Bedott 1 50 How to Make Money--Davies 1 50 =Miscellaneous Novels.= Doctor Antonio--By Ruffini $1 50 Beatrice Cenci--From the Italian 1 50 Madame--By Frank Lee Benedict 1 50 A Late Remorse--Do. 1 50 Hammer and Anvil--Do. 1 50 Her Friend Laurence--Do. 1 50 Prairie Flower--Emerson Bennett 1 50 Among the Thorns--Dickinson 1 50 Women of To-day--Mrs. W.H. White 1 50 Braxton's Bar--R. M. Daggett 1 50 Miss Beck--Tilbury Holt 1 50 Sub Rosa--Chas. T. Murray 50 Hilda and I--E. Bedell Benjamin 1 50 A College Widow--C. H. Seymour 1 50 Old M'sieur's Secret--Translation 50 Petticoats and Slippers 50 Shiftless Folks--Fannie Smith 1 50 Peace Pelican.--Do. 1 50 Price of a Life--R. Forbes Sturgis 1 50 Hidden Power--T. H. Tibbles 1 50 Two Brides--Bernard O'Reilly 1 50 Sorry Her Lot--Miss Grant 1 00 Two of Us--Calista Halsey 75 Cupid on Crutches--A. B. Wood 75 Parson Thorne--E. M. Buckingham 1 50 Marston Hall--L. Ella Byrd 1 50 Ange--Florence Marryatt 1 00 Errors--Ruth Carter 1 50 Unmistakable Flirtation--Garner 75 Wild Oats--Florence Marryatt 1 50 Widow Cherry--B. L. Farjeon 25 Solomon Isaacs.--Do. 50 Edith Murray--Joanna Mathews 1 50 Doctor Mortimer--Fannie Bean 1 50 Outwitted at Last--S. A. Gardner 1 50 Vesta Vane--L. King, R. 1 50 Louise and I--C. R. 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9625	----	Proofreaders BURIED CITIES, PART 1 POMPEII BY JENNIE HALL Author of "Four Old Greeks," Etc. Instructor in History and English in the Francis W. Parker School, Chicago With Many Drawings and Photographs From Original Sources The publishers are grateful to the estate of Miss Jennie Hall and to her many friends for assistance in planning the publication of this book. Especial thanks are due to Miss Nell C. Curtis of the Lincoln School, New York City, for helping to finish Miss Hall's work of choosing the pictures, and to Miss Irene I. Cleaves of the Francis Parker School, Chicago, who wrote the captions. It was Miss Katharine Taylor, now of the Shady Hill School, Cambridge, who brought these stories to our attention. FOREWORD: TO BOYS AND GIRLS Do you like to dig for hidden treasure? Have you ever found Indian arrowheads or Indian pottery? I knew a boy who was digging a cave in a sandy place, and he found an Indian grave. With his own hands he uncovered the bones and skull of some brave warrior. That brown skull was more precious to him than a mint of money. Another boy I knew was making a cave of his own. Suddenly he dug into an older one made years before. He crawled into it with a leaping heart and began to explore. He found an old carpet and a bit of burned candle. They proved that some one had lived there. What kind of a man had he been and what kind of life had he lived--black or white or red, robber or beggar or adventurer? Some of us were walking in the woods one day when we saw a bone sticking out of the ground. Luckily we had a spade, and we set to work digging. Not one moment was the tool idle. First one bone and then another came to light and among them a perfect horse's skull. We felt as though we had rescued Captain Kidd's treasure, and we went home draped in bones. Suppose that instead of finding the bones of a horse we had uncovered a gold-wrapped king. Suppose that instead of a deserted cave that boy had dug into a whole buried city with theaters and mills and shops and beautiful houses. Suppose that instead of picking up an Indian arrowhead you could find old golden vases and crowns and bronze swords lying in the earth. If you could be a digger and a finder and could choose your find, would you choose a marble statue or a buried bakeshop with bread two thousand years old still in the oven or a king's grave filled with golden gifts? It is of such digging and such finding that this book tells. CONTENTS FOREWORD: To BOYS AND GIRLS POMPEII 1. The Greek Slave and the Little Roman Boy 2. Vesuvius 3. Pompeii Today _Pictures of Pompeii:_ A Roman Boy The City of Naples Vesuvius in Eruption Pompeii from an Airplane Nola Street; the Stabian Gate In the Street of Tombs The Amphitheater; the Baths Temple of Apollo; School of the Gladiators The Smaller Theater A Sacrifice Scene in the Forum; Hairpins; Bath Appliances Peristyle of the House of the Vettii Lady Playing a Harp Kitchen of the House of the Vettii Kitchen Utensils; Centaur Cup The House of the Tragic Poet Mosaic of Watch Dog The House of Diomede A Bakery; Section of a Mill Lucius Cæcilius Jueundus Bronze Candleholder The Dancing Faun Hermes in Repose The Arch of Nero [Illustration: Line Art of Bronze Lamp. Caption: _Bronze Lamps_. The bowl held olive oil. A wick came out at the nozzle. These lamps gave a dim and smoky light.] THE GREEK SLATE AND THE LITTLE ROMAN BOY Ariston, the Greek slave, was busily painting. He stood in a little room with three smooth walls. The fourth side was open upon a court. A little fountain splashed there. Above stretched the brilliant sky of Italy. The August sun shone hotly down. It cut sharp shadows of the columns on the cement floor. This was the master's room. The artist was painting the walls. Two were already gay with pictures. They showed the mighty deeds of warlike Herakles. Here was Herakles strangling the lion, Herakles killing the hideous hydra, Herakles carrying the wild boar on his shoulders, Herakles training the mad horses. But now the boy was painting the best deed of all--Herakles saving Alcestis from death. He had made the hero big and beautiful. The strong muscles lay smooth in the great body. One hand trailed the club. On the other arm hung the famous lion skin. With that hand the god led Alcestis. He turned his head toward her and smiled. On the ground lay Death, bruised and bleeding. One batlike black wing hung broken. He scowled after the hero and the woman. In the sky above him stood Apollo, the lord of life, looking down. But the picture of the god was only half finished. The figure was sketched in outline. Ariston was rapidly laying on paint with his little brushes. His eyes glowed with Apollo's own fire. His lips were open, and his breath came through them pantingly. "O god of beauty, god of Hellas, god of freedom, help me!" he half whispered while his brush worked. For he had a great plan in his mind. Here he was, a slave in this rich Roman's house. Yet he was a free-born son of Athens, from a family of painters. Pirates had brought him here to Pompeii, and had sold him as a slave. His artist's skill had helped him, even in this cruel land. For his master, Tetreius, loved beauty. The Roman had soon found that his young Greek slave was a painter. He had said to his steward: "Let this boy work at the mill no longer. He shall paint the walls of my private room." So he had talked to Ariston about what the pictures should be. The Greek had found that this solemn, frowning Roman was really a kind man. Then hope had sprung up in his breast and had sung of freedom. "I will do my best to please him," he had thought. "When all the walls are beautiful, perhaps he will smile at my work. Then I will clasp his knees. I will tell him of my father, of Athens, of how I was stolen. Perhaps he will send me home." Now the painting was almost done. As he worked, a thousand pictures were flashing through his mind. He saw his beloved old home in lovely Athens. He felt his father's hand on his, teaching him to paint. He gazed again at the Parthenon, more beautiful than a dream. Then he saw himself playing on the fishing boat on that terrible holiday. He saw the pirate ship sail swiftly from behind a rocky point and pounce upon them. He saw himself and his friends dragged aboard. He felt the tight rope on his wrists as they bound him and threw him under the deck. He saw himself standing here in the market place of Pompeii. He heard himself sold for a slave. At that thought he threw down his brush and groaned. But soon he grew calmer. Perhaps the sweet drip of the fountain cooled his hot thoughts. Perhaps the soft touch of the sun soothed his heart. He took up his brushes again and set to work. "The last figure shall be the most beautiful of all," he said to himself. "It is my own god, Apollo." So he worked tenderly on the face. With a few little strokes he made the mouth smile kindly. He made the blue eyes deep and gentle. He lifted the golden curls with a little breeze from Olympos. The god's smile cheered him. The beautiful colors filled his mind. He forgot his sorrows. He forgot everything but his picture. Minute by minute it grew under his moving brush. He smiled into the god's eyes. Meantime a great noise arose in the house. There were cries of fear. There was running of feet. "A great cloud!" "Earthquake!" "Fire and hail!" "Smoke from hell!" "The end of the world!" "Run! Run!" And men and women, all slaves, ran screaming through the house and out of the front door. But the painter only half heard the cries. His ears, his eyes, his thoughts were full of Apollo. For a little the house was still. Only the fountain and the shadows and the artist's brush moved there. Then came a great noise as though the sky had split open. The low, sturdy house trembled. Ariston's brush was shaken and blotted Apollo's eye. Then there was a clattering on the cement floor as of a million arrows. Ariston ran into the court. From the heavens showered a hail of gray, soft little pebbles like beans. They burned his upturned face. They stung his bare arms. He gave a cry and ran back under the porch roof. Then he heard a shrill call above all the clattering. It came from the far end of the house. Ariston ran back into the private court. There lay Caius, his master's little sick son. His couch was under the open sky, and the gray hail was pelting down upon him. He was covering his head with his arms and wailing. "Little master!" called Ariston. "What is it? What has happened to us?" "Oh, take me!" cried the little boy. "Where are the others?" asked Ariston. "They ran away," answered Caius. "They were afraid, Look! O-o-h!" He pointed to the sky and screamed with terror. Ariston looked. Behind the city lay a beautiful hill, green with trees. But now from the flat top towered a huge, black cloud. It rose straight like a pine tree and then spread its black branches over the heavens. And from that cloud showered these hot, pelting pebbles of pumice stone. "It is a volcano," cried Ariston. He had seen one spouting fire as he had voyaged on the pirate ship. "I want my father," wailed the little boy. Then Ariston remembered that his master was away from home. He had gone in a ship to Rome to get a great physician for his sick boy. He had left Caius in the charge of his nurse, for the boy's mother was dead. But now every slave had turned coward and had run away and left the little master to die. Ariston pulled the couch into one of the rooms. Here the roof kept off the hail of stones. "Your father is expected home to-day, master Caius," said the Greek. "He will come. He never breaks his word. We will wait for him here. This strange shower will soon be over." So he sat on the edge of the couch, and the little Roman laid his head in his slave's lap and sobbed. Ariston watched the falling pebbles. They were light and full of little holes. Every now and then black rocks of the size of his head whizzed through the air. Sometimes one fell into the open cistern and the water hissed at its heat. The pebbles lay piled a foot deep all over the courtyard floor. And still they fell thick and fast. "Will it never stop?" thought Ariston. Several times the ground swayed under him. It felt like the moving of a ship in a storm. Once there was thunder and a trembling of the house. Ariston was looking at a little bronze statue that stood on a tall, slender column. It tottered to and fro in the earthquake. Then it fell, crashing into the piled-up stones. In a few minutes the falling shower had covered it. Ariston began to be more afraid. He thought of Death as he had painted him in his picture. He imagined that he saw him hiding behind a column. He thought he heard his cruel laugh. He tried to look up toward the mountain, but the stones pelted him down. He felt terribly alone. Was all the rest of the world dead? Or was every one else in some safe place? "Come, Caius, we must get away," he cried. "We shall be buried here." He snatched up one of the blankets from the couch. He threw the ends over his shoulders and let a loop hang at his back. He stood the sick boy in this and wound the ends around them both. Caius was tied to his slave's back. His heavy little head hung on Ariston's shoulder. Then the Greek tied a pillow over his own head. He snatched up a staff and ran from the house. He looked at his picture as he passed. He thought he saw Death half rise from the ground. But Apollo seemed to smile at his artist. At the front door Ariston stumbled. He found the street piled deep with the gray, soft pebbles. He had to scramble up on his hands and knees. From the house opposite ran a man. He looked wild with fear. He was clutching a little statue of gold. Ariston called to him, "Which way to the gate?" But the man did not hear. He rushed madly on. Ariston followed him. It cheered the boy a little to see that somebody else was still alive in the world. But he had a hard task. He could not run. The soft pebbles crunched under his feet and made him stumble. He leaned far forward under his heavy burden. The falling shower scorched his bare arms and legs. Once a heavy stone struck him on his cushioned head, and he fell. But he was up in an instant. He looked around bewildered. His head was ringing. The air was hot and choking. The sun was gone. The shower was blinding. Whose house was this? The door stood open. The court was empty. Where was the city gate? Would he never get out? He did not know this street. Here on the corner was a wine shop with its open sides. But no men stood there drinking. Wine cups were tipped over and broken on the marble counter. Ariston stood in a daze and watched the wine spilling into the street. Then a crowd came rushing past him. It was evidently a family fleeing for their lives. Their mouths were open as though they were crying. But Ariston could not hear their voices. His ears shook with the roar of the mountain. An old man was hugging a chest. Gold coins were spilling out as he ran. Another man was dragging a fainting woman. A young girl ran ahead of them with white face and streaming hair. Ariston stumbled on after this company. A great black slave came swiftly around a corner and ran into him and knocked him over, but fled on without looking back. As the Greek boy fell forward, the rough little pebbles scoured his face. He lay there moaning. Then he began to forget his troubles. His aching body began to rest. He thought he would sleep. He saw Apollo smiling. Then Caius struggled and cried out. He pulled at the blanket and tried to free himself. This roused Ariston, and he sat up. He felt the hot pebbles again. He heard the mountain roar. He dragged himself to his feet and started on. Suddenly the street led him out into a broad space. Ariston looked around him. All about stretched wide porches with their columns. Temple roofs rose above them. Statues stood high on their pedestals. He was in the forum. The great open square was crowded with hurrying people. Under one of the porches Ariston saw the money changers locking their boxes. From a wide doorway ran several men. They were carrying great bundles of woolen cloth, richly embroidered and dyed with precious purple. Down the great steps of Jupiter's temple ran a priest. Under his arms he clutched two large platters of gold. Men were running across the forum dragging bags behind them. Every one seemed trying to save his most precious things. And every one was hurrying to the gate at the far end. Then that was the way out! Ariston picked up his heavy feet and ran. Suddenly the earth swayed under him. He heard horrible thunder. He thought the mountain was falling upon him. He looked behind. He saw the columns of the porch tottering. A man was running out from one of the buildings. But as he ran, the walls crashed down. The gallery above fell cracking. He was buried. Ariston saw it all and cried out in horror. Then he prayed: "O Lord Poseidon, shaker of the earth, save me! I am a Greek!" Then he came out of the forum. A steep street sloped down to a gate. A river of people was pouring out there. The air was full of cries. The great noise of the crowd made itself heard even in the noise of the volcano. The streets were full of lost treasures. Men pushed and fell and were trodden upon. But at last Ariston passed through the gateway and was out of the city. He looked about. "It is no better," he sobbed to himself. The air was thicker now. The shower had changed to hot dust as fine as ashes. It blurred his eyes. It stopped his nostrils. It choked his lungs. He tore his chiton from top to bottom and wrapped it about his mouth and nose. He looked back at Caius and pulled the blanket over his head. Behind him a huge cloud was reaching out long black arms from the mountain to catch him. Ahead, the sun was only a red wafer in the shower of ashes. Around him people were running off to hide under rocks or trees or in the country houses. Some were running, running anywhere to get away. Out of one courtyard dashed a chariot. The driver was lashing his horses. He pushed them ahead through the crowd. He knocked people over, but he did not stop to see what harm he had done. Curses flew after him. He drove on down the road. Ariston remembered when he himself had been dragged up here two years ago from the pirate ship. "This leads to the sea," he thought. "I will go there. Perhaps I shall meet my master, Tetreius. He will come by ship. Surely I shall find him. The gods will send him to me. O blessed gods!" But what a sea! It roared and tossed and boiled. While Ariston looked, a ship was picked up and crushed and swallowed. The sea poured up the steep shore for hundreds of feet. Then it rushed back and left its strange fish gasping on the dry land. Great rocks fell from the sky, and steam rose up as they splashed into the water. The sun was growing fainter. The black cloud was coming on. Soon it would be dark. And then what? Ariston lay down where the last huge wave had cooled the ground. "It is all over, Caius," he murmured. "I shall never see Athens again." For a while there were no more earthquakes. The sea grew a little less wild. Then the half-fainting Ariston heard shouts. He lifted his head. A small boat had come ashore. The rowers had leaped out. They were dragging it up out of reach of the waves. "How strange!" thought Ariston. "They are not running away. They must be brave. We are all cowards." "Wait for me here!" cried a lordly voice to the rowers. When he heard that voice Ariston struggled to his feet and called. "Marcus Tetreius! Master!" He saw the man turn and run toward him. Then the boy toppled over and lay face down in the ashes. When he came to himself he felt a great shower of water in his face. The burden was gone from his back. He was lying in a row boat, and the boat was falling to the bottom of the sea. Then it was flung up to the skies. Tetreius was shouting orders. The rowers were streaming with sweat and sea water. In some way or other they all got up on the waiting ship. It always seemed to Ariston as though a wave had thrown him there. Or had Poseidon carried him? At any rate, the great oars of the galley were flying. He could hear every rower groan as he pulled at his oar. The sails, too, were spread. The master himself stood at the helm. His face was one great frown. The boat was flung up and down like a ball. Then fell darkness blacker than night. "Who can steer without sun or stars?" thought the boy. Then he remembered the look on his master's face as he stood at the tiller. Such a look Ariston had painted on Herakles' face as he strangled the lion. "He will get us out," thought the slave. For an hour the swift ship fought with the waves. The oarsmen were rowing for their lives. The master's arm was strong, and his heart was not for a minute afraid. The wind was helping. At last they reached calm waters. "Thanks be to the gods!" cried Tetreius. "We are out of that boiling pot." At his words fire shot out of the mountain. It glowed red in the dusty air. It flung great red arms across the sky after the ship. Every man and spar and oar on the vessel seemed burning in its light. Then the fire died, and thick darkness swallowed everything. Ariston's heart seemed smothered in his breast. He heard the slaves on the rowers' benches scream with fear. Then he heard their leader crying to them. He heard a whip whiz through the air and strike on bare shoulders. Then there was a crash as though the mountain had clapped its hands. A thicker shower of ashes filled the air. But the rowers were at their oars again. The ship was flying. So for two hours or more Tetreius and his men fought for safety. Then they came out into fresher air and calmer water. Tetreius left the rudder. "Let the men rest and thank the gods," he said to his overseer. "We have come up out of the grave." When Ariston heard that, he remembered the Death he had left painted on his master's wall. By that time the picture was surely buried under stones and ashes. The boy covered his face with his ragged chiton and wept. He hardly knew what he was crying for--the slavery, the picture, the buried city, the fear of that horrid night, the sorrows of the people left back there, his father, his dear home in Athens. At last he fell asleep. The night was horrible with dreams--fire, earthquake, strangling ashes, cries, thunder, lightning. But his tired body held him asleep for several hours. Finally he awoke. He was lying on a soft mattress. A warm blanket covered him. Clean air filled his nostrils. The gentle light of dawn lay upon his eyes. A strange face bent over him. "It is only weariness," a kind voice was saying. "He needs food and rest more than medicine." Then Ariston saw Tetreius, also, bending over him. The slave leaped to his feet. He was ashamed to be caught asleep in his master's presence. He feared a frown for his laziness. "My picture is finished, master," he cried, still half asleep. "And so is your slavery," said Tetreius, and his eyes shone. "It was not a slave who carried my son out of hell on his back. It was a hero." He turned around and called, "Come hither, my friends." Three Roman gentlemen stepped up. They looked kindly upon Ariston. "This is the lad who saved my son," said Tetreius. "I call you to witness that he is no longer a slave. Ariston, I send you from my hand a free man." He struck his hand lightly on the Greek's shoulder, as all Roman masters did when they freed a slave. Ariston cried aloud with joy. He sank to his knees weeping. But Tetreius went on. "This kind physician says that Caius will live. But he needs good air and good nursing. He must go to some one of Aesculapius' holy places. He shall sleep in the temple and sit in the shady porches, and walk in the sacred groves. The wise priests will give him medicines. The god will send healing dreams. Do you know of any such place, Ariston?" The Greek thought of the temple and garden of Aesculapius on the sunny side of the Acropolis at home in Athens. But he could not speak. He gazed hungrily into Tetreius' eyes. The Roman smiled. "Ariston, this ship is bound for Athens! All my life I have loved her--her statues, her poems, her great deeds. I have wished that my son might learn from her wise men. The volcano has buried my home, Ariston. But my wealth and my friends and my son are aboard this ship. What do you say, my friend? Will you be our guide in Athens?" Ariston leaped up from his knees. A fire of joy burned in his eyes. He stretched his hands to the sky. "O blessed Herakles," he cried, "again thou hast conquered Death. Thou didst snatch us from the grave of Pompeii. Give health to this Roman boy. O fairest Athena, shed new beauty upon our violet crowned Athens. For there is coming to visit her the best of men, my master Tetreius." [Illustration: _A Marble Table_: The lions' heads were painted yellow. You can see a table much like this in the garden pictured later.] VESUVIUS So a living city was buried in a few hours. Wooded hills and green fields lay covered under great ash heaps. Ever since that terrible eruption Vesuvius has been restless. Sometimes she has been quiet for a hundred years or more and men have almost forgotten that she ever thundered and spouted and buried cities. But all at once she would move again. She would shoot steam and ashes into the sky. At night fire would leap out of her top. A few times she sent out dust and lava and destroyed houses and fields. A man who lived five hundred years after Pompeii was destroyed described Vesuvius as she was in his time. He said: "This mountain is steep and thick with woods below. Above, it is very craggy and wild. At the top is a deep cave. It seems to reach the bottom of the mountain. If you peep in you can see fire. But this ordinarily keeps in and does not trouble the people. But sometimes the mountain bellows like an ox. Soon after it casts out huge masses of cinders. If these catch a man, he hath no way to save his life. If they fall upon houses, the roofs are crushed by the weight. If the wind blow stiff, the ashes rise out of sight and are carried to far countries. But this bellowing comes only every hundred years or thereabout. And the air around the mountain is pure. None is more healthy. Physicians send thither sick men to get well." The ashes that had covered Pompeii changed to rich soil. Green vines and shrubs and trees sprang up and covered it, and flowers made it gay. Therefore people said to themselves: "After all, she is a good old mountain. There will never be another eruption while we are alive." So villages grew up around her feet. Farmers came and built little houses and planted crops and were happy working the fertile soil. They did not dream that they were living above a buried city, that the roots of their vines sucked water from an old Roman house, that buried statues lay gazing up toward them as they worked. About three hundred years ago came another terrible eruption. Again there were earthquakes. Again the mountain bellowed. Again black clouds turned day into night. Lightning flashed from cloud to cloud. Tempests of hot rain fell. The sea rushed back and forth on the shore. The whole top of the mountain was blown out or sank into the melting pot. Seven rivers of red-hot lava poured down the slopes. They flowed for five miles and fell into the sea. On the way they set fire to forests and covered five little villages. Thousands of people were killed. Since that time Vesuvius has been very active. Almost every year there have been eruptions with thunder and earthquakes and showers and lava. A few of these have done much damage. [Footnote: In this year, 1922, Vesuvius has been very active for the first time since 1906. It has been causing considerable alarm in Naples. A new cone, 230 feet high, has developed.--Ed.] And even on her calmest days a cloud has always hung above the mountain top. Sometimes it has been thin and white--a cloud of steam. Sometimes it has been black and curling--a cloud of dust. Vesuvius is a dangerous thing, but very beautiful. It stands tall and pointed and graceful against a lovely sky. Its little cloud waves from it like a plume. At night the mountain is swallowed by the dark. But the red rivers down its slopes glare in the sky. It is beautiful and terrible like a tiger. Thousands of people have loved it. They have climbed it and looked down its crater. It is like looking into the heart of the earth. One of these travelers wrote of his visit in 1793. He said: "For many days Vesuvius has been in action. I have watched it from Naples. It is wonderfully beautiful and always changing. On one day huge clouds poured out of the top. They hung in the sky far above, white as snow. Suddenly a cloud of smoke rushed out of another mouth. It was as black as ink. The black column rose tall and curling beside the snowy clouds. That was a picture in black and white. But at another time I saw one in bright colors. "On a certain night there were towers and curls and waves and spires of flames leaping from the top of the mountain. Millions of red-hot stones were shot into the sky. They sailed upward for hundreds of feet, then curved and fell like skyrockets. I looked through my telescope and saw liquid lava boiling and bubbling over the crater's edge. I could see it splash upon the rocks and glide slowly down the sides of the cone. The whole top of the mountain was red with melted rock. And above it waved the changing flames of red, orange, yellow, blue. "On another night, as I was getting into bed, I felt an earthquake. I looked out of my window toward Vesuvius. All the top was glowing with red-hot matter. A terrible roaring came from the mountain. In an instant fire shot high into the air. The red column curved and showered the whole cone. In half a minute came another earthquake shock. My doors and windows rattled. Things were shaken from my table to the floor. Then came the thunder of an explosion from the mountain and another shower of fire. After a few seconds there were noises like the trampling of horses' hoofs. It was, of course, the noise of the shot-out stones falling upon the rocks of the mountainsides eight miles away. "I decided to ascend the volcano and see the crater from which all these interesting things came. A few friends went with me. For most of the way we traveled on horses. After two or three hours we reached the bottom of the cone of rocks and ashes. From there we had to go on foot. We went over to the river of red-hot lava. We planned to walk up along its edge. But the hot rock was smoking, and the wind blew the smoke into our faces. A thick mist of fine ashes from the crater almost suffocated us. Sulphur fumes blew toward us and choked us. I said, "'We must cross the stream of lava. On the other side the wind will not trouble us.' "'Cross that melted rock?' my friends cried out. 'We should sink into it and be burned alive.' "But as we stood talking great stones were thrown out of the volcano. They rolled down the mountainside close to us. If they had struck us it would have been death. There was only one way to save ourselves. I covered my face with my hat and rushed across the stream of lava. The melted rock was so thick and heavy that I did not sink in. I only burned my boots and scorched my hands. My friends followed me. On that side we were safe. We climbed for half an hour. Then we came to the head of our red river. It did not flow over the edge of the crater. Many feet down from the top it had torn a hole through the cone. I shall never forget the sight as long as I live. There was a vast arch in the black rock. From this arch rushed a clear torrent of lava. It flowed smoothly like honey. It glowed with all the splendor of the sun. It looked thin like golden water. "'I could stir it with a stick,' said one of my friends. "'I doubt it,' I said. 'See how slowly it flows. It must be very thick and heavy.' "To test it we threw pebbles into it. They did not sink, but floated on like corks. We rolled in heavier stones of seventy or eighty pounds. They only made shallow dents in the stream and floated down with the current. A great rock of three hundred pounds lay near. I raised it upon end and let it fall into the lava. Very slowly it sank and disappeared. "As the stream flowed on it spread out wider over the mountain. Farther down the slope it grew darker and harder. It started from the arch like melted gold. Then it changed to orange, to bright red, to dark red, to brown, as it cooled. At the lower end it was black and hard and broken like cinders. "We climbed a little higher above the arch. There was a kind of chimney in the rock. Smoke and stream were coming out of it. I went close. The fumes of sulphur choked me. I reached out and picked some lumps of pure sulphur from the edge of the rock. For one moment the smoke ceased. I held my breath and looked down the hole. I saw the glare of red-hot lava flowing beneath. The mountain was a pot, full of boiling rock." Another man writes of a visit in 1868, a quieter year. "At first we climbed gentle slopes through vineyards and fields and villages. Sometimes we came suddenly upon a black line in a green meadow. A few years before it had flowed down red-hot. Further up we reached large stretches of rock. Here wild vines and lupines were growing in patches where the lava had decayed into soil. Then came bare slopes with dark hollow and sharp ridges. We walked on old stiff lava-streams. Sometimes we had to plod through piles of coarse, porous cinders. Sometimes we climbed over tangled, lumpy beds of twisted, shiny rock. Sometimes we looked into dark arched tunnels. Red streams had once flowed out of them. A few times we passed near fresh cracks in the mountain. Here steam puffed out. "At last we reached a broad, hot piece of ground. Here were smoking holes. The night before I had looked at them with a telescope from the foot of the mountain. I had seen red rivers flowing from them. Now they were empty. Last night's lava lay on the slope, cooled and black. I was standing on it. My feet grew hot. I had to keep moving. The air I breathed was warm and smelled like that of an iron foundry. I pushed my pole into a crack in the rock. The wood caught fire. I was standing on a thin crust. What was below? I broke out a piece of the hard lava. A red spot glared up at me. Under the crust red-hot lava was still flowing. I knew that it would be several years before it would be perfectly cool." So for three centuries people have watched Vesuvius at work. But she is much older than that--thousands of years older--older than any city or country or people in the world. In all that time she has poured out millions of tons of matter--lava, huge glassy boulders, little pebbles of pumice stone, long shining hairs, fine dust or ashes. All these things are different forms of melted rock. Sometimes the steam blows the liquid into fine dust; sometimes it breaks it into little pieces and fills them with bubbles. At another time the steam is not so strong and only pushes the stuff out gently over the crater's edge. Many different minerals are found in these rocks--iron, copper, lead, mica, zinc, sulphur. Some pieces are beautiful in color--blue, green, red, yellow. Precious stones have sometimes been found--garnets, topaz, quartz, tourmaline, lapis lazuli. But most of the stone is dull black or brown or gray. All this heavy matter drops close to the mountain. And on calm days the ashes, also, fall near at home. Indeed, the volcano has built up its own mountain. But a heavy wind often carries the fine dust for hundreds of miles. Once it was blown as far as Constantinople and it darkened the sun and frightened people there. Some of the ashes fall into the sea. For years the currents carry them about from shore to shore. At last they settle to the bottom and make clay or sand or mud. The material lies there for thousands of years and is hard packed into a soft fine grained rock, called tufa. The city of Naples to-day is built of such stone that once lay under the sea. An earthquake long ago lifted the ocean bottom and turned it into dry land. Now men live upon it and cut streets in it and grow crops on it. So for many miles about, Vesuvius has been making earth. Her ashes lie hundreds of feet deep. Men dig wells and still find only material that has been thrown out of the volcano. When this matter grows old and lies under the sun and rain it turns to good soil. The acids of water and air and plants eat into it. Rain wears it away. Plant roots crack the rocks open. The top layer becomes powdered and rotted and mixed with vegetable loam and is fertile soil. So the country all around the volcano is a rich garden. Tomatoes, melons, grapes, olives, figs, cover the land. But Vesuvius alone has not made all this ground. She is in a nest of volcanoes. They have all been at work like her, spouting ashes and pumice and rocks and lava. Ten miles away is a wide stretch of country where there are more than a dozen old craters. Twenty miles out in the blue bay a volcano stands up out of the water. A hundred miles south is a group of small volcanic islands. They have hot springs. One has a volcano that spouts every five or six minutes. At night it is like a lighthouse for sailors. One of these Islands is only two thousand years old. The men of Pompeii saw it pushed up out of the sea during an earthquake. A little farther south is Mt. Aetna in Sicily. It is a greater mountain than Vesuvius and has done more work than she has done. So all the southern part of Italy seems to be the home of volcanoes and earthquakes. There are many other such places scattered over the world--Iceland, Mexico, South America, Japan, the Sandwich Islands. Here the same terrible play is going on--thunder, clouds, falling ashes, scalding rain, flowing lava. The earth is being turned inside out, and men are learning what she is made of. [ILLUSTRATION: _Bronze lampholder_: Five lamps hung from the branches of this bronze tree. It was twenty inches high.] POMPEII TO-DAY Years came and went and changed the world. The old gods died, and the new religion of Christ grew strong. The old temples fell into ruins, and new churches were built in their places. Instead of the old Roman in his white toga came merchants in crimson velvet and knights in steel armor and gentlemen in ruffles and modern men in plain clothes. Among all these changes, Pompeii was almost forgotten. But after a long while people began to be much interested in ancient Italy. They read old Roman books, and learned of her wonderful cities. They began to dig here and there and find beautiful statues and vases and jewels. They read the story of Pompeii in an old Roman book--a whole city suddenly buried just as her people had left her! "There we should find treasures!" they said. "We should see houses, temples, shops, streets, as they were seventeen hundred years ago. We should find them full of statues and rich things. Perhaps we should find some of the people who lived in ancient days. But where to dig?" Their question was answered by accident. At that time certain men were making a tunnel to carry spring water from the hills across the country to a little town near Naples. The tunnel happened to pass over buried Pompeii. They dug up some blocks of stone with Latin inscriptions carved on them. After that other people found little ancient relics near the same place. "This must be where Pompeii lies buried," the wise men said. They began to excavate. That was about two hundred years ago. Ever since that time the work has gone on. Sometimes people have been discouraged and have given up. At other times six hundred men have been working busily. Kings have given money. Emperors and princes and queens have visited the excavations. Artists have made pictures of the ruins, and scholars have written books about them. But it is a great task to uncover a whole city that is buried ten or twelve feet deep. The excavation is not yet finished. Perhaps when you are old men and women the work will be completed, and a whole Roman city will be open to your eyes. But even as it is to-day, that ghost of a city is among the world's wonders. There is the thick stone wall that goes all about the town. On its wide top the soldiers used to stand to fight in ancient days. Now the stones are fallen; its towers are broken; its gates are open. Yet there the battered little giant stands at its task of protecting the town. Out of its eight gates stretch the paved streets. Perhaps some day you will cross the ocean to visit this "dead city." It lies on a slope at the foot of Vesuvius. Behind stands the tall, graceful volcano with its floating feather of steam and smoke. In front lies a little plain, and beyond it a long ridge of steep mountains. Off at the side shines the dark blue sea with island peaks rising out of it. On hillsides and plain are green vineyards and dark forests dotted with white farmhouses. In some places there are high mounds of dirt outside the city wall. They are made by the ashes that have been dug out by the excavators and piled here. If you climb one of them you will be able to look over the city. You will find it a little place--less than a mile long and half a mile wide inside its ragged wall. And yet many thousand people used to live here. So the houses had to be crowded together. You will see no grassy lawns nor vacant lots nor playgrounds nor parks with pleasant trees. Many narrow streets cross one another and cut the city into solid blocks of buildings. You will be confused because you will see thousands of broken walls standing up, but no roofs. They are gone--crushed by the piling ashes long ago. At last you will come down and go in at one of the gates through the rough, thick wall, past the empty watch towers. You will tread the very paving stones that men's feet trampled nineteen hundred years ago as they fled from the volcano. You will climb a steep, narrow street. This is the street the fishermen and sailors used in olden times when they came in from the river or sea, carrying baskets of fish or leading mules loaded with goods from their ships. This is the street where people poured out to the sea on that terrible day of the eruption. You will pass a ruined temple of Apollo with standing columns and lonely altar and steps that lead to a room that is gone. A little farther on you will come out into a large open paved space. It is the forum. This used to be the busiest place in all Pompeii. At certain hours of the day it was filled with little tables and with merchants calling out and with gentlemen and slaves buying good's. But now it is empty and very still. Around the sides a few beautiful columns are yet standing with carved marble at the top connecting them. But others lie broken, and most of them are gone entirely. This is all that is left of the porches where men used to walk and talk of business and war and politics and gossip. At one end of the forum is a high stone platform and wide stone steps leading up to a row of broken columns in front of a fallen wall. This is the ruin of the temple of Jupiter, the great Roman god. Daily, men used to come here to pray before a statue in a dim room. Here, in the ruins, the excavators found the head of that statue--a beautiful marble thing with long curling hair and beard, and calm face. They found, too, a great broken body of marble. And in that large body a smaller statue was partly carved. This was a puzzling thing, but the excavators studied it out at last. They said: "Old Roman books tell us that sixteen years before the great eruption there had been another earthquake. It had shaken down many buildings and had cracked many walls. But the people loved their city, and when the earthquake was over, they began to rebuild and to make their houses and temples better than ever. We have found many signs of that earthquake. We have found uncarved blocks of marble in the forum. Evidently masons were at work there when the eruption stopped them. We have found rebuilt walls in some of the houses. And here is the temple of Jupiter being used as a marble shop. Probably the early earthquake had shaken down and broken the statue of the god. A sculptor was set to work to carve a new one from the ruin. But suddenly the volcano burst forth, the artist dropped his chisel and mallet, and here we have found his unfinished work--a statue within a statue." Behind the roofless porches of the forum are other ruined buildings--where the officers of the city did business, where the citizens met to vote, where tailors spread out their cloth and sold robes and cloaks. One large market building is particularly interesting. You will enter a courtyard with walls all around it and signs of lost porches. Broken partitions show where little stalls used to open upon the court. Other stalls opened upon the street. In some of these the excavators found, buried in the ashes and charred by the fire, figs, chestnuts, plums, grapes, glass dishes of fruit, loaves of bread, and little cakes. Were customers buying the night's dessert when Vesuvius frightened them away? In a cool corner of the building is a fish market with sloping marble counter. Near it in the middle of the courtyard are the bases of columns arranged in a circle around a deep basin in the floor. In the bottom of this basin the excavators found a thick layer of fish scales. Evidently the masters used to buy their fish from the market in the corner. Then the slaves carried them here to the shaded pool of water and cleaned them and scaled them and washed them. In another corner the excavators found skeletons of sheep. Here was a pen for live animals which a man might buy for his banquet or for a sacrifice to his gods. His slave would lead the sheep away through the crowds. But on that terrible day when the volcano belched, the poor bleating animals were deserted. Their pen held them and the ashes covered them and to-day we can see their skeletons. The walls around the market are still standing, though the top is broken and the roof is fallen. They are still covered with paintings. If you will look at them you can guess what used to be for sale here. There are game birds and fish and wine jars all pictured here in beautiful colors. There are cupids playing about a flour mill and cupids weaving garlands. There are also pictures of the gods and heroes and the deeds they did. Imagine this painted market full of chattering people, the little shops gay with piles of beautiful fruit and vegetables, the graceful columns and dark porches adding beauty. Imagine these people crying out and running and these columns swaying and falling when Vesuvius bellowed and shook the earth. And yet we can see the very fruits that men were buying and the pictures they were enjoying. The forum with its markets and shops and offices and temples and statues was the very heart of the city. Many streets led into it. Perhaps you will walk down one of them, between broken walls, past open doorways. After several street corners you will come to a large building with high walls still standing and with tall, arched entrance. This also was one of the gay places in Pompeii, for it was a bathhouse. Every day all the ladies and gentlemen of the town came strolling toward it down the streets. The men went in at the wide doorway. The women turned and entered their own apartments around the corner. And as they walked toward the entrance they passed little shops built into the walls of the bathhouse. At every stall stood the shopkeeper, bowing, smiling, begging, calling. "Perfumes, sweet lady!" "Rings, rings, beautiful madam, for your beautiful fingers!" "Oil for your body, sir, after the bath!" "A taste of sweets, madam, before you enter! Honey cakes of my own making!" "Don't forget to buy my dressing for your hair before you go in! You'll get nothing like it in there." So they chattered and called and coaxed. Some of the people bought, and some went laughing by and entered the bathhouse. As the gentlemen went in, a large court opened before them. Here were men bowling or jumping or running or punching the bag or playing ball or taking some other kind of exercise before the bath. Others were resting in the shade of the porches. A poet sat in a cool corner reading his verses to a few listeners. Some men, after their games, were scraping their sweating bodies with the strigil. Others were splashing in the marble swimming tank. Here and there barbers were working over handsome gentlemen--smoothing their faces, perfuming their hair, polishing their nails. There was talk and laughter everywhere. Men were lazily coming and going through a door that led into the baths. There were large rooms with high ceilings and painted walls. In one we can still see the round marble basin. The walls are painted with trees and birds and swimming fish and statues. It was like bathing in a beautiful garden to bathe here. Another room was for the hot bath, with double walls and hot air circulating between to make the whole room warm. The bathhouse was a great building full of comforts. No wonder that all the idle Pompeians came here to bathe, to play, to visit, to tell and hear the news. It was a gay and noisy place. We have a letter that one of those old Romans wrote to a friend. He says: "I am living near a bath. Sounds are heard on all sides. The men of strong muscle exercise and swing the heavy lead weights. I hear their groans as they strain, and the whistling of their breath. I hear the massagist slapping a lazy fellow who is being rubbed with ointment. A ball player begins to play and counts his throws. Perhaps there is a sudden quarrel, or a thief is caught, or some one is singing in the bath. And the bathers plunge into the swimming tank with loud splashes. Above all the din you hear the calls of the hair puller and the sellers of cakes and sweetmeats and sausages." After you leave the baths perhaps you will turn down Stabian Street. It has narrow sidewalks. The broken walls of houses fence it in closely on both sides and cast black shadows across it. It is paved with clean blocks of lava. You will see wheel ruts worn deep in the hard stone. Almost two thousand years old they are, made by the carts of the farmers, perhaps, who brought in vegetables for the market. At the street crossings you will see three or four big stone blocks standing up above the pavement. They are stepping-stones for rainy weather. Evidently floods used to pour down these sloping streets. You can imagine little Roman boys skipping across from block to block and trying to keep their sandals dry. The street will lead you to the district of good houses where the wealthy men lived. Through open doorways you will get glimpses into the old ruined courtyards. It is hard guessing how the rooms used to look. But when you come to the door of the house of Vettius you will cry out with wonder. There is a lovely garden in the corner of the house. A long passage leads to it straight from the street. Around it runs a paved porch with pretty columns. Here you will walk in the shade and look out at the gay little garden, blooming in the sunshine. In every corner tiny streams of water spurt from little statues of bronze and marble and trickle into cool basins. Marble tables stand among the flowers. You will half expect a slave to bring out old drinking cups and wine bowls and set them here for his master's pleasure, or tablets and stylus for him to write his letters. Everything is in order and beautiful. It was not quite so when the excavators uncovered this house. The statues were thrown down. The flowers were scorched and dead under the piled-up ashes. But it was easy for the modern excavators to tell from the ground where the flower beds had been and where the gravel paths. Even the lead water pipe that carried the stream to the fountain needed little repairing. So the excavators set up the statues, cleaned the marble tables and benches, planted shrubs and flowers, repaired the porch roof, and we have a garden such as the old Romans loved and such as many houses in Pompeii had. Several rooms look out upon this garden. One of them is perhaps the most interesting place in all Pompeii. You will walk into it and look around and laugh with delight. The whole wall is painted with pictures, big and little--pictures of columns and roofs, of plants and animals, of men and gods. They are all framed in with wide spaces of beautiful red. And tucked away between them in narrow bands of black are the gayest little scenes in the world. They are worth going all the way across the ocean to see. Psyches--delicate little winged girls like fairies--are picking slender flowers and putting them into tall, graceful baskets. They are so light and so tiny that they seem to be flitting along the wall like bright butterflies. In other panels plump little cupids--winged boys--are playing at being men. They are picking grapes and working a wine press and selling wine. It is big work for tiny creatures, and they must kick up their dimpled legs and puff out their chubby cheeks to do it. They are melting gold and carrying gold dishes and selling jewelry and swinging a blacksmith's hammer with their fat little arms. They are carrying roses to market on a ragged goat and weaving rose garlands and selling them to an elegant little lady. Everywhere these gay little creatures are skipping about at their play among the beautiful red spaces and large pictures. This was surely a charming dining room in the old days. The guests must have been merry every time their eyes lighted upon the bright wall. And if they looked out at the open side, there smiled the garden with its flowers and statues and splashing fountains and columns. There lived in this house two men by the name of Vettius. We know this because the excavators found here two seals. In those days men fastened their letters and receipts and bills with wax. While the wax was soft they stamped their names in it with a metal seal. On the stamps that were found in this house were carved Aulus Vettius Restitutus and Aulus Vettius Conviva. Perhaps they were freedmen who once had been slaves of Aulus Vettius. But they must have earned a fortune for themselves, for there were two money chests in the house. And they must have had slaves of their own to take care of their twenty rooms and more. In the tiny kitchen the excavators found a good store of charcoal and the ashes of a little fire on top of the stone stove. And on its three little legs a bronze dish was sitting over the dead fire. A slave must have been cooking his master's dinner when the volcano frightened him away. Vettius' dining room is empty of its wooden tables and couches. But some houses had stone ones built in their gardens for pleasant summer days. These the ashes did not crush, and they are still in place. Columns stood about the tables and vines climbed up them and across to make cool shade. The tables were always long and narrow and built around three sides of a rectangle. Low couches stand along the outside edges. Here guests used to lie propped up on their left elbows with pretty cushions to make them comfortable. In the open space in the middle of the square servants came and went and passed the dishes across the narrow tables. Children used to have little wooden stools and sit in this middle space opposite their elders. But in one old ruined garden dining room you will see a little stone bench for the children, built along the end of the table. It must have been pleasant to have supper there with the sunset coloring the sky, behind old Vesuvius, the cool breeze shaking the leaves of the garden shrubs, and the fountain tinkling, and a bird chirping in a corner, and the shadows beginning to creep under the long porches, and the tiny flames of lamps fluttering in the dusky rooms behind. After you leave the house of Vettius and walk down the street, you will come to a certain door. In the sidewalk before it you will see "Have" spelled with bits of colored marble. It is the old Latin word for "Welcome." It is too pleasant an invitation to refuse. Go in through the high doorway and down the narrow passage to the atrium. Every Roman house had this atrium. It is like a large reception hall with many rooms opening off it--bedrooms, dining rooms, sitting rooms. Beautiful hangings instead of doors used to shut these rooms in. The atrium had an opening in the roof where the sun shone in and softly lighted the big room. Here the master used to receive his guests. In the house of Vettius the two money chests were found in the atrium. In this same room in the house of "Welcome," there was found on the floor a little bronze statue, a dancing faun, one of the gay friends of Dionysus. It is a tiny thing only two feet high, but so pretty that the excavators named the house after it--The House of the Faun. Evidently the old owner loved beautiful things and had money to buy them. Even the floors of some of his rooms are made in mosaic pictures. There are doves at play, and ducks and fish and shells all laid under your feet in bright bits of colored marble. And beyond the pleasant court with its porches and garden is a large sitting room. In the floor of this the excavators found the most wonderful mosaic picture of all, a picture of a battle, with waving spears and prancing horses and fallen men. Two kings are facing each other to fight--Darius, king of Persia, standing in his chariot, and Alexander, king of Greece, riding his war horse. The bits of stone are so small and of such perfect color that the mosaic looks like a beautiful painting. Imagine how the excavators' hearts leaped when the spades took the gray ashes off this bright picture. It was too precious a thing to leave here in the rain and wind. So the excavators carefully took it up and put it into the museum of Naples where there are other valuable things from Pompeii. There are many other houses almost as pleasant and beautiful as this House of the Faun. Every one has its atrium and its sunny court and its fountains and statues and its painted walls. But Pompeii was a city of business, too, and had many workshops. There is a dye shop where the excavators found large lead pots and glass bottles still full of dye. There are cleaners' shops where the slaves used to take their masters' robes to be cleaned. Here the excavators found vats and white clay for cleaning, and pictures on the wall showing men at work. There are tanneries where leather was made. The rusted tools were found which the men had thrown down so long ago. There is a pottery shop with two ovens for baking the vases. On a certain street corner you will see an old wine shop. It is a little room cut into the corner wall of a great house. Its two sides are open upon the street with broad marble counters. Below the counters are big, deep jars. Their open tops thrust themselves through the slab. You can look into their mouths where the shopkeeper used to dip out the wine. On the walls of the room are marks that show where shelves hung in ancient days to hold cups and glasses. In the outer edge of the sidewalk before the shop are two round holes cut into the stone. Long ago poles were thrust into them to hold an awning that shaded the walk in front of the counters. We can imagine men stopping in this pleasant shade as they passed. The busy slave inside the shop whips out a cup and a graceful, long-handled ladle and dips out the sweet-smelling wine from the wide-mouthed jar. And we can imagine how the cups fell clattering from the men's hands when Vesuvius thundered. In one shop, indeed, the excavators found an overturned cup on the counter and a wine stain on the marble. But the most interesting shops are the bakeries. There were twenty of them in Pompeii. You will see the ovens in the courtyard. They are big beehives built of stone or brick. The baker made a fire inside and let the walls become hot. Then he raked out the coals and cleaned the floor and put in his bread. The hot walls baked the loaves. In one oven the excavators found a burned loaf eighteen hundred years old. When the earthquake shook his house, did the baker snatch out the rest of the ovenful to feed his hungry family as they groped about for safety in the terrible darkness? In several bakeries you will see, also, the mills. They are great mortar-shaped things standing taller than a man. The heavy stone above turned around upon the stone below. A man poured wheat in at the top. It fell down and was ground between the two stones and dropped out at the bottom as flour. A horse or donkey was hitched to the mill to turn it. Around and around he walked all day. He was blindfolded to prevent his becoming dizzy. You will see on the stone floor in one bakery the path that was made by years of this walking. In the old days this silent empty court must have been an interesting place. The donkey's hoofs beat lazy time on the stone floor. Now and then a slave lifted up a bag of wheat and poured it into the mill or scooped out the white flour from the trough at the bottom. Another man sifted the flour and the breeze blew the white dust over his bare arms. Some of the ovens were smoking and glowing with fresh fire. Others were shut, with the browning bread inside, and a good smell hung in the air. And out in front was a little shop where the master sold the thin loaves and the fancy little cakes. In the hundreds of houses and shops of this little town the excavators have found bronze tables and lamps and lamp stands and wine jars and kitchen pots and pans and spoons and glass vases and silver cups and gold hairpins and jewelry and ivory combs and bronze strigils and mirrors and several statues of bronze and marble. But where they had hoped to find thousands of precious things they have found only hundreds. Many pedestals are empty of their statues. Here and there the very paintings have been cut from the walls. Those are the pictures we should most like to see. How beautiful could they have been? "Evidently men came back soon after the eruption," say the excavators. "The tops of their ruined houses must have stood up above the ashes. They dug down and rescued their most precious things. We have even found broken places in walls where we think men dug tunnels from one house to another. That is why the temple and market place have so few statues. That is why we find so little jewelry and money and dishes. But we have enough. The city is our treasure." One rich find they did make, however. There was a pleasant farmhouse out of town on the slope of Vesuvius. Evidently the man who owned it had a vineyard and an olive grove and grain fields. For there are olive presses and wine presses and a great court full of vats for making wine and a floor for threshing wheat and a mill for grinding flour and a stable and a wide courtyard that must have held many carts. And there are bathrooms and many pleasant rooms besides. In the room with the wine presses was a stone cistern for storing the fresh grape juice. Here the excavators found a treasure and a mystery. In this cistern lay the skeleton of a man. With him were a thousand pieces of gold money, some gold jewelry, and a wonderful dinner set of silver dishes. There are a hundred and three pieces--plates, platters, cups, bowls. And every one has beaten up from it beautiful designs of flowers and people. An artist must have made them, and a rich man must have bought them. How did they come here in this farmhouse? They must have been meant for a nobleman's table. Had some thief stolen them and hidden here, only to be caught by the volcano? Did some rich lady of the city have this farm for her country place? And had she sent her treasure here to escape when the volcano burst forth? At any rate here it lay for eighteen hundred years. And now it is in a museum in Paris, far from its old owner's home. In this buried city we find the houses in which men lived, the pictures they loved, the food they ate, the jewels they wore, the cups they drank from. But what of the people themselves? Were they real men and women? How did they look? Did they all escape? Not all, for many skeletons have been found here and there through the city--in the market place, in the streets, in the houses. And sometimes the excavators have found still stranger, sadder things. Often as a man has been digging in the hard-packed ashes, his spade has struck into a hole. Then he has called the chief excavator. "Let us see what it is," the excavator has said, "Perhaps it will be something interesting." So they have mixed plaster and poured it into the hole. They have given it a little time to harden and then have dug away the ashes from around it. In that way they have made a plaster cast just the shape of the hole. And several times when they have uncovered their cast they have found it to be the form of a man or woman or child. Perhaps the person had been hurrying through the street and had stumbled and fallen. The gases had choked him, the ashes had slowly covered him. Under the moistening rain and the pressure of all the hundreds of years the ashes had hardened almost to stone. Meantime the body had decayed and had sunk down into a handful of dust. But the hardened ashes still stood firm around the space where the body had been. When this hole was filled with plaster, the cast took just the form of the one who had been buried there so long ago--the folds of his clothes, the ring on his finger, the girl's knot of hair, the negro slave's woolly head. So we can really look upon the faces of some of the ancient people of Pompeii. And in another way we can learn the names of many of them. One of the streets that leads out from the wall is called the "Street of Tombs." It is the ancient burying ground. You will walk along the paved street between rows of monuments. Some will be like great square altars of marble beautifully carved. Some will be tall platforms with steps leading up. There will be marble benches where you may sit and think of the old Pompeians who were twice buried in their beautiful tombs. And there on the marble monument you will see their names carved in old Latin letters, and kind things that their friends said about them. There are: Marcus Cerrinius Restitutus; Aulus Veius, who was several times an officer of the city; Mamia, a priestess; Marcus Porcius; Numerius Istacidius and his wife and daughter and others of his family, all in a great tomb standing on a high platform; Titus Terentius Felix, whose wife, Fabia Sabina, built his tomb; Tyche, a slave; Aulus Umbricius Scaurus, whose statue was set up in the market place to do him honor; Gaius Calventius Quietus, who was given a seat of honor at the theater on account of his generosity; Nævoleia Tyche, who had once been a slave, but who had been freed, had married, and grown wealthy and had slaves of her own; Gnæus Vibius Saturninus, whose freedman built his tomb; Marcus Arrius Diomedes, a freedman; Numerius Velasius Gratus, twelve years old; Salvinus, six years old; and many another. After seeing the tombs and houses and shops you will leave that little city, I think, feeling that the people of ancient times were much like us, that men and mountains have done wonderful things in this old world, that it is good to know how people of other times lived and worked and died. PICTURES OF POMPEII A ROMAN BOY. This statue, now in the Metropolitan Museum, was found at Pompeii. Probably Caius was dressed just like this, and carried such a stick when he played in his father's courtyard. THE CITY OF NAPLES, WITH MOUNT VESUVIUS ACROSS THE BAY. VESUVIUS IN ERUPTION, FROM AN AIRPLANE. Nowadays men know from history what may happen when Vesuvius wakes. But in 79 A.D., when Pompeii was buried, the mountain had slept for hundreds of years, and no man knew that an eruption might bury a city. POMPEII FROM AN AIRPLANE. The roofs are all gone and all the partitions inside the houses show. That is why it all looks so crowded and confused. But if you study it carefully you can see some interesting things. The big open space is the forum. It is about five hundred feet long, running northeast and southwest. South of it is the temple of Apollo. North of it, where you see the bases of columns in a circle, was the market. Next to the market is the place where the gods of the city were worshipped. The broad street beside the forum running southeast is the one down which Ariston fled. Then he turned into the forum, ran out the gate near the lower end into the steep street that runs southwest and ends at a city gate near the sea. NOLA STREET AND THE TEMPLE OF FORTUNE. You must imagine this temple with an altar in front, a broad flight of steps, and a portico of beautiful columns. You can see the street paved with blocks of lava, the deep wheel ruts, and the stepping stones for rainy weather. THE STABIAN GATE. Pompeii was surrounded by two high walls fifteen feet apart, with earth between. An embankment of earth was piled up inside also. This is one of the eight gates in the wall. IN THE STREET OF TOMBS. On the tomb of Nævoleia Tyche was a carving of a ship gliding into port, the sailors furling the sails. Within this tomb is a chamber where funeral urns stand, containing the ashes of Tyche and her husband, and of the slaves they had freed. Pompeians always burned the bodies of the dead. THE AMPHITHEATER. Like other Roman towns, Pompeii had an amphitheater. Here twenty thousand people could come and watch the gladiators fight in pairs till one was killed. Then the dead body was dragged off, and another pair appeared and fought. Sometimes the gladiators were prisoners captured in war, like the famous Spartacus; sometimes they were slaves; sometimes criminals condemned to death. Sometimes a man was pitted against a wild beast; sometimes two wild beasts fought each other. The amphitheater had no roof. Vesuvius, with its column of smoke, was in plain view from the seats. There was a great awning to protect the spectators. The lower seats were for officials and distinguished people; for the middle rows there was an admission fee; all the upper seats were free. RUINS OF THE GREAT STABIAN BATHS. A few large houses had baths of their own, but most people went every day to a great public bath which was a very gay place. This open court which you see, was for games. THE RUINED TEMPLE OF APOLLO. The temple was built on a high foundation. A broad flight of steps led up to it, with an altar at the foot. There was a porch all round it held up by a row of columns. Some of the columns have stood up through all the earthquakes and eruptions of two thousand years. Inside the porch was a small room for the statue of Apollo. In the paved court around this temple were many altars and statues of the gods. This was at one time the most important temple in Pompeii. THE SCHOOL OF THE GLADIATORS. In this large open court the gladiators had their training and practice. In small cells around the court they lived. They were kept under close guard, for they were dangerous men. Sixty-three skeletons were found here, many of them in irons. THE SMALLER THEATER. Pompeii had two theaters for plays and music, besides the amphitheater where the gladiators fought. The smaller theater, unlike the others, had a roof. It seated fifteen hundred people. We think perhaps contests in music were held here. A SACRIFICE. A boar, a ram, and a bull are to be killed, and a part of the flesh is to be burned on the altar to please the gods. A SCENE IN THE FORUM. On the walls of a room in a house in Pompeii men found this picture, showing how interesting the life of the forum was. At the left is a table where a man has kitchen utensils for sale. But he is dreaming and does not see a customer coming. So his friend is waking him up. Near him is a shoemaker selling sandals to some women. IVORY HAIRPINS. Underneath are two ivory toilet boxes. One was probably for perfumed oil. APPLIANCES FOR THE BATH. These were found hanging in a ring in one of the great public baths. You see a flask for oil, a saucer to pour the oil into, and four scrapers to scrape off the oil and dirt before a plunge. PERISTYLE OF THE HOUSE OF THE VETTII. With the columns and tables and statues that were found, this court has been built on the site of an old ruined villa. Flowers bloom and the fountain plays in it to-day just as they did over two thousand years ago. There are wall paintings in the shadows at the back. The little boys holding the ducks must look very much like Caius when he was a little boy. When he went to the farm in the hills for a hot summer, he had ducks to play with; here are statues to remind him, in the winter time, of what fun that was. A garden like this, not generally so large, was laid out _inside_ every important house in Pompeii. The family rooms surrounded it. These rooms received most of their light and air from this garden. Caius was lying on a couch in a garden like this, when the shower of pebbles suddenly began. Ariston was painting the walls of a room that overlooked the garden. LADY PLAYING A HARP. This is part of a beautiful wall painting in a Pompeian house, the sort of painting that Ariston was making when the volcano burst forth. See how much the little boy looks like his mother, and what beautiful bands they both have in their hair. Chairs like this one have been found in the ruins, and the same design is on many other pieces of furniture. The Metropolitan Museum owns the complete wall paintings for a Pompeian room. They are put up just as they were in Pompeii. There is even an iron window grating. A beautiful table from Pompeii stands in the center. The room is one of the gayest in the whole museum, with its rich reds and bright yellows, greens, and blues. KITCHEN OF THE HOUSE OF THE VETTII. In this house the cook must have been in the kitchen, just ready to go to work when he had to flee. He left the pot on a tripod on a bed of coals, ready for use. You can see an arched opening underneath the fireplace. This was where the cook kept his fuel. The small size of the kitchens shows that the Pompeians were not great gluttons. KITCHEN UTENSILS. These kettles and frying pans and ladles are made of bronze, an alloy of copper and tin. They look very much like our kitchen furnishings. CENTAUR CUP. Some rich Pompeian had a pair of beautiful silver cups with graceful handles. The design was made in hammered silver, and showed centaurs talking to cupids that are sitting on their backs. A centaur was half man, half horse. THE HOUSE OF THE TRAGIC POET (restored). From the ruins and from ancient books, men know almost all the rooms of a Pompeian house. So they have pictured this one as it was before the disaster, with its many beautiful wall paintings, its mosaic floors, its tiled roofs. If you can imagine these two halves fitted together, and yourself inside, you can visit one of the most attractive houses in Pompeii. Do you see how the tiled roof slants downward from four sides to a rectangular opening in the highest part of the house? Below this opening was a shallow basin into which the rainwater fell. This basin was in the center of the atrium, the most important room in the house. The walls of this room were painted with scenes from the Trojan war. This is the house which has the mosaic picture of a dog on the floor of the long entrance hall (see next page). On each side of the hall, facing the street, are large rooms for shops, where, doubtless, the owner conducted his business. He was not a "Tragic Poet." Some people think he was a goldsmith. On each side of the atrium were sleeping rooms. Can you see that the doors are very high with a grating at the top to let in light and air? Windows were few and small, and generally the rooms took light and air from the inside courts rather than from outside. Back of the atrium was a large reception room with bedrooms on each side. And back of this was a large open court, or garden, with a colonnade on three sides and a solid wall at the back. Opening on this garden was a large dining room with beautiful wall paintings, a tiny kitchen, and some sleeping rooms. This house had stairways and second story rooms over the shops. This seems to us a very comfortable homelike house. THE HOUSE OF THE TRAGIC POET (as it looks to-day). Here you see the shallow basin in the floor of the atrium. This basin had two outlets. You can see the round cistern mouth near the pool. There was also an outlet to the street to carry off the overflow. At the back of the garden you can see a shrine to the household gods. At every meal a portion was set aside in little dishes for the gods. MOSAIC OF WATCH DOG. From the vestibule of the House of the Tragic Poet. It says loudly, "Beware the dog!" Pictures and patterns made of little pieces of polished stone like this are called mosaic. Sometimes American vestibules are tiled in a simple mosaic. Wouldn't it be fun if they had such exciting pictures as this? A real dog, or two or three, probably was standing inside the door, chained, or held by slaves. THE HOUSE OF DIOMEDE. There was a wine cellar under the colonnade. Here were twenty skeletons; two, children. Near the door were found skeletons of two men. One had a large key, doubtless the key of this door. He wore a gold ring and was carrying a good deal of money. He was probably the master of the house. Evidently the family thought at first that the wine cellar would be a safe place, but when they found that it was not so, the master took one slave and started out to find a way to escape. But they all perished. RUINS OF A BAKERY, WITH MILLSTONES. SECTION OF A MILL. If one of the mills that were found in the bakery were sawed in two, it would look like this. You can see where the baker's man poured in the wheat, and where the flour dropped down, and the heavy timbers fastened to the upper millstone to turn it by. PORTRAIT OF LUCIUS CÆCILIUS JUCUNDUS. This Lucius was an auctioneer who had set free one of his slaves, Felix. Felix, in gratitude, had this portrait of his master cast in bronze. It stood on a marble pillar in the atrium of the house. BRONZE CANDLEHOLDER. It is the figure of the Roman God Silenus. He was the son of Pan, and the oldest of the satyrs, who were supposed to be half goat. Can you find the goat's horns among his curls? He was a rollicking old satyr, very fond of wine, always getting into mischief. The grape design at the base of the little statue, and the snake supporting the candleholder, both are symbols of the sileni. THE DANCING FAUN. In one of the largest and most elegant houses in Pompeii, on the floor of the atrium, or principal room of the house, men found in the ashes this bronze statue of a dancing faun. Doesn't he look as if he loved to dance, snapping his fingers to keep time? Although this great house contained on the floor of one room the most famous of ancient mosaic pictures, representing Alexander the Great in battle, and although it contains many other fine mosaics, it was named from this statue, the House of the Faun, Casa del Fauno. HERMES IN REPOSE. This bronze statue was found in Herculaneum, the city on the other slope of Vesuvius which was buried in liquid mud. This mud has become solid rock, from sixty to one hundred feet deep so that excavation is very difficult, and the city is still for the most part buried. THE ARCH OF NERO. The visitors to-day are walking where Caius walked so long ago on the same paving stones. The three stones were set up to keep chariots out of the forum. 
52081	----	A GUIDE TO THE EXHIBITION ILLUSTRATING GREEK AND ROMAN LIFE. _SECOND EDITION._ [Illustration: _Frontispiece._ TERRACOTTA BOATS FROM AMATHUS (p. 34). ] BRITISH MUSEUM. DEPARTMENT OF GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES. A GUIDE TO THE EXHIBITION ILLUSTRATING GREEK AND ROMAN LIFE. _SECOND EDITION._ WITH A FRONTISPIECE AND TWO HUNDRED AND SIXTY-FOUR ILLUSTRATIONS. LONDON: PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE TRUSTEES. 1920. LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, DUKE STREET, STAMFORD STREET, S.E. 1, AND GREAT WINDMILL STREET, W. 1. ERRATA. P. 121, l.17. _For_ =339= _read_ =339*= Pp. 143, 144, 145. _For_ =421-426= _read_ =421*-426*= P. 216 near foot. _For_ =655= _read_ =655*= PREFACE. In this Exhibition an attempt has been made to bring together a number of miscellaneous antiquities which formed a part of the collections of the Department, in such a method as illustrates the purpose for which they were intended, rather than their artistic quality, their material, or their place in the evolution of craft or design. Such a series falls naturally into groups, and it has been found convenient to treat these groups in accordance with a general scheme, the illustration of the public and private life of the Greeks and Romans. The materials forming the basis of this scheme are, primarily, objects which already formed part of the Museum collections: for this reason it has not been possible always to preserve that proportion in the relation of the sections to the whole which would have been studied if the objects had been selected for acquisition with this purpose in view. Further, it is necessary to warn visitors that they must not expect to find the subject in any sense exhaustively treated here: the complete illustration of every detail of ancient life would be impossible for any museum as at present constituted. All that can here be done is to shape the available material into a system which may at least present a fairly intelligible, if limited, view of ancient life. Several new acquisitions, made since the appearance of the first edition of this Guide, have strengthened the exhibition in directions in which it was deficient, and it is hoped that this process will be continued. Meanwhile, some of the gaps have been filled by means of casts and reproductions of objects belonging to other categories in this Museum, or preserved elsewhere. The preparation of the first edition of this Guide (1908) was entrusted to different members of the Departmental Staff. Mr. Yeames prepared a great deal of the necessary preliminary work: Mr. Walters wrote the sections on Athletics, the Circus, Gladiators, and Agriculture: Mr. Forsdyke those on Coins, Arms and Armour, Dress and the Toilet. The remaining sections were mainly the work of Mr. Marshall. In the present edition the section on Arms and Armour has been re-written by Mr. Forsdyke, and the remainder has been mainly revised by myself. The proofs have been read by Mr. Walters and Mr. Forsdyke. A. H. SMITH. BRITISH MUSEUM, _March, 1920._ CONTENTS. _The references in brackets are to the numbers of the Figures._ PAGE INTRODUCTION 1 I. POLITICAL INSCRIPTIONS AND SLAVERY 1 Treaties, etc. (1); Proxenia Decrees (2-3); Dikasts' Tickets and Ostraka (4-6); Votive Arms (7-8); Military Diploma (9_a_, 9_b_); Corn Largesse (10); Slaves (11). II. COINS 14 Greek Coins (12); Roman Coins (13-15). III. DRAMA 25 Greek Comedy (16); Roman Plays (17-18); Actors and Masks (19-22). IV. SHIPPING 33 Greek Shipping (Frontispiece and 23-26); Roman Shipping (27-28). V. RELIGION AND SUPERSTITION 39 Implements and Methods of Worship. Votive Altars (29); Sacrifices and Apparatus (30-31); Prayer; Theoxenia (32); Augury; Shrines (33-34). Votive Offerings (35-45). Superstition and Magic. Magical Inscriptions; Bronze Hand (46). VI. ATHLETICS 58 Pugilism (47); Sports of the Pentathlon (48-51); Boxing Gloves (52); Prize Vase (53). VII. GLADIATORS AND THE ARENA 64 Types of Gladiator (54-58); Helmet (59); Tesserae (60); Animal Contests (61). VIII. CHARIOT-RACING AND THE CIRCUS 70 Chariots in the Circus, and Charioteers (62-65). IX. ARMS AND ARMOUR 74 Early Armour (66); Helmets (67-79); Cuirasses (80-85); Greaves, etc. (86-89); Shields (90); Standards (91-93). Early Weapons. Mycenaean Swords and Daggers (94-96); Mycenaean Spears and Arrows (97-98); Early Italian Swords and Spears (99-100); Greek Swords (101-105); Greek and Roman Spears (106-108); Roman Swords (109); Sling-shot and Arrowheads (110-111); Calthrop (112). X. HOUSE AND FURNITURE 109 General Furniture. Couch (113). Lighting. Lampstands (114-115); Lamps (116-119); Candlesticks and Lanterns (120-123). The Kitchen. Implements. Fish Plate (124). The Bath. Strigils (125-126); Water Supply. Pumps (127-128); Heating. Shapes of Vases. XI. DRESS AND TOILET 122 Greek Female Dress (129-133); Greek Male Dress (134-138); Roman Dress (139-140); Footwear (141-2); Fibulae (143-158). Jewellery. Bracelets (159); Earrings (160); Bullae, Necklaces, Studs, Pins (161-163). Toilet. Combs (164); Toilet Boxes (165); Mirrors; Razors (166-168); Miscellanea (169-170). XII. DOMESTIC ARTS 142 Spinning and Weaving (171-177); Sewing Implements (178-182); Cutlery (183); Locks and Keys (184-190); Seals (191). XIII. TRADE 158 Shops (192-193). XIV. WEIGHTS AND SCALES 159 Greek Weights (194-195); Roman Weights; Scales and Steelyards (196-200). XV. TOOLS, BUILDING AND SCULPTURE 166 Tools (201); Building Materials (202-203). XVI. HORSES AND CHARIOTS 169 Chariots and Carts (204-205); Horse Trappings (206-208). XVII. AGRICULTURE 174 Ploughs (209); Wine Making (210); Olive Harvest (211-212); Goat-herd, etc. (213). XVIII. INDUSTRIAL ARTS 180 Metal-working (214-215); Pottery (216-222); Gems and Pastes; Wood-working; Lathe-work. XIX. MEDICINE AND SURGERY 185 Greek and Roman Medicine (223-226). XX. MEASURES AND INSTRUMENTS 191 Measures (227); Compasses (228); Stamps (229). XXI. INFANCY. TOYS 193 Infants (230-231); Dolls, etc. (232-234); Tops (235). XXII. EDUCATION, WITH WRITING AND PAINTING 197 Reading and Writing Lessons (236-238); Arithmetic; Writing Materials (239-241); Painting. XXIII. GAMES 203 Knucklebones (242-243); Dice (244); Ivory Pieces (245). XXIV. MARRIAGE 207 Greek Marriage (246-249); Roman Marriage (250-251). XXV. MUSIC AND DANCING 213 Musical Instruments. Kithara and Lyre (252-253); Flutes and Cymbals (254); Dancing (255). XXVI. DOMESTIC AND PET ANIMALS; FLOWERS 218 Performing Animals (256); Flowers. XXVII. METHODS OF BURIAL 220 Greek Burials (257-258); Italian Burials. Hut Urns (259); Canopic Urn (260); Funeral Masks (261); Etruscan Urn (262); Roman Burials and Funeral Urns (263); Roman Grave Relief (264). GREEK AND ROMAN LIFE The exhibition is arranged in the central rectangle of what was formerly the Etruscan Saloon; it includes Wall-Cases =25-64=, =94-119=, and Table-Cases =E-K=. The subject naturally divides itself into the two chief headings of public and domestic institutions, and each of these occupies one half of the room. On the West side are grouped the sections relating mainly to Public Life, on the East those of Private Life: of the former, the section illustrating the monetary system of the ancients and its development naturally leads up to the Department of Coins and Medals. For the general scheme of the exhibition, reference should be made to the Table of Contents. NOTE.--_The references at the end of each section correspond to the numbers of the objects in this Guide. These numbers, which are placed near the objects in the Cases, are distinguished by being in red upon a white ground. Numbers attached to the objects (such as B 77 on a vase) refer to the British Museum Catalogues, which should be consulted for fuller details than can be given in the Guide._ I.--POLITICAL INSCRIPTIONS AND SLAVERY. (Table-Case K.) A section of Table-Case K contains a series of inscriptions which illustrate various sides of Greek and Roman political life. It must be borne in mind that the Greek state was generally of very small dimensions. As a rule all life was centred within a city, which had but a moderate extent of outlying country. Aristotle describes the perfect city or state (the words are interchangeable) as the union of several villages, supplying all that is necessary for independent life.[1] Greece, though small in area, was thus divided up into a large number of states, whose interests were constantly in conflict. It thus came about that it was provided with systems of treaties, arbitrations, and consular representation such as marked a fully developed international system. =Treaties.=--The bronze tablet No. =1= dates probably from the second half of the sixth century B.C., at a time when the Eleians and Heraeans of Arcadia were still dwelling in villages, and were not yet united each into a single city. It is written in the Aeolic dialect of Elis, and records a treaty between the two peoples named. There was to be a close alliance between them in respect of all matters of common interest, whether of peace or war. Any breach of the treaty, or any damage to the inscription recording the treaty, would involve a fine of a talent of silver to be paid by the offender to Olympian Zeus, the supreme Greek deity. The tablet was brought from Olympia by Sir William Gell in 1813. No. =2= is a cast of a similar treaty between the communities of the Anaiti and Matapii, for a fifty years' friendship. In case of a breach of the treaty the priests at Olympia have arbitrators' powers. [Illustration: FIG. 1.--TREATY OF CHALEION AND OEANTHEIA. (NO. 3.)] No. =3= (fig. 1) is a bronze tablet, with a ring at one end for suspension, recording a treaty made between the cities of Chaleion and Oeantheia on the Gulf of Corinth. It is in the Lokrian dialect, and can be dated to about 440 B.C. The main object of the treaty was to regulate the practice of reprisals between the citizens of the respective towns, and, in particular, to prevent injury to foreign merchants visiting either port. There are also provisions for ensuring a fair trial to aliens. The tablet was found at Oeantheia (Galaxidi), and was formerly in the Woodhouse collection. =Colonization.=--This was a feature of peculiar importance in Greek life. In the course of the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. numerous colonists had left their homes on the mainland of Greece or on the coast of Asia Minor, and had settled principally in Southern Italy and Sicily, or round the shores of the Black Sea. The reasons for such emigration were sometimes political, but more often commercial. Between the mother-city and the colony relations of an intimate character were almost invariably maintained. Representatives from either city attended the more important festivals held in the other town, and the daughter-city not infrequently sought the advice of the mother-city in times of difficulty and danger. The inscription on the bronze tablet No. =4= illustrates the way in which colonists left one Greek state to settle in another comparatively near at hand, and also shows the relations existing between the colonists and the mother-state. At a date probably previous to 455 B.C. colonists from the Opuntian or Eastern Lokrians (inhabiting a district lying opposite to the island of Euboea) left their homes to settle in Naupaktos, a town situated on the narrowest part of the Gulf of Corinth, in the territory of the Western Lokrians. The question arose as to how far the colonists were to remain in connection with the mother-country. The tablet shows that the settlers had the privilege of enjoying full social and religious rights on revisiting their native city, although during their absence they were exempt from paying taxes to it. Under certain conditions they might resume their residence in the mother-state without fee, and they also had a right to inherit property left by a near relative in that state. Other provisions deal with judicial arrangements affecting the new settlers. =Proxenia.=--Just as modern states appoint consuls in foreign countries in order that the interests of their citizens abroad may be protected, so the various Greek cities appointed their representatives in different foreign states. These representatives were chosen from the citizens of the town in which they acted, and their appointment was regarded as a special honour, carrying with it substantial privileges. The main functions of the _proxeni_ were those of dispensing hospitality to travellers and assisting them in cases of difficulty, and of receiving ambassadors arriving from the state which they represented. They were also expected generally to further that state's commercial interests. [Illustration: FIG. 2.--GRANT OF _proxenia_ TO DIONYSIOS (NO. 5). Ht. 12-7/8 in.] Two bronze tablets recording decrees of _proxenia_, passed by the people of Corcyra, are here exhibited. No. =5= (fig. 2), probably of the end of the fourth century B.C., records the grant of _proxenia_ to Dionysios, son of Phrynichos, an Athenian.[2] It mentions the date, the appointment, and the right of possessing land and house property in Corcyra, the last evidently a reward granted to the _proxenos_ for his services. No. =6= (fig. 3), of about 200 B.C., is a grant of _proxenia_ to Pausanias, son of Attalos, a citizen of Ambrakia.[3] He is accorded the usual honours, and the Treasurer is directed to provide the money for the engraving of the decree on bronze. Both these tablets were found in Corfu, the modern name of the ancient Corcyra. The persons appointed acted, of course, in Athens and Ambrakia respectively. [Illustration: FIG. 3.--GRANT OF _proxenia_ TO PAUSANIAS (NO. 6). Ht. 8-7/8 in.] =Law-courts at Athens.=--One of the most striking features of democratic Athens was its elaborate machinery for the administration of justice. The system of popular control began in the fifth century B.C., and reached its full development in the fourth. For petty offences the various magistrates had the power of inflicting a small fine, but graver charges were usually decided by a jury court. Those who composed these jury courts were called _dikastae_. They were chosen at first up to the number of six thousand from the entire body of citizens over thirty years of age, but later on apparently any citizen over thirty years of age was a qualified juryman. From the time of Perikles each juryman received three obols (about 5d.) a day for his services. The whole body of jurymen was divided into ten sections, each of which was distinguished by one of the first ten letters of the Greek alphabet (A to K). Each dikast received a ticket ([Greek: pinakion]), at first of bronze, but in Aristotle's day of boxwood, inscribed with his name, his parish, and the number of his section. In Aristotle's day the father's name was always given as well.[4] Four of these dikasts' tickets (in bronze) are exhibited in this case, together with a fragment of a fifth. Upwards of eighty are known, all apparently belonging to the fourth century B.C. The tickets shown are: [Illustration: FIG. 4.--TICKET OF THUKYDIDES (NO. 10). L. 4-1/4 in.] No. =7=, which belonged to Deinias of Halae, of the third section ([Greek: G]). The ticket is stamped with the Athenian symbol of an owl within an olive wreath, two owls with one head, and a Gorgoneion. No. =8=, belonging to Archilochos of Phaleron, of the fifth section ([Greek: E]). No. =9=, belonging to Aristophon, son of Aristodemos, of Kothokidae. His was the third section ([Greek: G]). No. =10=, the ticket of Thukydides of Upper Lamptrae (fig. 4). He belonged to the sixth section ([Greek: Z]). The ticket bears the symbols of an owl within an olive wreath, and a Gorgoneion. The lowest fragment is part of a ticket belonging to Philochares of Acharnae of the fifth section. [Illustration: FIG. 5.--INSCRIBED POTSHERDS (OSTRAKA) AT ATHENS (NO. 11).] =Ostracism.=--This was a peculiar device adopted by Greek city-states for getting temporary relief from the influence of prominent citizens, whose presence was for the time being considered undesirable. At Athens ostracism was introduced by the statesman Kleisthenes about 508 B.C. The method of effecting it was as follows. The popular assembly (Ekklesia) first decided whether they desired that ostracism should be carried out. If they considered it expedient, they met and recorded their vote. The name of the person they most wished to get rid of was written on a potsherd (ostrakon), and if six thousand votes were recorded against any one name, that man had to go into banishment for ten years. In Case K is a coloured illustration (No. =11=) of three ostraka found at Athens (fig. 5). The names written on the sherds are well known in Greek history. _Themistokles_ (fig. 5_a_), of the deme Phrearri, was the creator of Athenian sea-power. In consequence of this ostracism (ca. 471 B.C.) he died an exile at Magnesia on the Maeander. _Megakles_ (fig. 5_b_) of the deme Alopeke, son of Hippokrates and uncle of Perikles, was ostracised in 487 B.C. as "a friend of the tyrants." In the next year, 486 B.C., was banished _Xanthippos_ (fig. 5_c_), son of Arriphron and father of Perikles, on the ground of undue prominence. The Museum collection contains no ostraka of historic importance, but the potsherd inscribed by one Teos (No. =12=) gives an idea of the actual object (fig. 6). [Illustration: FIG. 6.--POTSHERD OF TEOS (NO. 12).] =Dedications for Victory.=--The dedication in a temple of a part of the spoils of victory was not merely a religious observance. It was also the formal entering of a claim to victory. The Etruscan helmet (No. =13=) dedicated at Olympia by Hieron of Syracuse, is an example (fig. 7). It was found at Olympia in 1817, and was presented to the Museum by King George the Fourth. On the side is a votive inscription: [Illustration] [Illustration: FIG. 7.--ETRUSCAN HELMET DEDICATED AT OLYMPIA BY HIERON AND THE SYRACUSANS (NO. 13). 1:4.] [Greek: Hiarôn ho Deinomeneos kai toi Syrakosioi tô Di Tyran' apo Kymas]--"_Hieron son of Deinomenes and the Syracusans offer to Zeus Etruscan spoils from Kyme_." Hieron was tyrant of Syracuse from 478 to 467 B.C., in succession to his brother Gelon, and was one of the most prominent figures of the age. Gelon had nobly upheld the supremacy of the Greeks in the west by destroying a Carthaginian host at Himera, in the same year and, as the tale went, on the same day as the battle of Salamis. Hieron added to the brilliance of the Sicilian court, and signalised his naval power in the great repulse of the Etruscans. The ancient city of Kyme, near Naples, the earliest Greek colony in the west, was hard pressed by the neighbouring barbarians and by the civilised and powerful state of Etruria. The Greeks appealed for help to Hieron, and he sent them a fleet of warships, which beat the Etruscans in sight of the citadel of Kyme, and broke their sea-power for ever (474 B.C.). From the arms and treasure taken in the battle Hieron made the customary offering in the Temple of Zeus at Olympia, and this helmet with its eloquent inscription was part of the dedicated spoil. For other votive helmets see below, p. 76. The votive spear-head, No. =14=, dedicated by an unknown Theodoros to (Zeus) Basileus, about 500 B.C., was probably found at Olympia. The occasion of the dedication is unknown, but it nearly resembles No. =15= (cast), which was dedicated at Olympia by the Methanians as spoil from the Lacedaemonians.[5] The original is at Berlin. Several spear-heads of this type have been found. They do not seem to be effective for use in battle, and they are therefore supposed to have been specially made for dedicatory purposes. It has also been suggested that they are spear-butts, but this does not seem probable. [Illustration: [Greek: Theodôros anethêke Basilei.] FIG. 8.--SPEAR-HEAD DEDICATED BY THEODOROS TO (ZEUS) BASILEUS. (NO. 14). 1:3.] =Emblem of Office.=--The bronze caduceus (No. =17=), (familiar as the emblem of the herald Mercury), is inscribed "I belong to the people of Longene," and was apparently the staff of the public herald of that town. It was found in a tomb in Sicily, and is of the fifth century B.C. The device is in the form of a staff, surmounted by a pair of intertwined serpents. =Roman military Life.=--This is illustrated by two of the Latin inscriptions here shown. The oblong bronze tablet No. =18= (figs. 9_a_ and 9_b_) is part of a Roman _diploma_, a document recording privileges in respect of citizenship and rights of marriage granted to a veteran soldier. The _diploma_ derived its name from the fact that it was composed of two tablets hinged together. [Illustration: FIG. 9_a_.--FRAGMENT OF A BRONZE _diploma_ (NO. 18). Ht. 5-1/2 in.] We have in the present instance only the left side of one of the tablets. The right side, which had two holes for the metal rings attaching it to the other tablet, has been broken away. The inscription[6] is a copy of one originally engraved on bronze and set up on the wall behind the temple of Augustus _ad Minervam_ at Rome. It is headed with the names of M. Julius Philippus, the Emperor, and of his son, who had the title of Caesar. This is followed by the grant of full matrimonial rights to the soldiers of ten cohorts and by the date, equivalent to Jan. 7th, 246 A.D. Next comes the name of the individual soldier to whom this copy of the original inscription was given, one Neb. Tullius, a veteran of the fifth praetorian cohort of Philip at Aelia Mursa in Pannonia. The grant of full matrimonial privileges was a considerable one, for it meant that the veteran's wife and children gained the privileges of Roman citizens, if, as was often the case, the wife was not possessed of citizen rights at the time of marriage. The two holes in the middle of the tablet were used for the wire thread, which was passed round the tablets three times according to the usual official custom, and had the seals of seven witnesses affixed to it. Fig. 9_b_ is a restoration showing the original form of the document opened, the exterior of the two tablets being seen. This _diploma_ was found in Piedmont. Parts of similar documents will be seen exhibited in the Room of Roman Britain. Near the _diploma_ is a small bronze ticket (No. =19=), inscribed on either side. One side bears the name of Ti(berius) Claudius Priscus, the other records that he belonged to the fourth praetorian cohort and the _centuria Paterni_. [Illustration: FIG. 9_b_.--THE ABOVE _diploma_ RESTORED.] =Corn Largesses.=--From the end of the second century B.C. it had become a regular feature of Roman policy to supply the populace of the city with corn either gratis or at an artificially cheap rate. After the fall of the Republic the Emperors carried still further the policy of free distributions (_congiaria_ or _liberalitates_). It has been reckoned that the annual cost of their largesses averaged £90,000 from Julius Caesar to Claudius, and £300,000 from Nero to Septimius Severus. Persius, who wrote in the time of Nero, notes with a sneer that it was one of the privileges of the meanest Roman citizen to exchange his ticket for a portion of musty flour. This policy of the Emperors is illustrated by the inscribed corn-ticket (_tessera frumentaria_) shown in this Case (No. =20=; fig. 10). It is inscribed on one side, _Ant(onini) Aug(usti) Lib(eralitas) II._, i.e., the second special largess of Antoninus, perhaps Antoninus Pius, who reigned from 138-161 A.D. On the other side appears _fru(mentatio) LXI._, i.e. the sixty-first monthly corn distribution, dating doubtless from the accession of Antoninus. The letters were originally inlaid with silver, as is shown by the remains of that metal in the numerals. The sepulchral inscription mentioned on p. 224 should be studied in connection with this corn-ticket. [Illustration: FIG. 10.--BRONZE CORN-TICKET (NO. 20). 1:1.] =Official Emblem.=--The relief in Case =99= shows the _Fasces_ (that is, the axes and the rods tied in a bundle) which were carried by the lictors before the higher Roman magistrates. =Slavery.=--The circular bronze badge (No. =21=) shows the Roman method of dealing with runaway slaves after the softening influence of Christianity had begun to make itself felt. In earlier times the runaway slave had been punished with the cruel penalty of branding. Apparently from the time of Constantine onwards an inscribed badge was substituted, authorising the summary arrest of the slave if he were caught out of bounds. The inscription on the badge exhibited runs: "Hold me, lest I escape, and take me back to my master Viventius on the estate of Callistus." Two other objects may perhaps be brought into connection with slavery. The scourge (No. =22=), with its lash loaded with bronze beads, was frequently used for the punishment of slaves. It is the _horribile flagellum_ of Horace. A scourge very similar to the present is seen on a relief in the Capitoline Museum at Rome, representing a high-priest of Kybele, whose devotees were in the habit of scourging themselves in the service of the goddess.[7] The pair of iron fetters (No. =23=), found in 1813 in a cave behind the Pnyx at Athens, bear a close resemblance to those worn by a _bestiarius_ or beast-fighter represented on a relief from Ephesus exhibited in Case 110, (_Cat. of Sculpt._, II., No. 1286). [Illustration: FIG. 11.--SLAVE BADGE (NO. 21). 3:5.] Two small bronzes (No. =24=) show dwarf slaves undergoing the punishment of the cangue, in which neck and wrists are fixed in a board. (1) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 264; Hicks and Hill, _Greek Hist. Inscr._, No. 9; (2) Roberts, _Gr. Epigraphy_, No. 297; (3) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 263; _B.M. Inscr._, 953; (4) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 262; _B.M. Inscr._, 954; (5) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 333; (6) _ibid._, 334; (7) to (10) _ibid._, 329-332; Hicks and Hill, 151; _I.G._, II., 886, 901, 885, 908b; (11) _Jahrbuch d. Arch. Inst._, II., p. 161; (12) _B.S. Athens Ann._, V. pl. 5, fig. 112; (13) _B.M. Inscr._, 1155; _Cat. of Bronzes_, 250; (14) _B.M. Inscr._, 948A; _Journ. of Hellen. Stud._, II., p. 77; (15) Roberts, _Gr. Epigraphy_, No. 286; (17) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 319; _I.G._ XIV., 594; cf. _Hermes_, III., p. 298 ff.; (18) _Eph. Epigraph._, IV., p. 185; _C.I.L._, III., Suppl. i., p. 2000. On the _diplomata_ generally, see Smith, _Dict. of Ant._, and Daremberg and Saglio, _Dict. of Ant._, s.v.; (19) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 901; _C.I.L._, XV., 7166; Hübner, _Exempla_, No. 915; (20) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 3016; _C.I.L._, XV., 7201; _Klio_, Beiheft III., p. 21; _Philologus_, XXIX., p. 17; (21) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 902; _C.I.L._, XV., 7193. [Footnote 1: _Pol._ i. 1, 8.] [Footnote 2: [Greek: Prytanis Stratôn. | meis Psydreus, hamera te | tarta epi deka; prostatas | Gnathios Sôkrateus; | proxenon poei ha halia | Dionysion Phrynichou | Athênaion auton kai | ekgonous. didôti de kai | gas kai oikias empasin. | tan de proxenian grapsan | tas eis chalkon anthemen | ei ka proboulois kai prodikois dokêi kalôs echein. Dionysion | Phrynichou | Athênaion.] ] [Footnote 3: [Greek: Edoxe ta halia, proxe|non eimen Pausanian At|talou Ambrakiôtan | tas polios tôn Korkyrai|ôn auton kai engonous; | eimen de autois kai ta | alla timia, hosa kai [tois] | allois proxenois [kai] | euergetais geg(ra)|ptai. | tan de proxeni|an proboulous kai pro|dikous grapsantas eis | chalkôma anathemen, | ton de tamian domen | to genomenon analô|ma. Pausanian Attalou | Ambrakiôtan.] ] [Footnote 4: [Greek: Ath. Pol. 63: echei d' hekastos dikastês pinakion pyxinon, epigegrammenon to onoma to heautou patrothen kai tou dêmou kai gramma hen tôn stoicheiôn mechri tou k.]] [Footnote 5: [Greek: Methanioi apo Lakedaimoniôn.]] [Footnote 6: Imp. Cae(sar) M. Iulius Phili[ppus Pius] Fel(ix) Aug(ustus), pont(ifex) max(imus), trib(unicia) p[ot(estate) III, cos., p.p. et] M. Iulius Philippus nobil[issim(us) Caes(ar)] nomina militum, qui milit[averunt in] cohortibus pretoris Phil[ippianis de-] cem I. II. III. IIII. V. VI. VII. VIII. VII[II. X. piis vin-] dicibus, qui pii et fortiter [militia fun-] cti sunt, ius tribuimus con[ubii dumta-] xat cum singulis et primi[s uxoribus], ut etiam si peregrini iur[is feminas] in matrimon(io) suo iunxe[rint, proinde liberos toll(ant), acxi (for _ac si_) ex duob(us) c[ivibus Ro-] manis natos. a. d. VII. [idus Ian.] C. Bruttio Presente et C. Al(b)[- - - - - cos.] Coh(ors) V pr(aetoria) Philip[pian(a) p(ia) v(index).] Neb. Tullio Neb. f. M(a) - - - - - - - - Ael(ia) Murs[a]. Descript(um) et recognit(um) ex ta[bula aerea], que fix(a) est Romae in muro [pos(t) templum] divi Aug(usti) ad Mine[rvam]. ] [Footnote 7: Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, II., p. 801, fig. 867.] II.--COINS. (Table-Case K.) The coins which are selected to represent the Greek and Roman currencies extend over a period of just one thousand years, in the course of which the coinage went through all the developments and anticipated all the varieties of type and fabric which it has since experienced, while in artistic merit it reached an excellence which will probably never be surpassed. The Greek coinage, moreover, has the great interest of being that upon which all later coinages have been modelled--for the Chinese money, which originated about the same time, and apparently independently, may be left out of account. =Greek Coins.=--The character and provenance of the earliest coins agree with the best ancient tradition of their origin, in so far as it associates them with Asia Minor, although it is more probable that they were invented by the Greek cities of the coast than by the Lydians, to whom they have been credited in accordance with the Herodotean tradition.[8] The most primitive pieces are found in Asia Minor, and their metal is a natural mixture of gold and silver, called electrum, which occurs in the mountains of Lydia, and was brought down to the sea in the sands of the great rivers, the golden Hermus and its tributary the Pactolus. The cities which the Greeks had planted on the Asiatic shores grew in the seventh century B.C. to a high degree of wealth, by reason of their position on a rich coastland, where they were intermediary in the trade of east and west. There were great bankers in these Ionian cities who had large stores of treasure; their gold and silver would be kept in bars or ingots of definite weight stamped with the device, in place of the written signature, of the banker. From thus marking large ingots with his own signature, it would be a short step for the banker to do the same with smaller denominations of the same weights, so producing a private coinage for his own convenience in calculation, which would come to have a limited acceptance in the quarters where his credit was good. Such pieces are probably to be recognised in the nondescript coins of which the electrum stater is an example (No. =24=; fig. 12_a_); this is scored on one side with parallel scratches and stamped on the other with three deep punch-marks. There are many pieces in existence which have even less design than this, although their weights conform to definite coin-standards. We may perhaps regard this example as a private coin, one of the last of its kind, which immediately preceded the adoption of coinage by the state. The invention of coinage lies really in this innovation, which, however obvious it may seem to us now, was then of deep political significance. When once a state currency was instituted, the private coinage fell out of use, for no individual banker could compete with the guarantee of the state, and the state would not tolerate imitation of its own types. We may therefore take it that the successive stages in the "invention" of coinage were somewhat as follows: first, the occasional practice of stamping certain weights of metal with marks by which they could be identified; this probably continued in private use for a long period before it was adopted by a state; and finally the adoption all over the Greek world of a series of state coinages. The example, once set, was quickly followed by the more important Greek cities, until by the middle of the sixth century the art of coinage had travelled from Ionia across the mainland of Greece to the colonies in Italy and Sicily. Owing to the peculiar political conditions of Greece, where every town held a separate and independent sovereignty, each state was jealous to assert its autonomy on its coins, with the result that the Greek coinage presents an enormous variety of types, held together, however, as the money of one people by the uniformity of their general character and of the art in which they are expressed. We may now proceed to consider a few representative coins, which in the midst of innumerable local issues were important enough by their purity of weight and metal, or by their abundance, or by the commercial reputation of their issuing states, to predominate in the Greek world as a sort of international currency and standard of exchange. The earliest electrum stater of Ionia is interesting on account of its fabric only, for it has no type. It is a bean-shaped lump of metal, one side of which has been stamped with a flat die marked with parallel scratches, the other with three punches, which have left deep impressions (No. =24=; fig. 12_a_). The pieces which immediately followed, such as the silver money of Aegina (No. =25=; fig. 12_d_), have a real type on the obverse, while the punch-mark on the reverse is more regular, and is often ornamented with some design of a special character, though it does not contain a type until later. With the introduction of coinage into European Greece, a change was made in the metal of the currency, for gold and electrum, which were plentiful in Asia, were not common in Greece proper, and a silver coinage was there the rule until Philip of Macedon took possession of the Thracian gold mines. The few gold issues before his time were due to exceptional circumstances; thus the gold coinage of Athens (No. =26=) was occasioned by great financial stress, when treasure was melted down to supply the currency. There was, however, no lack of gold money in Greece, for after the first electrum issues came the fine gold staters of Croesus, in the early sixth century (No. =27=; fig. 12_b_), and, on his overthrow by Cyrus, an international gold coinage was still available in the enormous issues of the Persian darics (No. =28=; fig. 12_c_), which were in common use all over the ancient world until the Macedonian gold replaced them. A few subsidiary electrum coinages survived in Asia, the most famous being the Kyzikene staters (No. =29=; fig. 12_m_), which were a standard exchange in the Aegean and Black Sea regions. A peculiarity of this coinage is that the distinctive type of the town, the tunny, is relegated to a secondary place, while the main type is a constantly changing design. In the piece illustrated the subject is taken from a group of the Athenian tyrannicides, Harmodios and Aristogeiton, which stood in the market place of their native city. [Illustration: FIG. 12.--GREEK COINS. 1:1.] Another important currency, used especially in western Greece, the "colts" of Corinth, took its type from the local myth that the winged horse Pegasos was captured by Bellerophon at the fountain Peirene, which flowed from the acropolis of the town (No. =30=; fig. 12_e_). The original punch-mark on the reverse was soon replaced by the helmeted head of Athena, who also had a part in the Pegasos myth, and these two types were constant as long as the Corinthian state existed. The money which enjoyed the fairest reputation was that of Athens, which, at the time of the Athenian empire, superseded the issues of the subject cities and became the standard currency in the Aegean Sea. It penetrated into the far East, and there are extant examples of native imitations from India and Arabia. The wide circulation of these staters among barbarous peoples was the cause of their peculiar style; for not only were the types of Athena's head and her owl and olive-branch unaltered from the first sixth-century design, but the execution was an imitation of the primitive manner, the stiffness of archaic art being reproduced in an affected archaism. As the money of Athens was the foremost in the Greek world, it is useful to note the extraordinary number of denominations which were struck in silver at its most flourishing period, the fifth century B.C. A large, but still not complete, series is exhibited here (No. =31=). It consists of the _Decadrachm_ (10 drachmae, fig. 12_f_), an early and rare coin, the _Tetradrachm_ (4 drachmae, fig. 12_g_), which was the famous Athenian stater or standard piece, the _Didrachm_ (2 drachmae), the _Drachm_ (fig. 12_h_), the unit of weight, which contained six obols, the _Triobol_ (3 obols), the _Diobol_ (2 obols), the _Obol_ (fig. 12_i_), the _Tritemorion_ (3/4 obol), the _Hemiobol_ (1/2 obol), the _Trihemitetartemorion_ (3/8 obol), and the _Tetartemorion_ (1/4 obol, fig. 12_k_), the half of the last piece being equivalent to the largest bronze coin, the _Chalkous_ (No. =32=). With the Athenian series is the bronze core of an ancient imitation of a silver stater, of which the silver plating has perished (No. =33=). False coining was punished with extreme penalties even in those early days: in an extant monetary convention between Mytilene and Phocaea, of the fourth century B.C., the crime of adulterating the money is threatened with death.[9] On the conquest of Athens by Macedon, at the end of the fourth century B.C., the autonomous Athenian coinage was largely superseded by the Macedonian regal issues, and did not recover its position until late in the next century. It was renewed in a different form, with none of the old archaism, of which the occasion was past. The coins of the new style exemplify the thin flat fabric of the period, and although the types of Athena and the owl are preserved, their arrangement is much more complicated. The new head of Athena is a copy from the colossal ivory and gold statue which Pheidias made, and on the reverse of the coins the owl and olive spray are accompanied by many new devices, of which the most remarkable are the names, symbols, and monograms of the monetary magistrates; eminent personages sometimes figure in this place. On the coins exhibited (No. =34=; fig. 12_l_) one of the officials is Antiochos, who was afterwards Epiphanes, king of Syria. In the interval between the old and new coinages, when the Athenian money was scanty, the currency was supplied by the regal issues of the Macedonian kings and their successors. Under Philip II. and his son Alexander the Great, the Macedonian monarchy extended its dominion by conquest, not only over the isolated Greek cities, but over the ancient empire of Persia. The opportunity was thus provided for a universal coinage, and it was realised in the gold and silver issues of Philip and Alexander (Nos. =35=, =36=; fig. 12_n-q_). The acquisition of the Thracian gold-mines gave Philip the means for an abundant coinage of gold, the first considerable Greek issue of the kind, which contributed in no small measure to his political success. The style of these coins of Philip is not different from that of other Greek money, except that they are inscribed with a personal name--of Philip--instead of the name of a whole people, and the types, a horse and jockey and a two-horse chariot, are also personal, as they commemorate the racing successes of the king. The fine heads on the obverse, however, are still divine, that of Zeus appearing on the silver and the young Apollo on the gold, for the idea of representing a living personage on a coin was still distant. Of this money the gold especially was struck in enormous quantities, and the types were imitated more and more crudely, as time went on, in Gaul and Britain. (_See_ the series shown in the Room of Roman Britain.) The coinage of Alexander was even more widely spread. His types were more orthodox than those of Philip: the head of Athena and a Victory on the gold, and the head of young Herakles, wrapped in the lion-skin, with a figure of Zeus enthroned, on the silver staters, although in the head of Herakles there is some suggestion of the features of Alexander. These coins were struck all over the world which Alexander conquered, and lasted after his death as the money of his successors and of independent cities, in some cases even for two centuries; but the kings who divided his great empire modified the type by introducing real portraits of Alexander, as a deified hero, and later of themselves, as living deities, so that the representation of a ruler's head on coins, which is still practised to-day, began with quasi-religious Greek coin-types. The regularity of the Greek coinage which Alexander established was only temporary, and his influence was fast disappearing when the subjection of the world by the Romans in the first century B.C. merged all provincial issues in the complete uniformity of the Imperial mint. =Roman Coins.=--As gold in the Asiatic coastlands and silver in European Greece, so in Italy the native medium of exchange was bronze. In the earliest times the raw metal was circulated in broken knobs of indefinite weight (_aes rude_), which required in all transactions the use of scales. The rude metal was afterwards superseded by cast ingots of an oblong shape, which bore a device to indicate their purpose as money (_aes signatum_). Yet the weights were still irregular, and no mark of value accompanied the types, so that the pieces were not strictly coins. A survival of this primitive currency is seen in the large ingot which has on one side a tripod and on the other an anchor (No. =37=; fig. 13). This piece itself belongs to a later period, when the lighter coined money was already in use. The special purpose for which this and similar pieces were intended is quite uncertain. The first coinage of Rome was less massive than this, but being entirely of bronze, was still inconveniently large and cumbrous (_aes grave_). The Roman of the fourth century B.C., when he found it necessary to transport any considerable sum, took his money about with him in a waggon.[10] The use of bronze for a token currency, as in Greece, was not possible without a superior coinage of gold or silver to secure its value. [Illustration: FIG. 13.--AES SIGNATUM (NO. 37). 1:3.] [Illustration: FIG. 14.--AES GRAVE (NO. 38). AS, SEMIS, QUADRANS, AND UNCIA. 1:2.] A typical series of the Roman heavy bronze money is exhibited (No. =38=; fig. 14) The system is based on the pound of twelve ounces, and the denominations of the various pieces are distinguished by the heads or obverse types, and by the marks of value which they bear. The series consists of the _As_, or pound (+I+), the half, _Semis_ (+S+), the third, _Triens_, of four ounces (····), the quarter, _Quadrans_, of three ounces (···), the sixth, _Sextans_, of two ounces (··), and the _Uncia_, or ounce, the lower unit (·) (_cf._ p. 160). Each of these is further differentiated by the obverse head. The _as_ has the double head of Janus, the god of beginnings, whose coin opened the series of money, as his month begins the year. The _semis_ has the head of Jupiter, wearing a laurel wreath; the _triens_, Minerva armed; the _quadrans_, Hercules in the lion-skin; the _sextans_, Mercury, the messenger, with wings in his cap; and the _uncia_, a head of Bellona, the goddess of battle. All the reverses have a common type, the prow of a ship. This device may mark the date of the introduction of the Roman coinage, which coincided with Rome's first essays on the sea, in the middle of the fourth century before Christ. It remained as the reverse type of the bronze money all through the Republic, and even in later times, when a coin was tossed, the cry was "heads" or "ships."[11] The heavy bronze coinage of the city of Rome was only one among many similar currencies of the central Italian states. As the Romans conquered the neighbouring territories, where there existed local weight-systems, which, in the interests of commerce, it was well to preserve, instead of imposing their own money, they inaugurated subordinate issues at the dependent mints. On this principle it was natural that when the march of Roman conquest came upon the peoples of South Italy, where a silver currency had been long ago introduced by the Greek colonists, a local issue for those parts was instituted as a subsidiary coinage. To this class of Roman money belongs the silver stater or didrachm with Campanian types (the head of Mars and the bust of a horse) which was struck by the Romans--as the legend +ROMANO+(_rum_) shews--in Capua for the use of the Campanian district (No. =39=; fig. 15_a_). With the extension of power and territory the old bronze pieces were inadequate, and in the year 268 B.C. a silver coinage was begun at Rome itself. At the same time the Campanian mint was closed, and the heavy bronze coins, being subordinated to the silver unit, were issued as token-money in a reduced and more convenient size. The first Roman silver coinage bears the types of the goddess Roma, wearing a winged helmet, and on the reverse the patron deities of trade and commerce, Castor and Pollux, the Heavenly Twins or Dioscuri (No. =40=; fig. 15_b-d_). They are armed with spears and ride on horseback, with their stars above their heads. These types occur on all three denominations of the earliest silver, the _Denarius_ (marked +X+), which was worth 10 _asses_; its half, the _Quinarius_ (+V+); and the _Sestertius_ (+IIS+) of 2-1/2 _asses_, which became the unit in reckoning accounts. The two smallest silver pieces were not always struck; but the _denarius_, with the reduced copper for small denominations, remained in use during the period of the Republic at Rome and long into the Empire. Although both series had a great variety of types, the fabric and general appearance were unaltered. With the change to the Empire, reform in all directions was begun, and the coinage was set on a new basis. Gold was introduced to meet the needs of the metropolis of the world, and two new coins, the _Aureus_ and its half, were struck in this metal. They were modelled on the silver pieces. The standard silver coin was still the _denarius_, and the only change which it experienced was in type. The head of the emperor took the place of those of deities, with a superscription, which was the forerunner of modern coin-legends. It consisted of the name and titles of the emperor, often with the date of striking, arranged in a circle round the edge of the coin. The minting of gold and silver was assumed by the emperor, but the lower denominations were left to the senate, whose authority is expressed on each piece by the letters +S·C+ (_Senatus Consulto_, "by decree of the Senate"). The senatorial series consisted of the _Sestertius_, the equivalent of the smallest silver coin, now valued at 4 _asses_ instead of the original 2-1/2; the _Dupondius_, of 2 _asses_; the _As_, and fractions of the _as_, _Semis_ and _Quadrans_, which are of less frequent occurrence. These coins sometimes differed as to the metal used, the _as_ and _semis_ being of copper, and the _dupondius_ and _sestertius_ of brass; or in the style of the emperor's head; or, as in the case of the coins exhibited, the _as_ is marked +I+ and the _dupondius_ +II+ (fig. 15_h_ and _i_). Usually, however, the two pieces are confused, and are loosely termed by collectors "second brass," the sesterce being "first brass," and all denominations lower than the _as_ "third brass." The reverse types were very numerous, and, with the exception of the mark +S·C+ on the senatorial issues, none of them was peculiar to any denomination. The series which is selected here to illustrate the Imperial coinage is of the reign of Nero (54-68 A.D.); all the pieces, therefore, bear the image and superscription of that Caesar, and their reverses have complimentary references to the emperor and his family, or topical allusions to current events (No. =41=; fig. 15_e-l_). [Illustration: FIG. 15.--ROMAN COINS. 1:1.] Nero was the first emperor to reduce the weight of the _denarius_, and from his time the degeneration was rapid. A series of seven pieces, from Tiberius to Probus (14-281 A.D.), illustrates the debasement of the metal, which is apparent to the eye (No. =42=). By the time of Gordianus Pius (238-244 A.D.) no trace of silver is visible, and the coin of Probus here exhibited is plainly copper. Yet these pieces represent the only silver money which was then coined. Many of the coins which have come down to us have been preserved by the care or avarice of their former owners, who hid their wealth for security and were unable to recover it. Portions of two such hoards are shown at the end of the case. One consists of Athenian staters of the late fifth century B.C. (No. =43=), which were found in the Greek settlement of Naukratis, and the other is a large collection of late Roman coins of the fifth century A.D. (No. =44=). These were buried in another Egyptian town, Hawara, in the egg-shaped jug which is shown with them. At Pompeii, a city which was overwhelmed by the volcano in the midst of its daily life, money, like all other things, has been found ready to hand and actually in use. There is in this Case all that the fire has left of a Pompeian money-box, and among the coins which it contains is a brass sesterce of Nero, whose reign ended eleven years before the catastrophe. Shreds of a net purse are also visible in the box (No. =45=). =Special uses of Coins.=--A silver stater of Sikyon (No. =46=), is marked by an inscription punctured by the dedicator--_To Artemis in Lakedaemon_. A religious character attaches also to the bronze coin of Laodikeia in Phrygia, which is pierced and suspended from a wire loop for wearing as a charm against sickness, by virtue of the figures which it bears of Asklepios and Hygieia, the deities of health (No. =47=). A curious coin, struck for a special religious purpose, is the copper piece of Nemausus (Nîmes, in the South of France), which is made in the shape of a ham for dedication to the deity of the local fountain (No. =48=). The offering was probably originally paid in kind. =Ancient false Coins.=--With the exception of the Italian heavy copper, which was cast, nearly all ancient coins were struck in dies, and most of the false pieces which have survived are defective in the quality of the metal, while the fabric is good. In the later Roman Empire, when all the standard money was of base metal, the surface was so bad that the coins could easily be counterfeited by casting, and great numbers of the clay moulds used by forgers or by the monetary authorities date from this period. Among the large collection here exhibited (No. =49=) there are some unbroken moulds, and some with the run metal still adhering. Base metal was detected by the use of the touch-stone, and pieces of doubtful weight were tested by the balance. An ivory folding balance is shown (No. =49*=). The long arm is made just too light to counterpoise a good denarius--the test being that if the coin were heavy enough it would fall off the plate at the end. For Greek and Roman coins in general, see Hill, _Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins_ (with the Bibliography there given); G. Macdonald, _Coin Types_ (Glasgow, 1905); Head, _Historia Numorum_ (2nd ed. 1911.) [Footnote 8: i. 94.] [Footnote 9: Michel, _Recueil des inscr. grecques_, No. 8.] [Footnote 10: Livy, iv. 60.] [Footnote 11: Macr. _Sat._ i. 7, 22. pueri denarios in sublime iactantes capita aut navia exclamant.] III.--DRAMA. (Table-Case K and Glass Shade above.) The antiquities illustrating the ancient drama are placed in one half of Table-Case K, and under the glass shade standing above it. =Greek Drama.=--This was in its origin essentially religious, and retained up to the decline of tragedy at the end of the fifth century B.C. the character of a religious ceremony. Thus tragedy gradually developed out of the rude dances in honour of the wine-god Dionysos, which were performed at country vintage festivals. The name tragedy means "goat-song," and is probably to be associated with the sacrifice of the goat, the enemy of the vines. The dramatic part of a tragedy was at first confined to a dialogue between a single actor and the leader of the chorus, with long musical interludes, but the number of actors was gradually increased, with the result that more stress was laid on the dramatic action. Aeschylos introduced a second actor, Sophokles a third, and Euripides, the last of the great tragedians, reduced the lyrical element of the play to comparatively insignificant proportions. Comedy underwent a development not unlike that of tragedy. It also had its origin in the coarse buffoonery common at the rustic festivals which celebrated the vintage. Introduced into Athens from the neighbouring Megara early in the sixth century B.C., it did not receive recognition from the state until the middle of the fifth century. The comedy of the closing years of that century is inseparably connected with the name of Aristophanes, who combined merciless political satire with exquisite poetry. In the fourth century B.C. a great change came over comedy at Athens. The later plays of Aristophanes mark the beginning of the comedy of manners, which took the place of the old political comedy. The master of this new comedy was Menander. Through Roman translations and adaptations of Menander and his fellow poets by Plautus and Terence, comes the comedy of Molière and modern Europe. The theatre, in which these ancient plays were performed, was of slow development. The grassy slopes of a hill, bordering on a circular dancing-place (_orchestra_), satisfied the earliest audiences. Later on, a definite place was set apart for theatrical performances, and a wooden structure erected for the actors. It was not until the fourth century that permanent stone seats were laid down in the Theatre of Dionysos at Athens, although performances had been given there for more than a century. =Roman Drama.=--The drama at first met with a determined opposition from Romans of the old school as a new-fangled thing from Greece. The taste of the people, also, was not inclined to favour so cultured an amusement as the drama. The Romans preferred to see a fight between men or beasts rather than to listen to a play, and on one occasion, when listening to a play of Terence, they rushed pell-mell from the theatre, because a rumour arose that a combat of gladiators was going to take place.[12] The more important Roman comedies were adapted from the New Comedy of the Greeks. These adaptations are familiar to us from the surviving plays of Plautus (254-184 B.C.) and Terence (ca. 185-159 B.C.). Actors at Rome had long to be content with temporary wooden structures, which were pulled down when the performances were over. A permanent theatre was not erected in Rome till 55 B.C. The objects illustrating the ancient drama can conveniently be divided into (_a_) representations of scenes from plays, and (_b_) figures of actors and masks. (_a_) =Scenes from Plays.=--The vase (No. =50=) placed under the glass shade is valuable as an illustration of the beginnings of Athenian drama. It is a plate of Athenian fabric of the sixth century B.C., with designs which probably represent the sacrifice made to Athena at the Panathenaic games, and two scenes relating to dramatic contests. The first of these scenes shows a tragic chorus with the goat, which was the prize of victory. The second shows a comic chorus, in which a man seated at the back of a mule-car appears to be making jests at the expense of another man who follows. This "jesting from a car" became a regular phrase to express ribald joking.[13] None of the men who took part in these contests is distinguished by any peculiarity of costume. Another early vase, however (No. =51=), gives a lively picture of two actors dressed up as birds. Before them stands a flute-player. Though this vase is many years earlier in date than the _Birds_ of Aristophanes (414 B.C.), yet it may serve to give us some idea of the appearance of the chorus in that play. [Illustration: FIG. 16.--SCENE FROM A MOCK-TRAGEDY. COMBAT BETWEEN ARES AND HEPHAESTOS BEFORE HERA (NO. 52).] [Illustration: FIG. 17.--MARRIAGE SCENE FROM A ROMAN-COMEDY (NO. 54). 2:3.] The two large vases illustrate Greek dramatic performances of a considerably later date. They give us scenes from _phlyakes_, a class of burlesques which were in vogue in the Greek cities of Southern Italy, especially at Tarentum, at the end of the fourth and the beginning of the third century B.C. They are associated with the name of Rhinthon, a Syracusan poet. These plays dealt in the wildest spirit of farce with subjects drawn from Greek mythology and legend, as well as with scenes from daily life. One of the vases (No. =52=; fig. 16) shows a contest upon the stage, between actors representing Ares ([Greek: Eneualios]) and Hephaestos ([Greek: Daidalos]) fighting in the presence of Hera. The grotesque mask, the padded figures, and the general air of exaggeration are indicative of the character of these plays, which earned for them the title of mock-tragedies ([Greek: hilarotragôdiai]). The other vase (No. =53=) is a parody of the myth of Cheiron cured by Apollo. The blind Centaur, whose equine body is represented pantomime-fashion by a second actor pushing behind, ascends the steps leading up to the stage, where stands the slave Xanthias. Behind is the Centaur's pupil Achilles, and looking on from a cave are two grotesquely ugly nymphs. [Illustration: FIG. 18.--SCENE FROM A ROMAN TRAGEDY. HERCULES DISPUTING WITH MARS (NO. 55). 1:1.] Case K contains two interesting representations of Roman comedy and tragedy respectively. The oblong lamp (No. =54=; fig. 17) gives a scene from a comedy, not improbably the mock-marriage scene from the fourth act of the _Casina_ of Plautus. The steps leading up to the door of the house divide the actors into two groups. On the left is the bridegroom (Olympio?) with his mule, in preparation for his departure into the country. On the right comes the marriage procession approaching a woman (Pardalisca?) who stands by the steps. First walks a Silenus, carrying a Cupid on his shoulders; next comes the bride, carried aloft by a man, in order that she may be lifted over the threshold in conformity with the usual Roman marriage rite (see below, p. 212). Behind is an altar in the courtyard of the house. A Cupid waits at the door to receive the bride. [Illustration: FIG. 19.--IVORY STATUETTE OF A TRAGIC ACTOR.] [Illustration: FIG. 20.--TERRACOTTA STATUETTE OF COMIC ACTOR (MONEY-LENDER?) (NO. 60). Ht. 7-7/8 in.] The Gallo-Roman medallion (No. =55=; fig. 18) is from a vase. It gives a picture of a Roman tragedy. On a high stage sits Jupiter enthroned, with Victory and Minerva on his right and left hand respectively. Before the stage stand Hercules and Mars, disputing. Hercules has slain Cycnus, the son of Mars, and the irate father stands exclaiming: "Be assured that I am come as the avenger of my son." To which Hercules replies: "Unconquered valour can ne'er be terrified."[14] The characters speak in iambic verse. [Illustration: FIG. 21.--TERRACOTTA STATUETTE OF COMIC ACTOR (SLAVE?) (NO. 61). Ht. 8-1/2 in.] (_b_) =Figures of actors and masks.=--In tragedy the actors probably wore a dress differing from that of the spectators only in a certain richness of material and colour, and in an adherence to the fashion of an earlier period. Two features, however, distinguished them in appearance from ordinary men, the buskin ([Greek: kothornos]) or high-soled boot, and the tragic mask. The use of the former (which increased in height as time went on) was due to a desire to enhance the wearer's dignity by raising him somewhat above the common height of men. The wearing of the mask was brought about chiefly by tradition, partly by the great size of ancient theatres, which rendered some easily recognized type of face a practical necessity. The tragic mask (fig. 22 below, right) was usually surmounted by a high projection over the forehead, called the _onkos_, on which the hair was raised to a height varying with the social position of the character. The mask illustrated (No. =56=) is of ivory and finely worked. It is a mask such as would have been worn by some king in tragedy, an Agamemnon or a Kreon. The general appearance of a tragic actor is finely brought before us by an ivory statuette (not in the Museum) which was found near Rieti, a place about 35 miles N.E. of Rome (fig. 19). The elaborately embroidered robe is coloured blue, and the _onkos_, mask, and buskins are clearly seen. (_Mon. dell' Inst._ xi. pl. 13.) [Illustration: FIG 22.--COMIC, SATYRIC, AND TRAGIC MASKS (NOS. 65, 66, 56). Ca. 5:8.] The figures of actors and the comic masks exhibited under the glass shade and in Table-Case K bring before us the different characters prominent in Athenian comedy of the fourth and third centuries B.C., and in the Roman comedy derived from it. It was a comedy of everyday life, in which the same well-known types were constantly reappearing. Such were the parasite (No. =57=), who bears all the marks of a fondness for good living, and carries a flask and a ham; the glutton (Nos. =58= and =59=), distinguished by his large padded stomach; the money-lender (No. =60=), with his acute and cunning expression, grasping his purse tightly by his side with both hands, and partially concealing it beneath his cloak (fig. 20). The adventures of the slave and his punishments were a favourite theme with poets of the new comedy. No. =61= (fig. 21) may represent the trusted elderly slave aghast at the misdoings of his young master. A still greater favourite is the runaway slave who seeks refuge from his irate master in the protection of the altar. The bronze statuette (No. =62=), and the terracotta (No. =63=) show him seated on the altar, and in No. =64= his hands are tied behind him. A typical comic mask (No. =65=) is illustrated above (fig. 22, left), characterised by its exaggerated features, especially the wide open mouth, the snub nose and thick bushy eyebrows. The satyric play, which of the three kinds of Greek drama kept nearest in spirit to the early Dionysiac village revel, is illustrated by the satyric masks (No. =66=; fig. 22, centre), with their high upstanding hair and semi-bestial features, as well as by the masks of the bald-headed Seilenos, the constant companion of Dionysos in his revels. Most of the examples of masks shown in the case are merely representations. A few such as No. =67= with pierced eye and mouth-holes, and of life size, may have been intended for use. Two heads of actors from marble reliefs (Nos. =68=, =69=) show to what extent the face of the actor could be seen, within the apertures of the mask. (50) _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 80; _Journ. Hell. Stud._, I., pl. 7; (51) _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 509; _Journ. Hell. Stud._, II., pl. 14; (52) _Cat. of Vases_, IV., F 269; cf. Heydemann in _Jahrb. d. arch. Inst._, I. (1886), p. 260 ff.; (53) _Cat. of Vases_, IV., F 151; (54) _Cat. of Lamps_, 446; Cf. Froehner, _Hoffman Sale Cat._, 1886, p. 38, No. 127; (55) _Cat. of Roman Pottery_, M 121; _Gazette Arch._, 1877, p. 66, pl. 12. On the ancient theatre generally, see Haigh, _The Attic Theatre_, edn. 3, where references to literature will be found. For Masks, see Daremberg and Saglio, Dict., _s.v._ Persona. [Footnote 12: _Hecyra_, _prolog._, 30 ff.] [Footnote 13: Cf. Dem., _de Cor._, 122: [Greek: kai boas rhêta kai arrêta onomazôn, hôsper ex hamaxês].] [Footnote 14: Adesse ultorem nati m[e] credas mei. [Invic]ta virtus nusqua(m) terreri potest. ] IV.--SHIPPING. (Wall-Cases 94-97.) As early as the eighth century before Christ the Greeks possessed powerful war-vessels propelled by numerous oarsmen. These appear on vases of that date, as for example on a large bowl of Boeotian fabric (described below in connection with chariots, p. 169), which shows such a ship with its double line of rowers and a man at the stern managing the big steering-oars. The crew of this vessel seems to have numbered some forty men.[15] A more finished representation of early Greek ships is seen on a cup (No. =70=) of the end of the sixth century B.C. (figs. 23, 24), where the contrasted builds of the war galley and the merchantman are clearly indicated. The war galley has two rows of eleven and twelve oars respectively. The merchantman has no rowers, but is entirely dependent on its sail. It has a high-built hull, suited for holding cargo. In each we see the steersman at the stern with his two steering-oars. Beside him is the ladder for embarking and disembarking. A terracotta model ship from Cyprus (No. =71=; fig. 25) of about this period shows the socket for the mast and the high poop for the steersman, with the remains of an iron oar. This vessel is doubtless intended for a merchantman. The numerous small terracotta boats (No. =72=) found with this merchant vessel at Amathus give a good idea of the fishing boats of the time (Case 94; see frontispiece). These boats are also interesting as reminding us of the legend that Kinyras, king of Cyprus, promised Menelaos to send fifty ships to help the Greeks against Troy. He sent but one, carrying forty-nine others of terracotta, manned by terracotta figures. After the taking of Troy, Agamemnon is said to have made it his first business to punish Kinyras for his trickery. It would seem that the story must have been based on knowledge of the fact that terracotta boats were a product of Amathus. It is hard to suppose that it is merely a coincidence. The small model war-galley (No. =73=) from Corinth, containing warriors armed with circular shields, is interesting from the place of its discovery, for Corinth was traditionally an early shipbuilding centre, and triremes are said to have been first built at that city.[16] [Illustration: FIG. 23.--EARLY GREEK WARSHIP (NO. 70).] [Illustration: FIG. 24.--EARLY GREEK MERCHANT-SHIP (NO. 70).] The use of triremes (ships with triple arrangement of oars) did not become common among the Greeks till the earlier part of the fifth century B.C. This was the typical Greek warship of the period of the Peloponnesian war, and the arrangement of the rowers in it has given rise to much controversy. The crew (according to one view) consisted of two hundred rowers, sixty-two on the highest tier ([Greek: thranitai]), fifty-four on the middle ([Greek: zygitai]), and fifty-four on the lowest ([Greek: thalamitai]), as well as thirty who were apparently stationed on the highest deck ([Greek: perineô]). The best ancient representation of the rowers in a trireme is that given on a relief in Athens, of which a cast is shown here (No. =74=; Case 94). The upper oars pass over the gunwale, the second and third lines (if these are oars) through port-holes. In the trireme the ram was of the greatest importance, and much attention was devoted to strengthening it. An excellent illustration of the prow of a trireme is to be seen in the terracotta vase from Vulci (No. =75=; fig. 26). Here are an upper and a lower ram, each armed with three teeth; the curved ornament above the ram has been broken away. The projections on either side of the handles of the vase, decorated with a woman's head, would serve as a protection to the oars. The eye on the side is a prominent decoration in Greek ships. It is seen on the ship painted on the vase B 508 in Case 95 (No. =76=), from which the diver is preparing to jump, and has survived even to the present day, for eyes are still found painted on the bows of Mediterranean fishing boats. The eyes are often supposed to be a defence against the evil eye, but the exact position they occupy on each side of the prow is suggested by the almost inevitable analogy between the prow of a vessel and the head of an animal. Roman ships did not differ very materially from Greek ships, but a special class of swift ships with two banks of oars was adopted from Liburnian pirates who inhabited the islands off Illyria, and these ships were called Liburnian galleys. A figure-head in bronze from a Roman ship, found in the sea off Actium, is shown in Case 96 (No. =77=). It represents Minerva, and probably belonged to some ship sunk in the great battle between Octavian and Antony in 31 B.C. [Illustration: FIG. 25.--TERRACOTTA MODEL OF MERCHANT-SHIP (NO. 71). L. 12 in.] [Illustration: FIG. 26.--VASE IN THE FORM OF A PROW OF A TRIREME (NO. 75). L. 8 in.] A fragment of a relief from a sarcophagus shows a Roman trireme, with a figure of a swan in relief on the prow (No. =78=). [Illustration: FIG. 27.--ROMAN SHIP ENTERING A HARBOUR (NO. 79). Diam. 4 in.] Some lamps placed in Cases 96, 97 give interesting pictures of Roman harbours. In one (No. =79=; fig. 27), a ship is seen entering the harbour, which is indicated by a light-house on the left. Of the crew of six, one is seated high on the stern, blowing a trumpet to announce the ship's approach; before him is the steersman, and next come three men furling the sail. The man in the bows is preparing to let down the anchor. Another lamp (No. =80=; fig. 28) shows a harbour with buildings on the quay. A fisherman in a small boat holds a rod and line in his right hand, and a fish which he has just caught in his left. Before him is a man on shore just about to cast a net into the water. In the third lamp (No. =81=) Cupid is seen in a boat, hauling in his net from the water. A marble laver (No. =82=), originally decorated with a relief of Asklepios, Hygieia and Telesphoros, has been subsequently sculptured with votive dedications for a fair voyage. On the left, Poseidon stands on a ship, with a suppliant before him, on the right is a ship running before the wind. The inscriptions invoke good voyages for Theodoulos and Pedius Psycharios. [Illustration: FIG. 28.--ROMAN FISHERMEN IN A HARBOUR (NO. 80). Diam. 3-5/8 in.] (70) _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 436; Daremberg and Saglio, fig. 5282; (71) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 112, fig. 164, No. 12; (72) _ibid._; (74) _Cat. of Sculpture_, III., 2701; (75) _Cat. of Terracottas_, D 201; (76) _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 508; (77) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 830; Torr, _Ancient Ships_, pl. 8, 41; (78) Daremberg and Saglio, fig. 5277; (79) _Cat. of Lamps_, 1140; (80) _Cat. of Lamps_, 527; (81) _Cat. of Lamps_, 634. On ancient ships generally, see Torr, _Ancient Ships_, and art. _Navis_ in Daremberg and Saglio; W. W. Tarn in _Journ. Hell. Stud._, XXV., pp. 137, 204 ff.; A. B. Cook in _Camb. Comp. to Gk. Stud._, 3 ed., p. 567 ff. [Footnote 15: _Journ. Hell. Stud._, XIX., pl. 8.] [Footnote 16: Thuc., i. 13.] V.--RELIGION AND SUPERSTITION. (Wall-Cases 98-106.) The wide subjects of Religion and Superstition are naturally represented in a fragmentary way in the few cases devoted to them in this collection. They are roughly classified in the following description, into groups, viz.:-- (1) Implements and methods of worship. (2) Votive offerings. (3) Superstition and Magic. =Implements and methods of worship.= _Altars, etc._--The larger altars (and sepulchral chests of altar form) will be found in the sculpture galleries. Here we have (No. =83=) a small altar, from Dodona, inscribed as belonging to all the gods,[17] and various model altars, probably used in some cases for the burning of incense. [Illustration: FIG. 29.--ALTAR DEDICATED FOR THE SAFE RETURN OF SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS AND HIS FAMILY (NO. =84=). Ht. 2 ft. 7 in.] An interesting example (No. =84=) of the practice of dedicating altars to members of Roman Imperial houses is furnished by the inscription (fig. 29) in the lower part of Case 98. It formed the front of a marble altar, and is dedicated to the Imperial Fortune by a freedman named Antonius, who was in charge of the "Department of Petitions," for the safe return of the Emperor Septimius Severus, his wife Julia Domna, and his sons Caracalla and Geta. But so far as Geta was concerned, the Imperial Fortune was not propitious. He was murdered by his brother Caracalla, and his name was erased from this, as from all other inscriptions throughout the Roman Empire, by Caracalla's edict. The date of the inscription is about 200 A.D. In Case 102 is an altar (No. =85=) dedicated to the Bona Dea of Anneanum (a town in Etruria) by C. Tullius Hesper and Tullia Restituta. The Bona Dea was a goddess specially invoked by women. Hence we may suppose that it was Tullia Restituta more particularly who showed her thankfulness by this dedication. In Case 98 are two examples (Nos. =86=, =87=) of a combined lamp and altar, for use in domestic shrines, probably of late Roman date.[18] In one of these the basin for libations is supported on a pine-cone. Akin to these is the small limestone cone and altar from the Cyrenaica. No. =88= (fig. 30) is a bronze representing an attendant leading a pig to sacrifice. The pig (as well as the sheep and the bull) was a favourite sacrificial animal among the Romans. At the lustral ceremony of the _suovetaurilia_, the bull, sheep, and pig were driven round the farmer's fields to keep them free from blight and disease. Certain deities, notably Persephone and the Bona Dea, had swine as their special victims. In Case 105 will be seen a terracotta votive pig (No. =89=) found in the precinct of Demeter and Persephone at Knidos. [Illustration: FIG. 30.--ATTENDANT DRIVING PIG TO SACRIFICE (NO. 88). Ht. 4 in.] In Case 98 is an elaborate model in terracotta of a temple laver from Cyprus (No. =90=). In Case 100 is a terracotta model of a sacred table (No. =91=, fig. 31), set with a service of vessels for the sanctuary. [Illustration: FIG. 31.--TABLE WITH SERVICE OF VESSELS (NO. 91). 2:3.] _Bronze Implements._--A series of early Italic bronze implements (No. =92=), may have been used in sacrifice. Those with the curved claws were probably used for taking boiled meats out of a caldron. They remind us of the five-pronged sacrificial forks mentioned in Homer, and of the custom of the Jewish priests' servants as described in the Book of Samuel: "The priest's servant came, while the flesh was in seething, with a fleshhook of three teeth in his hand; and he struck it into the pan, or kettle, or caldron, or pot; all that the fleshhook brought up the priest took therewith."[19] On the right are three bronze gridirons. These, like the fleshhooks, originally had wooden handles inserted into their sockets. The meat was spitted upon hooks, which only remain in one instance. A series of implements terminating in a hand bent at the knuckles (No. =93=), and a pair of tongs on wheels (No. =94=), are probably meant for manipulating embers. _Miscellaneous._--A small silver model of a temple key is shown in Case 100. The small alabaster statuette of a goddess with turreted crown (No. =95=) is of special interest from the fact that her mouth and breasts are pierced, evidently with the object of allowing some fluid, such as milk or wine, to flow from them for the edification of her votaries. A jar (No. =96=) contained perhaps the honey syrup, used in Egypt for feeding the sacred crocodiles. [Illustration: FIG. 32.--THE DIOSCURI COMING TO THE THEOXENIA (NO. 98).] _Religious Rites._--_Prayer._--The fifth century kylix (No. =97=) shows the gesture of the raised right hand, often used in prayer. The young athlete, whose oil-flask hangs behind him, is probably praying before the altar. That athletes entered upon their tasks with extreme seriousness is clear from the oath taken by them before the image of Zeus in the Council House at Olympia, when they swore upon the cut pieces of a boar that they would be guilty of no foul play. In the Greek view athletics and religion were very closely connected. _The Lectisternium_, or Theoxenia, was the ceremony in which a banquet was set, and the gods were invited to attend. It is illustrated by the drawing of a lekythos (No. =98=) from Kameiros in Rhodes (about 500 B.C.), which represents the two gods Castor and Pollux descending from heaven on horseback to take part in the festival of the Theoxenia (fig. 32). This feast, indicated by the couch on which they were to recline, was given in honour of the twin gods. Such a festival well illustrates the perfectly human interests which the Greeks attributed to their deities. Compare with this vase the cast (No. =99=) of a relief in the Louvre, from Larissa. A man and his wife, the dedicators of the relief, are represented as having set out a couch, a banquet of cakes, and an altar. The Twins descend, heralded by Victory. Beside the relief is a fragment of a lamp (No. =100=) incised with a dedication to the Dioscuri, that is, to Castor and Pollux. Here also is the inscribed base (No. =101=) of a statuette dedicated to the Dioscuri by Euarchos (sixth century B.C.). _Augury._--Passing now to Italic religious ceremonies, we may notice the archaic bronze statuette of an augur (No. =102=), whose function it was to draw omens from the aspect of the heavens or the flight and cries of birds. He wears a cloak drawn veil-wise over his head, a common religious garb, and in his right hand holds the _lituus_ or curved wand used for the ceremonial dividing of the heavens into quarters. In connection with this statuette mention should be made of an early Greek inscription (No. =103=) in the bottom of Cases 95-96. It was found at Ephesus, and is probably of about the same period as the statuette, the sixth century B.C. It gives rules for drawing lucky or unlucky omens from the flight of birds. The principal signs are the flight from right to left or _vice versa_, and the raising or lowering of the bird's wing. [Illustration: FIG. 33.--APHRODITE WITHIN A SHRINE (NO. 104). Ht. 2-1/2 in.] _Shrines._--In Cases 100, 101 a series of terracotta shrines is exhibited. They were doubtless for household use, employed in much the same way as modern images of the Madonna. No. =104= (fig. 33), from the early Greek settlement of Naukratis, in the Nile Delta, shows Aphrodite within a shrine supported by figures of the Egyptian god Bes, a characteristic combination of Greek and Egyptian elements. No. =105=, from Amathus, in Cyprus, is also semi-Egyptian in character, and shows a deity surmounted by a winged solar disk. Another shrine from Naukratis (No. =106=) contains the sacred Apis-bull of the Egyptians. No. =107= is an example of a shrine containing a baetylic image, that is, a stone worshipped as sacred. A cone resembling the one here shown was worshipped in the temple of Aphrodite at Paphos in Cyprus. In front, a small lead model shrine (No. =108=) of later date, from Sardinia, represents Aphrodite just risen from the sea-foam and wringing out her hair. The circular shrine (No. =109=; fig. 34) is of Roman date, from Eretria in Euboea. Its form and more especially the indication of overlapping scale-plates on the roof remind us strongly of the famous temple of Vesta at Rome. [Illustration: FIG. 34.--TERRACOTTA MODEL SHRINE (NO. 109). Ht. 4 in.] In Case 101 is a bronze tablet with an iron chain and staple (No. =110=). The tablet, apparently of about 200 B.C., is inscribed on both sides, and seems to give a list of statues of deities, some, such as Vezkei, peculiar to the Samnites, others, such as Ceres and Hermes, of widely spread worship. It is a most important monument of the Oscan dialect, a language spoken by the early Italic tribes whose chief centre was the mountainous country above Campania. It was found at Agnone (Bovianum Vetus) in the Samnite territory. =Votive Offerings.= A votive offering is a present made to a deity, in order to secure some favour for the future, to avert anger for a past offence, or to express gratitude for a favour received. This last purpose includes offerings made in fulfilment of a vow, the vow being a kind of contract between the individual and the god. This comes out most clearly in the Roman expression _voti reus_--"condemned to pay a vow"--applied to those whose prayer had been granted, and who now had to fulfil their promise made in time of stress and difficulty. Votive offerings cover the whole field of life, and may include persons, lands, buildings, or objects specially appropriate either to the god or to the person who makes the dedication. Very frequently the vow was made by some person stricken with disease, and it is to such a cause that we owe the numerous votive offerings representing some part of the human body. The constant streams of these offerings made the ancient temples depositories of all kinds of objects, ranging from jewels of great price and high artistic merit to the roughest terracotta figure. In the Gold Ornament Room (Case 19) is a magnificent gold pin of the Ptolemaic period inscribed with a dedication to Aphrodite of Paphos, showing that the offering was the result of a vow made by Eubule, the wife of Aratos, and one Tamisa. Overcrowding led to periodical clearances of objects of the least intrinsic value. To prevent things dedicated returning to the uses of common life, they were frequently broken and thrown into heaps. This accounts for the masses of _débris_, consisting chiefly of terracottas and vases, which have been found within the precincts of great sanctuaries. The vast accumulations of treasure in the various temples naturally demanded careful cataloguing, labelling and supervision on the part of the temple officials (see examples of marble labels from the sacred enclosure of Demeter at Cnidos). From time to time elaborate inventories were drawn up, and (after the manner of ancient documents) inscribed on stone. Such inventories have been discovered in large numbers at Delos, Athens, and elsewhere. An example is shown in the lower part of Case 97, being an inventory (No. =111=) of various garments dedicated to Artemis Brauronia, who had a shrine upon the acropolis of Athens. We know that it was the custom of women after childbirth to dedicate garments to Artemis, and in particular to Artemis Brauronia. That the garments were often anything but new is shown by the fact that several are described as "in rags." A typical extract from the inscription may be given: "A purple dress, with variegated chequer pattern. Dedicated by Thyaene and Malthake." The entries range in date from 350 to 344 B.C. The principal objects here exhibited as illustrating the ancient custom of dedication may now be mentioned. In Wall-Case 96 is an inscription of the fifth century B.C. (No. =112=) found in the ruins of the temple of Poseidon on Cape Taenaron in Lakonia. It records the dedication by one Theares of a slave named Kleogenes to the temple-service of Poseidon. The names of an _ephoros_, probably an official of the temple, and of a witness are added. In some cases the dedication of a slave to a god is equivalent to enfranchisement. Among votive offerings specially appropriate to the god, we have already mentioned the reliefs dedicated for a good voyage (No. =82=) and the Theoxenia relief (No. =99=). The pedestal (No. =112*=), with an inscription that it was restored "whether sacred to god or goddess," is a parallel to the altar inscribed with a dedication "to an unknown god," which caught the eye of St. Paul when he was viewing the antiquities of Athens. In the bottom of Case 102 is the base of a statuette (No. =113=; fig. 35) found at Curium in Cyprus. It bears an inscription, written both in Greek and in the native Cypriote syllabic characters: "Ellooikos, the son of Poteisis, dedicated this as a vow to Demeter and the Maid." The inscription is of the fourth century B.C., and is of special interest on account of its bilingual character. Two other large objects in marble of a votive character are exhibited in the bottom of Cases 103 and 104 respectively. The chest-like stool (No. =114=) was offered by a priestess named Philis to Persephone, the basket (No. =115=) by one Xeno to Demeter and Persephone. The basket is dedicated with peculiar fitness to the goddesses of corn and fruit, for it was in such woven baskets that the ears of corn were ingathered, while the chest is also closely associated with Demeter and Persephone, who are frequently represented seated on it. Both of these last objects were found by Sir Charles Newton in the precinct of Demeter at Knidos in Asia Minor. [Illustration: FIG. 35.--BASE WITH DEDICATION TO DEMETER AND PERSEPHONE (NO. 113).] We now turn to the votive offerings personal to the donor, and we find that not infrequently, where the object itself is perishable, or otherwise unsuitable as an offering, a sculptured representation takes its place. Two curious examples of such dedicatory tablets (Nos. =116=, =117=) are seen in the casts placed in the upper and lower parts respectively of Case 101. The originals, from Slavochori, probably the site of the ancient Amyklae near Sparta, are in the Hall of Inscriptions. The first was dedicated by Anthusa, daughter of Damaenetos, a [Greek: hypostatria] or under-tirewoman in the service of a temple, possibly that of Dionysos, for we know that this god had a temple near Amyklae, which none but women might enter. On the relief is a series of objects connected with the toilet, such as a mirror, a comb, a box of cosmetics, a case containing a sponge, a pair of slippers, etc. Possibly the dedicator was in charge of objects of this nature. The other relief, from the same place, was dedicated by a priestess named Claudia Ageta, daughter of Antipater, and shows a very similar series of objects. Both these reliefs are of Imperial date. [Illustration: FIG. 36.--TERRACOTTA MODEL OF THE INTERNAL ORGANS (NO. 122). 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 37.--SCULPTURED LOCKS OF HAIR DEDICATED TO POSEIDON (NO. 123). Ht. 13-1/2 in.] A similar substitution of a representation for the object is found in the series of offerings which commemorate recovery from disease or bodily injury. The upper part of Cases 103-106 contains a set of marble reliefs (No. =118=) found at the foot of the Pnyx at Athens, the rocky semicircular meeting-place of the Athenian people. They are dedicated by women--Eutychis, Isias, Olympias, and others--to Zeus the Highest, and have representations of various parts of the human body, such as eyes, breasts, arms, etc. These reliefs, which are of Roman date, are clearly thank-offerings for recovery from disease. There must have been a regular trade in these models, for Clement of Alexandria, writing about 200 A.D., talks of "those who manufacture ears and eyes of precious wood and dedicate them to the gods, setting them up in their temples."[20] No. =119=, from a shrine of Asklepios in Melos, is a relief representing a left leg, dedicated, as the inscription shows, by way of thank-offering to the deities of healing, Asklepios and Hygieia. Next it is a small relief from Cyrene (No. =120=), showing a right ear. There are several other objects here exhibited which were probably offered by grateful votaries in return for healing mercies. Such are the bronze ticket with a bronze leg suspended from it (No. =121=), inscribed with the name of the donor Caledus, and two arms with a chain for suspension. In Cases 105 and 106 a whole series of terracotta votive hands, feet, eyes, breasts, etc., doubtless represents the thank-offerings of the poorer classes. With these is a curious terracotta model (No =122=; fig. 36) of the lungs (A), heart (B), liver (C), kidneys (D), spleen (E), and other internal organs of the human body. Though primarily of a votive character, it is of considerable interest to the student of ancient anatomy. A votive relief of rather different character is placed on the upper shelf. It represents two plaited locks of hair dedicated (as the inscription records) by Philombrotos and Aphthonetos, sons of Deinomachos, to Poseidon, god of the sea (No. =123=; fig. 37). It was a common custom in Greece to dedicate hair at important crises of life, particularly to deities connected with water. Achilles, on the death of Patroklos, shore off for him the hair he was growing long as an offering to the river Spercheios.[21] [Illustration: FIG. 38.--BRONZE VOTIVE HARE (NO. 124). L. 2-3/4 in.] Other objects illustrating the frequency and variety of Greek and Roman dedications may best be described in approximately chronological order. Two objects, which are more fully dealt with in other sections, may here be mentioned. In the sixth century B.C. the athlete Exoidas dedicated to the Dioscuri, patrons of athletic exercise, the bronze diskos (fig. 50; No. =157=) with which he had conquered "the high-souled" Kephallenians in athletic contest. The helmet, dedicated by Hieron after his naval victory off Kyme, has been already described (p. 8). Other votive helmets are shown in Cases 114-5. For the votive spearheads (?) see p. 9. The huntsman, no less than the athlete and the warrior, felt that the gods took an intimate part in his successes. This is illustrated by the inscribed bronze model of a hare in Case 103, with its head thrown back in the death agony (No. =124=; fig. 38). The Ionic letters, of about 480 B.C., read: "Hephaestion dedicated me to Apollo of Priene."[22] This offering reminds us of another exhibited in the left-hand wall-case in the Greek Ante-Room downstairs. A small limestone statuette, found on the site of the Greek settlement of Naukratis in Egypt, represents a young huntsman with two boars and two hares slung over his shoulders. It is inscribed "A dedication by Kallias"--probably to Aphrodite, since it was found within her precinct (_Cat. of Sculpt._, I., 118). [Illustration: FIG. 39.--TABLET, WITH DEDICATION BY LOPHIOS (NO. 125). 1:2.] Other interesting Greek dedications of an early date are the bronze tablet (Case 105: No. =125=; fig. 39) found in Corfu, with an inscription showing it to be an offering by one Lophios[23]; the silver ingot (No. =126=) dedicated to Zeus Lykaeos (Zeus "the wolf-god") by Trygon; and the elaborate axe-head (No. =127=; fig. 40), found in Calabria, which bears an inscription recording that it was vowed to Hera of the Plain by Kyniskos, a "cook," as a tenth of his earnings (sixth century B.C.).[24] [Illustration: FIG. 40.--BRONZE VOTIVE AXE-HEAD (NO. 127). Ht. 6-1/2 in.] The two bronze bulls (Nos. =128= and =129=) are offerings made by Greeks to an Egyptian deity. They were dedicated by Greeks named respectively Sokydes and Theodoros, and represent the sacred bull Apis, worshipped at Memphis in Egypt as an incarnation of the god Ptah. The offering of Sokydes is here illustrated (Fig. 41).[25] Notice the elaborate saddle-cloth, and the wings of the Egyptian scarabaeus and hawk engraved on the bull's back. The date of these bronzes is the late sixth or early fifth century B.C. The Greeks must have become acquainted with the worship of Apis in the seventh century B.C., when they served King Psammetichos I. as mercenaries. That monarch was a fervent worshipper of the god, and built a great temple for him at Memphis. Herodotus[26] mentions the courts where the bull was kept, and says that the Greeks called him "Epaphos." The bull dedicated by Sokydes was found in the Nile Delta, that dedicated by Theodoros at Athens. [Illustration: FIG. 41.--BRONZE VOTIVE BULL (NO. 128). Ht. 4 in.] The two bronze wheels in Case 103 each bear a votive inscription. The earlier (No. =130=), said to have been found near Argos, was perhaps an offering to the Dioscuri (Castor and Pollux, the divine patrons of athletic contests) by Eudamos, a victor in a chariot race. The other (No. =131=; fig. 42) comes from the temple of the Kabeiri at Thebes, and is dedicated by Xenon and Pyrrhippa to Kabeiros and the Child. The bronze bell (No. =132=, fig. 43) is from the same temple, and was likewise offered by one Pyrrhias to Kabeiros and the Child. The Kabeiri were deities of a mystic and subterranean character, who at Thebes apparently became closely connected with Dionysos, the wine-god. That a large element of burlesque entered into their worship can be seen from the vases discovered on the site of their shrine (Second Vase Room, B 77 and 78). [Illustration: FIG. 42.--BRONZE WHEEL DEDICATED TO KABEIROS AND THE CHILD (NO. 131). Diam. 3-7/8 in.] [Illustration: FIG. 43.--BRONZE BELL DEDICATED TO KABEIROS AND THE CHILD (NO. 132). 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 44.--SILVER PLAQUE DEDICATED TO JUPITER DOLICHENUS (NO. 133). Ht. 9-1/2 in.] Near this tablet are several Roman dedications. Three curious silver-gilt plaques, probably of the second century after Christ (Nos. =133-135=), found at Heddernheim, near Frankfurt-on-Main, were dedicated to Jupiter Dolichenus. At first merely a local god, originating in the town of Doliche in Commagene, near the Euphrates, he later acquired considerable popularity throughout the Roman Empire, and his worship was carried far and wide by the Roman legionaries, who were largely instrumental in conveying these Oriental worships to the West. The silver tablet illustrated (No. =133=; fig. 44) shows Jupiter Dolichenus in a shrine, holding thunderbolt and sceptre, with the eagle at his feet. The inscription, written in somewhat defective Latin,[27] runs: "To Jupiter, best and greatest, of Doliche, where iron has its birth. Dedicated by Flavius Fidelis and Q. Julius Posstimus by command of the god on behalf of themselves and their families." As often in late Latin inscriptions, E is written ||. Another tablet (very fragmentary) shows the god in trappings of war, holding double-axe and thunderbolt, and standing on a bull (No. =135=). He is being crowned by Victory. The presence of mines in North Syria will account for the recurring phrase, "Where iron has its birth." A series of similar dedications to Mars and Vulcan, which were found at Barkway in Hertfordshire, is exhibited in the Room of Roman Britain. Examples are shown in Case 104 of a third series (No. =136=, fig. 45), part of a great hoard found at Bala Hissar (Pessinus) in Galatia. These have figures of Helios, Selene, and Mithras. The last-named deity was the Persian god of light. He did not thoroughly win his way into the Roman world until the second century after Christ. But, once established, he proved himself of far-reaching power. Mithraism had in its ritual many points of resemblance to that of Christianity, and in the third and fourth centuries after Christ proved a most formidable rival to the spread of Christian doctrines. A memorial of Mithras is seen in the large bronze tablet (No. =137=) in Case 105. Its top is decorated with knife and libation-bowl. The inscription, of about the third century after Christ, tells us that it was dedicated to Sextus Pompeius Maximus by priests of Mithras. He had held offices in the Mithraic priesthood. [Illustration: FIG. 45.--SILVER PLAQUES DEDICATED TO MITHRAS (NO. 136). 1:3.] There are several small bronze tablets in Case 105 with dedicatory or religious inscriptions. Among them may be mentioned No. =138=, offered to Juno by a freedman named Q. Valerius Minander, and No. =139=, an oval bronze seal with a design representing the Emperor Philip (244-9 A.D.; mentioned above, p. 10, in connection with the bronze _diploma_), his wife Otacilia, and their son Philip. The inscription shows that the seal belonged to the religious society of the Breisean Mystae, who apparently sealed on behalf of the city of Smyrna, where was a synod of the Mystae of the Breisean Dionysos. No. =140= is the result of a vow made by Hedone, the maid-servant of M. Crassus, to Feronia, a goddess closely connected with freedmen and freedwomen.[28] Her temple at Terracina, on the west coast of Italy, was specially associated with the manumission of slaves. It is likely, therefore, that Hedone's vow had something to do with her manumission. Dedications were made for safe journeys by land or by sea. In No. =141=, dedicated by P. Blattius Creticus to Jupiter Poeninus, whose sanctuary was at the summit of the Great St. Bernard Pass, we have one of a number of offerings by travellers encountering the dangers of the Alps. In No. =142= we have a votive offering in the shape of a bronze plate, made to the _Lares_ or gods of the house by Q. Carminius Optatus. The Lares are represented in art as youthful male figures, holding a _cornucopia_ or horn of plenty, and a plate (_patera_) [see Case 52 of the Bronze Room, and No. =143=]. The offering of a plate was peculiarly appropriate, for with the _Penates_ these gods were supposed to ensure the food-supply of the family. In Case 106 note the series of lead figurines (modelled on both sides). They represent warriors with helmet, cuirass, shield, sword, and greaves. These figurines (No. =144=), probably of the seventh to sixth centuries B.C., were found at Amelia (Ameria) in Umbria. It is probable that they are of a votive character, though it has been suggested that they are the prototypes of the modern tin soldier. Very similar figurines have been discovered near Sparta, on the site of the Menelaon, and more recently on the site of the temple of Artemis Orthia by members of the British School at Athens. =Superstition and Magic.=--As the simple faith in the gods decayed in the Greek and Roman worlds, compensation was largely sought in the dark rites of superstition and magic. The antiquities in Cases 105, 106, indicate some of the forms which such superstition took. Prominent among them was the practice of writing down curses on lead or talc with a view to the injury of those against whom the writer conceived that he had a grudge. These tablets were called in Latin _defixiones_, because they were supposed to fix down, as it were, the hated enemy. The imprecations written on them usually run in formulae, and the gods implored to work the ruin are naturally those of the nether regions. In later times especially, all manner of obscure and barbarous demons are introduced. The examples of these tablets here exhibited probably belong to the last three centuries before Christ. They come from various quarters--Knidos, Ephesus, Curium in Cyprus, Kyme in S. Italy, and Athens. Those found by Sir Charles Newton at Knidos may be taken as typical. In one case a certain Antigone, in order to clear herself from the charge of having attempted to poison Asklepiades, invokes curses upon herself if the accusation be true. In another, Artemeis devotes to Demeter, Persephone, and all the gods associated with Demeter, the person who withholds garments entrusted to him. These tablets (No. =145=) appear to have been nailed to the walls of the sacred precinct of Demeter, where they were found. In the case of a tablet from Athens, the iron nail, which fastened it to the wall is still preserved. Nails themselves were highly esteemed as instruments of magic. Ovid, for instance, says that Medea (the typical witch) made waxen effigies of absent foes, and then drove nails into the vital parts.[29] Examples of magical nails are seen in the series of bronze nails (No. =146=) covered with cabalistic inscriptions and signs, and sometimes showing a strange mixture of Judaism and Paganism, as when Solomon and Artemis are invoked together. They may be attributed to the Gnostics, a sect which arose in the second century after Christ. Their claim was that, by a combination of various religious beliefs, they arrived at the only true knowledge of divine things. The magic nail has in one case (No. =147=) been used to fasten a bronze lamp, decorated with a head of Medusa, into a socket. On the shelf above will be noticed a number of bronze hands (No. =148=; fig. 46). They are right hands, represented with the thumb and first two fingers raised. On them are numerous magic symbols in relief, such as the snake, the lizard, and the tortoise. The hand illustrated (fig. 46) is covered with such signs, prominent among which are the serpent with the cock's comb, the pine-cone, the frog, and the winged caduceus. One of the hands bears the inscription "Zougaras dedicated me to Sabazius in fulfilment of a vow"; another "Aristokles, a superintendent, to Zeus Sabazius." Sabazius was a Phrygian and Thracian deity, whose worship was widely spread in the Roman world. There can be no doubt that these hands were intended to avert the evil eye. Sometimes the hands have instruments connected with the ecstatic worships of the East depicted upon them, such as the Phrygian flutes, the cymbals, or the sistrum. Case 106 contains several specimens of the last-named instrument. It was composed of a handle and loop-shaped metal frame, across which passed several movable metal rods. When the sistrum was shaken the curved ends of the rods came into violent contact with the sides of the frame and produced a metallic clang. The sistrum was used by the Egyptians in their religious rites, and particularly in the worship of Isis. With the introduction of that worship into Italy in the first century B.C., the Romans became familiar with it. Apuleius, a writer of the second century after Christ, mentions silver and gold sistra, as well as bronze. A silver example is here shown (No. =149=). The decoration is often elaborate, a favourite ornament for the top being the group of the wolf suckling Romulus and Remus, or the recumbent figure of a panther. [Illustration: FIG. 46.--BRONZE MAGIC HAND (NO. 148). Ht. 5-3/4 in.] To the same class of amulets as the votive hands must be assigned the terracotta model of a mirror, covered over with numerous objects of magical virtue (No. =150=). Several of these are well-known attributes of deities, _e.g._ the thunderbolt, the trident, the club, the crescent, and the caduceus. The object of these amulets seems to have been to propitiate the deities whose symbols are represented on them. =Implements and methods of Worship.=--(83) _B.M. Inscr._, 955; (84) _C.I.L._, VI., 180; (85) _C.I.L._, VI., 30689; _Mus. Marbles_, X., pl. 53, fig. 1; (86-87) _Cat. of Lamps_, 1407, 1408; (91) Cf. Mazois, _Pompei_, III., p. 22; Daremberg and Saglio, fig. 5; (92) Helbig, _Homerisches Epos_, 2nd ed., p. 353; (95) _Athen. Mittheilungen_, xxvi, p. 325; (96) _Class. Rev._, II., p. 297; (97) _Cat. of Vases_, III., E 114; (98) _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 633; (99) _Guide to the Casts_, 327; (100) _Cat. of Lamps_, 159; (101) _B.M. Inscr._, 1033; (102) _Forman Sale Cat._, 1899, No. 55, pl. 2.; (103) _B.M. Inscr._, 678; (105) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 112; (106) _Cat. of Terracottas_, C 614; (107) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 113; (110) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 888. =Votive Offerings.=--(111) _B.M. Inscr._, 34; (112) _B.M. Inscr._, 139; (113) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 64; (114) _Cat. of Sculpture_, II., 1311; (115) _Cat. of Sculpture_, II., 1312; (116-120) _Cat. of Sculpture_, I., 799-812; (121) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 891; (123) _Cat. of Sculpture_, I., 798; (124) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 237; (125) _B.M. Inscr._, 165; _Cat. of Bronzes_, 261; (126) _B.M. Inscr._, 1102; (127) _ibid._, 1094; (128) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 3208; (130) _ibid._, 253; (131) _B.M. Inscr._, 958; (132) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 318; (133-135) _Bonner Jahrb._, CVII (1901), p. 61 ff., pls. 6, 7; (137) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 904; (138) _ibid._, 899; (139) _ibid._, 887; (140) _ibid._, 897; (141) _ibid._, 895; (142) _ibid._, 906; (144) Cf. Tod and Wace, _Sparta Mus. Cat._, p. 228; _B.S.A._, XII., p. 322 ff. On votive offerings generally, cf. Rouse, _Greek Votive Offerings_, passim. =Superstition and Magic.=--(145) Newton, _Discoveries at Halicarnassus, Cnidus, and Branchidae_, p. 719 ff. On these _defixiones_ generally, see Audollent, _Defixionum Tabellae_, Paris, 1904; (146) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 3191-3194; cf. Daremberg and Saglio, _Dict. des Ant._, s.v. _Clavus_; (148) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 874-876; cf. _Arch.-ep. Mitt._, II., p. 44 ff.; (150) _Cat. of Terracottas_, E 129; _Journ. Hell. Stud._, VII., p. 44 ff. For Greek religion, see Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_; for Roman, Warde Fowler, _The Roman Festivals_. [Footnote 17: [Greek: Hiaros pantôn theôn hode bômos.]] [Footnote 18: Similar objects have been found in the Catacombs. Cf. Seroux d'Agincourt, _Sammlung d. Denkmaeler d. Sculptur_, pl. viii., fig 27.] [Footnote 19: Cf. [Greek: obelos trikôlios] as the measure of a sacrificial perquisite, in the inscriptions of Cos. Paton & Hicks, _Inscrr. of Cos_, No. 37, l. 53; No. 40_b_, l. 14.] [Footnote 20: _Strom._, v. 566.] [Footnote 21: _Il._ xxiii. 141 f.: [Greek: stas apaneuthe pyrês xanthên apekeirato chaitên, tên rha Spercheiô potamô trephe têlethoôsan.] ] [Footnote 22: [Greek: Tô Apollôni tô Priêlêi m' anethêken Hêphaistiôn.]] [Footnote 23: [Greek: Lophios m'anethêke.]] [Footnote 24: [Greek: Tas Hêras hiaros | emi tas en pedi|ôi Qunisqo|s me anethê|ke hôrtamo|s wergôn | dekatan.]] [Footnote 25: Inscribed: [Greek: Tô Panepi m' anestase Sôkydês].] [Footnote 26: ii. 153.] [Footnote 27: I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) Dolicheno, u|bi ferrum nascit|ur, Flavius Fidelis et Q. Iulius Posstim|us ex imperio ipsi|us pro se et suos (_sic_).] [Footnote 28: Cf. Livy, xxii. 1, 18: ... ut libertinae et ipsae, unde Feroniae donum daretur, pecuniam pro facultatibus suis conferrent.] [Footnote 29: Ov., _Her._ vi. 91 f.] VI.--ATHLETICS. (Wall-Cases 107-108.) Athletic and pugilistic contests were already developed on Greek soil before the Homeric Age. Thus we have a steatite vase from Crete (_see_ Cast in First Vase Room) with boxers in all positions. A pair of boxers (of about 1100 B.C.) from a vase found at Enkomi in Cyprus is shown in fig. 47 (No. =151=). In the Homeric poems athletic contests frequently occur, but only as isolated and unorganized events, without rules or system. It was only at a much later date that the games were organized on lines corresponding to those of modern sport. At Olympia, the great festivals were said, according to tradition, to have begun in 776 B.C., and it was from that year that the Greeks calculated their dates, reckoning by the periodical return of the meeting every fourth year. The events at the games which may specially be called athletic were six in number: the _pentathlon_ (or "five contests") was a competition made up of the jump, the foot-race, throwing the _diskos_, throwing the javelin, and wrestling.[30] The pentathlon was decided by a system of "heats," and the victor enjoyed a great reputation as an exceptional "all-round" man. The _pankration_ was a combination of wrestling and boxing, which tended to develop the type of heavy professional athletes. [Illustration: FIG. 47.--BOXERS OF THE LATE MYCENAEAN PERIOD (NO. 151).] The victorious athlete was held in high honour by his native city. The prize at the games was indeed of no value--at Olympia it was a crown of wild olive--but on his return home the victor entered the city in triumph, feasts were held and odes were sung in his honour, he was maintained for the remainder of his life, and his statue was set up in the place where his victory had been won. We will first deal with the events of the _pentathlon_ in order:-- [Illustration: FIG. 48.--STONE JUMPING-WEIGHT (NO. 154*). L. 11-1/2 in.] _The Jump._--For the ancient jumping contests the competitors used jumping-weights (_halteres_). Their use is shown on the vase, E 499 (No. =152=). One youth is about to leap, another stands waiting, and the trainer holds a short switch. On the vase E 561 (No. =153=) a youth is also on the point of leaping. Examples of the jumping-weights are shown. The pair in lead (No. =154=) are of a type which is seen not infrequently on Greek vases, consisting of blocks of lead widened at each end. The weight for the left hand, which is completely preserved, weighs 2 lb. 5 oz. (_cf._ also fig. 52). With this pair may be compared the cast of a single stone jumping-weight (No. =154*=) found at Olympia and now at Berlin (fig. 48). It differs from the pair just described, and resembles the type described by Pausanias,[31] who travelled through Greece in the second century of our era, as forming half of an elongated and irregular sphere. It probably dates from about 500 B.C. Another type is represented by a remarkable but cumbrous example in limestone, from Kameiros in Rhodes, a long cylindrical instrument with deep grooves for the thumb and fingers, to give a firm hold (No. =155=; fig. 49). [Illustration: FIG. 49.--STONE JUMPING-WEIGHT (NO. 155). L. 7-1/2 in.] _The Foot Race._--A somewhat conventional foot race of armed hoplites is shown on the vase B 143. This is a Panathenaic amphora, that is, one of the two-handled vases, won, as the inscription on the other side states, at the games at Athens. They always bear on one side a figure of the patron goddess Athena, on the other a representation of the contest in which they were won. Many examples may be seen in the Second and Fourth Vase Rooms. _Throwing the Diskos._--This was one of the oldest and most popular contests at the great festivals. It was already known in Homeric times, and we read of Odysseus using a disc of stone, and of one of iron hurled at the funeral games in honour of Patroklos; but all existing examples are in bronze except a lead disc at Berlin which cannot have been used in athletics. The diskos was used, not like the modern quoit, with the object of hitting a mark, but with a view to throwing as far as possible, as in the modern contest of putting the weight. Existing discs vary considerably in size and weight, and were doubtless made to suit various degrees of strength, like modern dumb-bells or Indian clubs. The plain bronze example in this Case (No. =156=) weighs as much as 8 lb. 13 oz. The small disc (No. =157=; fig. 50), which was dedicated by Exoidas to the Dioscuri after a victory over his Kephallenian competitors[32] (cf. above, p. 49), weighs only 2 lb. 12 oz. The weight used at modern athletic sports weighs 16 lb. and has been put 48 ft. 2 in. Diskos-throwing reached its greatest popularity in the sixth and fifth centuries, and it is to the middle of this period that the remarkable votive disc here shown (No. =158=; fig. 51) may be assigned. It is engraved with finely-incised designs, representing on one side an athlete with jumping-weights; on the other, another holding a hurling-spear[33] in both hands. This disc weighs rather more than 4 lb. The method of handling the disc will be readily understood from the bronze figure and representations on vases exhibited in this Case; they should be compared with the copies of the famous Diskobolos of Myron in the second Graeco-Roman Room and the Gallery of Casts. [Illustration: FIG. 50.--DISKOS OF EXOIDAS (NO. 157). Diam. 6-3/8 in.] _Javelin-Throwing and Wrestling._--These sports are frequently shown on the Panathenaic vases already described (p. 60). Other games of a varied character also occur, and we find such contests as tilting from horseback at a suspended shield, the torch-race, and races in full armour depicted. A specimen (B 134 in the Second Vase Room) shows four athletes engaged in four out of the five contests of the _pentathlon_ (cf. also B 361 (No. =159=) in this Case). [Illustration: FIG. 51.--ENGRAVED BRONZE DISKOS (NO. 158). Diam. 8-1/4 in.] _Boxing_, one of the most ancient contests (see above, fig. 47), was long practised at the games with gloves of ox-hide, which was torn into long strips and bound round the hand. Such wrappings, like modern boxing-gloves, were intended rather to protect the wearer than to injure his opponent. At a later date, probably in the fourth century B.C., a more dangerous glove was introduced, in the form of a pad of thick leather bound over the fingers. This new form must have inflicted severe wounds; it is apparently used by the two African boxers in terracotta seen in this Case (No. =160=). But in the decline of the Roman Empire, when the brutality of the spectators had to be satisfied at all costs, a still more cruel glove was invented, which had a heavy addition in metal, and must have been an appalling weapon. See the fragment in terracotta (No. =161=, fig. 52). A cast from a terracotta relief (No. =162=) shows a statue of a victorious boxer. [Illustration: FIG. 52.--LATER BOXING-GLOVE (NO. 161). 1:2.] [Illustration: [Greek: Epi tois Onomastou tou Pheidileô athlois ethethên.] FIG. 53.--PRIZE VASE FROM THE GAMES OF ONOMASTOS (NO. 163). 1:6.] The other objects in this case are less directly connected with athletics; the most noteworthy is a large bronze caldron (No. =163=, fig. 53), of about the sixth century B.C., which was found at Kyme, in South Italy, and was given as a prize at games held in that district. It is inscribed: "I was a prize at the games of Onomastos." He was doubtless a wealthy citizen at whose expense the contests were arranged, a form of public service very common in Greek cities. A piece of corrugated tile (No. =164=) comes from the floor of the palaestra (wrestling place) at Olympia. (151) _Cat. of Vases_, I., 2, No. C 334; (153) cf. Jüthner, _Ant. Turngeräthe_, p. 3 ff.; (154) Furtwängler, _Olympia_, IV., (_Die Bronzen_), p. 180; (156) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 2691; (157) _ibid._, 3207; _B.M. Inscr._, 952; (158) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 248; (160) _Cat. of Terracottas_, D 84, 85; (162) _ibid._, D 632; (163) _I.G._, xiv. 862; (164) Adler, _Olympia_, II. (_Baudenkmaeler_) p. 115. On Greek athletics generally, see _Greek Athletic Festivals_, by E. N. Gardiner. [Footnote 30: Summed up by Simonides (cf. Bergk, No. 153) [Greek: enika halma, podôkeiên, diskon, akonta, palên]. ] [Footnote 31: v. 26, 3.] [Footnote 32: [Greek: Echsoida(s) m' anethêke Diwos Qouroin megaloio: chalkeon hôi nikase Kephalanas megathymous.] ] [Footnote 33: The lines on this side appear to have been worn down and re-cut, but the restorer has misunderstood the spear, and left it as a single fine line.] VII.--GLADIATORS AND THE ARENA. (Wall-Case 109.) Gladiatorial combats were not native to Rome, but had long been known in Etruria as an adjunct to funeral ceremonies, and were probably introduced thence into Rome by way of Campania, where the amphitheatre of Pompeii is the oldest in existence. The first show of gladiators at Rome took place in 264 B.C., but only three pairs of combatants were engaged in it. In course of time the number of gladiators increased, and such contests were given with greater frequency, although they remained a mere accompaniment of funeral ceremonies until 105 B.C., in which year they were for the first time offered as official amusements to the people. During the empire, gladiatorial shows were organised on a vast scale, and amphitheatres were built in all the provinces. It was inevitable that the influence of Christianity should make such exhibitions impossible. But it was not till nearly a century after the Emperor Constantine had recognised Christianity as a state religion, that Honorius put an end to the exhibition of gladiators in Rome (404 A.D.). The serious combats in the Roman arena were announced by a procession and a preliminary fight with the weapons used in practice. This mock struggle excited the men, and made them ready for the terrible trial of skill which followed. Lots were drawn, and the combatants arranged in pairs, but sometimes _mêlées_ were planned, in which large numbers were engaged. It was possible for a man to draw a bye, and so to fight only with the winner of a previous round; probably, however, a gladiator seldom fought more than two fights in a single day. A fight might end in three ways: (1) the better gladiator might kill his adversary in the heat of the fray; (2) the vanquished gladiator might lay down his arms and raise his left hand as a sign of defeat and a prayer for mercy. See lamp, No. =165= (fig. 54). It rested officially with the giver of the spectacle to grant or refuse the defeated man's request, but the matter was really decided by the spectators, who expressed their desire that he should be spared by shouting for his discharge, waving a piece of cloth in the air, or raising the left hand. The opposite decision was expressed by pointing the thumb downwards and shouting "slay" (_jugula_). (3) If two men fought on equal terms and displayed great courage, they might both be discharged before the combat reached a definite result (_stantes missi_). The victor, when finally discharged from service in the arena, was presented with a wooden sword (_rudis_), similar to those used in practice, as a sign that he had fought his last serious fight. Horace alludes to this in his _Epistles_, when asking Maecenas if he may retire from his service. [Illustration: FIG. 54.--FIGHT BETWEEN "SAMNITE" GLADIATORS (NO. 165). Diam. 3-3/4 in.] Gladiators were divided into classes according to their equipment and mode of fighting. The following were the most important:--(1) The _Samnite_ (figs. 54, 55). He wore a helmet with high crest, one or sometimes two greaves, and a guard on the right arm. He also had an oblong shield. The equipment is well shown in the bronze statuette (No. =166=, fig. 55), lately acquired from the Gréau and Weber collections. (2) The _retiarius_ or net-thrower (No. =167=, fig. 56), who carried a trident, a dagger, and a large net in which he tried to envelop his adversary. The net-thrower was matched against a gladiator called a _secutor_, who was armed like the Samnite, and perhaps received his name because he was the follower (_secutor_) of his lightly-armed foe. (3) The _Thrax_ (Thracian), armed with the Thracian curved dagger, a small shield, and a helmet. He fought the _hoplomachus_, another variety of Samnite. (4) The _mirmillo_, the origin of whose name and nature of whose equipment are not certainly known. He was opposed to the net-thrower, and later to the Thracian. Among other classes of less importance may be mentioned the mounted gladiators (_equites_), who appear on the left of fig. 57 (a Pompeian relief).[34] [Illustration: FIG. 55.--BRONZE STATUETTE OF A "SAMNITE" GLADIATOR (NO. 166).] A curious marble relief from Halikarnassos (No. =168=; fig. 58) gives a vivid picture of an unusual form of gladiatorial combat, between two women. They are armed like the _Samnites_, but without helmets, and the fight seems to take place on a sort of platform on either side of which the head of a spectator is visible. Their names are given as Amazon and Achillia, and above their heads is inscribed in Greek "discharged," [Greek: apelythêsan]. It is known that women fought in the arena under the Empire[35]; but under Septimius Severus (193-211) so much scandal was caused by a specially furious combat of a large number of female gladiators that such exhibitions were forbidden.[36] [Illustration: FIG. 56.--RETIARIUS (NO. 167). Diam. 3-5/8 in.] [Illustration: FIG. 57.--POMPEIAN RELIEF, REPRESENTING COMBATS OF GLADIATORS.] [Illustration: FIG. 58.--COMBAT OF WOMEN GLADIATORS (NO. 168). Width 2 ft. 7 in.] The objects exhibited in illustration of gladiatorial shows are numerous and varied, though not artistically remarkable. The subject was especially popular with the smaller craftsmen, the makers of bronze statuettes and the potters of Italy and Gaul, who produced terracotta lamps and vases for a large but uncritical public. A selection of some dozen lamps (No. =169=) is here given illustrating different stages of the combat, or single gladiators; one is simply ornamented with specimens of gladiatorial armour (helmets, greaves, shields, and daggers). [Illustration: FIG. 59.--GLADIATOR'S HELMET.] No complete example of a gladiator's helmet is shown in the Case, but the bronze visor (No. =170=), a small bronze model (No. =171=), and a model in glazed pottery (No. =172=) suffice to give an idea of the usual type. The illustration (fig. 59) of a helmet at Pompeii shows the arrangement of the visors. The cast (No. =173=) is from a relief from Ephesus (the original is in the Sculpture Galleries) which shows combats and corn-waggons (see Case 50) the _panem et circenses_ demanded by the Roman populace. Some interest attaches to the series of ivory tickets (_tesserae_), which are inscribed with the names of gladiators, and are valuable as being dated by the names of the consuls in office (No. =174=). They range from the beginning of the first century B.C. to the time of Domitian (81-96 A.D.); those shown in the Case extend from 85 B.C. to 32 A.D. The usual formula of the inscription gives (1) the gladiator's name, (2) the name of his master, (3) the letters +SP+ and the date of the day and month, (4) the consuls of the year. The meaning of the letters +SP+ is disputed, but the most likely explanation is that they stand for _spectavit_, "became a spectator," with reference to the honourable discharge of the recipient. Several examples are known in which the word is thus written in full. The ticket of which an illustration is given in fig. 60 bears the inscription, "Cocero the gladiator of Fafinius became a spectator on the 5th of October in the Consulship of Lucius Cinna and Gnaeus Papirius" (85 B.C.). [Illustration: FIG. 60.--GLADIATOR'S DISCHARGE TICKET (NO. 174). L. 1-3/4 in.] [Illustration: FIG. 61.--MAN AND BEAR (NO. 177).] The contests in the arena were not limited to those between gladiators. Combats of animals, and of men with animals enjoyed equal popularity. In the latter case the men might be hunters (_venatores_), lightly armed, and able to escape by agility and skill. They might also be criminals or martyrs (who were counted as criminals) exposed to wild beasts without hope of resistance or escape. Two terracotta reliefs (Nos. =175=, =175*=) are shown in this Case, of about the time of Augustus, which, though fragmentary, evidently relate to exhibitions of this kind. A better and more complete example is the sculptured relief from Ephesus (No. =176=) with four panels, in each of which is a man in combat with a lion, probably successive stages in a single event. A lamp (No. =177=; fig. 61) shows a man and a bear, separated by a kind of turnstile, called a _cochlea_. See also Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Gladiator_, and _Venatio_. (165) _Cat. of Lamps_, 663; (166) _Gréau Cat._, 264; (167) _Cat. of Lamps_, 976; (168) _Cat. of Sculpture_, II., 1117; (173) _ibid._, II., 1285; (174) for a recent theory that the tesserae are records of an _incubatio_ at a medicinal sanctuary (cf. p. 185) see Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Tessera_ p. 136; (175) _Cat. of Terracottas_, D 624; (175*) _ibid._, D 655; (176) _Cat. of Sculpture_, II., 1286; (177) _Cat. of Lamps_, 1068. [Footnote 34: _Mus. Borb._, XV., pl. 30.] [Footnote 35: Cf. Tac., _Ann._ xv. 32; Suet., _Dom._ 4.] [Footnote 36: Dio Cass., lxxv. 16.] VIII.--CHARIOT-RACING AND THE CIRCUS. (Wall-Case 110.) Chariot-racing was one of the oldest of Greek sports, and is described in the _Iliad_ as one of the contests held at the funeral of Patroklos. At that time the two-horse war-chariot was used in the race, and a special type of racing-car does not seem to have existed. [Illustration: FIG. 62.--ROMAN RACING-CHARIOT TURNING THE POST (NO. 179). L. 16 in.] The introduction of chariot-races in the great athletic contests was a concession to the wealthy inhabitants of prosperous cities. To enter a chariot with a team of four horses, which was now the usual number for the great race at Olympia, demanded almost as large a proportionate expenditure as to run a horse for the Derby to-day. Rich men in Greece Proper found rivals in the tyrants of Sicily and Cyrene, who ruled over cities with large revenues and districts providing good opportunities for successful horse-breeding. At Olympia four-horse chariots raced for the first time in 680 B.C., chariots with two horses not until 408. Between those dates a race for horsemen was started, and won on the first occasion by a native of Thessaly, which, owing to its rich plains, was celebrated in antiquity for a magnificent breed of horses. A winner in the horse-race is depicted on the vase No. =178= (exhibited in Case 107), about to receive a wreath and a tripod as his prizes, while a herald proclaims: "The horse of Dysneiketos wins." The race of four-horse chariots was, perhaps, the greatest event in the Olympian Games, and certainly the most exciting to the spectators, as accidents were frequent, especially at the turn. Consummate skill was necessary to double the post as close and as fast as possible. Readers of Sophokles' _Electra_ will remember the account given by the messenger of the alleged death of Orestes in a collision of chariots turning the post.[37] The Romans probably derived their custom of chariot-racing from the Greeks, as also the plan which, with some alterations in detail, they adopted for their _circus_. In the early days of Rome the marshy valley between the Palatine and Aventine Hills was the place chosen for the games, and remained so through the succeeding centuries, during which the course was gradually surrounded with an immense building; this in the fourth century after Christ held not far short of 180,000 people. [Illustration: FIG. 63.--IVORY STATUETTE OF A CHARIOTEER (NO. 180). 5:8.] In the later Roman Empire the charioteers were hired by factions, which were distinguished by different colours, and excited violent enthusiasm among all classes of Roman society. The passion survived the introduction of Christianity, and was perhaps even more violent at Constantinople than at Rome; it was said that the inhabitants of the new capital of the Empire divided their interests between a passion for chariot-racing and theological discussion. Successful charioteers were transferred from one faction to another like modern football-players. Records exist of the number of victories gained by famous whips, and of the proportion won under the different colours. The costume of the charioteer was always distinct. In Greece he wore a long robe girt at the waist, which is well seen on the bronze statue from Delphi,[38] and on the chariot-racing reliefs from the Mausoleum.[39] At Rome his dress was peculiar, and is illustrated by the terracotta relief (No. =179=; fig. 62) and other objects in this Case, notably the small ivory statuette (No. =180=; fig. 63). It consisted of a close-fitting cap, and a shirt fastened round the waist. Characteristic thongs called _fasciae_ were wound round the ribs. The thongs of the reins were also wound about the body. A knife was stuck in the belt so that the reins might be quickly cut in the event of an accident. [Illustration: FIG. 64.--LAMP SHOWING CHARIOT-RACE IN CIRCUS (NO. 181). Diam. 3-3/4 in.] A sort of bird's-eye view of the whole circus, with a race in progress, is given on the lamp No. =181= (fig. 64), on which we see on one side the _carceres_ or barriers with folding-doors from which the chariots started; on the other a stand with rows of spectators, while in the lower part of the design is the _spina_, or central rib of the circus, crowded with various structures. Not less instructive is the scene on the terracotta relief (No. =179=), though only one chariot is there represented (fig. 62, above). Two lamps (Nos. =182=, =183=) illustrate respectively the return of a victorious horse (fig. 65) and a victorious four-horse chariot. The former is accompanied by men bearing palm-branches and a tablet probably inscribed with the name of the successful competitor. [Illustration: FIG. 65.--VICTORIOUS HORSE (NO. 182). 3-3/5 in.] The cast No. =184= is taken from a mould in the Terracotta Room (No. E 79) for the central panel of a large lamp. Its chief figure is a successful charioteer, crowned with a bulky wreath. (178) _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 144; (179) _Cat. of Terracottas_, D 627; (181) _Cat. of Lamps_, 626; (182) _ibid._, 788; (183) _ibid._, 671; (184) _ibid._, 1398. For the circus in general see Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. Two interesting sarcophagus reliefs, with scenes in the circus, are shown in the Roman Gallery (_Cat. of Sculpture_, III., 2318, 2319). [Footnote 37: _El._ 680 ff.] [Footnote 38: _Cat. of Casts_, No. 94.] [Footnote 39: _Cat. of Sculpture_, II., Nos. 1036, 1037.] IX.--ARMS AND ARMOUR. (Wall-Cases 111-119, and Table-Case E.) The arms and armour of the ancients are contained in Wall-Cases 111-119, and in Table-Case E. The weapons of attack date from the beginning of the use of metal, in the prehistoric period, but all the defensive armour belongs to the historical age. =Armour.=--There is not much literary evidence for the armour of antiquity, but military subjects are very commonly represented in works of art, and these, with the actual remains of armour, give a good idea of the ancient panoply. The armour of the prehellenic civilisations of Greece, as described by Homer, is a subject of dispute, and as this collection possesses no specimen of such remnants as have been found, there is no need here to discuss the question. It is enough to say that the armour of the inhabitants of Greece of the Mycenaean or Bronze Age was entirely different from that of the Hellenic period, which began with the introduction of iron in the place of bronze, and that the heroes of the Homeric poems, who are so frequently portrayed in classical art, are represented in the armour not of their own day, but of that of the artist. The earliest Greek fashion is seen in a small bronze figure of a soldier from Dodona, a cast of which is exhibited in Case 113 (No. =185=; fig. 66). The original is in the Antiquarium at Berlin. Its date is about 500 B.C. The man was striking with a spear; he carries a shield on his left arm, and wears a metal helmet, cuirass and greaves. These three pieces of body-armour were worn throughout classical times, being adopted from the Greeks by the Romans. All are represented in this collection. =Helmet.=--The earliest type of helmet is known as Corinthian, because it is worn by the goddess Athena in the well-known coin-type of Corinth (fig. 12_e_). It was a complete metal casing of the head and neck, open only in front of the eyes and mouth; the nose was protected by a vertical strip which was left between the eyes, and the rest of the face was covered as by a mask (fig. 66). In the earliest specimens (No. =186=) the metal is everywhere of the same thickness, the cheek-pieces large and clumsy, the nose-piece straight, and little attempt is made to curve the back so as to fit the neck. Later helmets were more gracefully designed: the nasal and cheek-pieces are shaped and curved, the crown is distinguished from the lower part, the neck has a natural contour, and is set off from the rest of the helmet by a notch on each side of the bottom rim (No. =187=; fig. 67). The lines of hair and eyebrows are often indicated in embossed and engraved patterns (Nos. =188=, =189=; fig. 78). [Illustration: FIG. 66.--GREEK SOLDIER. CAST OF BRONZE STATUETTE FROM DODONA (NO. 185). 2:3.] It would seem that the Corinthian helmet at its best was a cumbrous piece of armour. The ears of the wearer were covered, and the ill-fitting shell must have sat loose upon the head, so as to be easily displaced by a sudden turn. This and the chafing of the metal were obviated in some degree by a lining of felt or leather, which was sewn inside the helmet in the rows of holes along the edges. In No. =189= the actual fastenings may be seen as well as the holes: thin twine along the bottom rim, and rivets in the holes elsewhere. This is an unusually well preserved helmet; the wooden peg on which the plume was tied is still in place (fig. 78). A leathern cap was also worn, and is seen on the coins of Corinth (fig. 12_e_), where the helmet is represented in the position in which it was carried when the wearer was not fighting, _i.e._, pushed back until the lower rim projected in a peak over the forehead. This position came to be adopted in battle also; for in the last of the Corinthian series (Nos. =190=, =191=, fig. 68, =192=) there is not sufficient depth to the helmet to admit of its being worn over the face in the original way, nor are the eyeholes large enough to be of use, while in two examples these are represented only by engraving, a traditional design which shows the evolution of the helmet (No. =192=). Such examples are, however, not really Greek. They come from South Italy, and belong to a late period, when the art and manners of Greek colonists were reproduced in barbarous form among the natives. Drawings of this helmet on Italian vases of the third century B.C. give a date for the class. [Illustration: FIG. 67.--GREEK HELMETS OF "CORINTHIAN" AND "ISLAND" TYPES (NOS. 187, 193). 1:5.] An additional value is given to three of the early helmets by inscriptions which they bear and which help to date them. The first (No. =188=) is a record of a dedication of Corinthian spoils to Zeus by the Argives: [Greek: TARG[EI]OI ANETHEN TOI DIWI TON QORINTHOTHEN], in lettering which belongs probably to the end of the sixth century B.C.[40] The helmet was found in the bed of the river Alpheios, near Olympia, and was doubtless dedicated in the sanctuary. A shield bearing the first word of a similar inscription has since been found at Olympia, and was probably part of the same offering. Another helmet (No. =186=) has five letters, [Greek: OLYMP], scratched on the corner of one of the cheek-pieces in characters of about 500 B.C. The complete word was perhaps [Greek: Olympiô], "_To the Olympian Zeus_." This is said to have been found at Dodona in Epeiros. The third is inscribed on the front with the name of its owner, [Greek: DASIMOS PYRRHOU], "_Dasimos son of Pyrrhos_" (No. =194=). The date of the writing is the beginning of the fifth century. This helmet, which comes from South Italy, differs from the Corinthian only in having holes for the ears, but it is really the first of a new type, the so-called Attic. [Illustration: Fig. 68.--GRAECO-ITALIAN HELMET OF DEBASED CORINTHIAN FORM (NO. 191). 1:6.] The evidence of inscriptions, painting and sculpture shows that the Corinthian helmet was generally worn by the Greeks from the first appearance of metal armour in the eighth century B.C. to the early years of the fifth. It then became less common, but never quite disappeared, and was used, certainly as a decorative type, by the Romans of the Empire. [Illustration: FIG. 69.--ATTIC HELMET FROM MACEDONIA (NO. 195). Ca. 1:4.] [Illustration: FIG. 70.--ATTIC HELMET DECORATED WITH RAM'S HEADS ON THE CHEEK-PIECES. AT NAPLES.] [Illustration: FIG. 71.--HEAD OF HIPPOLYTE, WITH HELMET IN THE SHAPE OF A PHRYGIAN CAP.] The Attic helmet, which gets its name from its use on the coins of Athens (fig. 12, _f-l_), appeared first in the sixth century B.C., and in the fourth was the usual type. In shape it is lighter than the Corinthian, and resembles a cap with appendages to protect the neck, cheeks and nose. The ear was thus left free. The finest Attic helmet (No. =195=, fig. 69) has been acquired recently from the British Salonika Force. It was found with a spearhead and other objects in a grave of about 500 B.C. in the camp of the 29th General Hospital at Mikra Karabournou, in January, 1918, and was transferred to this collection from the Imperial War Museum. The nasal is elegantly modelled, eyebrows and tongues of hair over the forehead are wrought in relief, and broad spiral bands in relief decorate and strengthen the cheek-pieces. The cheek-pieces were often hung on hinges (No. =197=), and were pushed up from the face when the wearer was not fighting (fig. 81). No. =198= is a cheek-piece from Loryma in Caria, which reproduces the form of the face beneath it. An Attic helmet from Ruvo in Apulia (No. =196=) has fixed cheek-pieces in the shape of rams' heads, which were completed with applied reliefs like those of a similar helmet at Naples (fig. 70). The nose-piece was often omitted. The forehead was well covered, and was usually marked by a triangular frontal band, often enclosing an ornament. No. =197= has the head of a young Satyr in relief. The Attic helmet was also adopted in Italy, especially by the Etruscans. No. =199= (fig. 78) was found in an Etruscan tomb at Vulci. [Illustration: FIG. 72.--ITALIAN HELMETS WITH METAL CRESTS (NOS. 205, 202). 1:6.] These two helmets, the Corinthian and the Attic, were so far the most general among the Greeks as to merit the name of the classical types. No. =193= is an intermediate form which has been assigned to the Aegean Islands because of its occurrence in vase-paintings from the Cyclades. This example was found in the river Alpheios, and was no doubt originally dedicated, like several other pieces in this collection, in the temple at Olympia. It is cut straight over the eyes, has no nose-piece and no ear-holes (fig. 67). A peculiar feature is a broad band with high raised edges which runs over the crown of the head from forehead to neck. A stout pin in front of this shows that the band was a channel in which the crest was fixed. A row of silver studs and a silver band decorate the rim of this helmet, and there are remains of ornaments in relief, palmettes on forehead and at the ears, and on each cheek-piece a horseman. These were no doubt also of silver, but the plates have come away, leaving their impress upon the cement which used to hold them in place. The style of the modelling belongs to the end of the sixth century B.C. Another Greek type has the shape of a Phrygian cap, with the addition of movable cheek-pieces, of which the hinges are partially preserved (No. =200=). Such a helmet is often worn by Amazons, for instance by the Queen Hippolyte on an Attic bowl of about 450 B.C., which is exhibited in the Third Vase Room (fig. 71). It is also shewn in the cast of an Etruscan bronze statuette which stands beside the helmet (No. =201=). The tall oval helmet (No. =202=, fig. 72) with its barbarous pair of horns in the shape of crests of sea-horses, is Italian, but the same type appears on Greek monuments. [Illustration: FIG. 73.--ETRUSCAN AND EARLY ITALIAN HELMETS (NOS. 207, 203). 1:5.] Italian helmets are more like hats, giving no protection to the face unless cheek-pieces are added. An early form, from Ancona, is almost hemispherical, with wide brim and two large bosses on the sides (No. =203=, fig. 73). The bosses would stop glancing blows on the head. The smaller knob on the front of this example may have held the crest; if so, the corresponding knob behind has been lost. Two helmets from Cannae are later developments of the same type (No. =204=, fig. 74). They are decorated and stiffened with two curved bands in relief, one on each side of the crown. The bosses and brims are broken away. The earliest helmets of this shape belong to the seventh century B.C. Our later specimens were probably worn in the battle of Cannae (216 B.C.). They have wrongly been called Carthaginian because of their discovery on this battlefield, but the type is European, and has been found at Hallstatt. The helmet with sharp pointed top also belongs to a class which extended to France and Germany in the early Iron Age (No. =205=, fig. 72). The arched socket for the crest is a peculiarity of this example, which is of later date, about fourth century B.C. More strictly of Italian origin are the heavy Etruscan helmets resembling reversed jockey-caps, with a knob on top, a short peak covering the wearer's neck, and attached cheek-pieces (No. =206=, fig. 75). They are cast; nearly all other helmets are hammered work. Their date is from the fifth to the third century B.C. The Etruscans also used an oval helmet with ridged crown, of which the most notable example comes from Olympia, where it was dedicated as part of the Greek spoils from the naval battle of Kyme (B.C. 474). This helmet is described above among the Greek Inscriptions (p. 8, fig. 7, No. =13=). Other examples are heavier, and have a broad decorated rim (No. =207=, fig. 73). [Illustration: FIG. 74.--ITALIAN HELMET, FROM THE BATTLEFIELD OF CANNAE (NO. 204). 1:5.] [Illustration: FIG. 75.--ETRUSCAN "JOCKEY-CAP" HELMET WITH HINGED CHEEK-PIECES (NO. 206). 1:5.] There is no specimen of a Roman helmet in this collection. The scarcity of remains of Roman armour is due to the fact that it was mostly made of iron, which has decayed. Representations of different shapes may be seen, in a statuette of an officer (No. =219=, fig. 85), a small model of a trophy (No. =233=), a cast of a large marble relief (No. =236=), and a drawing of a soldier from the Column of Trajan (fig. 90). All these show close-fitting caps with broad chin-straps, which also serve as cheek-pieces. They are varieties of the Attic type. Some Roman helmets found in England are exhibited in the Department of British and Mediaeval Antiquities. One of them is reproduced in fig. 76. It is evidently related to the much older Etruscan "jockey-cap." The hinged cheek-pieces are wanting. It is likely that the Romans would combine Greek and Italian patterns in designing a uniform helmet for their own army. [Illustration: FIG. 76.--ROMAN LEGIONARY HELMET FOUND NEAR BERKHAMPSTEAD. Ca. 1:4.] [Illustration: FIG. 77.--PARADE HELMET MASKS (NOS. 209, 208).] A peculiar fashion of Roman helmet is represented by two bronze vizor-masks in Case 117 (Nos. =208=, =209=, fig. 77). A complete helmet of the same kind, exhibited in the Room of Roman Britain, was found at Ribchester in 1796, and two other specimens, a fragmentary iron helmet and a bronze mask, have recently been excavated at Newstead on the Tweed. The Newstead helmet has remains of padding still adhering, which prove that these strange helmets were actually worn, though Arrian, writing on tactics in the second century A.D., says that they were used for display, and not in battle. The earlier of our examples (No. =208=, fig. 77, right), which probably belongs to the first century A.D., is said to have been found on the face of a skeleton in a grave at Nola in Italy in the eighteenth century. The other (No. =209=, fig. 77, left), which has the more usual type of features, has lately been presented to the Museum, having been purchased at Aintab in Syria during the occupation of the country by British troops. Both masks are pierced at eyes, nostrils and mouth, and show traces of attachment to the helmet above the forehead. No. =209= has remains of white metal plating on the face, the hair being left in the colour of bronze. [Illustration: FIG. 78.--HELMETS WITH WOODEN PEG FOR PLUME AND TUBE FOR FEATHER (NOS. 189, 199). 1:5.] [Illustration: FIG. 79.--ITALIAN HELMET DECORATED WITH HORNS, WINGS AND PLUME.] [Illustration: FIG. 80.--ITALIAN VASE-PAINTING, SHOWING FEATHERED HELMET AND THE METAL CUIRASS.] Crests are shown on all kinds of helmets, as in the Greek, Etruscan and Roman statuettes (figs. 66, 81, 85), and the drawings on Greek and Italian vases (figs. 79, 86, etc.); it is not uncommon to find three on one helmet. They had thick horsehair plumes, sometimes simply wired to the helmet, sometimes mounted in sockets. Very few helmets show original fittings for the crests. These must have been added by the owners. Some helmets have holes drilled in the crown; No. =186= has remains of wire in the holes. No. =189= has a bronze socket still holding a wooden peg, but this is only fastened with cement, and its rough make is not in keeping with the fine finish of this helmet (fig. 78). The flanged channel and pins of No. =193= (fig. 67) are peculiar to that type of helmet. An Etruscan helmet of Attic shape (No. =199=, fig. 78) had a pair of tubes to carry single feathers, only one of which remains (_cf._ fig. 80). It was an Italian habit to wear fantastic ornaments. The head of a horseman from a wall-painting at Capua shows horns, wings, and a plume or feather (fig. 79). A Corinthian helmet from Apulia has a pair of curved horns like those in the wall-painting (No. =190=). An Attic helmet belonging to a suit of armour which was found in a grave at Capua, and is exhibited here on loan from H.M. Armoury in the Tower of London (No. =210=), has horns of coiled wire (perhaps clips for feathers), and a pair of wings. The oval bronze hat (No. =202=, fig. 72) has two crests of sea-horses mounted as horns, with the support for a plume between them. These accessories are detachable; they are cut out of thin sheet metal and fit on to flat ears on the helmet. Two of the latest of the Corinthian class (No. =191=, fig. 68) have such attachments. [Illustration: FIG. 81.--ETRUSCAN BRONZE STATUETTE WITH PLATED CUIRASS. 1:4.] [Illustration: FIG. 82.--A SOLDIER PUTTING ON HIS CUIRASS.] =Cuirass.=--The earliest metal cuirass consisted of two bronze plates roughly shaped to fit the body, and fastened together at the sides and shoulders. The bottom edge was turned up so as not to cut the hips. The Greek statuette from Dodona (No. =185=, fig. 66) shows the form. It was contemporary with the Corinthian helmet in Greece, and was probably discarded there for the same reason, that it was as much a burden as a protection. In Italy it had a longer life, but in an improved shape which is represented in Italian vase-painting (fig. 80), and is shown here in the cast of an Etruscan statuette (No. =201=), as well as in some actual specimens from Italy (Nos. =210=, =211=, =212=). These fit closely to the body, of which the form is moulded in free style on the metal plates, and the bottom edge follows the line of the waist. A fringe of leather was often attached to the rim. The fastenings are rings for lacing, and pins in sockets which serve either as hinges or clasps. The other cuirass was generally used in Greece from the beginning of the fifth century B.C. An Etruscan statuette in the Bronze Room shows every detail of the type (fig. 81). It was made of leather plated with bronze, with shoulder-straps to buckle down upon the breast. In scenes of the arming of soldiers, for instance on a vase by the painter Douris, at Vienna (fig. 82), the method of putting on this cuirass is often represented, and the construction of the various parts is shown. The bronze plating might be in the form of square tabs or round scales. Two fragments of such plating are exhibited (No. =213=, fig. 83, right). The larger consists of six plates of bronze with the lower edge scalloped, sewn with wire on a leathern coat, and overlapping in such a way as everywhere to present three thicknesses of metal. The leather of this example is modern. The other is of five much smaller scales, similarly wired together. The larger fragment is from France, the smaller from Oxyrhynchus, in Egypt. Some pieces of heavier bronze plating, one of them still clasping a shrivelled tongue of leather, may have served as the long tabs which form a skirt to this cuirass. They were excavated at Kertch in the Crimea (No. =214=, fig. 83, left). [Illustration: FIG. 83.--BRONZE PLATING FROM CUIRASSES (NOS. 214, 213). 3:5.] A peculiar Italian type is represented by a triangular bronze breastplate filled with three circles in relief (No. =215=). This breastplate often appears on third-century vases of South Italian fabric, and a number of such plates have been found in tombs of the beginning of the Iron Age. It is therefore an ancient pattern, but this example is contemporary with the vases (fig. 84). Another piece of native Italian fashion is the metal belt (No. =216=) which is also represented in vase paintings of the third century B.C. (fig. 84). It was worn with the triangular breastplate. Rows of holes along the edges show that the belts were lined with cloth or leather. The fastening is simple, one end hooking into the other. Many elaborate hooks are exhibited (No. =217=). Two oval bronze plaques (No. =218=) may have belonged to belts of different type. [Illustration: FIG. 84.--VASE PAINTINGS SHOWING ITALIAN BREASTPLATE AND METAL BELT.] Remains of Roman cuirasses are as rare as of the helmets, and for the same reason; but the general type of the armour worn by the legionary soldier is illustrated by a small statuette (No. =219=; fig. 85). The cuirass is of the same design as the flexible Greek type; it is made of overlapping bands of metal, which are fastened down the front. There are shoulder-pieces of similar construction, and straps are brought over from the back to hold the armour in place. Underneath is a kilt of leather or metal strips. Two other varieties of Roman cuirass are shown in the cast of the relief representing pieces of armour (No. =236=), and a fourth is the coat of mail, which appears in the reliefs of the Columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius at Rome (about 110 and 190 A.D. respectively). It is represented here by fragments of two different patterns and sizes (No. =220=). [Illustration: FIG. 85.--BRONZE STATUETTE OF A ROMAN LEGIONARY SOLDIER (NO. 219). 2:3.] =Greaves.=--The third part of the Greek body armour is the greaves. Metal greaves may have been worn towards the close of the Mycenaean Age (the pair from Enkomi in Cyprus dates from about 1100 B.C.), but their general use was due, like that of the metal cuirass, to the adoption of the small shield, which necessitated a better covering of the body and legs. The poet Alcaeos says that the greave was a protection against missiles. It was a thin sheet of bronze, shaped to fit the leg, which it clasped and held of its own elasticity. Only the greaves from Enkomi (No. =221=) are laced with bronze wire. Warriors putting on their greaves are often represented on the Attic vases. Fig. 86 is from the same scene as fig. 82. An ankle-pad was worn to keep the bottom edge from chafing. There is little difference of shape or decoration in the existing specimens. Some reach only to the knee, and some extend above it to cover part of the thigh (Nos. =222=, =225=). With the exception of the pair from Enkomi, all these date from the sixth to the third century B.C. Two of the finest (No. =223=; fig. 87) from Ruvo in South Italy, are decorated on the knee with a figure of a Gorgon. The tongue and eyes were made of ivory. The style points to Ionia as the place, and the sixth century as the time of manufacture. Rather later is the pair with incised palmettes above the knees (No. =224=). The only other decoration is the expression of the muscles of the leg to correspond with the similar representation of the body on the breastplate. As in the belt and helmet, there is usually a row of holes along the rim for the attachment of a lining. In the Roman army the greave was worn from early times, but under the Empire it became a mark of distinction for the centurions. [Illustration: FIG. 86.--A SOLDIER PUTTING ON HIS GREAVES.] [Illustration: FIG. 87.--PAIR OF BRONZE GREAVES DECORATED WITH FIGURES OF GORGONS (NO. 223). 1:6.] Some rare pieces of armour are arranged with the greaves. No. =226= is a thigh-piece, of which the provenance is not known. A similar piece was found at Olympia. Armour for the thigh is represented on some Greek vases of the sixth century B.C., but not on later monuments, although both Xenophon and Arrian mention it as part of the equipment of cavalry. A guard for the upper part of the right arm, from Italy, which is more familiar as armour of the later gladiator, dates from the fifth or fourth century B.C. (No. =227=). It was fastened to the shoulder of the cuirass. Another piece of different shape is mounted with the suit of armour from Capua (No. =210=). There are three pairs of shin-guards from Italy (No. =228=). The ankle-pieces are designed to protect the "Achilles" tendon at the back of the foot (No. =229=; fig. 88). These subsidiary pieces of leg-armour were probably worn by the Italians of the fourth century B.C., when the long greave was going out of fashion. Armour of an unusual kind is represented by the pair of bronze shoes, which are also from Ruvo (No. =230=; fig. 89). The metal covering is only for the top of the foot, and the toes are on a separate plate, which is hinged at the joint. Part of a single shoe of the same type was found at Olympia. [Illustration: FIG. 88.--BRONZE ANKLE-GUARD (NO. 229). 1:4.] [Illustration: FIG. 89.--BRONZE SHOES (NO. 230). 1:4.] =Shield.=--An essential part of the ancient panoply was the shield, but actual remains are rare. Greek shields were probably made of wood or leather studded or plated with metal. The prehistoric shield of Homer's time we know was a large bull-hide, which enveloped the man from head to foot, and was slung round his neck by a strap. Herodotus says that this unwieldy weapon was superseded by the smaller shield, an invention of the Carians, held on the left arm by a loop and a cross-bar (fig. 102). The common shapes were circular and oval; more fanciful patterns, lozenges and crescents, belonged to less civilised neighbours of the Greeks. Leather construction is seen in the shape of the Boeotian shield (so called from its use as the national coin-type of Boeotia), which the Dodona soldier carries (No. =185=; fig. 66). This is oval with a gap in the middle of each long side, a shape produced by stretching a hide on a long frame with cross-bars at top and bottom. Strings for tightening the leather cover are drawn inside a shield in fig. 102. Two circular bronze shields are exhibited, both from Italy. The large one is decorated with narrow bands of Sphinxes, rosettes, palm- and lotus-patterns in relief, in the oriental Greek style of the sixth century B.C. (No. =231=). The smaller (No. =232=), which has a spiked boss and punctured geometric patterns, is probably Italian of about the same date. Neither of these examples has the fittings of a shield inside. They may have been made for decorative or votive use. [Illustration: FIG. 90.--ROMAN LEGIONARY SOLDIER FROM THE TRAJAN COLUMN.] No Roman shields are represented, and none have survived entire, for they were also made of wood and leather, and only the central boss and the framework were of metal. The ordinary type is illustrated in the reliefs of the Trajan Column (fig. 90), where the legionaries are perhaps distinguished from the auxiliary soldiers by their oblong shields. These are further differentiated by the badges of the various legions; the illustration shows a thunderbolt. The Greeks also carried devices on their shields, mostly figures of animals (fig. 102, a bull's head), which would be chosen as the emblem of a man or family, like coats of arms in mediaeval Europe. Some states also had their badges; men of Lacedaemon, Sicyon, and Messene bore the initial letters of the names of their towns. =Trophies.=--A peculiar usage of war among the Greeks, which was afterwards practised by the Romans, was the erection of trophies of the arms captured from a defeated enemy. Soldiers of all ages have celebrated their achievements by the display of armour or similar spoils which they have stripped from their opponents; but the custom of building effigies with the empty armour, to be left for a monument on the battlefield, as a token of victory, belonged properly to the Greeks. Helmet, cuirass and greaves were slung in position on a tree-trunk, and the shield and other weapons were bound to the arms of a cross-piece. An inscription was affixed, giving an account of the victory and the dedication of the monument to a deity, as other spoils were dedicated in the temples. In the centre of the Wall-Cases 116-117 two suits of armour are set up in this fashion (Nos. =210=, =211=). In Case 111 there are a small bronze model of a Roman trophy (No. =233=), and two lamps with designs of the same subject. One of them has a trophy of barbarian arms, a horned helmet and oblong wooden shields, with a man and a woman captive at the foot (No. =234=). The other is more fanciful: a trophy is borne aloft by a Victory, who is poised with her foot on a globe, to symbolise the subjection of the world (No. =235=). [Illustration: FIG. 91.--ROMAN LEGIONARY BADGES USED AS STANDARDS, FROM THE TRAJAN COLUMN.] The Greeks had established customs in raising trophies, and these were strictly observed. The trophy was an assertion of victory, and was accepted by the vanquished and left inviolate by them. But it was contrary to usage for the victors to repair it, or to make the supports of anything more durable than wood. The native Roman practice was to fix captured armour in the house, like trophies of the chase. The built trophy was borrowed from the Greeks, but it was not necessarily erected on the battlefield. At Rome there were many trophies commemorating provincial victories, and the custom was continued in the representations of spoils on the triumphal arches and other monuments of the Imperial age. A marble relief of pieces of armour from one of these monuments is reproduced in a cast (No. =236=). The arms are mostly Roman, but the dragon-standard and loose tunic belong to the Dacians, a barbarous people who made trouble on the north-east frontier of the Roman Empire in the second century after Christ. [Illustration: FIG. 92.--ROMAN MANIPULAR _Vexillum_, FROM THE TRAJAN COLUMN.] [Illustration: FIG. 93.--SILVER COIN OF VALENS (364-378 A.D.) SHOWING THE EMPEROR HOLDING THE _Labarum_, TRIUMPHANT OVER BARBARIANS.] =Standards.=--Military standards were not much used by the Greeks, but in the Roman army, which was a regular institution, not a temporary levy of citizens, they were elaborately developed. The eagle was the standard of the legion. It was a gilt image of the bird with spread wings, holding a thunderbolt in its claws. Marks of military distinction bestowed upon the legion--crowns, wreaths, and medallions--were carried on the staff which supported the eagle or on the eagle itself (fig. 109, p. 105). Smaller standards belonged to the companies of the legion (maniples or centuries). These were originally banners (_vexilla_) mounted on spears, with honorary wreaths and medallions attached to the shafts. A cast of such a standard is exhibited (No. =237=). The cross-piece represents the bar on which the banner was hung, the sloping and vertical members at its ends are derived from the cords which fastened the cross-bar to the pole. The other standards shown in fig. 91, figures of birds or animals carried on a plain shaft, are also represented here, in the bronze boar (No. =238=). Such standards were probably used by detachments of the legion. The regimental emblems were chosen or bestowed for various reasons; some legions had several badges, and the same badges are found with several legions. The boar is known to have belonged to the 1st (_Italica_), 2nd (_Adjutrix_), 10th (_Fretensis_) and 20th (_Valeria Victrix_). The bronze hand (No. =239=) may have been part of a standard, but its poor structure rather indicates votive use. An open hand was the proper standard of the maniple, the Roman company of two centuries, which, indeed, derived its name from this device (_manipulus_, a handful). The Roman explanation, as recorded by Ovid and others, was that when Romulus first organised his men by hundreds, he gave each company a standard consisting of a handful of twigs or grass on the point of a spear. In any case the maniple took its name from the hand, and the hand is often represented as the standard of the maniple; fig. 92 is taken from the Trajan Column. The cross-bar, which originally carried the banner, and its hanging tassels are shown in this standard, as in No. =237=, but the more important part of the cord, which fastened the bar to the shaft, has been omitted from the design. This fortuitous pattern of a cross was eagerly recognised by the early Church as a military emblem of Christianity, and the famous _labarum_, the miraculous standard which Christ gave to the Emperor Constantine on the eve of the battle of the Milvian Bridge, was a cavalry _vexillum_ of the Roman army with the monogram of Christ emblazoned on its banner (fig. 93). The pieces of armour are described in the _Catalogue of Bronzes_ to which reference should be made for fuller details. The Catalogue numbers are painted on the objects. (185) _Bronzen aus Dodona in den Kgl. Museen zu Berlin_, p. 13, pl. 2; (201) Friederichs, _Kleinere Kunst_, 2197; (208) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 877; Benndorf, _Ant. Gesichtshelme_, p. 15, pl. 3; for the class see Curle, _A Roman Frontier Post and its People_, p. 179; (221) _B.M. Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 16, fig. 26; (236) _Cat. of Sculpture_, 2620; (237, 238, 239) reproduced by Daremberg and Saglio, _Dict. Ant._ s.v. _Signa Militaria_. =Weapons.=--The weapons of offence, which are exhibited in Table-Case E, differ from the majority of the antiquities shown in this room, in that many of them were made at a remote period in the history of Greece and Italy, some even dating from the beginning of the Bronze Age, when the use of metal had not long supplanted that of stone. In a few examples from the island of Cyprus, the metal is almost pure copper. It is therefore not strictly accurate to call these weapons Greek and Roman, for they were made a thousand years before those nations began; but they come from the lands which were afterwards inhabited by the Greeks and Romans, and are valuable as representing the development of arms in those parts of the world, and as being the work of the primitive races in whom the Greeks and Romans had their origin. =Early Greek Bronze Age.=--The first class consists of arms which belong to the Early Bronze Age in Greece, a period preceding the mature and extensive civilisation to which the name of Mycenaean is commonly applied. The general date of 3000 to 2000 B.C., which is assigned to the weapons of this period, serves rather to indicate their chronological relations than to give their precise age. In any case they stand as a definite beginning of the history of arms in Europe. In these early times the sword had not been invented, and short daggers or spear-heads only were produced by workmen with a still imperfect mastery of metallurgy. The most ancient form was a short thick blade, with rivets in the base, where it was fastened to the hilt or shaft. A more secure attachment was contrived by prolonging the broad base of the blade into a tang, which was let into the handle and held by a rivet through the end. But the greatest advance was the discovery that if a rib were left up the middle of the blade, the edges could be fined down and tapered to a sharp point without loss of strength. In the final development the stiffening rib and the tang were connected, so that the strongest part of the blade was continued down into the handle. Yet in spite of progress and improvements in design, the old patterns remained in use to the end of the Bronze Age, and even later, so that a chronological classification based on the forms of early Weapons is untrustworthy. [Illustration: FIG. 94.--PRIMITIVE BRONZE SPEAR- AND DAGGER-BLADES, FROM GREECE AND CYPRUS (NOS. 241-4). 1:4.] All the stages in the development are shown in these examples. The most primitive types are represented by a series of blades from Cyprus (No. =241=; fig. 94_a_), which, from material and technique, might be placed at a very early period; but they were excavated from Mycenaean tombs of the end of the Bronze Age. To the same island belong the narrow blades with long tangs, which are turned round at the end in a hook to hold the handle (No. =242=; fig. 94_b_). This type is said to have been found in graves of 3000 B.C. It is certainly a primitive shape, and peculiar to the pre-Mycenaean civilisation of Cyprus. Another local variety is known in the leaf-shaped blade with a sharp tang and two slits, one on each side of the midrib, through which the shaft was lashed in place (No. =243=; fig. 94_c_). The pattern is characteristic of the contemporary civilisation of the Cycladic Islands. Two pointed blades with no tang belong to the same early period. The smaller of the two was found at Athens (No. =244=; fig. 94_d_). [Illustration: FIG. 95.--BRONZE SWORDS OF THE MYCENAEAN PERIOD (NOS. 245, 247-8). 1:4.] [Illustration: FIG. 96.--BRONZE SWORDS OF LATE MYCENAEAN TYPE (NOS. 249-50). 1:4.] =Mycenaean swords and daggers.=--The next period was the close of the Bronze Age in Greece, occupying the second millennium before Christ. It has been called, from its best-known centre at Mycenae, the Mycenaean Age. In this period, by improvement in metal-working, the short daggers were lengthened into swords, which, towards the end of the age, were made even a yard long, and very slender. Such weapons were used mainly for thrusting, for they would break with a direct blow. Homer records many such accidents on the battlefield. At the same time the spear-head was differentiated from the dagger-blade, being provided with a socket for the shaft. Mycenaean weapons are represented here by swords and spear-heads found mainly at Ialysos in Rhodes, and belonging to the end of the period. The swords are short and heavy, and are made in one piece with the hilt. The guard is straight in the earlier specimens, and the pommel of the hilt was a round knob, of which the tang remains (No. =245=; fig. 95_a_). This is the form of the well-known daggers from Mycenae, which have the blades inlaid with designs in coloured metals, the hilts and pommels embossed and chased in gold. Electrotype copies of the Mycenae daggers are exhibited in the Gold Ornament Room Passage. A closer parallel to these is a blade from Cameiros which has the rivets still in place (No. =246=). In other swords the raised flange on the edges of the hilt is continued to form a crescent-shaped pommel. The hollow space was filled with an ornamental material for the grip. The rivets are usually in place, and on a small dagger from Karpathos a great part of the ivory mount is preserved (No. =247=; fig. 95_b_). The last form of this hilt appears in a heavy sword, formerly in the Woodhouse Collection (No. =248=; fig. 95_c_). The projection of flanges and pommel is accentuated, and the ends of the guard are curled up like horns. This type survived into the Hellenic period. Another late Mycenaean form is seen in a long and slender sword with a broad base to the blade, which contracts again towards the hilt (No. =249=; fig. 96_a_). At the other end of the hilt are two divergent tongues of metal, which are better preserved in another example, of heavier fabric, from Enkomi, in Cyprus (No. =250=; fig. 96_b_). The type is that in which the earliest iron swords of Greece were made (No. =263=; fig. 101_b_), and which was the prototype of the common bronze sword of the rest of Europe. The lighter specimen (No. =249=) is from Scutari in Albania. [Illustration: FIG. 97.--BRONZE SPEARHEADS OF THE MYCENAEAN PERIOD (NO. 251). 1:4.] =Mycenaean spears and arrows.=--The spear was in Homeric times the soldier's most important arm, a long and heavy weapon which was thrown with great force or used for thrusting. Mycenaean spearheads are illustrated in a series from Ialysos (No. =251=; fig. 97). They are skilfully made to secure the greatest strength with the least expenditure of material; in most cases the shaft runs far up into the blade, which is narrow and springs gently from the socket, some being wider near the point than at the base. There is considerable variety of shape, but all are characterised by the thin blade with shallow curves. Mycenaean arrowheads from the same site are of more primitive design (No. =252=; fig. 98). The best are large and heavy, and have long barbs; a tang and no socket to take the shaft. Others are curiously flat and weak, and are plainly metal reproductions of a stone pattern. [Illustration: FIG. 98.--MYCENAEAN BRONZE ARROWHEADS FROM IALYSOS (NO. 252). 2:3.] =Italian Bronze Age.=--The Bronze Age of Italy is represented here by daggers and spears which date from about the fifteenth to the tenth century B.C. Italian daggers are remarkable for the use of engraved geometrical decoration on the blades. The first class resembles the Mycenaean weapons in the form of the hilt with edges raised for inlay and crescent-shaped pommel, and the round base of the blade is also similar to an early Mycenaean type. The haft of one dagger is wound with bronze wire, another has an ivory handle bound with gold (No. =253=; fig. 99_a_), and a third has the pommel filled with ivory (No. 254). Some of the blades were made separately, and riveted to the hilt after the primitive fashion (No. =255=; fig. 99_b_). In that case the hilt was split to receive the tang, and overlapped the base (No. =256=). Some of these daggers diverge still further from the Mycenaean in having the blade with recurving edges which is characteristic of a cutting sword (No. =257=; fig. 99_c_). The sheaths are of peculiar shape, being made of a thin plate of bronze with an ornament at the end in the form of a large round knob or several discs on a peg (No. =258=; fig. 99 _e_, _f_). They are decorated with the same linear designs as the blades. A later variety of Italian sword, known from the horned extremities of the pommel as the _Antennae_ type, is represented by two specimens (No. =259=; fig. 99_d_). In the first, the horns are simply curved projections, in the other they are developed into large rings or spiral coils. The type is of frequent occurrence throughout Europe, even in the north. [Illustration: FIG. 99.--EARLY ITALIAN BRONZE SWORDS AND SHEATHS (NOS. 253, 255, 257-9). 1:6.] [Illustration: FIG. 100.--ITALIAN BRONZE SPEARHEADS (NO. 260).] Italian spearheads do not suggest so much connection with Mycenaean types. Some of them are narrow, but most have broad and strongly-curving blades which spring sharply from the sockets (No. =260=; fig. 100). A spearhead from Sicily is remarkable for its great size (No. =261=): it is thirty-five inches long. The rest of the arms belong to the historical period. The usual weapons of the Greeks were the spear and sword. The bow was a special arm, which did not form part of the equipment of the ordinary soldier, and its use, like that of the sling, was practised by men of certain districts, who served as mercenaries to other states. The axe was a barbarous weapon, and is generally represented in the hands of Amazons, who brought their mode of warfare from the wilds of Scythia (see fig. 109). =Greek swords.=--The earliest Greek swords in this collection date from the tenth century B.C., when iron was fast taking the place of bronze; but forms common in the Bronze Age were still reproduced in iron, just as those peculiar to stone implements were for some time preserved in bronze. This conservative tendency is noticeable in three iron swords, of which two are from Cyprus (Nos. =262=, =263=; fig. 101_b_). They reproduce the general form of the bronze sword from Enkomi in the same island (No. =250=; fig. 96). A short iron dagger is similar to the common Mycenaean type (No. =264=; fig. 101_a_). [Illustration: FIG. 101.--IRON SWORDS, SHOWING THE SURVIVAL OF MYCENAEAN TYPES (NOS. 263-4). 1:4.] The ordinary Greek sword of the fifth century B.C. is represented by three examples. The type appears frequently in works of art. On a vase in the Third Vase Room (E 468; Pedestal 6) there is a drawing of the combat of Achilles and Memnon, in which Memnon is armed with this sword. In the sheath by his side is another, so that it is possible to see both hilt and blade at once (fig. 102). The shape is entirely different from that of prehistoric times. The hilt is round and the pommel a small knob, while the guard is a plain crosspiece. The blade, which, being made of iron, is long and thin, swells from the hilt towards the point in the manner characteristic of the cutting sword. All these features are visible in the examples (No. =265=; fig. 104_a_, _b_). The swelling blade is best seen in the largest specimen, while the iron-handled fragment, which was excavated from a tomb near the Mausoleum at Halikarnassos, shows the original form of the hilt. The small dagger with a bone hilt and the bone end of the scabbard forms part of a group of weapons which were found on the battlefield of Marathon (No. =266=; fig. 103). The others are iron spearheads, arrowheads both of bronze and iron, and leaden slingshot, two of which are marked with a thunderbolt and the Greek name _Zoilos_. [Illustration: FIG. 102.--VASE-PAINTING OF THE COMBAT BETWEEN ACHILLES AND MEMNON, SHOWING THE CLASSICAL GREEK WEAPONS.] [Illustration: FIG. 103.--WEAPONS FROM THE BATTLEFIELD OF MARATHON (NO. 266). Ca. 1:3.] Another common type of Greek sword is the heavy knife-like sabre with a hilt in the shape of a bird's head (No. =267=; fig. 104_c_). Its original appearance may be seen on the Athenian bowl already mentioned on page 80 (fig. 105). The classical name was _machaira_. Xenophon recommends it as a cavalry weapon, because of its heavy down-stroke. This example comes from Spain, where many similar swords have been found, but the origin of the type is Greek or even Oriental. The dagger with a cylindrical bronze hilt of which the pommel is a lynx-head, appears from the style of the decoration to be Graeco-Roman (No. =268=). Some models in terracotta from Naukratis give the types of the Hellenistic period (No. =269=). [Illustration: FIG. 104.--GREEK IRON SWORDS (NOS. 265, 267). 1:5.] [Illustration: FIG. 105.--THE _Machaira_, WITH HILT IN THE SHAPE OF A BIRD.] [Illustration: FIG. 106.--GREEK SPEARHEADS (NOS. 272-3, 275). About 1:4.] =Greek and Roman spears.=--Classical spears are represented by a variety of heads both in bronze and iron. The earliest Greek type is an iron head found with pottery of the tenth or ninth century B.C. in a grave at Assarlik in Asia Minor (No. =271=). Those with three and four blades are a small class, examples of which came to light at Olympia, and suggest as a date the end of the sixth century B.C. (No. =272=; fig. 106_a_). To the same date may belong the decoratively modelled bronze spear from Kameiros, and another of plainer design from the same place (No. =273=; fig. 106_b_, _c_), with two from Olympia, and a large iron one (No. =274=) found with the fine Attic helmet (p. 78) in Macedonia. A curious spearhead, or perhaps a butt, from Olympia is shown among the Greek Inscriptions (p. 9, No. =14=, fig. 8). Spearbutts are not uncommon. Some are plain tapered ferrules (No. =279=; fig. 107), others end in two-pronged forks (Nos. =280=, =281=; fig. 107). The bronze forks are from Egypt, the iron one (fig. 107, bottom centre) was found on the bank of the Tiber with the spearheads mentioned below. The unusually long iron head, which was found in Spain with the iron _machaira_, is probably a later Greek form (No. =275=; fig. 106_d_). This example exhibits in a high degree the superiority of iron to bronze. Other iron spearheads are from Italy; some are from the Tiber (No. =276=). Three specimens, one with remains of the wooden shaft and the lashing of wire, were found near the village of Talamone on the west coast of Italy (No. =277=; fig. 108), where in 225 B.C. the Romans won a decisive victory over the Gauls, who had marched successfully to within a few days of Rome, and were returning home with their plunder. Like the helmets from Kyme and Cannae, and the arms from Marathon, these spears are relics of one of the famous battles of antiquity. The Roman soldiers of later times carried spears of a different kind. They had no thrusting lance, but an extremely heavy weapon, the _pilum_, which they threw with great effect at close quarters. The small iron heads from Licenza (No. =278=) have much the same shape as the head of the _pilum_. They probably belonged to light throwing-spears. The purpose of the long head was to bend and encumber the enemy after piercing his shield or armour. =Roman swords.=--The collection of swords ends in those which belong to the Roman period. A fragment of a sword with a heavy iron blade seems too big for the natives of Italy, and may have been used by a Gaulish invader (No. =282=). The large sword with a flat guard and an ivory and bronze handle (No. =283=) is perhaps a Roman _gladius_, which was afterwards superseded in the army by a sword of Spanish pattern. [Illustration: FIG. 107.--BRONZE AND IRON SPEAR-BUTTS (NOS. 279-81). Ca. 1:5.] [Illustration: FIG. 108.--IRON SPEARHEADS FROM TALAMONE (NO. 277). About 1:4.] [Illustration: FIG. 109.--ROMAN LEGIONARY SWORD AND SCABBARD FOUND AT MAINZ (NO. 284). 1:4. Reliefs, 2:3.] [Illustration: FIG. 110.--GREEK AND CYPRIOTE BRONZE ARROWHEADS (NOS. 290, 288). 2:3.] The later Roman sword is excellently represented by the so-called "Sword of Tiberius," which was found in a field at Mainz on the Rhine (No. =284=; fig. 109). The short iron blade is of the usual type, measuring twenty-one inches in length and two and a half in width at the base, from whence it tapers gently to a sharp point. The scabbard was made of wood covered with a plate of silver-gilt which is decorated with reliefs in gilt bronze. The plates of the bands which were hooked to the sword-belt are ornamented with wreaths of oak. At the hilt is a group which represents the Emperor Tiberius receiving his nephew Germanicus on the latter's return, in the year 17 A.D., from his victorious campaigns against the Germans, in the course of which he had recovered one of the legionary eagles which Varus had lost. The emperor, robed as a deity, is seated on a throne, resting his left arm on a shield which is inscribed +FELICITAS · TIBERI+--"The Good Fortune of Tiberius"--and holding in his right hand a small figure of Victory with wreath and palm, which he has just taken from his returning general. Germanicus stands before him in military attire, with his right hand stretched out. In the background is an armed figure, and behind the emperor a winged Victory brings a shield upon which is the legend +VIC · AVG+--"The Victory of Augustus." The middle of the scabbard is occupied by a medallion charged with a portrait of Tiberius, and at the point is a larger plate which is divided into two fields. The uppermost has a representation of a Roman eagle in a temple, and in the other is an Amazon armed with battle-axe and lance. It might not be wrong to connect the eagle with that of Varus; and the figure of the Amazon calls to mind the ode of Horace (_Carm._ iv. 4) celebrating the success of Drusus, the father of this Germanicus, against the Germans of the Danube, in which the poet expresses surprise that those barbarians should be armed with the Amazonian axe. Perhaps the next generation attributed this legendary weapon also to the Germans of the Rhine, and the Amazon is an allusion to the campaigns which the sword commemorates. From the contrast of the elaboration of the design with the cheapness of the execution, it would seem that the weapon is one of many copies which were turned out for some official purpose, probably a sword of honour presented to officers who had served with Germanicus. Other remains of Roman swords are less complete. There are several fragments of scabbards, a bronze guard, two ivory pieces which may have been pommels of the hilt or caps of the sheath, and a good specimen of an entire hilt in bone (No. =285=). This is very similar to the classical Greek pattern. [Illustration: FIG. 111.--ROMAN ARROWHEADS (NO. 293). 2:3.] =Sling-shot and arrowheads.=--Weapons which show little difference of form in Greek or Roman times are the sling-shot (No. =286=) and arrowheads. Sling-shot are mostly cast in lead, but some are of bronze and stone. The inscribed sling-bolts from Marathon have already been mentioned, and others similarly bear inscriptions in raised letters: a personal name, of the maker or the general or the slinger; or the name of the state from whose army it was shot--"From the Corinthians"; or a message to the bullet or to the enemy--"Strike hard," and "Take this." A large bronze arrowhead from Olynthus (No. =291=) bears the name of Philip, probably the father of Alexander the Great, the Macedonian king against whom Demosthenes wrote his Olynthiac and Philippic orations. Some of the arrowheads have already been described, the Mycenaean from Rhodes (No. =252=; fig. 98), and those from Marathon (No. =266=; fig. 103). The large iron heads with knife-like blade and long tang are Oriental (No. =287=); those from Marathon were no doubt used by Persian bowmen. A similar group from Cyprus, but of bronze, shows long square heads (No. =288=; fig. 110, top, right). A bundle of six bronze arrowheads of broad leaf shape, found in a grave at Enkomi in Cyprus, has rusted together as the arrows lay in the quiver, remains of which and of the wooden shafts can still be seen (No. =289=). Greek examples belong to two classes; they are all made of bronze. The commoner class has sockets and blades like miniature spearheads; (No. =290=; fig. 110). Many of these have three blades; the large inscribed head from Olynthus (No. =291=) is of this shape, but barbed. Another variety, which always has barbs, is triangular with a central hole for the shaft. The second class consists of heavy heads with long barbs and tangs (No. =292=). These appear to be related to a Mycenaean form (see fig. 98), and as they are often represented on coins of Crete, they may perhaps be identified as the arrows of the Cretan bow. The Roman period is represented by six iron arrowheads from Xanten (_Castra Vetera_) on the Rhine. They show the spearhead and triangular shapes, and are all barbed (No. =293=; fig. 111). [Illustration: FIG. 112.--BONE CALTHROP FROM THE CRIMEA (NO. 296). 2:3.] Such is the regular series of classical weapons. Exceptional pieces are the bronze double-axe (No. =294=), if this can be called a weapon, the ridged mace-head from Rome (No. =295=), and the calthrop (No. =296=; fig. 112), a contrivance for disabling cavalry. This singular object, which was found at Kertch in the Crimea, is cut from a human radius bone. The bronze weapons are more fully described in the _Catalogue of Bronzes_ under the numbers painted on the objects. (269) _Cat. of Terracottas_, C 629 ff.; (271) _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, VIII., p. 64; (284) _Proc. Soc. Ant. Lond._, N.S. III., p. 358; _Cat. of Bronzes_, 867; (289) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 17, fig. 28; (296) McPherson, _Antiq. Kertch_, p. 101. [Footnote 40: [Greek: Targeioi anethen tôi Diwi tôn Korinthothen.] X.--HOUSE AND FURNITURE. (Wall-Cases 25-40.) Cases 25-40 contain furniture, lamps and lamp-stands, cooking utensils, objects used in connection with the bath, and objects illustrating the methods of heating buildings and supplying them with water. With the house itself, its plan and its appearance we are not concerned in this work. It is enough to say that the fundamental distinction between the ancient and modern house is that the one looked inwards, the other looks outwards. The ancient house received its light and air either from the open courtyard, round which it was built, or else from a large aperture in the roof. The former was the prevailing arrangement in Greece, the latter (in the earlier period) that adopted in Italy. The outside of the average Greek house was probably very destitute of architectural ornament, presenting a wide space of blank wall broken but by few windows. The Roman house in its final development assumed a form closely resembling that of the Greek house just described. At an early period it was based on the early Italian house. This consisted merely of an oblong chamber, with a small opening in the roof for the admission of light and emission of smoke. This chamber was called an _atrium_, perhaps because walls and roof were black (_ater_) with soot from the smoke of the fire. Gradually the opening in the roof became larger. Rain fell in the centre into a basin called the _impluvium_. The _atrium_ lost its character as a living room, and further courts and rooms in the Greek manner were added to it. We may now deal with the internal arrangements and the furniture. The objects may be described as they concern (1) the general furniture of the house; (2) the lighting; (3) the kitchen; (4) the bath; (5) water supply; (6) the warming. (7) Annexed is a small type-series of vases. =The Furniture of the house.=--In the nature of things, wooden furniture rarely occurs outside Egypt, except in South Russia. Thus we have a wooden table leg: a dog springs upward, from an acanthus leaf, surmounting an animal's leg (No. =300=). This comes from Kertch in the Crimea. In general, the remains of furniture shown in this section are the metal accessories and fittings. These are for the most part of Roman date, but Roman furniture was so largely derived from the Greek, that they may be regarded as illustrating Greek furniture as well. Some remarkable examples of bolster-ends in bronze, bronze inlaid with silver, and ivory, are shown in Cases 27, 28. They usually terminate above in a head of a mule, or of a duck, and below in a medallion bust. [Illustration: FIG. 113.--BRONZE COUCH (RESTORED).] The seat (No. =301=) is incorrectly put together. It is composed of the parts of one or two couches which should be restored as in fig. 113. Below is a small bronze stool (No. =302=), without arms or back, of a type not uncommon at Pompeii. Two tripods with expanding legs are placed in the bottom of Cases 27-28. One of these (No. =303=) has an arrangement similar to that of the candelabrum No. =307=, whereby it could be heightened at will. These tripods were used as small tables. Of a much older period is the fragment (No. =304=) from the leg of a large bronze tripod, from Palaekastro in Crete. [Illustration: FIG. 114.--ARCHAIC LAMPSTAND AND LAMP IN TERRACOTTA (NO. 305). Ca. 1:7.] [Illustration: FIG. 115.--ROMAN BRONZE LAMPSTAND. (NO. 306*). 1:4.] =Lighting.=--In Cases 25, and 28, 29 are placed several candelabra used either for the support of wicks floating in an oil-bath or for lamps, or torches. Those stands which have come down to us are chiefly of bronze, but the cheaper ones in ancient times were made of wood. Martial, in an epigram, warns the possessor of such a wooden candelabrum to take care that the whole stand does not turn into one blazing candle.[41] A primitive example of lamp and candelabrum shaft combined is shown in No. =305=, (fig. 114), from Cameiros (about seventh century B.C.). A female figure, of columnar form, supports a lamp with three nozzles. The Etruscan candelabra and many of the candelabra found at Herculaneum and Pompeii consist of a base in the form of three legs or paws, very commonly those of lions, a tall stem, and a circular support or spreading arms for the lamps at the top. The stem may be fluted, or may be knotted like a stem of a plant, or divided like a reed. In Roman times another variety is also common, composed of a massive base with three or more spreading arms, from which lamps were suspended. Such a stand (No. =306=) is seen on the upper shelf of Cases 29-30. A point which may be specially noted in regard to some of the bronze stands of the Roman period is the decoration of the shaft, which often takes the form of a climbing animal. That shown in fig. 115 (No. =306*=) has a panther, a cock, and a bearded serpent on the shaft. An ingenious expanding Roman bronze lampstand (No. =307=) from the Hamilton Collection should be noticed in the lower part of Case 29. The central rod attached to the circular lamp-support can be raised at will, and secured in place by means of a bronze pin passed through one of the pairs of holes pierced in the side rods. The lamps themselves (in Cases 31 and 32) are of terracotta, bronze and marble. The greater number are of the Roman period. One of the earliest is a primitive lamp (No. =308=; fig. 116) of the prehistoric period known as Mycenaean, and was found in the course of the Museum excavations at Enkomi in Cyprus. It was thrust, by its spike, into the masonry joints of a built tomb, and must have had a wick floating in the oil, or supported at the spout. The essential parts of a lamp in the developed form are (1) the well for the oil, formed by the body of the lamp and fed from an opening above; in the bronze lamps this opening is covered by means of a lid, sometimes hinged, sometimes secured by a chain, as in No. =309=, fig. 117; (2) the nozzle for the insertion of the wick. The nozzle generally takes the form of a projecting spout, but the arrangement varies very considerably in different lamps, and a single lamp is often furnished with several nozzles. The lamps might either be simply placed on a candelabrum or else suspended from it. Several of the bronze lamps have chains for the latter purpose (No. =309=; fig. 117). A peculiar bronze hook, of which there are several examples in these cases, was sometimes used in the Roman period for hanging up the lamps; in the example illustrated (No. =310=; fig. 118) it is seen hinged to the lamp in such a way that the lamp could be suspended, supported from the ground, or carried in any way desired. [Illustration: FIG. 116.--BRONZE LAMP FROM ENKOMI (NO. 308).] [Illustration: FIG. 117--ROMAN BRONZE HANGING-LAMP (NO. 309). Ca. 1:4.] [Illustration: FIG. 118.--ROMAN BRONZE LAMP WITH HOOK FOR SUSPENSION (NO. 310). Ca. 1:3.] The numerous Graeco-Roman bronze lamps in these cases show a great variety of form. Heads of Seilenos, Pan, negroes, etc., appear side by side with a fir-cone, a foot, a duck, a snail, or a wolf. The handles often terminate in an animal's head, _e.g._, that of a horse, a dog, a lion, or a swan (cf. fig. 117). A fine example, with a tragic mask on the handle (No. =311=; fig. 119) was found at Rome in 1912. But the choicest example of a bronze lamp will be found in the Bronze Room (Case B). It is a double lamp for suspension, and was found in the Roman Baths at Paris. A silver lamp with Heracles strangling the serpents, on a boat-shaped cradle (No. =312=), is shown in Case 29. The cheaper terracotta lamps are freely decorated with designs taken from daily life or mythology. Numerous specimens of these lamps will be seen in Table-Case B in the Fourth Vase Room. A very elaborate example (No. =313=) in the form of a ship is seen here in the bottom of Case 30. The twenty-three holes for wicks and filling should be noted. The lamp fillers, as may be seen from the bronze specimen exhibited, closely resembled the lamps themselves (No. =314=). Candlesticks are rare. In the Etruscan candelabra (Nos. =315=, =316=; Bronze Room Cases 57-60) projecting spikes seem to be intended for piercing candles, as shown by a tomb painting at Orvieto (fig. 120; see Bronze Room, Case 60). Two candlesticks of modern type (which rarely occurs) are shown in Case 30 (No. =317=; fig. 121). [Illustration: FIG. 119.--ROMAN BRONZE LAMP. TRAGIC MASK (NO. 311).] Besides lamps and candles, lanterns were also largely in use, especially for outdoor purposes. Such a portable Roman lantern (in Case 32) is here illustrated (No. =318=; fig. 122). It is cylindrical in shape and has a hemispherical cover, which could be raised from the body of the lantern. The latter was enclosed with plates of some transparent material such as horn, bladder, or linen. That talc was also used is shown by the fact that several of the lanterns in the Museum at Naples have their walls made of this material. Just below the lantern is a small bronze statuette, which has formed the body of a knife (No. =319=). A grotesque figure is walking with a lantern in his right hand, and a basket slung over his shoulders. It was found at Behnesa, in Egypt, and probably represents a bird-catcher returning in the evening with his spoils. The lantern carried by him very closely resembles the one described above. Cheaper forms of perforated clay lanterns are also exhibited (No. =320=; fig. 123). [Illustration: FIG. 120.--ETRUSCAN CANDLE HOLDER, FROM A TOMB FRESCO.] [Illustration: FIG. 121.--BRONZE CANDLESTICK FROM SYRIA (NO. 317).] =The Kitchen.=--Cases 33-36 contain cooking implements and remains of ancient fruit and grain. The vessels give a good idea of the furniture of a Pompeian kitchen, although there is no example of the more elaborate contrivances for preparing hot drinks and keeping food warm, such as have been found at Pompeii, and may be seen in the Museum at Naples. The kitchen implements arranged in these cases do not differ materially from those in modern use, except that they are made of bronze, and frequently have some graceful and appropriate ornamentation. One or two of the objects call for special remark. On the second shelf from the bottom of Case 34 is an implement with a long handle and a rectangular pan furnished with six circular depressions (No. =321=). A circular pan with twenty-eight such depressions was found at Pompeii, and is now at Naples. These pans were probably used either for baking cakes or frying eggs. In Case 36, on the same shelf as the pan for baking cakes, is a bronze frying-pan (No. =322=), with a spout at one corner. Instead of butter, fat, or dripping, the Romans, like the inhabitants of southern countries at the present day, were accustomed to use oil in frying. The shelf above the pans is occupied with ladles, dippers, and other implements. The handles of the ladles usually terminate in a beautifully modelled head of an animal, such as that of a duck, swan, or dog. One wine dipper (No. =323=) is hinged so as to fold for the pocket. On the next shelf above are two painted plates of about the beginning of the third century B.C. They belong to a well marked class (cf. Fourth Vase Room, Cases 26-7) of plates of Campanian fabric, distinguished by the fish and other marine creatures painted upon them. It is probable that they were intended for the serving of fish. Of the two examples shown in this case one (No. =324=) is decorated with a sea-perch, a sargus (a fish peculiar to the Mediterranean), and a torpedo, the other (No. =325=; fig. 124) with a red mullet, a bass, a sargus, and a cuttlefish. [Illustration: FIG. 122.--BRONZE LANTERN (NO. 318). 1:4.] [Illustration: FIG. 123.--EARTHENWARE LANTERN (NO. 320).] The strainers (No. =326=), with perforated designs, on the right of Case 36, were used for clearing wine and other liquids. In Cases 36, 37 are bronze moulds for shaping food in the form of shells. Some remains of ancient walnuts, grain, and fragments of calcined bread from Pompeii, and a black cup from Rhodes, containing eggs, are shown in the middle shelf of Case 35. The process of bread-making is illustrated by the terracottas shown in this case. One (No. =327=) from Kameiros in Rhodes represents a woman kneading dough on a board placed in a circular trough resting on three legs. Another (No. =328=), of much rougher workmanship, shows a bearded man engaged in a like occupation. A third (No. =329=) shows a woman kneading in front of the oven. A small terracotta model of an oven shows two cakes baking (No. =330=). [Illustration: FIG. 124.--FISH-PLATE (NO. 325). Diam. 8-3/4 in.] In antiquity knives and forks were little used at table, fingers being mainly employed. Only one three-pronged fork (No. =331=) is here shown. Spoons, however, were common, and a considerable number of ancient spoons (No. =332=) are exhibited in Case 36. The series of large ivory spoons with elaborately ornamented handles belong to an early period, a similar one coming from the Polledrara tomb at Vulci in Etruria, of the seventh century B.C. The small spoons in bronze or ivory, with round head and handle running to a point, were probably used for the eating of eggs and the extraction of snails from their shells. Snails were a favourite dish with the Romans, and the spoon got its name (_cochleare_) from being employed in this way.[42] In the lower part of Case 36 are examples of pestles and mortars (No. =333=). The pestle usually takes the form of a bent thumb, or of a leg and foot. [Illustration: FIG. 125.--ATHLETE USING STRIGIL.] In early times cooking was done either in the courtyard of the house or in the principal living-room. Pompeian houses are, however, generally provided with separate kitchens, small rooms opening off the court of the peristyle. The hearth is a simple rectangular structure of masonry, sometimes furnished with projecting supports for holding vessels over the fire. Much, however, of the warming and working was done over small braziers, such as are shown on a small scale, and by a model, in the lower part of Case 36. The terracotta braziers are of characteristic form, with three internal projecting knobs to support the cooking vessel. These are generally ornamented with masks of Hephaestos, Satyrs, or the like (No. =334=). Compare examples in the Terracotta Room (_Cat. of Terracottas_, p. xix., C 863 ff). See also in Case 36 a terracotta food warmer, from Olbia, in the form of a shrine (No. =335=). [Illustration: FIG. 126.--BRONZE STRIGILS AND OIL-FLASK (NO. 337). Ca. 2:7.] =The Bath.=--Certain implements shown in Case 37 illustrate the routine of the bath, which occupied a large place in the life both of the Greeks and Romans. Celsus, who wrote on the art of medicine probably early in the first century after Christ, recommended the bather first to go into the moderately heated room (_tepidarium_), and perspire slightly, then to anoint himself and to pass into the hot air room. After perspiring there he was to pour hot, warm, and cold water alternately over his head, then to scrape himself with the strigil, and finally to anoint himself--the last probably a precaution against taking cold. This description will enable us to understand the use of the implements carried by bathers. Of these the strigil is most important. It was a curved piece of metal, usually bronze, but sometimes iron, employed by athletes for removing dust and oil after exercise, and by bathers for scraping away sweat and dirt. The accompanying figure (fig. 125), drawn from a Greek vase of the fifth century B.C., shows an athlete resting after exercise, and about to use the strigil. Some times a strigil, oil-flask, and sponge are seen on vases, suspended from the wall of the _palaestra_ where youths are exercising. In Case 37 a small lekythos (No. =336=) shows an athlete with a strigil, and an impression from a gem illustrates the method of using that implement. The strigils here seen range in date from about the sixth century B.C. to the third century A.D. Many of them are inscribed with the name of their owners, and some have small figures, _e.g._, a man dancing or a horse galloping, stamped upon them. Two strigils which deserve special mention are the silver one found in the sarcophagus of the Etruscan lady, Seianti Hanunia (second century B.C.), and exhibited with that sarcophagus in the Terracotta Room, and the beautiful bronze ornamental strigil in the Bronze Room (Pedestal 3), with the handle in the form of a girl herself using the strigil. A complete bather's outfit of Roman date (No. =337=), found near Düsseldorf, includes two bronze strigils and an oil-flask attached by rings to a handle (fig. 126), and several glass vases for use in the toilet. [Illustration: FIG. 127.--SECTION OF ROMAN BRONZE PUMP FROM BOLSENA (NO. 338). 1:5.] =Water Supply.=--A few objects in Cases 38-39 illustrate the methods of water-supply among the Romans, which are characterised by their completeness and excellence. The remains of two Roman double-action pumps in bronze from Bolsena in Etruria (Nos. =338=, =339=; figs. 127, 128) are of special interest. These are constructed on a principle invented by Ktesibios of Alexandria, who probably lived in the third century B.C. They were worked by alternating plungers, raised and lowered by a rocking-beam. The first illustration (fig. 127) shows the less advanced but more complete pump in section, and explains the method, of working. The bottoms of the cylinders (A) were connected by pipes with the reservoir, and are furnished with flap-valves (B), opening upwards. When the plunger (C) was raised, a vacuum was created, and the water lifted the valve and rushed in. When the plunger was raised to its highest point the valve fell again and retained the water; when the plunger descended it forced the water from the cylinder into the central discharge pipe through another flap-valve (D) at the end of the horizontal pipe. BD in the figure shows the structure of the flap-valves, which the Greeks called [Greek: assaria] ("pennies") from their likeness to coins. F is a complete plunger of the same type as those used in the pump illustrated, but not belonging to it. Only two-thirds of the second pump (No. =339=) survive, but the missing part (marked off in the diagram by a dotted line) is supplied in the section (fig. 128). In this example the more advanced spindle valve takes the place of the flap valves, and the two valves side by side open into a central domed chamber, in place of the simple central cylinder of No. =338=. [Illustration: FIG. 128.--SECTION OF SECOND ROMAN BRONZE PUMP, FROM BOLSENA (NO. 339).] There are here several jets and spouts for the emission of water, one (No. =339=) in the form of a pine-cone, pierced with small holes for sending out a spray, others in the form of dolphins (No. =340=) and the fore-part of a horse (No. =341=). The bronze stop-cocks seen in Case 39 were used for controlling the flow of water from the cisterns to the various parts of the house. They were inserted in the lead water-pipes, portions of which still adhere to them. Their arrangement is excellently illustrated by those discovered at the Roman villa at Boscoreale, near Pompeii (see _Mon. Ant._ vii., p. 454, fig. 45_a_). See also a gargoyle in the form of a lion for rain water (No. =342=), and a bronze grating from the Mausoleum of Halikarnassos (No. =343=) for draining it away. Various lead supply pipes and clay drain pipes are shown in case 39. =Heating.=--In early times houses were heated by means of a large open hearth placed in the middle of the principal room, whence the smoke escaped as it might, through the door, or between the roof beams. Next followed the use of portable braziers in bronze, such as have been found in Etruscan tombs from the seventh century B.C. (cf. Italic Room, Cases B, C). The small braziers used for cooking, etc., in the Hellenistic period have been mentioned above, p. 118. A system of heating by hot air was introduced by the Romans, but was used chiefly for the warming of baths. For the general heating of houses such an arrangement was, until about the third century A.D. exceptional, and Seneca, writing in the first century A.D. regards it as an enervating luxury. Several examples of Roman terracotta flue-tiles (No. =344=) for the transmission of hot air are seen in the bottom of Cases 39, 40. =Shapes of Vases.=--Case 40 contains a small type-series of the leading shapes of Greek vases, intended to teach the names current in archaeology (No. =345=). (300) Cf. _Ant. du Bosph. Cimm._, pl. 81, where a restoration of a table with a leg of this kind is shown; (301) The couch in fig. 113 is after the restoration of a couch from Boscoreale, given in _Arch. Anzeiger_, 1900, p. 178; (304) Cf. Furtwaengler, _Olympia, IV._, (_Die Bronzen_), pls. 28, 34; (305) _Cat. of Lamps_, 137; (308) _ibid._, 1; (309) _ibid._, 66; (310) _ibid._, 97; (312) _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, XXVIII., pl. 33; (313) _Cat. of Lamps_, 390; (314) _ibid._, 1437; (318) _Cat. of Lamps_, 1435; (320) _ibid._, 1511; (323) _Excavations in Cyprus_, fig. 148, No. 4; (324, 325) _Cat. of Vases_, IV., F 259 and F 267; (338-339) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 2573-4; (343) Newton, _Hist. Disc._, II., p. 143. On the Greek house generally, see Daremberg and Saglio s.v. _Domus_ and B. C. Rider, _The Greek House_. On the Roman house, see Daremberg and Saglio, _loc. cit._, and Mau-Kelsey, _Pompeii_. [Footnote 41: Martial, xiv. 44: Esse vides lignum; serves nisi lumina, fiet De candelabro magna lucerna tibi. ] [Footnote 42: Cf. Martial, xiv. 121: Sum cochleis habilis, sed nec minus utilis ovis: Numquid scis potius cur cochleare vocer? ] XI.--DRESS AND TOILET. (Table-Case F.) The objects connected with the toilet in Case F are those accessories in metal and other materials that have been preserved. The actual fashion of the dress of the Greeks and Romans can be best studied elsewhere--in the Vase Rooms, the Room of Terracottas, and the Sculpture Galleries. A few words only need be said here as to the principal varieties of costume. =Greek Female Dress.=--The very singular and modern-looking dress of the Minoan ladies may be seen in the facsimiles of Cretan statuettes and carvings in the First Vase Room. [Illustration: FIG. 129.--DIAGRAM ILLUSTRATING THE ARRANGEMENT OF THE DORIAN _Chiton_.] The earliest dress of women which is represented in the art of historical Greece is that which was known as the Dorian _chiton_, or tunic. It was an oblong sheet of woollen cloth, measuring rather more than the height of the wearer, and about twice the span of her arms. This blanket was folded as shown in the annexed diagram (fig. 129). The tunic then fell into position about the figure, leaving the arms bare, as in the illustration, which is taken from a toilet-box (E 772) in the Third Vase Room (fig. 130). The dress in its simplest form was now complete, but as one side of it was open, a girdle was usually worn to keep the edges together. At Sparta, where Dorian manners were preserved in their primitive severity, the side remained open. Elsewhere it was partially or completely sewn up. [Illustration: FIG. 130.--THE DORIAN _Chiton_.] About the beginning of the 6th century B.C. the Ionian chiton was introduced into Greece from Asia Minor, and became the ordinary undergarment of women, in Italy as well as Greece, throughout the classical period. It was in effect a loosely-fitting dress with wide sleeves, girt at the waist. Being of fine linen instead of wool, a mantle or wrap was worn over it to make up for the thinness of the cloth. This construction is plainly shown in a drawing on the inside of a cup (E 44) by the potter Euphronios, which represents a woman busy with the knot of her girdle (fig. 131). The material was soft and heavy, yet thin and transparent enough to reveal the form of the figure beneath it. It is only in a dressing scene, such as this, that the Ionian chiton is represented alone. Otherwise a mantle (_himation_) was worn in addition. These mantles were of various shapes and sizes, though always rectangular, and their arrangement did not follow any fixed rule. Distinct fashions, however, in the wearing of the over-mantle can be remarked at certain periods. Thus, when the Ionian dress first came into use at Athens, an extraordinary elaboration was cultivated, the folds being arranged with such precision as to suggest that the garment is not a rectangular wrap, but a made-up shawl artificially pressed and gathered. This style of dress is best known from a large series of statues which were discovered in excavations on the Acropolis of Athens. They are relics of the city which was destroyed by the Persians in 480 B.C., and give an accurate date for the prevalence of the fashion. The type is represented in a statuette in the Bronze Room (fig. 132): the lady stands in an attitude of archaic severity, and holds up with her left hand the skirt of the soft Ionian chiton which is underneath the shawl. [Illustration: FIG. 131.--THE IONIAN _Chiton_.] The outer garment was afterwards larger than this, as well as more simply arranged. Often the whole figure was wrapped in the mantle, which was also drawn over the mouth and the back of the head. This heavy style was favoured in the fourth and third centuries B.C., and constantly appears in the most numerous products of that period, the terracotta statuettes from Tanagra and elsewhere. Fig. 133 is from one of these, and others in the Terracotta Room show very clearly the beautiful and varied draperies of the himation. [Illustration: FIG. 132.--GREEK BRONZE STATUETTE, ILLUSTRATING AN EARLY FASHION OF WOMEN'S DRESS. 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 133.--TERRACOTTA STATUETTE OF A LADY OF THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD. 1:2.] =Greek Male Dress.=--A dress worn in early times was a tunic falling to the feet, with or without the mantle. It continued in use as a ceremonial and festal attire of elderly men, minstrels and charioteers. It is illustrated in a drawing of Peleus by the vase-painter Amasis (?) (fig. 134), in which the soft texture of the long white Ionian chiton is indicated by wavy lines, and the heavy mantle hangs stiffly across the shoulders. Subsequently the long tunic was discarded, and either a short form of the same garment, which had been in use before for outdoor exercise, was adopted in its place, or the outer cloak was worn alone. The short tunic was worn as before by men engaged in active pursuits, and by boys, workmen and slaves. A common fashion of wearing it was to fasten the shoulder on one side only, so that the right arm and breast were free for violent movement. A series of statuettes in the Bronze Room represents the blacksmith god Hephaestos in this working garb (fig. 135). The ordinary costume of the citizen was the himation or a mantle of smaller size. With this the right shoulder was usually left free, as with the tunic; it is the common dress of men on the red-figure Athenian vases (see the Third Vase Room), from one of which (E 61) the illustration is taken (fig. 136). Men of leisure or high rank affected a more elaborate arrangement of the himation, by which the whole body was enveloped and the free movement of the hands impeded. The statue of Sophokles in the Lateran Museum at Rome is a good example of the care which a cultivated man of the fifth century bestowed upon the adjustment of this garment (fig. 137). [Illustration: FIG. 134.--PELEUS WEARING THE IONIAN _Chiton_.] [Illustration: FIG. 135.--BRONZE STATUETTE OF HEPHAESTOS, WEARING THE SHORT _Chiton_. 2:5.] Other mantles were of various sizes and were distinguished by many names. The _chlamys_ was the smallest, and differed from the rest also in shape, though its scheme was still rectangular. It was rather longer in proportion to its width, and was clasped round the neck by a brooch. Its origin was in Thessaly, where it was the cape of the native horsemen, and it continued to be used for this purpose in the rest of Greece. Young men wore it, especially when riding, and it was a light and convenient dress for travellers. A young horseman on a cup by the painter Euphronios (fig. 138) has a gaily embroidered chlamys hung evenly across his shoulders, and underneath is seen the skirt of the short chiton. =Roman Dress.=--The dress of Roman women was the same as that of the Greeks of the Hellenistic period, who are vividly portrayed in the terracotta statuettes (fig. 133). Their undergarment was the Ionian chiton, now called _tunica_, of which two were sometimes worn together, and the overmantle was the Greek himation, by its Roman name, _palla_. [Illustration: FIG. 136.--MAN WEARING THE _Himation_. (From a vase of Hieron.)] [Illustration: FIG. 137.--STATUE OF SOPHOKLES WEARING THE _Himation_.] For men there was also a tunic similar to that worn by the Greeks; but in place of the himation the Roman _toga_ was worn, a garment of entirely different shape. In the relief of a cutler's shop, which is exhibited in Case 41, the shopman wears the tunic without a belt, while the customer, who has just come in from the street, wears the toga as well (fig. 193). In that of the forge, in Case 48, both the smiths have the tunic alone, with but the right shoulders unfastened and the skirts girt up to the knee in Greek fashion (fig. 192; compare fig. 135). Yet the Roman tunic seems already to have departed from the Greek pattern in having sleeves, though only to the elbows. Sleeved tunics were not unknown to the Greeks, whose slaves are often represented in this dress; but it was a foreign habit, and as such avoided. [Illustration: FIG. 138.--A HORSEMAN WEARING THE _Chlamys_.] [Illustration: FIG. 139.--DIAGRAM ILLUSTRATING THE SHAPE OF THE TOGA.] The shape of the toga was roughly semicircular, the straight edge being about six yards long and the width in the middle about two yards, as in the diagram (fig. 139). The simplest mode of putting it on was to place one end on the left shoulder, with the straight edge nearest the centre of the body and the point almost touching the ground. The left hand would be just covered by the curved edge. The rest was then passed behind the back, over or under the right arm, and over the left shoulder again, so that the point hung almost to the ground behind. This was also a method of wearing the Greek himation, and it is difficult to distinguish the two garments when so arranged; but a close examination will discover the sharp point and the curved edge in the case of the toga. At the end of the Republic and under the Empire, to which period most of the monuments belong, more elaborate fashions were developed, as in fig. 140, from a statuette in the Bronze Room. We turn to the accessories of the dress and the toilet in Table Case F. [Illustration: FIG. 140.--BRONZE STATUETTE OF A ROMAN WEARING TUNIC AND TOGA. 1:2.] =Greek and Roman Footwear.=--The general distinction was that the Greeks wore both sandals, and also boots or shoes. The Romans wore the boot, the _calceus_, but disapproved of the sandal. Part of Cicero's charge against Verres was that he wore sandals, as well as other Greek dress. The objects shown in Case F are either actual shoes and sandals or representations of them from works of art, such as fragments of statues; or applications of the device of a foot to the decoration of such things as vases, lamps, tripod-feet, etc. The extant specimens include a Roman leather shoe (No. =344=) of cut leather work, found in London; slippers from Antinoe in Egypt (No. =345=), with coloured and cut leather work; a pair of cork soles from Egypt (No. =346=), the edges of which were formerly gilt. A well-preserved pair of soles is exhibited (No. =347=). They are made of wood, divided at the instep, and plated with bronze, held in place by iron nails. These appear to be of Etruscan origin, as several examples have been found at Vulci (_Mus. Etr. Vat., I._, pl. 57, fig. 7). The sandal in its simplest form, as in the vase B 587 (No. =348=), consists of a sole attached to the foot by thongs passing between the great and second toes, and round the heel. The arrangement of the thongs gradually became more elaborate, with the result that the uncomfortable separation of the toes could be avoided. In the case of the foot of the Hermes of Olympia (No. =349=; fig. 141) there is no toe-thong, but only a reminiscence of the ornament from which it formerly started. An undershoe or sock now became possible, and the shoe and laced sandal in combination (cf. the statue of Mausolos, about 350 B.C.) became highly elaborate. See also the cast of a relief in the Third Graeco-Roman Room (No. =350=) and the feet in marble and bronze. In effect, the result was not greatly different from the Roman military boot (_caliga_) bound up the leg with thongs. [Illustration: FIG. 141.--FOOT OF THE HERMES OF OLYMPIA (NO. 349). 1:9.] [Illustration: FIG. 142.--BRONZE STATUETTE OF A NEGRO SLAVE CLEANING A BOOT (NO. 355). 1:2.] A simpler boot or shoe of modern pattern was also in use. In its plainest forms it represents the Roman boot (_calceus_). Several examples (No. =351=) are shown in this case. See also a vase (No. =352=) in the form of a modern lace-boot. The nails on the sole are arranged so as to impress _alpha_ and _omega_, and the mystic symbol of the _swastika_ on the ground. A delicate gold model of a boot (No. =353=) has [Illustration] [Greek: patou] "walk!" (?) on the sole. A shoe has been found in Egypt, impressing at every step the invitation [Greek: AKOLOUTHEI] ("follow!") The shoemaker at work in his workshop is seen in the fifth century kylix (E 86; No. =354=). He is in the act of cutting the leather with the semicircular knife of the form still in use. In conclusion, attention should be drawn to the bronze statuette (No. =355=; fig. 142) of a kneeling negro slave cleaning a boot. On Greek Dress, cf. Lady Evans, _Greek Dress_; E. B. Abrahams, _Greek Dress_; on Roman, Heuzey in _Rev. de l'art ancien et moderne_, 1897; Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Pallium_, _Peplos_, _Toga_. On shoes and sandals, see _ibid._, _Calceus_, _Caliga_, _Solea_. =Fibulae.=--Although the straight pin (cf. p. 137) was used for fastening the dress, fibulae--that is, brooches on the safety-pin principle--were most commonly worn. This method of fastening was of early origin, and its use can be traced in all parts of Europe, but, curiously enough, it seems to have been unknown in Egypt and the East. The fibula experienced in the first centuries of its existence and in the hands of different peoples so many variations and developments of form, that these can be classified in distinct types, and their presence in tombs and other deposits affords valuable evidence of the date and origin of the objects with which they occur. The reader who wishes to pursue the study of the fibula with more detail is referred to drawers 1-8 in Case D of the Bronze Room, and to the collections in the Iron Age Room. In this case of toilet accessories only a few of the typical forms are shown. [Illustration: FIG. 143.--FIBULA OF THE MYCENAEAN PERIOD (NO. 356). 1:4.] [Illustration: FIG. 144.--GREEK FIBULA WITH GEOMETRIC DECORATION (NO. 357). 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 145.--EARLY GREEK FIBULA (NO. 358). 1:2.] The simplest form of fibula is represented here by examples excavated at Enkomi in Cyprus, which belong to the end of the Bronze Age, before 1000 B.C. (No. =356=; fig. 143). Starting from this primitive form, the history of the fibula is one of progressive development and elaboration. It must be observed in the first place that the whole class of fibulae may be divided into two great groups--viz., an older group, in which the coiled spring is unilateral, that is, a plain spiral, between the bow and the pin; and a younger group, in which the spring is bilateral, that is a symmetrically disposed double coil, on each side of the pin. We deal first with the =Unilateral group=. In Greek regions the development of the form, fig. 143, was mainly a development of the catchplate in a vertical plane--that is in the plane of the bow of the fibula. This plate, often with incised patterns (Fig. 144; No. =357=) was a characteristic of the period of geometric art in Greece. Two very large examples are shown above Case D in the Bronze Room. The plainly curved bows may have some further ornament, such as beads strung on them (No. =358=; fig. 145) or imitation bead patterns, or a figure of a standing bird (No. =359=; fig. 146). All these examples come from the island of Rhodes. [Illustration: FIG. 146.--EARLY GREEK FIBULA (NO. 359). 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 147.--FIBULA FROM CYPRUS (NO. 360). 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 148.--ITALIAN FIBULA (NO. 361). 1:2.] Some from Cyprus are quite distinct, and seem to have no connection with the others (No. =360=; fig. 147). In the classical period the fibula was little used in Greece, in consequence of modifications in dress which rendered such fastenings unnecessary. In Italy, on the other hand, the fibula flourished exceedingly. The plain wire original, such as that given above (fig. 143) was soon elaborated. In the catch-plate it developed either horizontally, that is, by a beating out of the plate in a plane at right angles to that of the bow (No. =361=; fig. 148) or longitudinally, by the elongation of the catch-plate as in Nos. =362-3= (figs. 149-150). At the same time developments were taking place in the bow. It became larger (fig. 149), and then was hollowed out to save weight and material (fig. 150), and assumed forms known as leech-shaped and boat-shaped--and these threw out lateral knobs and ornaments (fig. 150), often of great elaboration. Alternatively, the bow makes a second convolution (fig. 148), and may be adorned with horn-like pairs of projections (No. =364=). [Illustration: FIG. 149.--ITALIAN FIBULA OF LEECH SHAPE (NO. 362). 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 150.--ITALIAN FIBULA (NO. 363). 1:2.] An independent form is chiefly found at Hallstatt, in cemeteries of the early European Iron Age. In this, two, or perhaps four, spiral coils make the whole decoration of the brooch (No. =365=, fig. 151). [Illustration: FIG. 151.--FIBULA OF _Hallstatt_ TYPE (NO. 365). 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 152.--FIBULA OF _La Tène_ TYPE (NO. 366). 1:2.] =The Bilateral form.=--The fibulae with the spring coiled on each side of the central bow came into use about 400 B.C., in the late Iron Age civilization, called the La Tène period, from the site on the Lake of Neufchatel, where the richest finds have been made. Together with the introduction of the double spring, there is a continued elongation of the catch-plate, which is turned up as in No. =366= (fig. 152) and attached to the bow as in No. =367= (fig. 153). Later its structural origin is forgotten, and it becomes a solid framework (No. =368=). [Illustration: FIG. 153.--FIBULA OF _La Tène_ PERIOD (NO. 367).] [Illustration: FIG. 154.--FIBULA FROM BELOW SHOWING THE BILATERAL SPRING (NO. 369).] [Illustration: FIG. 155.--ROMAN FIBULA OF CROSS-BOW SHAPE (NO. 370). 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 156.--ROMAN FIBULA (NO. 371). 1:2.] The fibula of the Roman Empire was more like a brooch than a safety-pin, if a distinction can be drawn between the two. The bow became broad and heavy, while the pin was often made separately and attached by a hinge. But it shows a strong connection with the La Tène types, especially in the double coil of the spring, which was often protected by a sheath (No. =369=; fig. 154). Even when the spring went out of use, the fibula retained this cross-bow shape (No. =370=; fig. 155). The elaborate bronze brooch in the form of a ribbed band passing through a ring (No. =371=; fig. 156) is stamped underneath with the name of the maker (+VLATI+), in the manner of the Roman pottery. Enamel or metal inlay was liberally applied in the decoration of the later brooches. A large collection with great variety of shapes is exhibited. The effect of the bright colours is best seen in the big round pieces which were popular in the third and fourth centuries A.D. (No. =373=; fig. 157). Animal forms were also common at this time, and were similarly decorated with inlay (No. =374=; fig. 158). These types were widely spread over the western provinces of the Empire, and continued in use among the nations who succeeded to the Roman power. Somewhat akin to the fibulae are the strap buckles, which appear to have come into use at a late period only. A group, nearly of the modern form, is exhibited (No. =374*=). [Illustration: FIG. 157.--LATE ROMAN ENAMELLED FIBULA (NO. 373). 1:1.] [Illustration: FIG. 158.--LATE ROMAN ENAMELLED FIBULA (NO. 374). 1:1.] =Jewellery and Ornaments.=--Jewellery in gold and silver can be best studied in the Room of Gold Ornaments. The examples shown here are chosen as types of the forms, rather than as choice pieces. =Bracelets.=--A favourite form of bracelet or armlet was modelled in imitation of a snake coiled round the arm or wrist. See the small silver bracelet of about the fourth to third century B.C., inscribed with the names of its owner Kletis (No. =375=; fig. 159). The same design is also used for finger-rings (No. =376=). Snake-coils of a large size were also worn on the legs, as shown by a small terracotta torso from Ephesus, which has this ornament on the thigh (No. =377=). This torso also has a chain of beads passing over the shoulders and crossing between the breasts. Such an arrangement is common on figures in vases of the fourth to third century B.C. [Illustration: FIG. 159.--BRACELET OF KLETIS (NO. 375).] =Finger-rings.=--The rings are generally set with an engraved gem or bezel; some have revolving scarabs which are pierced through the middle (No. =378=), another has a gold intaglio portrait of the Empress Faustina (No. =379=), while an enormous bronze ring has the design cut in the bezel itself, a double head of Hermes and a Seilenos (No. =380=). These examples are in bronze and of poor workmanship, but they serve to illustrate the general style of ancient rings. A great number in gold and silver, arranged in order of date, are exhibited in the Room of Gold Ornaments, where the subject can be more adequately studied. The intaglio designs were for use in sealing, which was more commonly practised by the ancients than it is now. Others have a purely decorative purpose, and were worn in profusion. The bronze hand (No. =381=) has rings on the upper joints of the fingers, in accordance with a common fashion of the Roman Imperial period. Fragments of bronze and terracotta also show the fashions of wear. The Greeks of an early period did not usually wear ornamental rings, although signets were in constant use, and it was not until the fourth century B.C. that rings were worn for display. In Rome there were class restrictions on the use of the gold ring, but these were lessened as time went on, until in the late Empire they practically disappeared. Betrothal rings were customary among the Romans, but in Greece there is no record of their use. A gold betrothal ring is shown in Case 53 (No. =639=). =Earrings.=--The bronze earrings are from the site of the temple of Artemis at Ephesus, and are earlier than the sixth century B.C. (fig. 160). Two types are represented; the swelling hoop of wire, which hung like a liquid drop (No. =382=) and the heavy coil, which was suspended from a ring (No. =383=). For a very great variety of earrings, see the collection in the Room of Gold Ornaments. [Illustration: FIG. 160.--GREEK BRONZE EARRINGS OF EARLY DATE, FROM EPHESUS (NOS. 382-3). 3:4.] =Bullae.=--The flat bronze pendants (No. =384=), with a circular receptacle in the middle, are _bullae_. These are ornaments of Etruscan origin, introduced early into Rome. They were designed to contain amulets and charms, and were worn principally by freeborn Roman boys, and occasionally by domestic animals. =Necklaces.=--The necklaces here exhibited (No. =385=) consist of beads of painted terracotta and glass. See also the imitation jewellery in terracotta, in the Terracotta Room, Table Case C. Those of more precious materials are in the Gold Ornament Room. Some fragments of terracotta show the Cypriote fashion of wearing numerous necklaces together (No. =386=). =Studs, etc.=--Links and studs of Roman times (No. =387=) bear a striking resemblance to the modern articles, as does a coiled hook-and-eye which dates actually from the Bronze Age Period (No. =388=). A peculiar fastening is seen in the double hooks which probably served to loop together the two sides of a shawl or cloak (No. =389=). They are probably of Roman date, and come in some instances from the province of Gaul. =Pins.=--Some of the pins may have been used equally well to fasten the clothing or to adorn the hair; but others were evidently designed to serve only one of these purposes. Those in carved ivory are plainly hair-pins (No. =390=; fig. 161). The roughly worked busts of Roman ladies of the Empire indicate the period to which the series belongs. The little statuette is intended to represent Aphrodite wringing the water out of her hair, after rising from the sea. A fine gold pin similarly modelled is exhibited in the Gold Ornament Room (Case K; No. 3034). The ivory hand, which holds a cone and is encircled by a serpent, has some magical significance, like the bronze votive-hands in Case 106 (p. 57). [Illustration: FIG. 161.--ROMAN IVORY HAIR-PINS (NO. 390). 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 162.--BRONZE AND SILVER PINS, OF MYCENAEAN AND GREEK PERIODS (NOS. 391-6). 1:2.] The metal pins are less elaborate. The simplest shape was straight and headless, a direct copy of the natural thorn which first suggested the idea. A very primitive head is seen on the small bronze pin which is bent round at the top (No. =391=; fig. 162_a_). It was found in the island of Kalymnos, and belongs to the pre-Mycenaean age, say 2000 B.C. A silver pin is similarly bent, but as it has a head as well, is not so early (No. =392=; fig. 162_b_). Another prehistoric type is represented by several bronze pins which were excavated from tombs of the late Mycenaean age at Enkomi in Cyprus (No. =393=; fig. 162_c_). These are pierced with eyes in which chains were fastened to secure the pins to the dress or to each other. Three pins crowned by large ivory knobs come from the same site and belong to the same period (No. =394=; fig. 162_d_). The bronze pin with a head made of several discs is Greek of the sixth century B.C., as it appears in the paintings of the François Vase at Florence, which is an Attic work of that date (No. =395=; figs. 162_e_, 163). Another classical type is the silver pin with a moulded head (No. =396=; fig. 162_f_). Others of less remarkable designs cannot be definitely dated. =Toilet.=--In the most personal aspects of life and manners there is least room for change, for in the course of ages it is not man that has altered, but his surroundings; and the study of such intimate details reveals a close similarity between the ancient and the modern worlds. [Illustration: FIG. 163.--A WOMAN IN THE DORIAN _Chiton_, SHOWING THE PIN ON SHOULDER.] =Combs.=--To begin with the more necessary implements, the combs go back to a high antiquity. An ivory comb from Enkomi in Cyprus dates from the Mycenaean age (No. =397=; fig. 164). It is of simpler form than later combs, having only one row of teeth. The others are of the Greek and Roman periods, and are made both of wood and bone. The usual pattern is that of a modern tooth-comb, with a row of teeth on each side of the body--one coarse and one fine. There are wooden examples from Kertch, in South Russia (No. =398=). More elaborate is the ivory piece, which is decorated with reliefs, a Gryphon and a lion on one side and two cranes at a fountain on the other (No. =399=. The original is in the case of Ivories, L). Another of good Roman period is carved by an amateur hand with an inscription, doubtless in compliment to the lady to whom it belonged (No. =400=; fig. 164). The legend reads +MODESTINA·V·H·E·E+--the four letters at the end being perhaps abbreviated epithets of the fair Modestina, _V(irgo) H(onesta) E(t) E(gregia)_. A different type appears in the triangular pocket-comb, which fits into a protecting case (No. =401=; fig. 164). This belongs to the end of the Roman Empire, the fourth century A.D., and may already show the influence of barbarian art. Similar combs were brought to England by the Danes, and some of them which have been found at York and elsewhere are exhibited in the British and Mediaeval Department. [Illustration: FIG. 164.--IVORY COMBS, OF THE MYCENAEAN AND ROMAN PERIODS (NOS. 397, 400, 401). 1:3.] With the combs is a brush of vegetable bristles from an Egyptian rubbish heap of a late period of the empire (No. =402=). =Toilet Boxes.=--Other relics of the dressing-table are the toilet-boxes and scent-bottles. There is a Greek toilet-box from Naukratis still coloured by the rouge which it contained (No. =403=); and another has a carved wooden lid in the shape of a woman's head of great beauty (No. =404=). A leaden box was found in a Greek tomb at Halikarnassos (No. =405=). Another was given by Kratylos of Aegina to Eulimine. The inscription, the modern turn of which is perhaps not free from suspicion, describes it as a "slight token of respect from a certain small Aeginetan" (No. =406=; fig. 165).[43] Other boxes of bronze and ivory date from the Roman period. Most of the wooden boxes are carved in fantastic or frivolous shapes: a swimming duck, a crouching boar, and a shoe (Nos. =407=, =408=, =409=). These are divided into compartments for the various powders, and some blocks of paint are still preserved. For liquid ointments there are an alabaster box (No. =410=) and three bottles of the same material and remains of a leather bottle with its cork (No. =411=). An Etruscan bronze _cista_, which stands on three human feet, contains a set of movable tubes, each for a different unguent (No. =412=). The lid of this receptacle was crowned by the small bronze statuette which stands beside it. Besides cosmetics for the complexion, the toilet-boxes may have held tooth-powders, for which there are many receipts in the works of ancient writers on medicine. =Mirrors.=--For mirrors the ancients were at a disadvantage. The use of glass was known, but was not common, and the ordinary reflecting medium was a sheet of burnished metal. There are, however, two genuine looking-glasses--one in a leaden frame, from Olbia (No. =413=), and the other set, with several fragments, in a plaster slab, from Gheyta, in Egypt (No. =414=). The glass was probably backed with foil, and it is remarkable that the reflectors are convex, so that the image must have been distorted. A similar surface is attempted on the square sheet of metal, which is glazed with a vitreous enamel (No. =415=). [Illustration: FIG. 165.--TOILET BOX OF EULIMINE (NO. 406).] The more usual metal mirrors have two principal forms: a circular reflector, mounted on a handle like the modern hand-glass, which is represented by a specimen in silver from Naukratis (No. =416=), and a similar disc enclosed in a folding box (No. =417=). Both these varieties were often decorated with engraving. See No. =417=, a mirror from Hermione, with an engraved design of Aphrodite and Eros. In the Bronze Room there are large collections of all types. A small pocket-mirror in this Case has on one side of the bronze box a head of Nero, and on the other the god Dionysos standing by a vine (No. =418=). The disc is silver-plated, like most of these examples. Two similar boxes have been turned out of large brass coins of Nero (No. =419=). A fragment of a silvered mirror from Amathus in Cyprus has a palm-tree engraved on its face (No. =420=). Though the design indicates that this side is the front, yet the reflector was the convex back, and thus, in a spirit quite foreign to Greek art, the purpose of the thing was subordinated to its decoration. [Illustration: FIG. 166.--BRONZE RAZOR OF PRIMITIVE SHAPE (NO. 421). 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 167.--BRONZE RAZOR FROM ATHENS (NO. 422). 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 168.--BRONZE RAZOR FROM SARDINIA (NO. 423). 3:5.] =Razors.=--The razor is another toilet instrument which existed in the earliest times. No prehistoric specimens are in this collection, but a primitive shape is represented by two circular blades with stirrup-like handles (No. =421=, fig. 166). Others are of square spade shape, with a twisted loop handle and a hole in the blade. One of these is from Athens (No. =422=; fig. 167). A third type is shown in three razors of Phoenician origin (from Sardinia and Carthage), with long hatchet blades (No. =423=; fig. 168). These are ornamented with engraving and have handles in the shape of swan's heads. All are made of bronze, and were no doubt capable of taking an edge so keen as to render them far more efficacious than their present appearance would suggest. [Illustration: FIG. 169.--BRONZE NAIL-FILE (NO. 424). 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 170.--SILVER EAR-PICK (NO. 425). 3:5.] =Miscellaneous Toilet Implements.=--Next to the razors are placed various tools of which the functions are easily understood. There are several nail-files with a roughened surface, and a smooth notch for polishing (No. =424=; fig. 169). Two of these are combined with ear-picks, which were in general use at Rome. They have a minute bowl at the end of a slender arm. A very elegant ear-pick, which has a leaf-shaped scraper at the other end, is made of silver (No. =425=; fig. 170). Others end in a sharp point, which may have been used either for a tooth-pick or in emergency for a _stilus_ pen (cf. p. 199). Another ear-pick is combined with a pair of tweezers and some other tools now lost (No. =426=). The tweezers were used for plucking out such hairs as Roman fashion deemed unsightly. For _Fibulae_, see _Catalogue of Bronzes_, and _Guide to Antiquities of Early Iron Age_ (Dept. of B. & M. Antiqs.); (375) _Cat. of Jewellery_, 2775; (406) _B.M. Inscr._, 947; (420) _Excavations in Cyprus_, fig. 149. [Footnote 43: [Greek: Smikrou tinos Aiginêtou endees eimi endeigma latreias.]] XII.--DOMESTIC ARTS. (Table-Case G.) In this Table Case, under the general heading of "The Domestic Arts," objects are exhibited connected with the house industries of spinning, weaving, and sewing, together with various groups of objects connected with home life, such as locks and keys, seals, knives, etc. [Illustration: FIG. 171.--WOMAN SPINNING (NO. 421). Ht. of Vase 8-3/4 in.] [Illustration: FIG. 172.--WOMAN SPINNING (NO. 422). Ht. of Vase 4-1/2 in.] [Illustration: FIG. 173.--SPINDLES AND WHORLS, SHUTTLE AND LOOMWEIGHT. 2:5.] =Spinning and Weaving.=--(_a_) _Preparation of yarn._--The process of spinning is clearly seen in the accompanying drawings from Greek vases of the fourth and fifth centuries exhibited in this Case (Nos. =421-2=; figs. 171-2). In each, a woman is holding up in her left hand the distaff, a rod which is thrust through a bunch of unspun wool. With the fingers of her right hand she is twisting fibres drawn from the wool. The yarn is attached below to the top of the spindle, a rod of wood or metal with a disc (whorl) near the bottom to assist the rotation. When some quantity of yarn had been twisted it was wound round the body of the spindle and hitched into a hook at its upper end (see figs. 171, 173), to prevent it from unwinding. The twisting process was then recommenced. An impressive description of the ancient spindle is given by Plato in the vision of Er at the end of the _Republic_,[44] where he likens the axis of the universe to the shaft of a spindle suspended by a hook of adamant, and the revolving starry heavens to a whorl made up of eight concentric rims, fitting one into the other like boxes. Two bronze spindles (No. =423=) are seen in the Case and are illustrated on either side of fig. 173. In the same figure are shown four ivory whorls from spindles (No. =424=). Before the wool was placed upon the distaff it appears to have been rubbed, with a view to the separation of the fibres, upon an instrument known as the _epinetron_ or _onos_. This was semi-cylindrical in form and was placed upon the knee. Several examples in terracotta had long been known, and were explained with little plausibility as covering-tiles. One, however, was found with a painted design which first gave the clue to its real use (Fig. 174). One of these _epinetra_ B 96 (No. =425=) is exhibited in this Case, together with a fragment of a second. Other examples are to be seen in the Second Vase Room (Cases 24 and 25), and one of these is illustrated here (No. =426=; fig. 175). A miniature example was found with the girl doll seated in a chair, exhibited in Table-Case J with the other dolls (p. 195, fig. 234, below). [Illustration: FIG. 174.--WOMAN WITH _Epinetron_ ON KNEE.] [Illustration: FIG. 175.--EPINETRON OR SPINNING INSTRUMENT (NO. 426). L. 14-1/2 in.] [Illustration: FIG. 176.--PENELOPE AT THE LOOM.] [Illustration: FIG. 177.--LOOM WEIGHT (NO. 428). 2:3.] (_b_) _The Loom._--The only kind of loom in use in Greek and Roman times was probably the upright loom. A good idea of its form is obtained from the illustration (fig. 176), taken from a Greek vase-painting[45] of the fifth century B.C., representing Penelope seated beside the loom, with one of the suitors or Telemachos before her. The primary part of the loom is the wooden frame (_jugum_) resembling two posts with a cross-bar. Near the top is a roller, about which the threads of the warp and the finished cloth are wound. The threads of the warp hang downwards, strained by weights attached to their ends. The row of nine rods fitted into sockets in the top framework is probably for holding the balls of different coloured wool used in the weaving. Coloured patterns are woven towards each selvedge of the fabric. The band of winged figures must be regarded as a piece of embroidery. (For tapestry weaving see below.) The two horizontal rods lower down are the _canons_, which effect the alternation of the threads of the warp. It may be noted that the threads are alternately long and short at the lower end, so that the _canon_ would be inserted correctly with great ease. The loom weights, which hang at the bottom, closely resemble in form the sets (No. =427=) of pyramidal terracotta and lead weights in this Case. The terracotta discs (figs. 173 and 177), which are pierced with two holes and sometimes have a stamped design, are also probably loom-weights. No. =428= (fig. 177) has a design of two dolphins plunging into the sea; No. =429= (fig. 173) is stamped with a name--Kleodamos. As a loom weight was needed for every thread of a warp, it is not surprising that they are found in great numbers. Possibly the small bronze object (No. =430=) seen at the bottom of fig. 173 may be an ancient shuttle, for passing the thread of the woof to and fro in a horizontal direction, alternately before and behind the threads of the warp. Afterwards they were driven close together by the batten ([Greek: spathê]), a possible example of which is the toothed bone object seen in this Case (No. =431=). Various specimens of ancient cloth are shown here. A piece from the Crimea (No. =432=), with pretty geometric patterns in black on a light ground, and a large fragment from an Egyptian tomb (No. =433=), inscribed in paint "Diogenes, who was a patcher in his lifetime,"[46] may be specially mentioned. The art of tapestry weaving was highly developed during the later Roman Empire, especially in Egypt. See a fragment from Antinoe, fourth to fifth centuries A.D. (No. =434=). The art of embroidery, that is, of working with a needle on an already woven fabric, was practised from very early times. See the small vase with a woman seated working on a four-sided embroidery frame, supported on her lap (No. =435=). [Illustration: FIG. 178.--BRONZE THIMBLE (NO. 436). 2:3.] [Illustration: FIG. 179.--IRON SCISSORS FROM PRIENE (NO. 437). 2:3.] The objects illustrating ancient sewing, etc., speak pretty well for themselves. Such are the bronze thimble (No. =436=; fig. 178), the iron scissors (No. =437=; fig. 179), and the series of pins, needles, bodkins, netting needles, etc. (figs. 180, 181). The needles and pins are arranged in the Case according to their supposed order of development, starting from the thorn or bone fragment with a hole pierced in it. The Roman bronze needle-case from France (No. =438=; fig. 182) is worthy of note. Similar cases were used by Roman surgeons for their instruments. [Illustration: FIG. 180.--NEEDLES, ETC. 2:5.] [Illustration: FIG. 182--BRONZE NEEDLE-CASE (NO. 438). 2:3] [Illustration: FIG. 181.--NETTING-NEEDLES. 2:5.] (421) _Cat. of Vases_, III., D 13; (433) Petrie, _Hawara_, pl. viii., 2; (435) _Journ. of Hellen. Stud._, xxxi., p. 15; cf. Blümner, _Technologie_, 2nd ed., pp. 220, 221; (438) Cf. Deneffe, _La trousse d'un chirurgien gallo-romain_, pl. 2. On the ancient loom, see Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Textrinum_; Blümner, _Technologie_, I., 2nd. ed., p. 135 ff. =Cutlery.=--At the east end of Table-Case G will be seen a series of Greek and Roman knives, ranging from the long Mycenaean hunting knife from Ialysos in Rhodes (No. =438=) to the numerous Roman pocket-knives with bronze handles, frequently in the form of animals (No. =439=). The iron blade has often rusted away, as will be seen from the illustration (fig. 183), which gives a selection of these knives. (_a_) represents a handle in the form of a panther catching a deer, (_b_) one in the form of a ram's head, with a leg projecting below to assist the grip, (_e_) a hound catching a hare. The iron blades are still preserved in the case of (_c_) and (_d_). The first, from Nîmes, has a bronze handle ending in a woman's head; (_d_) has a handle of the same material in the form of a hound catching a hare. [Illustration: FIG. 183.--ROMAN KNIVES AND KNIFE-HANDLES (NO. 439). Ca. 1:2.] For two reliefs of a cutler's forge and a cutler's shop, see below, pages 156, 157. =Locks and Keys.=--The earliest and simplest form of door fastening used by the Greeks seems to have consisted of a bar of wood set behind the door, and made to slide into a hole or staple in the sidepost. An advance on this arrangement was soon made, when the bar was pulled to by a strap from the outside, and could be opened again from the outside by means of a key passed through a hole in the door, and adapted to lift up the pegs which held the bar fast in position. This is the type of lock mentioned in the _Odyssey_,[47] where Penelope releases the strap from the hook to which it was fastened, puts in the key, and lifts the pegs, "striking them fairly." The key for such a lock will probably have resembled No. =440=, marked _a_ in fig. 186 below, the working of which is shown in the sketch (fig. 184).[48] It was passed narrow-wise through the central slot, then turned, and drawn back so as to lift up the pegs fitted in grooves in the side slots. The bar below would thus be freed and could be drawn to and fro by the strap. This type of lock is still sometimes used in the East.[49] [Illustration: FIG. 184.--HOMERIC LOCK (RESTORED).] [Illustration: FIG. 185.--ROMAN LOCK, WITH RESTORATIONS SHOWING ORIGINAL MECHANISM AND USE OF KEY (NO. 441). 3:7.] [Illustration: FIG. 186.--ROMAN KEYS. 2:3.] The majority of Roman locks, though of a more complicated structure, are made on the same principle, as may be seen from the ancient lock No. =441= (probably from Pompeii) here exhibited, together with model lock of the same type (No. =442=) and a diagram showing its original arrangement (fig. 185_a-d_). Here the bolt has been shot through the end link of a chain, part of which remains (fig. 185_c_). It is secured by pins, the ends of which fit into a series of perforations in the bolt and are kept down by a spring. The bolt was released by a key fitted with teeth corresponding to the perforations (fig. 185_d_). The key lifted the pins out of the holes and took their place. The bolt was then drawn aside, as the key was moved along the horizontal slot. On account of the double movement, first vertical and then horizontal, the keyhole is in the shape |¯. Several bolts, keys (_e.g._ No. =442=; fig. 186_c_), and door plates for locks of this type are exhibited in this Case. Three keys from Syria are shown (No. =443=) fitted into the wards of the actual bolts for which they were made. Notice the projections on the ring of key _c_, which were used for shooting a supplementary bolt, a common device in Roman locks. The modern type of lock, in which the key works on a pivot and moves the bolt backwards and forwards by a rotatory movement, after passing through a series of wards, was also known to the Romans. This is proved by the existence of several Roman keys solely adapted to a lock of this character (_e.g._, No. =444=; fig. 186_d_). Such keys are frequently found combined with finger-rings, a convenient method of lessening the danger of loss. We may conclude that this type of key was a favourite one for use with small padlocks. [Illustration: FIG. 187. ROMAN PADLOCK, WITH KEY RUSTED IN IT (NO. 445). Ca. 1:3.] [Illustration: FIG. 188.--ROMAN PADLOCKS (NOS. 446, 447). 1:1.] Padlocks of Roman date are common. In this Case three of a barrel form are shown. One (No. =445=; fig. 187) has the key still rusted in it. The padlock has traces of a chain attachment at one end, and was probably kept hanging to a doorpost, while the bolt was shot into the end link of a chain attached to the door. Two other Roman padlocks illustrated (fig. 188) are more ornamental in character. One (No. =446=) is in the form of a circular box with hinged handle, the free end of which was fastened by pin-bolts within the box. There is also a secret catch underneath. The other padlock (No. =447=) is furnished with a chain attached to one side of it. The last link of the free end was fastened inside the box, the lid of which was closed with a secret catch. The head on the cover is that of a Sphinx, a hint that the riddle of opening was not easy to solve. A hole in the floor of the box makes it probable that it was fastened to the object to be secured. [Illustration: FIG. 189.--BRONZE STRONG-BOX, WITH COVER SEEN ON INNER SIDE. _c_ AND _d_ EXPLAIN THE WORKING OF THE BOLT (NO. 450). 1:2.] Other objects deserving mention are the keys for raising latches (No. =448=; fig. 186_b_), and the combined ward and pin keys (No. =449=; fig. 186_e_), and also the very interesting Graeco-Roman bronze strong-box from Tarentum (No. =450=; fig. 189). The box (_a_) has a sliding lid (_b_), originally furnished on the inside with four separate fastenings. Two are horizontal bolts shot home by turning toothed discs from the outside; the third is the catch seen at the end, which was held fast in the slot by a pin-bolt (_c_). This bolt was moved by a disc on the outside of the cover, and was itself locked by the turning of another disc behind it; it could only be drawn back when the slot in that disc was brought into line with the bolt, as indicated in design _d_ of the figure. The small catch on the right at the end of the box fell into position automatically when the cover was closed, and could only be unfastened by turning the box on its side. The outside of the lid shows four similar circles, over which were the revolving or sliding discs now lost (fig. 190). [Illustration: FIG. 190.--COVER OF ABOVE STRONG-BOX (OUTER SIDE). 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 191.--SEALS AND SEAL-LOCKS (NOS. 452-4). 1:1.] =Seals.=--These were closely connected with locks in ancient life, and often in fact took their place. Aristophanes makes the women complain that not only did their husbands carry the patent Laconian key, but that they also (at the instigation of Euripides) carried very complicated "worm-eaten" seals,[50] not likely to be forged. Several objects in this Case illustrate the use of seals. When a man wished to secure an object he tied it up with string and put a lump of clay over the knot, impressing the clay with his signet. Such impressions are seen on several baked lumps of clay here exhibited. One large lump (No. =451=) has no fewer than eight Roman seal impressions (several from the same seal), while the knot of the cord remains embedded in the clay underneath. This Case also contains examples (No. =452=) of Roman seal-locks (one in wood and several in ivory). The wooden lock, found in Egypt, is shown in fig. 191_a_, where its probable use is indicated. The lock was suspended from the door-jamb on a pivot passed through the small hole seen at the left end. The loop or staple attached to the door was then inserted in the groove, and the movable cover slid through it, as shown in the figure. The clay or wax was next pressed into the hole behind the lid, and sealed with a signet (as in fig. 191_b_, top view). The door could then not be opened unless the seal or the lock was broken. Such a lock would be very useful to prevent the often-mentioned pilfering by slaves.[51] Another interesting class of objects is that of the seal-boxes (No. =453=). They are small bronze boxes with hinged lids, and resemble in form a pear-shaped or circular lamp. Each box has a small slot cut out on either side, and three or four holes pierced in its floor. The cover not infrequently has a design in relief (such as might be impressed from a seal), _e.g._, a frog (fig. 191_d_). The illustration (fig. 191_e_) shows a suggested method of using them. The box is fastened by studs (passed through the holes in its floor) to the lid of the object to be secured. The string is inserted in a staple on the front of it and tied in a knot, which is placed in the seal-box and held fast by wax stamped with a seal. The projecting stud-heads would assist the natural tenacity of the wax, so that it would be impossible to remove the string without breaking the seal. Other arrangements are, of course, possible. For instance, the staple might not be used, and string might instead be tied round the object to be secured. The ends would be brought into the seal-box by two of the holes, there be secured by the sealed knot, and would leave it by two other holes. [Illustration: FIG. 192.--ROMAN CUTLER'S FORGE (NO. 457). Ht. 18-3/4 in.] Another form of seal was that consisting of two lead discs connected by a loop (No. =454=). The discs were pressed together and stamped on the outer surfaces with a design (as in fig. 191_c_). In this way the loop was securely attached to the object to be protected. Probably these seals were attached to merchandise by manufacturers or customs officials, just in the same way as lead seals are used in our own time. Their use appears to have been confined almost, if not entirely, to Sicily. A variety of labels in lead, bronze, and ivory is shown in this Case. They generally have a hole for attachment, and bear the name and initials of their owner. The bronze label (No. =455=), to which a portion of the iron object to which it was attached still adheres, has the name of the owner, C. Junius Hermetus, inscribed upon it. A second label has the name of another member of the family, Decius Junius Hermetus (No. =456=). [Illustration: FIG. 193.--ROMAN CUTLER'S SHOP (NO. 458). Ht. 19-1/2 in.] Seals were applied by the use of signet rings of gold, silver, or bronze with the impression of the seal cut in the metal or on a gem set in the bezel (see p. 136). The engraved ring was usually employed for purely personal purposes, such as the sealing of a letter or document, and the device of the seal was more or less ornamental. For the somewhat allied group of bronze tablets, used for marking objects, rather than securing them, see p. 192. (441) On ancient locks, see Diels, _Parmenides_, p. 117 ff.; Fink, _Der Verschluss bei den Griechen u. Römern_; Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Sera_; (453) Cf. _Num. Chron._, 1897, p. 293 ff.; (454) Cf. _Annali dell' Inst._, 1864, p. 343 ff., and _Mon. dell' Inst._, VIII., pl. xi. [Footnote 44: 616 C, D.] [Footnote 45: _Mon. d. Inst._, ix. pl. 42.] [Footnote 46: [Greek: Diogenês êpêtês men ôn hote ezê ...]] [Footnote 47: xxi. 46 ff.; [Greek: autik' ar' hê g' himanta thoôs apelyse korônês, en de klêid' hêke, thyreôn d' anekopten ochêas, anta tityskomenê.] ] [Footnote 48: After Jacobi, _Das Römerkastell Saalburg_, p. 469, fig. 74, 1, 2 (modified).] [Footnote 49: See _Ann. of Brit. School at Athens_, IX., p. 190 ff.] [Footnote 50: Ar., _Thesm._ 421 ff.] [Footnote 51: Cf. Plin., _H.N._ xxxiii. 26: nunc cibi quoque ac potus anulo vindicantur a rapina.] XIII-XVIII.--TRADE AND THE INDUSTRIAL ARTS. (Wall-Cases 41-53, Table Case H.) XIII.--TRADE. The part of the collection now to be described deals generally with commerce and the industrial arts. We have already seen the bird-catcher (p. 115), the baker (p. 117), and the shoemaker at work (p. 130). In the corners of Cases 41 and 48 are casts of reliefs from the gravestone of L. Cornelius Atimetus, a Roman cutler of the first century A.D. One relief (No. =457=; fig. 192) shows the cutler's workshop, with two men working at some object placed on an anvil in front of a furnace. One man holds the object with the tongs, the other hammers it into shape. Above them hang a knife, sickle, tongs, etc. Behind on the left is the bellows. The other relief (No. =458=; fig. 193) represents the cutler's shop, with numerous knives and sickles hanging in an open cupboard. The cutler on the right, who wears the tunic only, is showing a knife to a customer on the left, who wears the toga, as a mark of dignity. In Case 41 is a cast of a relief of a pork-butcher's shop, in the Dresden Museum (No. =459=). On the left, the butcher's wife, seated in a high chair, is busy with a set of tablets, for the accounts. The butcher is jointing a side of bacon on a massive block. Portions of bacon hang on hooks. Behind the butcher is a spare chopper and a steelyard, at present hung out of the way. The details of the steelyard such as the weight, the alternative hook for suspension, and the scalepan are shown (see below p. 161). XIV.--WEIGHTS AND SCALES. (Wall-Cases 41-44.) =Greek Weights.=--In Case B of the First Vase Room will be seen the plaster model of a large stone object of triangular form, pierced towards the apex with a hole.[52] It has the design of an octopus on either side, and may with some probability be regarded as a standard hanging weight (64 pounds). This object was found by Sir A. Evans at Knossos in Crete, in the "Palace of Minos," and may be dated roughly at 2000 B.C. A set of very early weights of the Mycenaean period from Cyprus is in Case 41, consisting of haematite objects in the form of sling bolts (No. =460=), passing in a series of gradations from large to small. No definite system can, however, be deduced from these weights. [Illustration: FIG. 194.--LEAD AND BRONZE WEIGHTS. 2:3.] The Greek weights of the historic period here shown are mainly of two leading standards, known as the Aeginetan and the Solonian or Attic. The standard weight of the Aeginetan system was the heavy mina of 9,722 grains (about 1-2/5 lb. avoirdupois). The Solonian (Euboic) mina weighed normally 6,737 grains (nearly 1 lb. avoirdupois), but there was a special heavy mina in use which weighed exactly double the normal. This last was the original mina introduced by Solon, which gradually gave way to the light mina of half its weight. Weights of the Aeginetan and Solonian systems are here exhibited. Through incompleteness or inaccuracy they often show considerable variation from the norm. The mina was subdivided into 100 drachmae, and the drachma into 6 obols. Certain stamped devices distinguish these Attic weights, viz., the astragalos or knuckle-bone, the amphora, the tortoise, the dolphin, and the crescent. Fig. 194 shows three weights of the later Solonian standard: (_a_) a mina in lead stamped with a dolphin and inscribed [Greek: MNA] (7,010 grs.) (No. =461=); (_b_) a half mina in lead (3,399 grs.) with the device of a tortoise and the inscription [Greek: D�MO] (= [Greek: dêmou]), "of the people," (No. =462=); and (_c_) a bronze weight of 4 drachmae (283 grs.) stamped with an amphora and the word [Greek: TESSARES] (No. =463=). Sometimes a half tortoise occurs, as in No. =464=, a quarter mina, or a half amphora, as on No. =465=, a one-third mina. Various other standards are represented in this Case, _e.g._ that of Kyzikos in Asia Minor, but these need not be particularly described. A noteworthy weight is the bronze one (No. =466=), in the form of a series of rising steps, inscribed on the top [Greek: DIOS]. This probably is a temple-weight, very likely used to weigh votive objects. Weights of a similar type have been found at Olympia. The peculiar series of stone weights (No. =467=) decorated with female breasts was found in the precincts of the temple of Demeter at Knidos, and may be regarded as temple-weights, probably made as a votive offering. They do not seem to correspond to any known standard. Some weights are marked as standards. A lead weight of 10,863 grains, with a design of two cornucopias (No. =468=) is inscribed [Greek: Etous dls' dêmosia mna], _i.e._, "In the year 234 a public (or standard) mina." The date is probably by the Seleucid era, and equivalent to 78 B.C. Another example is the large square weight from Herakleia in Bithynia, with a head of Herakles in relief (No. =469=; fig. 195). It is inscribed "To the divine Augusti and the people" ([Greek: theois Sebastois kai tô damô]) on the rim in front, and on the sides with the names of the aediles P. Clodius Rufus and Tertius Vacilius (weight 41,494 grs., nearly 6 lb. avoirdupois). We have instances of weights of artistic form in these Cases. The hanging weights from steelyards in particular (No. =470=; fig. 195) are often in the form of a head or bust. =Roman Weights.=--The standard was here the _libra_ or pound, which weighed 5,050 grains (being ·721 of the pound avoirdupois, which is equal to 7,000 grains), and was subdivided into 12 _unciae_ or ounces, the ounce again being divided into 24 _scripula_ or scruples. The Roman weights are here grouped according to multiples or divisions of the pound, and generally have their values marked upon them in dotted characters. Thus the pound is marked +I+, the half pound +S+(_emis_), and so on. The series, beginning at the bottom of Case 51, runs 10, 5, 4, 3, 2, 1-1/2, and 1 pounds. Fractions of the pound are 1/2lb. (semis) = 6 oz; 1/3lb. (triens) = 4 oz.; 1/4lb. (quadrans) = 3 oz.; 1/6lb. (sextans) = 2 oz.; and one ounce. Fractions of the ounce are 1/2oz. = 12 scruples; 1/3oz. = 8 scruples; 1/4oz. = 6 scruples; 1/8oz. = 3 scruples; 1/12oz. = 2 scruples; and one scruple. Some of the numerous dark stone weights have inscriptions, showing that they had been certified by proper authority. Thus one _libra_ (No. =472=) is inscribed: "On the authority of Q. Junius Rusticus, city-prefect" [167 A.D.]. In Sicily and Magna Graecia a weight called a _litra_ was used instead of the Roman pound, weighing rather less than the _libra_. A set of _litra_ weights in bronze, of late Imperial date, is shown in Case 41 (No. =473=). An ounce weight (marked [Illustration] in silver, and weighing 389 grains), belonging to this series, is seen in fig. 194 above. [Illustration: FIG. 195.--BRONZE WEIGHTS OF ARTISTIC FORM (NO. 400, etc.). 4:7.] [Illustration: FIG. 196.--ROMAN BRONZE STEELYARD (NO. 475). L. 12-3/4 in.] =Weighing Instruments.=--Of these there are two chief varieties, the simple balance (_libra_), and the steelyard (_statera_). In the former weight is set against, weight, at equal distances from the point of suspension. In the latter the object to be weighed, suspended from the short arm of the lever, is set against a small weight in an appropriate position on the long arm. The Greeks seem to have used the former only; the Romans used both. The use of the balance is illustrated by the Greek vase with the design of Hermes weighing the souls of Achilles and Memnon, and by the Roman lamp showing a stork weighing an elephant and a mouse (No. =474=). The steelyard was widely used in the Roman world. Owing to its portability, it was doubtless much employed by hawkers and street-sellers, as at the present day. We have also seen it above (p. 158) in the pork-butcher's shop (No. =459=). Out of the several steelyards exhibited here, one example, from Catania in Sicily (No. =475=; fig. 196), may be described in detail. It consists of a bronze rod of square section, divided into two unequal portions. The shorter portion has (_a_) two hooks suspended from chains attached to the end of the rod by a movable collar working in a groove (the object to be weighed was of course attached to these hooks); (_b_) three hooks, placed at intervals of about 3/4, 1-1/2, and 3 in. respectively from the collar, and suspended from small movable rings. These hooks are in different planes, corresponding to three of the four edges in the longer portion of the bar. The bar is graduated on three of its four faces, viz., on the first with nine divisions, each subdivided into twelfths. This scale was used when the steelyard was suspended by the hook nearest the graduated bar (as in the fig.). Objects weighing up to nine Roman pounds could thus be weighed by moving a sliding weight along the bar. The figure V will be seen at the fifth pound, the half pounds are marked by three dots, and the twelfths correspond to the _unciae_. The second face begins with VI and goes up to twenty-three pounds. It was used when the steelyard was suspended by the middle hook. The third face starts with XXII pounds, and goes up to fifty-nine pounds. In the second and third scales, multiples of five and ten pounds are marked by the figures V and X. Fifty pounds is indicated by the letter [Greek: N] +N+, which has that numerical value in the Greek notation. This third scale was used in conjunction with the hook nearest the collar. The sliding weight (now lost) must have weighed about 17,000 grs. (2-3/7 lb. avoirdupois). All the other steelyards here shown work on this principle, though many have only two graduated scales and two suspending hooks. [Illustration: FIG. 197.--STEELYARD FROM SMYRNA (NO. 476).] Fig. 197 shows a highly ornate example of a steelyard (No. =476=), lately acquired from the neighbourhood of Smyrna. The weight is in the form of a bust of Silenus. The larger hooks are designed as heads of serpents, and the smaller hooks as heads of eagles. [Illustration: FIG. 198.--ROMAN BRONZE BALANCES (NOS. 477, 480). Ca. 1:4.] The steelyard principle was also applied by the Romans to balances, with a view to avoiding the use of numerous small weights. An example is No. =477= (fig. 198), where one half of the bronze arm is graduated with twelve divisions corresponding to scruples (1/24 of an ounce). The sliding weight would thus be used to determine weights of less than half an ounce. The bar of another balance (No. =478=) had 24 such divisions for determining any weight below the ounce. A saucepan from Pompeii (No. =479=) in the Naples Museum has the same principle applied to its handle, for weighing the liquid contents. An interesting little balance (No. =480=; fig. 198) may be mentioned here. At one end is a fixed weight in the form of a head (of the Sun-god?). This balance was adapted to test the weight of an object weighing about 69 grains, perhaps a Roman coin such as the _denarius_ or _solidus_. In the lower part of Cases 43, 44 it will be noted that the arm of a steelyard and one of the arms of a balance are shown, with a bronze fitting (No. =481=; fig. 199) designed to check the amplitude of the oscillations. A corresponding piece may be seen on a railway platform weighing machine. This piece was long misinterpreted as a standard, etc., but its real intention is made certain by reliefs at Treves (fig. 200) and Capua. [Illustration: FIG. 199.--CHECK FOR STEELYARD (NO. 481).] [Illustration: FIG. 200.--A STEELYARD IN USE.] (457, 458) Amelung, _Sculpt. d. Vat._, pl. 30, p. 275 ff.; (459) _Arch. Anzeiger_, IV., p. 102; (460) _Excavations in Cyprus_, pl. xi., 368, etc. On Greek and Roman weights see Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Pondus_; _Cambridge Companion to Greek_ and _to Latin Studies_; (466) Cf. _Olympia, V. (Inschriften)_, p. 801 ff.; (467) Newton, _Disc. at Halicarnassus_, II., pp. 387 and 804; (469) _Mon. dell' Inst._, 1855, pl. 1; (472) _C.I.L._, XIII., 10030 (10); (474) _Cat. of Lamps_, 595; (481) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 2909. For Treves relief (fig. 200) cf. Hettner, _Illustr. Führer_, p. 6; for Capua relief, cf. _Jahreshefte d. Oesterr. Arch. Inst., XVI., Beibl._, p. 10; for the standing balance, see also Stuart and Revett, IV., p. 15. [Footnote 52: See _Ann. of Brit. School at Athens_, VII., p. 42, fig. 7.] XV.--TOOLS, BUILDING, AND SCULPTURE. (Wall-Cases 45-48.) =Tools.=--These are exhibited in Cases 45-46. The objects for the most part speak for themselves, but attention may be called to one or two of the most interesting. Such is the Roman bronze set-square (No. =482=; fig. 201), furnished with a base to enable it to stand. Its outer edges would be used by masons or carpenters to determine angles of 90° and 45° respectively. The inner angle of 90° would be useful for testing the true position of objects set at right angles to one another, such as the sides of a box, etc. The simplest type of set-square, that formed by two edges at right angles to one another, is seen in No. =483=. Notice the set of bronze plummets (No. =484=), which were suspended from strings. The one illustrated (fig. 201) has _Bassi_, "belonging to Bassus," inscribed on it in punctured letters. Two other inscribed tools are of interest. The one is the sickle-like iron blade from, perhaps, a gardener's knife, with the inscription, "Durra made me" (No. =485=), the other a finely made Greek bronze chisel, bearing the name of Apollodoros (No. =486=). [Illustration: FIG. 201.--ROMAN SET-SQUARE AND PLUMMET (NOS. 482, 484). 1:4.] =Building materials and Sculptures.=--Cases 45-48 contain objects illustrating the materials and methods of Greek and Roman builders and sculptors. There are several Greek tiles dated by the impression of a magistrate's name, _e.g._, "Under Aeschyliskos," "Under Apollodoros," the latter (No. =487=) bearing traces of the feet of a dog which has run across the tile before it was dry. The characteristic stamps on the Roman bricks of the Empire were impressed by wooden blocks in which the legend was engraved direct with a broad lettering, tending to exaggeration in the 3rd century and later. The beginning of the inscription is marked by a small raised circle, and the information given includes the name of the estate (often imperial) from which the clay comes, the name of the potter and his kiln, and sometimes the date by the consulship, though all these pieces of information do not necessarily occur on the same tile. As typical examples may be given: No. =488=, here illustrated (fig. 202), bearing the device of a pine-cone between two branches, and the inscription _ex fig(linis) M. Herenni Pollionis dol(iare) L. Sessi Successi_, "From the pottery of M. Herennius Pollio; baked by L. Sessus Successus"; and No. =489=, with the device of Victory, and the inscription: "Brick from the Publinian pottery (made with clay from) the estate of Aemilia Severa." A large number of the estates from which the clay came were, it should be noted, owned by women. [Illustration: FIG. 202.--ROMAN STAMPED TILE (NO. 488). Ca. 1:3.] No. =490= is an example of a dated brick--_Imp. Antonino II (= iterum) et Br(u)ttio Co(n)s(ulibus)_ _i.e._, 139 A.D. The stamp was first engraved by error with the name of Balbinus, consul of 137 A.D., and afterwards corrected by re-engraving +RTTIO+ on +ALBIN+. No. =491= refers to the _portus_, _i.e._, the depot of Licinius. Many of the bronze accessories of building are shown here, such as two pairs of bronze door-knockers from Syria (No. =492=). The bronze dowels (No. =493=) were employed for fastening together stone sections, such as the drums of columns. They are often in the form of truncated cones placed base to base, the thickest part being thus in the position where the strain was greatest (fig. 203_a_). Other dowels from the Mausoleum at Halikarnassos are in the form of bronze cylinders in collars of bronze, rigidly fixed by three key-pieces. The cylinders were set in the great stone which closed the entrance of the Mausoleum, and were intended to drop half their length into the corresponding sockets in the lower sill of the entrance (Nos. =494-495=). [Illustration: FIG. 203.--BRONZE DOWEL AND DOOR-PIVOT (NOS. 493, 496). 1:2.] A series of bronze coverings (No. =496=) for the pivots of doors reminds us of the fact that in ancient times most of the doors worked on a different principle from our own. The bronze-covered pivots (fig. 203_b_), rigidly fixed to the door by a key-piece, turned in bronze sockets(_c_) fitted into the lintel or threshold. This arrangement explains the allusions to the grating of doors met with in ancient writers.[53] Hinges of the modern type were, however, well known. Examples are to be seen in Cases 47, 48, among them a hinge with the fragments of the wood, to which it was originally attached, still adhering (No. =497=). Towards the end of the Republic and under the Empire the Romans devoted much attention to the adornment of their buildings, public and private. For this purpose marbles of every variety were imported from all parts of the world, while an elaborate system of wall-painting was also developed. Mamurra, an officer of Julius Caesar, is said to have been the first to veneer the walls of his house with marble. A few selected examples from the Tolley collection of polished specimens of the materials used in ancient Rome are here exhibited (No. =498=). The whole collection comprises some 700 specimens, so that we cannot be surprised that Pliny declines to enumerate the varieties known in his day, on account of the vastness of their number.[54] The simpler building materials used at Rome were, besides the tiles or bricks already mentioned, the hard limestone rock known as travertine and the volcanic tufa and peperino. A specimen of the last is shown here. The place of hanging pictures in ancient houses was largely taken by fresco wall-paintings, several fragments of which are here shown. The floors of the houses were not covered with carpets, but were frequently decorated with mosaics, which might range from simple geometric patterns in black and white (as in many of the specimens here seen) to elaborate pictorial designs. The construction of these pavements, out of small stone cubes (_tesserae_) set in cement, is clearly seen in the examples exhibited. Genuine mosaic was sometimes imitated in painted plaster. One or two such fragments can be seen in the Case. As examples of the processes of sculpture, note a half-finished figure of a seated Sphinx (No. =499=); and a cast (No. =500=) of a half-finished figure of Hermes, from a private collection. The sculptor has made free use of the drill for the roughing out of the figure, and at the same time has brought the exposed parts to a high degree of finish. A piece of bead and reel moulding (No. =501=) is also unfinished. (=484=) Cf. Daremberg and Saglio, s.v., _Perpendiculum_. (=488=) For the stamped Roman bricks see, _Cat. of Terracottas_, E 148-153. For _C.I.L._ reff., see _ibid._ (but E 151 = _C.I.L._ xv. 214). (=494=, =495=) Newton, _Disc. at Halicarnassus_, II (1) p. 97; _Cat. of Sculpture_, II, 990, 991. (=498=) Cf. Pullen, _Handbook of Ancient Roman Marbles_. [Footnote 53: Virgil, _Ciris_, 222: Marmoreo aeratus stridens in limine cardo. ] [Footnote 54: _H.N._ xxxvi. 54.] XVI.--HORSES AND CHARIOTS. (Wall-Cases 49-51.) =Chariots and Carts.=--The war-chariot plays a conspicuous part in the Homeric poems, and the horse and chariot are there so closely identified that we find the phrase "he leapt from his horses" used as equivalent to "he leapt from his chariot." After the Homeric age, however, the use of the chariot in war died out in Greece and it thenceforward appears most conspicuously in the great Greek games, where it was used for racing purposes. A very early example of this racing chariot may be seen on a Boeotian bowl of the eighth century (on the top of Case D, First Vase Room).[55] Here are depicted two chariots with a high open framework at front and back, each drawn (apparently) by a single horse, and driven by a man clothed in a long robe distinctive of the Greek charioteer. There is little doubt that in reality the chariots are meant to be drawn by two horses, and that the deceptive appearance is due to the limitations of the artist. On Greek monuments of a later date than this vase, the light racing chariot is constantly represented. Some primitive chariots in terracotta and stone from Cyprus are also shown in Case 50. [Illustration: FIG. 204.--ROMAN RACING CHARIOT (NO. 502). L. 10-1/2 in.] Roman chariots are represented by a good bronze model (No. =502=; fig. 204) found in the Tiber. This is a racing car, drawn at full speed by two horses, one of which is now lost. It corresponds closely to the cars used for racing in the circus, such as may be seen in Case 110. At the end of the pole (appearing just behind the horse's mane) is a decoration in the form of a ram's head, an ornament of the same character as the four bronze objects placed with the horse-muzzles in the upper part of Case 51 (No. =503=). These have decorations in the form of the bust of a Satyr blowing a horn, and busts of a boy, an Amazon, and a Cupid respectively. In the lowest parts of Cases 50 and 51 are various bronze decorations, which have no doubt belonged to axle-boxes and other parts of a chariot, but their exact arrangement is not clear. [Illustration: FIG. 205.--ROMAN CAR FOR CARRYING IMAGES TO THE CIRCUS (NO. 506). L. 2 ft. 10-1/2 in.] Another form of Roman car is illustrated by the fine hanging bronze lamp representing the Moon-goddess (Luna), drawn in her chariot by a pair of bulls (No. =504=). The lamp was for three wicks, two on the outer sides of the bulls, and one at the back of Luna's head. The goddess is represented on coins of the second and third century after Christ in a similar bull-car.[56] A terracotta (No. =505=) is in the form of a four-wheeled hooded waggon, probably a travelling car of the type called [Greek: apênê] by the Greeks and _raeda_ by the Romans. In the top of Case 49 is a marble relief (No. =506=; fig. 205) representing a covered two-wheeled cart drawn by four horses. The sides of the cart are decorated with reliefs, depicting Jupiter and the two Dioscuri, Castor and Pollux. Probably the car is a _tensa_, used to convey images of the gods to and from the circus on the occasion of the games, and for other religious purposes. The relief formed part of a sarcophagus of about the third century after Christ. =Horse-trappings.=--Case 50 contains two interesting sets of bronze harness of an early date from Italy, probably of the eighth century B.C. (No. =507=). They are mounted upon leather, and placed on models of horses' heads; the sidepieces of the bits are themselves in the form of horses. Of much later date, perhaps of the fifth or fourth century B.C., is the Greek bit from Achaea (No. =508=; fig. 206). It is remarkable for its severe character, but was certainly not out of the ordinary, for a bit of precisely similar character is described by Xenophon in his treatise on horsemanship (early fourth century B.C.).[57] He says there were two varieties of this type of bit, the mild and the severe. In the present example we may probably recognise the severe variety, which had "the 'wheels' heavy and small and the 'hedgehogs' sharp, in order that the horse when he got it into his mouth might be distressed by its roughness and give up resisting." The "wheels" are clearly the central discs for pressing on the tongue, while the prickly cylinders at the sides were aptly termed "hedgehogs" by the Greeks. In this same Case there are also examples of the milder Roman bit, one in iron and another in lead, perhaps intended for votive use. [Illustration: FIG. 206.--GREEK BIT (NO. 508). Width, ca. 9 in.] Case 51 contains three examples of muzzles for horses (No. =509=), nearly complete, with a fragment of a fourth. These muzzles are in bronze, but we can hardly expect that this was the usual material. Probably the bronze examples were reserved for state occasions or else only used by the very wealthy. The muzzles depicted on vases seem rather to be of some pliant material--leather, for example. It is probable that all the bronze examples in this Case belong to the Greek period, though the one here illustrated (fig. 207) has been assigned to as late a date as the fourth century after Christ. The muzzle was only used when the horse was being rubbed down or led, not when he was ridden or driven. Xenophon[58] observes that "the groom must understand how to put the muzzle on the horse, when he takes him out to rub him or to roll him. And, indeed, wherever he takes him without a bridle, he ought to muzzle him." The muzzles must have been fastened to the horse's head by straps attached to the rings seen on each side of them. [Illustration: FIG. 207.--BRONZE HORSE-MUZZLE (NO. 509). Ht. ca. 9 in.] It has been a subject of controversy whether Greek and Roman horses were shod. There is no mention of horse-shoes in Greek literature, and it seems improbable that they were used by the Greeks. Xenophon advises the use of a specially constructed stone floor for hardening the horse's hoofs,[59] but in spite of such precautions, it is not surprising to hear that the Athenian cavalry horses sometimes went lame as a result of continuous work on hard ground.[60] Horse-shoes are occasionally (though rarely) spoken of in Roman literature. Their use seems to have been quite exceptional as when Nero, for instance, had his mules shod with silver.[61] In the lower part of Case 51 will be seen a series of iron shoes of the Roman period (No. =510=; fig. 208), for the most part found in the south of France. It is impossible to believe that these were ever used as ordinary horse-shoes. The most plausible theory is that they were "hobbles," put on the feet of horses and other quadrupeds to prevent them straying. The upper part of this same Case contains sets of spurs (No. =511=), most of them probably Roman. The arrangement for attaching the spurs to the heel varies. Two have loops formed by the head and neck of swans, three have discs or knobs, while another has holes for laces. [Illustration: FIG. 208.--IRON HOBBLE (NO. 510). 1:4.] (=502=) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 2695; (=503=) _ibid._, 2696 ff.; (=504=) _ibid._, 2520; (=505=) _Cat. of Terracottas_, C 612; (=506=) _Cat. of Sculpt._, III., 2310; (=507=) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 357; (=508=) Cf. Pernice, _Griech. Pferdegeschirr_, pll. ii. and iii. (56th _Winckelmannsfestprogramm_); (=509=) _ibid._, pl. i. and pp. 6-16; (=510=) Cf. _Rev. Arch._, 1900 (36), p. 296 ff; Smith, _Dict. of Ant._^3, s.v. _Solea_. [Footnote 55: See _Journal of Hell. Stud._, xix., pl. 8.] [Footnote 56: _E.g._, on _B.M. Coins of Ionia_, pl. xx. 7 (Coin of Magnesia: Gordianus Pius).] [Footnote 57: Xen., _De re eq._ x. 6: [Greek: prôton men toinyn chrê ou meion duoin chalinoin kektêsthai; toutôn de estô ho men leios, tous trochous eumegetheis echôn, ho de heteros tous men trochous kai bareis kai tapeinous, tous d' echinous oxeis, hina hopotan men touton labê, aschallôn tê trachytêti dia touto aphiê].] [Footnote 58: _De re eq._ v. 3.] [Footnote 59: Xen., _op. cit._, iv. 3.] [Footnote 60: Thuc., vii. 27, 5.] [Footnote 61: Suet., _Ner._ 30.] XVII.--AGRICULTURE. (Wall-Case 52.) Farming, the rearing of live stock, the cultivation of corn, vines and olives were practised by the earliest civilisations of the Aegean, and of Greece. The use of the plough was also known at that distant period. In this Case are shown three bronze ploughshares (No. =512=), which belong to the Mycenaean Age, and were found in Cyprus. A plough in its most primitive form was merely the trunk of a tree which served as the pole, with two branches on opposite sides, one forming the share, the other the handle. This was the plough in one piece spoken of by Hesiod. The Mycenaean ploughshare belongs to a later development, when the plough is made up of several parts, the "joined plough" of Homer and Hesiod. Such is the plough seen in the very primitive bronze group (No. =513=), where it is in the act of being turned at the end of the furrow. To effect the turning the two oxen are pulling the yoke in opposite directions. A black-figured vase of the sixth century, here exhibited (No. =514=), shows the later plough in a simple form, which has changed but little for many centuries, as may still be observed in the East. The different parts can be seen more clearly from a bronze votive plough of the third century B.C. at Florence (fig. 209). It is made up of (1) a horizontal share-beam, to which is fastened the iron share, (2) a pole, at the end of which is the yoke, (3) the vertical handle. This type of plough is exactly described by Virgil in the _Georgics_.[62] [Illustration: FIG. 209.--BRONZE VOTIVE PLOUGH.] [Illustration: FIG. 210.--WINE BEING DECOCTED (NO. 518). L. 1 ft. 9 in.] [Illustration: FIG. 211.--MEN GATHERING OLIVES (NO. 521). Ca. 1:2.] The ploughman was followed by the sower, who is represented on the vase mentioned above (No. =514=) with a basket from which he scatters the seed in the furrow. At harvest-time a sickle was used to cut the grain, of which instrument two iron specimens are shown in the Case, from Lycia in Asia Minor (No. =515=). Winnowing the grain was accomplished either by means of a shovel or a basket of peculiar shape ([Greek: liknon], _vannus_); on a terracotta relief in the Museum (D 525, Case 75, Terracotta Room Annexe) the infant Dionysos is being rocked in one of these objects instead of a cradle, by a Satyr and a Nymph. Of fruit crops the vine and the olive were by far the most important in the Greek and Roman world, and great attention was paid to their cultivation. The operations involved in the manufacture of both wine and oil find many illustrations among ancient works of art. The gathering of grapes is illustrated by a Roman terracotta relief (No. =516=) exhibited in the Case, where a Satyr is picking grapes from a vine. Another relief of the same class (No. =517=) depicts the treading out of the grapes in the wine-press, also by Satyrs, two of whom are balancing themselves by holding a ring between them while they tread the grapes in an oblong trough to the tune of flutes. An elderly Satyr brings up fresh supplies in a basket. The massive bronze rings commonly known as "athletes' rings" may have been used at the wine-press (No. =517*=). The must or new wine was partly used for drinking as soon as ready, partly decocted into a sort of jelly (_defrutum_), and partly stowed in cellars in large casks or jars (_dolia_); in the latter case after being fermented for nine days it was covered up and sealed. The commoner kinds were drunk direct from the _dolia_, the finer sorts drawn off into amphorae and stored up. On the marble reliefs here given (No. =518=; fig. 210) we have a representation of the conversion of the must into _defrutum_: two men are attending to a caldron placed over a fire, while a third is pouring wine from an amphora into another caldron, and a fourth is waiting to fill a jug from the same. In the lowest part of the Case is exhibited the upper part of an amphora with long neck and two handles (whence the frequent term _diota_), as an example of those used for the storage of wine. The terracotta figure of a man carrying a wineskin and one of these _diotae_ (No. =519=), and a Roman lamp depicting slaves carrying casks of wine, should also be noted (No. =520=). The cultivation of the olive is well illustrated by a black-figured vase of the sixth century B.C. (No. =521=; fig. 211), showing a primitive method of gathering the fruit: a youth has climbed to the top of the tree, and he and two men are beating the branches with sticks to bring the fruit down, while another youth collects it in a vessel. This method is expressly condemned by Varro, an early Roman writer on agriculture.[63] In order to extract the oil from the pulp of the fruit, it was necessary to use a press of some kind, such as we see on the terracotta relief here exhibited (No. =522=; fig. 212), of the first century B.C. Here the press consists of flat stones between which layers of olives are placed; to the uppermost stone is fastened a long pole, which serves as a lever, and is being worked by two Satyrs; round the press a rope is wound many times. Compare the large vase in the Hall of Inscriptions (_Cat. of Sculpture_, 2502). [Illustration: FIG. 212.--SATYRS AT OIL-PRESS (NO. 522). Ht. 7 in.] The remaining objects in this Case are mostly illustrative of men or beasts of burden engaged in agricultural and kindred occupations, such as the goat-herd depicted on a Roman lamp, to whom the name of Titurus is applied, with reference to Virgil's first Eclogue (No. =523=; fig. 213). The bronze figure of a donkey (No. =524=) with panniers recalls the ornament of Trimalchio's dinner-table described by Petronius, and may have served a similar purpose. Model panniers, and terracottas of a donkey and a camel with the panniers laden with rural produce, should also be noted. Several model carts from Amathus, in terracotta, are either flat-bottomed, for general use, or in vase-shape, for the transport of wine or other liquids (No. =525=). [Illustration: FIG. 213.--GOATHERD WITH FLOCK (NO. 523). Diam. 3-3/4 in.] (=512=) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 15, 1477; (=516=, =517=) _Cat. of Terracottas_, D 542, D 544; (=518=) _Cat. of Sculpture_, III., 2212; (=520=) _Cat. of Lamps_, 1142; (=521=) _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 226; (=522=) _Cat. of Terracottas_, D 550. Cf. Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Torcular_; (=523=) _Cat. of Lamps_, 661; (=524=) Cf. Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Clitellae_; (=525=) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 112. [Footnote 62: i. 169 ff.; Cf. Gow, _Journ. of Hellenic Studies_, xxxiv., p. 249.] [Footnote 63: Varro, _Res Rust._ i. 55: de oliveto oleam ... legere oportet potius quam quatere.] XVIII.--INDUSTRIAL ARTS. (Table-Case H.) In Table Case H we have objects illustrating the craft of the metal worker, the potter, the turner, and the woodworker. [Illustration: FIG. 214.--LIMESTONE HALF-MOULD, WITH CAST FROM SAME (NO. 531). Ht. 4-1/2 in.] Towards one end of the case are objects illustrating the processes of metal work. A Greek vase of the sixth century B.C. depicts a man in the act of thrusting a mass of metal into a blazing furnace. Anvil, tongs, and hammers are visible (No. =526=). Beside it is a reproduction of a Vase in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, showing an armourer at work on a helmet (No. =527=). Two limestone moulds of a very early period are for casting primitive implements (No. =528=). Note also a mould (No. =529=) for a metal weight of a type similar to that with the head of Herakles in Case 41. The mould shows a female head with a cornucopia before it, apparently a personification of Profit ([Greek: Kerdos]), whose name appears above the head. Another mould (No. =530=) is intended for a series of lead weights of values [Greek: a'] to [Greek: ê'], that is, 1 to 8. (Compare a similar set in Case 42.) It should be observed that the moulds seen here are, for the most part, only half-moulds, or in some cases even less. A corresponding half-mould had to be placed in position before casting could be effected. This is well shown by a limestone half-mould from Rome (No. =531=; fig. 214) for casting lead counters, with designs representing Victory, Fortune, and Athena. Here can be seen the channels by which the molten metal was introduced, and the holes for the studs joining the two half-moulds together. In one of these a lead stud still remains. [Illustration: FIG. 215.--PART OF MOULD FOR A RING OF THE SHAPE INDICATED (NO. 532).] The steatite mould for a ring of the Mycenaean period (No. =532=; Fig. 215) required a counterpart piece, and a third piece at the bottom to complete it. Some of the steatite moulds which have no channels for the molten metal, were probably used for the production of ornaments by pressing and rubbing thin foil into the forms. [Illustration: FIG. 216.--GREEK POTTER AT WORK (NO. 533). Ht. 4-1/2 in.] [Illustration: FIG. 217.--POTTER'S WHEEL IN TERRACOTTA (NO. 534). Diam. 9-3/4 in.] [Illustration: FIG. 218.--GREEK POTTER ATTACHING HANDLE TO VASE (NO. 535).] [Illustration: FIG. 219.--POTTER'S KILN (NO. 536).] [Illustration: FIG. 220.--CLAY LAMPS SPOILED IN BAKING (NO. 538). Ca. 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 221.--STAMPS FOR MAKING MOULDS FOR VASES IN RELIEF (NO. 545).] =The Potter.=--At the end of the case are exhibits connected with potters and pottery. Here is seen the limestone figure of a Greek potter from Cyprus (No. =533=; fig. 216), seated and modelling clay on the wheel. He reminds us of Homer's description of the potter's action when he compares the whirling motion of dancers to the revolving of a potter's wheel--"a motion exceeding light, as when a potter sits and makes trial of a wheel fitted to his hands, to see whether it will run."[64] Immediately behind is a potter's wheel in terracotta (No. =534=; fig. 217), which has in the centre a depression for the insertion of the pivot on which it turned. It was found on a primitive site at Gournià in Crete. As the clay spun round on the wheel the potter moulded it into shape inside and outside with his hands. The foot, the handles, and the neck of the vase were moulded separately as a rule and attached afterwards to the body. A design on a sixth century Greek vase here exhibited (No. =535=; fig. 218), depicts a Greek potter in the act of attaching a handle to a cup which rests upon a wheel. When the vase or other object had been modelled in clay, it then had to be fired. For this purpose a kiln was required, such as one (probably Roman) excavated at Shoeburyness, a model of which is here exhibited (No. =536=). It consists of a barrel-shaped chamber, at about half the height of which is a horizontal table on a conical support, with eight round openings pierced in its circumference to allow the heat to penetrate above. Fuel was introduced below through a small fire-chamber constructed at the side (fig. 219). The packing of the objects to be fired required considerable care. For this purpose the so-called "cockspurs" (No. =537=) were used for the larger pieces. But sometimes there were failures, such as the two batches of Roman lamps seen in this Case, which have become fused together in the baking (No. =538=; fig. 220). If it survived the risks of manufacture, the pot often needed repair when in use, and several examples are shown of rivets, large and small, employed for this purpose (No. =539=). The cover of a toilet-box (No. =540=) shows the method of painting employed in the Greek red-figured vases; here the grotesque head has been outlined in black, but the background has not been filled in with black in the usual way. Two terracotta heads with projecting stumps (No. =541=) show the manner in which the terracotta figurines were built up of several parts. The heads were inserted into holes in the trunks, and were then fastened in position with clay. An unfinished clay relief (No. =542=) of a man with his dog, shows the first process in the production of modelled relief, such as those in the Room of Terracottas, Case 8. A mould (No. =543=) for making a bowl of the ware called Arretine from its place of manufacture, Arretium in Central Italy, is shown, with a cast from the mould beside it. An impression is also shown of the mark of M. Perennius, the most noted of the Arretine potters, in combination with his slave Bargates (No. =544=). Near the mould are stamps, one with a design of a slave heating some fluid in a caldron, and others of a bear and lion (No. =545=; fig. 221). These stamps were used for producing the designs in the moulds, being impressed in the clay while it was soft. Several specimens of these moulds and bowls, which are of about the first century B.C., will be seen in Cases 39-40 of the Fourth Vase Room. [Illustration: FIG. 222.--MOULD FOR LOWER PART OF CLAY LAMP (NO. 546). L. 4-1/4 in.] The moulds for parts of Roman lamps, show the way in which these objects were produced. The clay was pressed into the lower mould (such as No. =546=; fig. 222) and also into a corresponding upper mould (compare No. =547=), and then the two halves were joined together and ready for baking. (=526=) _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 507; (=528=) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 26, fig. 50; (=531=) Cf. _Bull. della Comm. Arch._ xxxiii. (1905), p. 146 ff; (=532=) _Cat. of Jewellery,_ No. 609; (=533=) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 93, fig. 145; (=535=) _Cat. of Vases_ II., B 432; (=536=) _Proc. of Soc. of Ant._, Ser. II., xvi., p. 40; (=542=) _Cat. of Terracottas_, B 376. pl. 20; (=545=) _Cat. of Roman Pottery_, M 82, 83; (=546=) _Cat. of Lamps_, 1401. =Gems and Pastes.=--In the next division of Case H are objects illustrating the processes of producing Gems and Pastes. These include a series of scarabs, scarabaeoids, and other beads at various stages of manufacture (No. =548=); a series of clay moulds for Graeco-Egyptian porcelain scarabs from Naukratis (No. =549=) and a fine specimen of a paste cameo head of Silenos (No. =550=). Here also are examples of stone socket-handles for a bow-drill (No. =551=). In this and the next compartment several pieces of work are incised with designs intended to be filled in with inlay (No. =552=). See also a series of fragments of an acanthus pattern in ivory, evidently intended to be inlaid. A piece of rock crystal is carved with ears of corn in intaglio, gilded (No. =553=). See also examples of enamel work, of the period of the Roman empire, on studs, seal boxes, etc. (cf. p. 135, 155). =Woodworking, etc.=--An interesting wooden box of Roman date is derived from Panticapaeum, in the Crimea (No. =554=). This has two sliding lids, above and below respectively, each furnished with two catches. The interior was divided by a horizontal partition, and was again subdivided into numerous small divisions. An inlaid pattern decorates the border of the box. Another box of simpler construction (No. =555=) was found in a grave in Bulgaria. Various specimens of fretwork in jet and ivory are shown, and two pieces of an egg and tongue moulding, carved in wood, and coloured with scarlet and gilding, from a sarcophagus, also found at Panticapaeum (No. =555*=). =The Lathe.=--In the next division are examples of work finished on the lathe, in a variety of materials, as marble, alabaster, coloured stones, crystal, bronze, ivory, bone, and wood; also a rough piece of alabaster from Cyprus, derived from a lathe mandrel. [Footnote 64: _Il._ xviii. 600 ff.] XIX.--MEDICINE AND SURGERY. (Table-Case H.) =Greek Medicine.=--From the earliest times, as indicated by passages in the Homeric poems, the Greeks practised simple forms of surgery in such matters as the treatment of the wounded.[65] In the historic age of Greece we find temple or wonder-working medicine, practised in temples of Asklepios, especially at Epidaurus; and at the same time a school of medicine, of the Asklepiadae, seated in the island of Kos. A lively account of temple-healing is given in the _Plutus_ of Aristophanes, where the slave Karion relates the experiences of his master and himself when passing the night in the temple.[66] Examples of the votive offerings deposited in the temples by those who had been made whole have been mentioned in the section on Religion and Superstition, p. 47 ff., and are to be seen in Cases 103-106. [Illustration: FIG. 223.--GREEK SURGEON AT WORK (NO. 556).] The more serious side of Greek medicine is inseparably connected with the name of Hippokrates (born 460 B.C.), though the Koan school had existed some time before his birth. The Asklepiadae were originally members of a single clan, but the admission of persons from outside soon made the clan into a medical school. The famous Hippokratean oath, imposed upon members of the Koan school, shows the standard set up before the medical profession: "I will conduct the treatment of the sick for their advantage, to the best of my ability and judgment, and I will abstain from all evil and all injustice. I will administer poison to none, if asked to do so, nor will I ever make such a suggestion. I will pass my life and exercise my art in innocence and purity." In Greece there were both public and private physicians. There were further dispensaries, or perhaps more accurately surgeries, called [Greek: iatreia]. These were furnished with the necessary surgical and medical appliances. The scene from a fifth century vase-painting (No. =556=; fig. 223)[67] depicts a young surgeon at work in an [Greek: iatreion]. He is operating on a patient's arm (perhaps bleeding him), while another man, also wounded in the arm, sits before him. A dwarf slave is ushering other patients into the surgery, where bleeding-cups are seen hanging on the wall. Patients also went to the [Greek: iatreia] to get draughts of medicine.[68] Before the Alexandrian age it is probable that medicine was in advance of surgery, for up to that time no scientific study of anatomy had been attempted. Aristotle observes that the internal organs of the human body were in his time very little known,[69] and what dissection there was must have been practised on animals. The terracotta model (No. =122=; fig. 36, above) of the heart, liver, lungs and kidneys shows how vague the ancient idea as to the position of these organs sometimes was. =Roman Medicine.=--Medical science for a long time made but little progress in Rome. The Greek physician Archagathos, who began to practise there in 219 B.C., became extremely unpopular owing to his bold methods of surgery.[70] The Roman doctors were chiefly of Greek nationality, and not infrequently were slaves or freedmen. Julius Caesar encouraged foreign physicians to settle in Rome by granting them citizenship, and under the early Empire Rome was overcrowded with medical men, if we may believe Pliny and Martial.[71] The objects illustrating Greek and Roman Medicine and Surgery are exhibited in part of Table-Case H. First in importance are the surgical instruments, a selection of which is shown in fig. 224. With rare exceptions these instruments are of bronze. The principal varieties are here represented. There are several knives or bistouries, an excellent example being the one from Myndos in Asia Minor, with the upper part of the handle inlaid with silver (No. =557=; fig. 224_g_). The lower part of the handle was in iron, and has fallen away. The heavier bronze blades must have been used for various purposes in connection with dissecting. The forceps is fairly common. The interesting variety seen on the right of the illustration (_k_) with its fine toothed ends (No. =558=) is probably an uvula forceps, used for crushing the part intended to be amputated. An instrument frequently found is the spatula or "spathomele" (No. =559=; fig. 224 _a-c_, _e_, _f_), so called from its flat broad end. This was principally employed for mixing and spreading ointments, while the olive-shaped ends were used as probes. Other instruments which call for notice are the fine-toothed surgical saw (No. =560=; fig. 224_h_), the sharp hook (No. =561=; fig. 224_d_), used for "seizing and raising small pieces of tissue for excision, and for fixing and retracting the edges of wounds." The bifurcated probes (No. =562=) were perhaps used for the extraction of arrows and other weapons. A curious instrument (No. =563=), the use of which was for long a puzzle, appears to be a folding drill-bow and has been completed accordingly. More elaborate than any of these are the examples of surgical appliances which have been found in the excavations at Pompeii, and are now at Naples. These are represented here by a group of electrotype reproductions, including anal and vaginal specula, and other objects (No. =564=). [Illustration: FIG. 224.--BRONZE SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS (NO. 557, etc.). 1:2.] The bronze cupping-vessel (No. =565=) should be noticed. Similar vessels are seen suspended on the walls of the surgery depicted in the vase-scene figured above (fig. 223). Burning lint or some other lighted substance was placed in the vessel to rarify the air, and its mouth was then applied to the part from which blood was to be extracted. One such cupping vessel appears on the marble relief in the Phigaleian Room, representing a physician named Jason treating a boy with a swollen stomach (Fig. 225). Compare a similar consultation on an engraved gem, under the immediate superintendence of Asklepios. The bronze box (No. =566=), probably from the Cyrenaica, was almost certainly used by a Roman physician for his drugs. It is divided into several compartments, each furnished with a separate cover, and has a sliding lid. Boxes of a precisely similar character have been found with surgical instruments. Compare also the cast from Athens of a votive relief with a fitted case of instruments (No. =567=). [Illustration: FIG. 225.--MARBLE RELIEF. PHYSICIAN TREATING PATIENT. Ht. 2 ft. 7 in.] A very interesting class of antiquities is furnished by the stamps of oculists (No. =569=). These take the form of square or oblong plates, generally of steatite or slate. On the edges are engraved inscriptions, giving the name of the oculist, the name of his specific, and its purpose. These salves were pounded on the stone into a paste. They generally bear a Greek name, such as Diasmyrnes, Crocodes, etc., indicating their composition. They appear to have been made up into the form of sticks impressed with the engraved edge of the stone, and put into cylindrical bronze boxes, which have from time to time been found with Roman surgical instruments. One or two examples of the stamps may be given: "Saffron ointment for scars and discharges prepared by Junius Taurus after the prescription of Paccius"[72] (fig. 226, bottom). "The anodyne of Q. Junius Taurus for every kind of defective eyesight."[73] Puff names for the drugs, such as "Invincible," "Inimitable," also occur. An engraved gem, from a drug compounder's ring has a seated Athena and the legend +HEROPHILI OPOBALSAMUM+--"Balsam of Herophilus" (No. =570=). Whether the balsam was named in honour of the founder of scientific anatomy, or of a more obscure oculist of the first century B.C., or of an unknown drug-seller cannot be determined. A set of Roman lead weights, probably used for the weighing of drugs, is here exhibited. They are marked 1 to 10, the unit probably being the _scripulum_ of 18 grains (No. =571=). Two small lead pots placed near the weights were used for holding eye-salves. One from Corfu bears the letters +A T+; the other, from Athens, has the tripod of Apollo, the god of healing, and is inscribed "The Lykian salve from Musaeos" (No. =572=). Near these pots are spoons with channels for melting and pouring the salves into wounds (No. =573=). A piece of stone with corrugated surfaces is thought to be for rolling pills (No. =574=). The ivory figure of a dwarf afflicted with a peculiar form of spinal curvature causing pigeon-breastedness is a work of considerable spirit, probably of the third century A.D. (No. =574*=). [Illustration: FIG. 226.--STAMP OF THE OCULIST JUNIUS TAURUS (NO. 569). 4:5.] (=563=) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 2674; _Journ. of Hellenic Stud._ 34, p. 116; (=567=) Svoronos, _Athen. Nationalmus._ xlvii, 1378; (=568=) Cf. Espérandieu, _Signacula Medicorum Oculariorum_; (=574*=) _Papers of the Brit. School at Rome_, iv, pp. 279-282. See on ancient medicine and surgery generally, Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Chirurgia_, _Medicus_; Milne, _Surgical Instruments in Greek and Roman Times_; Deneffe, _�tude sur la trousse d'un chirurgien gallo-romain du III^e siècle_ (found near Paris, 1880). [Footnote 65: Cf. _Il._ iv. 218; xi. 844.] [Footnote 66: Ar. _Plut._ 653 ff.] [Footnote 67: See _Mon. Piot_, XIII. (1906), pl. xiii., p. 149 ff. From a vase in a private collection in Paris.] [Footnote 68: Plat., _Leg._ i. 646: [Greek: tous eis ta iatreia autous badizontas epi pharmakoposian]. ] [Footnote 69: _Hist. An._ i. 16.] [Footnote 70: Plin., _H.N._ xxix. 12 f.] [Footnote 71: Plin., _H.N._ xxix. 11: hinc illae circa aegros miserae sententiarum concertationes, hinc illa infelix monimenti inscriptio: turba se medicorum periisse. Cf. Martial, v. 9.] [Footnote 72: _Juni Tauri crocod(es) Paccian(um) ad cicat(rices) et reum(a)._] [Footnote 73: _Q. Jun(i) Tauri anodynum ad omn(em) lippit(udinem)._] XX.--MEASURES AND INSTRUMENTS. [Illustration: FIG. 227.--ROMAN BRONZE FOOT-RULE (NO. 578). L. 292 mm.] [Illustration: FIG. 228.--BRONZE PROPORTIONAL COMPASSES (NO. 579). L. 7-1/2 in.] =Measures.=--In Case H are a few examples of ancient measures and geometrical instruments. A Greek clay cup (No. =575=), inscribed [Greek: hêmikotylion], contains exactly half a pint. The Greek kotyle, therefore, according to this standard, measured exactly a pint. A copy of a well-known Roman standard gallon, the so-called Farnese Congius, is in Case 44 (No. =576=). Nos. =577= and =578= are two Roman bronze foot-rules, measuring respectively 294 mm. (11·6 in.) and 292 mm. (11·5 in.). The normal Roman foot measured 296 mm., and was adopted under Greek influence, whereas the early Italic foot had only measured 278 mm. (slightly under 11 in.). Fig. 227 (No. =578=) shows the subdivisions of these foot rules. One side is marked by dots into sixteenths (_digiti_); another into twelfths (_unciae_); another into fourths (_palmi_). The foot-rule illustrated has the remains of a catch (indicated in the fig.) for keeping it rigid, when opened. There are several pairs of ordinary compasses and dividers, and also two pairs of proportional (2:1) compasses (No. =579=). One of these is figured here (fig. 228). Notice the method of tightening by means of a wedge, with the object of keeping the compasses fixed in any particular position. =Measures.=--(=575=) _Cat. of Vases_, IV, F 595; (=577=) Cf. Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Pes_; _Hermes_, XXII., p. 17 ff. and p. 79 ff.; _Ath. Mitt._, IX. (1884), p. 198 ff. =Bronze Stamps.=--The large bronze stamps shown in Case H are somewhat akin to seals in their intention. But while the engraved ring was usually employed for purely personal purposes, such as the sealing of a letter or document, and the device of the seal was more or less ornamental, the bronze tablets were used for commercial or domestic purposes and seldom bear anything but the name of the person using them. [Illustration: FIG. 229.--ROLLING STAMP, WITH THE NAME OF ALEXANDER (NO. 584).] These tablets are of various forms, but the majority are rectangular, and bear the owner's name, like the one in this Case from Arles (No. =580=), with the name of Q. Julius Renatus; others have merely initials. Some are made in the form of a shoe or the sole of a foot, and this is a shape frequently employed by the potters of the Roman period in Italy for stamping their names on vases. Other forms to be here observed are a leaf (No. =581=), a ship (No. =582=), and a fish (No. =583=). The letters in most cases are in relief, producing an impression in _intaglio_ on a soft substance such as unbaked clay. They were probably used for the most part for stamping the plaster stoppers of wine jars, loaves of bread and such like objects. An example of a rare form is the rolling stamp with the name of Alexander (No. =584=; fig. 229). The remainder of the guide is devoted to the personal life of the individual from the cradle to the grave. Successive sections are devoted to Infancy and its Amusements; to Education and School Life--to which sections on Writing and Painting are annexed; to games, marriages, music, dancing, pet animals; and, finally, to objects bearing on death and burial. XXI.--INFANCY. TOYS. At the end of Case J are four terracotta models of cradles (No. =585=) with young children in them. One is a winged Eros, and one is swaddled. Beside the cradles are three cups (No. =586=), with spouts shaped as mouth-pieces, which may be supposed to be for milk or pap. Here also are two clay rattles (No. =587=), and a child's wooden clapper (No. =588=). [Illustration: FIG. 230.--CHILD IN HIGH CHAIR (NO. 590).] A set of small trefoil-lipped jugs (No. =589=) is painted with designs closely connected with child life. Children are shown playing with jugs of this type, with animals and toy carts, or other objects. It is probable that these jugs were given to Athenian children on the festival day of the wine god Dionysos, which went by the name of [Greek: Choes] ("Jugs"). Note No. =590= (fig. 230), with a child confined in a turret-shaped high chair, and No. =591= (fig. 231), with two children with draw-carts, each holding a jug. =Toys.=--Children of all ages and nations bear a great resemblance to one another; consequently, it is not surprising, though it is always interesting, to find that Greek and Roman toys are often very similar to those of modern times. At the corner of Case J is a series of small reproductions of furniture, implements and the like in lead, bronze, pottery and terracotta (No. =592=). Often no doubt, they are simply toys, like the furniture of a doll's house. Sometimes, however, they must be supposed to have had a more serious votive character in a temple. In some cases, perhaps, they were of both kinds. Among the treasures of Hera at Olympia, the traveller Pausanias saw a small couch said to have been a plaything of Hippodameia,[74] and it was not uncommon for children on growing up to dedicate their toys in a temple. [Illustration: FIG. 231.--GREEK TOY JUG (NO. 591). 1:1 and 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 232.--GREEK TERRACOTTA DOLL (NO. 593). Ht. 5-1/8 in.] [Illustration: FIG. 233.--OLD WOMAN ON MULE (NO. 596). 1:1.] [Illustration: FIG. 234.--SEATED DOLL, WITH MARRIAGE-BOWL, EPINETRON AND SHOES (NO. 599). Ca. 1:2.] [Illustration: FIG. 235.--TERRACOTTA MODEL TOPS AND DESIGN FROM VASE-PAINTING. (NO. 600). Ht. of Model on right, 4-1/4 in.] The dolls that survive from Greek times were chiefly of terracotta, and frequently furnished with movable arms and legs. It will be noticed that most of these dolls have holes pierced in the top of their heads for the passage of strings connected with the arms and sometimes with the legs. These would produce a movement of the arms and legs, and explain the term [Greek: neurospasta] ("drawn by strings") applied to these dolls. In Xenophon's _Symposium_ a travelling showman speaks of being kept by the profits drawn from such puppets.[75] One, holding castanets, is illustrated here (fig. 232; No. =593=). We get allusions in literature to these dolls and other small terracotta figures, which show that one of their chief uses was the amusement of children. One writer[76] speaks of "those who make little figures of clay in the form of all kinds of animals destined for the beguiling of little children." Such a figure is that of the donkey with a sea-perch tied on its back (No. =594=) or the fascinating group of the little boy on the goose (No. =595=), and the old woman on the mule (No. =596=; fig. 233). Many of these toys bring vividly to mind country scenes in Greece at the present day. Though they were doubtless intended chiefly for little children, women did not altogether disdain these terracotta toys. A Greek tombstone of the fifth century B.C. has a relief showing a girl, quite grown up, standing with a terracotta doll, exactly like those in this Case, in her hands, while a young slave-girl holds the figure of a duck before her.[77] Humbler but less breakable toys of Roman date are the wooden horse (No. =597=) and rag doll (No. =598=) from Egypt. For the most part these toys have been found in the tombs of children. The seated figure of a girl (No. =599=; fig. 234), holding an ivory dove in her hand, and surrounded by her spinning instrument for the knee (see p. 145), her shoes, and marriage-bowl, was found in a tomb near Athens, probably of the fourth century B.C. The bowl is almost certainly the [Greek: lebês gamikos], used by the bridal pair immediately after marriage. It is therefore not unreasonable to conclude that the tomb was that of a newly wedded bride. Another plaything in vogue among the Greeks was the whipping top, an ancient model of which in terracotta (No. =600=) is seen in the Case and is illustrated on the right of fig. 235. On the left of the figure is another form of Greek whipping top (of terracotta, found in the sanctuary of the Kabeiri at Thebes), and in the centre a design from a vase, in which a woman is represented whipping such a top. In a Greek epigram[78] the top is mentioned as a boy's plaything, together with a ball, a rattle, and the favourite knucklebones, and an inscription from the sanctuary of the Kabeiri at Thebes speaks of four knucklebones, a top ([Greek: strobilos]), a whip, and a torch dedicated by a woman named Okythoa.[79] (=591=) _Cat. of Vases_, III., E 533 ff.; Benndorf, _Griech. u. Sicil. Vasenbilder_, p 64; (=599=) For the [Greek: lebês gamikos], see _Ath. Mitt._, XXXII. (1907), p. 111 f.; (=600=) See _Ath. Mitt._, XIII., p. 426 f., and _Van Branteghem Coll._, No. 167. [Footnote 74: Paus. V. 20. 1.] [Footnote 75: Xen., _Symp._ 55.] [Footnote 76: Suidas, s.v. [Greek: Koroplathoi].] [Footnote 77: Conze, _Att. Grabreliefs_, No. 880, pl. clxx.] [Footnote 78: _Anth. Pal._ vi. 309. [Greek: euphêmon toi sphairan, eukrotalon te Philoklês Hermeiê tautên pyxineên platagên, astragalas th' hais poll' epemênato, kai ton helikton rhombon, kourosynês paigni', anekremasen]. ] [Footnote 79: _Athen. Mitt._, XIII., p. 427: [Greek: Okythoa astragalôs pettaras, strobilon, mastiga, daida,....] ] XXII.--EDUCATION, WITH WRITING AND PAINTING. (Table-Case J.) =Education.=--Case J contains several objects illustrating that part of the Greek child's education which was connected with the arts of reading, arithmetic and writing. A Greek terracotta of the fourth century B.C. with Silenus holding the child Dionysos by the hand (No. =601=), may be supposed to represent the old pedagogue, the slave whose duty it was to take the child to school. (Scenes in a music school are shown on the vases E 171, E 172, in cases 55-56.) [Illustration: FIG. 236.--TERRACOTTA GROUPS. READING AND WRITING LESSONS (NO. 602). Ht. 4-1/4 in. and 4-3/4 in.] =Reading.=--Another terracotta group of about the third century B.C. (No. =602=, fig. 236, _right_) shows a kindly old schoolmaster seated and teaching a boy who stands by his side to read from a roll. The ancient book differed from our own in taking the form of a roll. The reader would first unroll the beginning, and then, as he went on, roll up the part he had finished, making thus a double roll, as it were, of the part read and the part unread. See the tablet in Case 56 of the child Avita, reading her scrolls, with her dog in attendance (No. =603=). [Illustration: FIG. 237.--SPELLING EXERCISE (NO. 605).] A simple Greek alphabet is inscribed on marble (No. =604=) [Greek: ...de...thiklmnxoprstuphchps]. A fragment of a syllabic reading or spelling exercise is shown on a piece of pottery (No. =605=; fig. 237). Each letter of the alphabet is combined with each vowel in turn, as [Greek: ra re rê r[i ro ru rô] sa se sê si s[o su sô]] and so on. In the case of [Greek: rê] the syllable was miswritten [Greek: re] and corrected. A school-boy's wax tablet (No. =606=; fig. 238) shows on its right half how syllables constitute words as [Greek: the ôn] for [Greek: theôn]. A large wooden board with an iron handle (No. =607=) is inscribed with lines of Homer (_Iliad_ i., 468 ff.), no doubt for use in school. A fragment of an 'Iliac table,' (No. =608=) with a scene from the _Iliad_ (Achilles dragging the body of Hector round Troy, and Achilles conversing with Athena) was probably also intended for teaching purposes. =Arithmetic.=--The left side of the tablet (No. =606=; fig. 238) gives a multiplication table, from [Greek: a´ a´ a´], once one is one, to [Greek: g´ i´ l´], thrice ten is thirty. The Greek numerals follow the alphabet to [Greek: i´] = 10, followed by [Greek: k´] = 20, [Greek: l´] = 30, and so on. Six is represented by the sign [Greek: stigma´ (f´)], which occupies the place of F in the Latin alphabet, and stands for the old digamma or vau. =Writing.=--The wax-coated tablet which contains the foregoing table was the usual appliance for writing. A writing lesson is shown in the terracotta group (No. =602=, fig. 236, _left_). The instrument employed was a pointed implement, called by the Romans a _stilus_. An example in ivory, here figured (No. =609=; fig. 239), was found in a tomb of the fifth century B.C. at Eretria in Euboea. The broad flat end was used for erasures, so that we find the Romans using the phrase _vertere stilum_, "to turn the pen" in the sense of "to erase." Numerous _stili_ in bronze are shown in the Case, and some are illustrated in fig. 240. The fifth example from the top in the illustration is in silver bound with gold wire, probably from France and of late Roman date. These tablets were not as a rule used singly, but strung together, so that the waxen surface was protected when the two or more leaves were closed. The present tablet was composed of two leaves, one of which is in the Department of Manuscripts with a writing exercise upon it. The arrangement of several tablets in a fashion anticipating the form of the modern book is well shown in the relief of the pork butcher (Case 41). [Illustration: FIG. 238.--TABLET WITH MULTIPLICATION TABLE AND READING EXERCISE (NO. 606).] [Illustration: FIG. 239.--IVORY _Stilus_ (NO. 609). 2:3.] For documents of a more permanent character paper was made from the papyrus plant, whence it takes its name. It was manufactured chiefly at Alexandria from the time of the foundation of that town in the fourth century B.C., and pen and ink were used to write on it. A specimen of Greek writing on papyrus is seen in the Case (No. =610=). It is a letter of the first century after Christ, asking that a supply of drugs of good quality--"none of your rotten stuff that won't pass muster in Alexandria"--should be sent to the writer, Prokleios. Later on, parchment, prepared from the skins of animals, and made principally at Pergamon, in Asia Minor, began to rival papyrus as writing-material. Specimens of ancient reed and bronze pens (No. =611=) are given in the illustration above (fig. 240), and a series of ancient inkpots is here figured (No. =612=; fig. 241). The pens, whose split nibs have a curiously modern appearance, are all of Roman date. The reed pens come from Behnesa, in Egypt, and one of the bronze pens was found in the Tiber at Rome. The inkpots are also of Roman date. The middle one of the lower row has its hinged cover still remaining, with the inlaid vine-spray in silver round the rim. The one to the right of it is in blue faïence, and was found in Egypt. [Illustration: FIG. 240.--ROMAN PENS AND _Stili_. 1:2.] Writing was sometimes put directly upon wood. Such is the case with the fragment of board from Egypt mentioned above. The lawyer's tablet (No. =612*=), of about the fifth century A.D., which deals with loans, etc., has the surface specially whitened for the writing and a space for keeping the pen. Parts of the two outer leaves, which contained between them eight inner leaves, are shown in the Case. (=604=) _B.M. Inscr._, 323; (=605=) _Journ. Hell. Stud._, XXVIII. (1908), p. 123; cf. Dumont, _Inscriptions céramiques_, p. 405 (5); (=608=) _Cat. of Sculpt._, III., 2192; (=610=) _B.M. Papyri_, ccclvi. On Greek education generally, see Freeman, _Schools of Hellas_, and the select bibliography there given. For ancient books, cf. E. M. Thompson, _Handbook of Greek and Latin Palaeography_. For relics of Graeco-Egyptian school-life, see _Journ. Hell. Stud._, _loc. cit._ [Illustration: FIG. 241.--ROMAN INKPOTS (NO. 612). Ca. 1:2.] =Painting.=--Adjoining the objects connected with writing, are illustrations of the art of painting in Roman times. They include a series of ancient colours, pestles and mortars, some paintings on wood, one, painted by the encaustic process, enclosed in its ancient wooden frame. The colours, as may be seen, were kept in a dry condition, and had to be pounded with pestle and mortar before they were mixed for the use of the artist. A good number of ancient colours are shown here, the blue (silicate of copper) being particularly prominent. The six saucers (No. =613=), found together in a tomb of the Roman period at Hawara, Egypt, contain water-colour paints. These are _dark red_ (oxide of iron), _yellow_ (ochre, oxide of iron), _white_ (sulphate of lime), _pink_ (organic colour, probably madder, in sulphate of lime), _blue_ (glass coloured by copper), _red_ (oxide of lead). The saucers were found piled by the side of the owner's body. Pestles and mortars for pounding the colours are shown in the Case. A favourite form of pestle is that which resembles a bent leg or thumb, such as the one from Rhodes (No. =614=), inscribed with what is probably the owner's name. Near it is the terracotta figure of a dwarf (No. =615=), seated (apparently in a violent passion) before a pestle and mortar. We may imagine that he is a slave set to mix his master's colours. The methods of painting illustrated here are two, viz., painting on a dry ground in water-colours, and what is known as "encaustic" painting. For the first, water-colours were used, and the ground material was generally a thin piece of wood, whitened to receive the colours. Egypt has furnished many examples of this kind of painting. Among them is the portrait of a woman from the Fayum, wearing a fillet (No. =616=). This no doubt comes from a mummy of the Roman period, such as the one exhibited in Case 72 next the entrance to the Gold Room Corridor, which has a similar painted portrait (in encaustic, however) placed over the face. Other water-colour paintings of Roman date from Egypt are shown in Case J, such as the figures of Fortune and Venus painted in several colours on a red ground (No. =617=), and the fragmentary figure (No. =618=), wearing a jewel of gold and pearls, and inscribed with the name of Sarapis ([Greek: SARAPI]). The encaustic process was that employed in the case of the framed portrait (No. =619=), found at Hawara in Egypt. The frame is carefully made, the sides being joined by tenons and mortises. There is a groove for a glass covering, and the cord by which it was suspended still remains. The portrait was painted in wax, by a process which can hardly have been other than that called "encaustic" by Pliny.[80] The nature of this process has been much disputed, but probably the colours were ground in with the wax, which was fused by the heat of the sun or artificial means, and then laid on by the brush. A stump (_cestrum_) was also sometimes employed. Probably a box divided into compartments was used for holding these wax-colours in their fluid state. Such a receptacle may perhaps be recognised in the long terracotta vessel, which has a groove in the middle for a brush (No. =620=). (=613=) Petrie, _Hawara_, p. 11; (=619=) _ibid._, p. 10. [Footnote 80: Plin. _H.N._ xxxv. 122, 149.] XXIII.--GAMES. (Table-Case J.) [Illustration: FIG. 242.--TWO WOMEN PLAYING AT KNUCKLEBONES.] Herodotus has a curious story to the effect that the Lydians invented dice, knucklebones, balls, and other playthings to help them to pass a time of famine, by playing and eating on alternate days.[81] Draughts ([Greek: pessoi]) are expressly excepted from his list, and were ascribed to the fertile invention of Palamedes at the time of the Trojan war. Games played with knucklebones (small bones forming part of the ankle-joint in cloven-footed animals) may be described first, since they were, as may be judged from the number of ancient knucklebones found (No. =621= in this Case), extremely common. We are told in the _Anthology_ of a boy who gained eighty knucklebones as a writing-prize.[82] Among women too they were a favourite plaything. The illustration (fig. 242), from a painting on marble found at Resina (the ancient Herculaneum), shows two women engaged at knucklebones. (See also the terracotta group D 161 in the Room of Terracottas, Case 32). This game was called "five-stones" ([Greek: pentelithoi]), a name still given by children to a very similar game. The lexicographer Pollux describes the game thus: "The knucklebones are thrown up into the air, and an attempt is made to catch them on the back of the hand. If you are only partially successful, you have to pick up the knucklebones which have fallen to the ground, without letting fall those already on the hand.... It is, above all, a woman's game."[83] This description makes the illustration clear. Each woman has five knucklebones, and the one whose turn it is to play has caught three on the back of her hand; the two which are falling to the ground she would have to pick up without shaking off those already on the hand. [Illustration: FIG. 243.--KNUCKLEBONES AND DICE (NOS. 621-3). 1:1.] Besides being used in various kinds of games, knucklebones were also employed as dice. The four long faces of the knucklebone differed from one another in form, one being convex, another concave, another nearly flat, and the fourth sinuous and irregular. The values assigned to these sides were: (_a_) to the flat side ([Greek: chion]), 1; (_b_) the sinuous side ([Greek: kôon]), 6; (_c_) the concave ([Greek: hyption]), 3; (_d_) the convex ([Greek: prênes]), 4. This is the order in which they are shown in fig. 243, from left to right. Astragali thus required no marks of value upon them, since their sides were naturally distinguished. The ordinary cube-shaped dice, marked 1-6 (No. =622=) were also widely used by the Greeks and Romans (fig. 243). The usual arrangement of numbers was, as now, 1 opposite 6, 2 opposite 5, and 3 opposite 4,[84] but other arrangements occur. Some dice are interesting on account of their peculiar form, _e.g._, the squatting silver figures (No. =623=, fig. 204), which are marked with the values 1-6 on different parts of the body. A Roman bronze dice-box is shown in fig. 244 (No. =624=). The ordinary materials of dice were ivory, bone, or wood. Of the multifarious ways of playing with dice known to the Greeks and Romans, the one most in vogue may be mentioned. In this three dice were used, and the object was to throw the highest number ([Greek: pleistobolinda]). The best throw, three sixes, became proverbial. In Aeschylos' _Agamemnon_ the watchman, when he saw the beacon-fire blaze forth which told of Agamemnon's victorious return, exclaimed:----"I'll count my master's fortunes fallen fair, now that my beacon watch has thrown a triple six."[85] With astragali, on the other hand, the best throw was 1, 3, 4, 6, and was called "the throw of Venus." For this each bone had to present a different face.[86] The worst throw was the "Dogs," when four aces turned up.[87] [Illustration: FIG. 244.--BRONZE DICE-BOX (NO. 624). 4:5.] Dice of exceptional form are the twenty-sided one, inscribed with the Greek letters [Greek: A] to [Greek: Y] (No. =625=), a fourteen-sided one inscribed with Roman numerals (No. =626=), and an uninscribed fourteen-sided crystal die from Naukratis. With these may be mentioned the triple teetotum (No. =627=) and the four-sided triple die, one side of which has been left plain (No. =628=). [Illustration: FIG. 245.--IVORY PIECES FROM GAMES (NOS. 630-631). 2:3.] Of the rules governing other games, represented here by several pieces, we are entirely ignorant. The plaster pawns (No. =629=) found at Panticapaeum (Kertch) in the Crimea, probably belonged to some game analogous to our draughts. An interesting set of pieces is that of the ivory discs (No. =630=; fig. 245), which bear on their obverse a design in relief _e.g._ two Muses and the head of the Sun-god, and on their reverse a number, from 1 to 15, in both Greek and Latin figures, as well as a word descriptive of the design on the obverse. Thus the two illustrated have on their reverse +VI+ [Greek: MOUSAI] [Greek: TH] [Greek: F] and +II+ [Greek: H�LIOS] [Greek: B] (_i.e._, VI.--Nine ([Greek: th´]) Muses--6, and II.--Helios--2) respectively. It seems pretty clearly established that these discs were used as pieces in a game, which probably resembled draughts or backgammon. Fifteen of these pieces have been found together in a child's tomb at Panticapaeum. The game appears to have been popular in the first and second centuries after Christ, and probably had its origin in Alexandria. It seems likely that it bore a resemblance to the Roman game called _duodecim scripta_ ("twelve lines"), played with fifteen pieces on either side. The moves were determined by the throw of the dice, as in our backgammon. Another set of pieces belonging to a game are the label-shaped ivories (No. =631=; fig. 245), inscribed on one side with words, often of an abusive character, such as _male (e)st_ ("bad luck"), _fur_ ("thief"), _nugator_ ("trifler"), _stumacose_ ("ill-tempered fellow"), etc., and on the other with numbers. The pieces mentioned have the numbers +XXIII+, +A+, +II+, +I+, and +II A+ respectively on their reverse sides (see fig. 245). The whole series of numbers on these ivories runs from 1 to 25, and includes in addition 30 and 60; it is noteworthy that the highest numbers have inscriptions of a complimentary character, _e.g._, _felix_ and _benigne_. The pieces may have been used in the Roman game called "the game of soldiers" (_ludus latrunculorum_).[1] At the top of Cases 57-58 is an oblong marble board (No. =632=), inscribed with six words of six letters each. It was found in a tomb near the Porta Portese, Rome. The words are-- +CIRCVS PLENVS+ +CLAMOR INGENS+ +IANVAE TE+ ? _te(nsae)_ "Circus full," "Great shouting," "Doors bursting (?)." Each word is separated from that opposite it by a flower within a circle. Many such stones are known, always with six words of six letters, so that it seems clear that they were used as boards for a game, possibly the _duodecim scripta_ already mentioned. The pieces used were probably the so-called "contorniates," bronze discs of coin form, with designs in relief on either side within a raised rim and a circular depression. Two examples of these contorniates (in electrotype) are exhibited below the stone board (No. =633=). The pieces are of late Imperial date, of about the time of Constantine. Many have subjects closely connected with the circus, a fact which harmonizes well with the inscription on the board described. One of the two exhibited has a head of Alexander and a representation of a chariot race, the other a head of Nero and a water organ (see below, p. 216). (=630=) Cf. _Röm. Mitt._, 1896, p. 238 ff.; _Rev. Arch._, 4th Series V. (1905), p. 110 ff.; (=631=) _Röm. Mitt._, 1896, p. 227 ff.; (=632=) Cf. _Num. Chron._ (4th Series), VI., p. 232 ff.; _Notizie degli Scavi_, 1887, p. 118. On ancient toys and games generally, see Becq de Fouquières, _Les jeux des anciens_; Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Ludus_. [Footnote 81: Herodot., i. 94.] [Footnote 82: _Anth. Pal._ vi. 308: [Greek: Nikêsas tous paidas, epei kala grammat' egrapsen, Konnaros ogdôkont' astragalous elaben.] ] [Footnote 83: Pollux, ix. 126 (reading [Greek: ephistatai] and omitting [Greek: ê]).] [Footnote 84: Cf. _Anth. Pal._ xiv. 8: [Greek: hex, hen, pente, dyo, tria, tessara kybos elaunei.] ] [Footnote 85: Aesch., _Agam._ 32: [Greek: ta despotôn gar eu pesonta thêsomai, tris hex balousês têsde moi phryktôrias.] ] [Footnote 86: Mart., xiv. 14: Cum steterit nullus vultu tibi talus eodem, Munera me dices magna dedisse tibi. ] [Footnote 87: Prop., iv. 8, 45 f.: Me quoque per talos Venerem quaerente secundos, Semper damnosi subsiluere canes. ] [Footnote 88: _Latro_ originally meant "a mercenary soldier."] XXIV.--MARRIAGE. (Wall-Case 53.) =Greek Marriage.=--Though neither Greek nor Roman marriage was definitely associated with the religion of the state, it was, however, among both peoples closely associated with religious rites of a domestic character. Plato in his _Laws_ makes it the distinguishing mark of the legally wedded wife that "she had come into the house with gods and sacred marriage rites." These rites are sometimes represented upon Greek vases, as may be seen from the objects and illustrations placed in this Case. The ceremonies may be conveniently divided into those concerning (_a_) the preparation of the bride; (_b_) the removal of the bride from the house of her father to that of her husband; (_c_) the reception at that house; and (_d_) the presents given on the day following the marriage ([Greek: epaulia]). [Illustration: FIG. 246.--DECKING OF A GREEK BRIDE (NO. 635).] (_a_) On the day before her wedding the bride not infrequently made an offering of the playthings of her childhood to some deity, presenting her toys to Artemis in particular. On the day before marriage, too, water for the bridal bath was brought in procession in the special form of tall vase called a [Greek: loutrophoros]; a small model is seen in Case 59 (No. =634=). The vase is also seen standing on the chest in the room of the bride here depicted (No. =635=; fig. 246). The scene is taken from the design on a toilet box of the fifth century B.C. (E 774), which shows the bride being adorned for her marriage. Besides the tall amphora already mentioned, two vases called "marriage bowls" ([Greek: lebêtes gamikoi]) are seen standing on tall stems before the door, on the further side of which one of the bride's friends is turning the magic wheel intended to inspire the bridegroom with a greater longing of love. So Theocritus sings: "Draw to my home, O mystic wheel, the man that I long for."[89] (_b_) The arrival of the husband, who comes to fetch the bride to his home, may probably be recognised in the design on the fifth-century vase No. =636=. It is, however, a special and sacred occasion which is here represented. The bride, who is seated and holds a sceptre, is probably the Basilinna, wife of the Basileus, the magistrate at Athens who was charged with the supervision of the state-religion. She turns back to look at the bridegroom, who is none other than the wine-god Dionysos, holding his thyrsos or staff crowned with the pine-cone. Two love-gods fly towards the pair with wedding gifts, while on the right approaches a Victory holding lighted torches, which served to light the night-procession to the bridegroom's house. The subject is explained by a ceremony which took place at the Attic wine-festival of the Anthesteria, celebrated annually in February and March. On the second day of the festival there was a mystic marriage between the wine-god Dionysos and the wife of the Basileus,[90] and it can hardly be doubted that the present design refers to this. [Illustration: FIG. 247.--THE WEDDED PAIR DRIVING TO THE BRIDEGROOM'S HOME (NO. 637).] (_c_) The actual progress of the bride to her husband's home is depicted on the black-figured vase No. =637=, of sixth-century date (fig. 247). The departure took place at nightfall by torch-light, and the bride and bridegroom usually (as in the present instance) made the journey in a mule-car, attended by a friend called the _parochos_. On the vase (fig. 247) the bride and bridegroom are seen in front of the mule-car, and the _parochos_ is seated behind. When the pair reached their home, they were welcomed by the father and mother of the bridegroom, and a procession was formed to the hearth-altar. This is a scene depicted on No. =638=, a reproduction of a painting on a toilet-box in the Third Vase Room (D 11, on Case F). The bridegroom leads the bride by the hand towards the hearth-altar, by the side of which stands the hearth-goddess Hestia, holding a sceptre and what is probably a fig, an allusion to the figs, dates and other fruits showered over the wedded pair as they reached the hearth, and thence called [Greek: katachysmata] (down-pourings). Before the pair go a boy playing on the double-flutes and two women holding torches, who probably move round the altar, as well as another woman, who perhaps leads the way to the bridal chamber (figs. 248 and 249). [Illustration: FIG. 248.--TOILET-BOX WITH WEDDING PROCESSION.] [Illustration: FIG. 249.--BRIDEGROOM LEADING BRIDE TO HEARTH-ALTAR. Design on the toilet-box (No. 638).] (_d_) Upon the day following the marriage the relations and friends brought presents to the house ([Greek: epaulia]).[91] The presents consisted chiefly in objects likely to be useful to the bride, such as vases, articles of toilet, spinning implements, etc. The subject was a favourite one with the Greek vase-painters, probable examples being the designs on E 188 in Case 47 and the toilet-box E 773 in Case H in the Third Vase Room. A still better instance occurs on the restored "marriage vase" E 810 in Case H in the same room. =Roman Marriage.=--Roman practice recognised various methods of lawful marriage. The illustrations and objects shown in this Case deal only with certain ceremonies which were common to all of them. They concern (_a_) the betrothal; (_b_) the actual wedding rites; and (_c_) the escorting (_deductio_) of the bride to the house of the bridegroom. [Illustration: FIG. 250.--ROMAN WEDDING CEREMONY (NO. 641).] (_a_) The betrothal took the form of a solemn contract between the fathers and guardians on either side. In all Roman contracts it was customary that a pledge should be given, and this pledge often consisted in a ring. It was fitting, therefore, that a ring given to the woman by her betrothed should come to be a sign of the betrothal contract. It is natural to identify these rings with a series of Roman rings which have for their design two clasped right hands. An example in gold of about the third century A.D. (No. =639=) is shown in this Case. (_b_) The actual ceremony of marriage consisted in the solemn clasping of hands (_dextrarum iunctio_), an action seen on the relief on the sepulchral chest (No. =640=) placed in this Case. The inscription shows that the chest was dedicated by a freedman and imperial scribe named Vitalis to the memory of his wife Vernasia Cyclas. The ceremony is only shown in an abbreviated form on this chest, but it appears in more detail on a relief from a sarcophagus (No. =641=; fig. 250). The husband and wife clasp hands, and between them stands the _pronuba_ or matron-friend of the bride, placing a hand on the shoulder of each. On the left of the group stands a man, perhaps the bride's father. To left and right of this scene of everyday Roman life we have the mythological personages whose attendance at the wedding may be supposed to be of good augury--Mars, Victory and Fortune. The clasping of hands was followed by a sacrifice to Jupiter, and this closed the actual wedding ceremonies. The sacrifice is represented in the illustration (fig. 251) taken from a Roman sarcophagus.[92] The bride, and bridegroom stand by the burning altar, upon which the latter pours a libation. Behind the pair stands _Juno pronuba_, the presiding goddess of the wedding rites. On the right a bull is being led up to sacrifice, and on the left stand Venus, Hymenaeus and the Graces. [Illustration: FIG. 251.--ROMAN WEDDING SACRIFICE.] (_c_) When night had fallen there followed the procession, in which the bride was escorted from her father's house to that of the bridegroom, a procession described in one of the most splendid of the poems of Catullus.[93] Torch-bearers and flute-players led the way, and the wedding train was accompanied by a crowd, the boys in which chanted rude jesting verses and petitioned the bridegroom for nuts.[94] When the doorway of the house was reached, the bridegroom carefully lifted the bride over the threshold, that there might be no ill-omened stumbling. "Carry the gilded feet across the threshold," sings Catullus, "that the omen may be favourable." This moment is illustrated by a scene from a Roman comedy (No. =54=), taken from a lamp exhibited on Table-Case K (see above, p. 28, fig. 17). The bride is being carried on the back of a man, while a Cupid waits at the door to receive her. Within the house she received a gift of fire and water, elements so necessary to the performance of the housewife's duties, and on the day following the wedding she did sacrifice at her husband's altar. (=635=) _Cat. of Vases_, III., E 774; Furtwängler and Reichhold, _Griech. Vasenmalerei_, I., pl. 57 (3); (=637=) _Cat. of Vases_, II., B 485; (=638=) _Cat. of Vases_, III., D 11; _Ath. Mitt._, XXXII., 1907, p. 80 ff.; (=639=) _Cat. of Rings_, 276; (=640=) _Cat. of Sculpt._ 2379; (=641=) _Journ. of Hellenic Studies_, XXXVI., p. 85. See also Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Matrimonium_. [Footnote 89: Theocr. ii. 17: [Greek: iunx, helke ty tênon emon poti dôma ton andra]. ] [Footnote 90: Cf. Aristot. [Greek: Ath. Pol.] 3, 5; Dem. _c. Neaer._, c. 76; Mommsen, _Feste d. Stadt Athen_, p. 393 ff.] [Footnote 91: See _Jahrb. d. arch. Inst._, 1900, p. 144 ff.] [Footnote 92: _Mon. dell' Inst._ iv., pl. 9.] [Footnote 93: No. lxi.] [Footnote 94: _Ibid._, l. 131 f.] XXV.--MUSIC AND DANCING. (Wall-Cases 54-56.) =Music.=--The Greek term [Greek: mousikê] (music) included much more than we mean by music. It was applied to the education of the mind as opposed to [Greek: gymnastikê] (gymnastics), the education of the body. In the narrower sense, however, it corresponded to the modern term, and to this the Greeks from early times attached a high importance. It was the effect of music upon the character which appealed to them above all things, and it was this which caused Plato to banish from his ideal state certain modes of music which would, he thought, be injurious to its well-being. These modes or "harmonies" were named after race-divisions. We find the Dorian, the Aeolic, the Ionic, the Lydian, and the Phrygian. The Dorian was universally approved for its manly qualities, but Plato rejected the Lydian as useless and effeminate.[95] Of the stringed instruments used among the Greeks, the lyre was the most prominent. There were two varieties of this, the kithara and the lyre proper. The kithara, an instrument with a large wooden sounding board and upright arms, was played chiefly by professional musicians, such as the kitharist represented on a fine vase in the Third Vase Room, who has won a victory at one of the great musical contests (E 460; Pedestal 7). The illustration (fig. 252), taken from an amphora of the fifth century (E 256, Case H, Third Vase Room), shows Apollo playing on the kithara, which is supported by a band passing round his left wrist, but leaving the fingers of the left hand free to play on the strings. In his right hand he holds the _plectrum_, which is attached by a cord to the instrument. The _plectrum_ was of various forms, but its most essential part was the tooth for catching and sounding the wires. The lyre proper (fig. 253) is distinguished by its curving arms and sounding board of tortoiseshell (hence called _chelys_). The wooden framework and parts of the shell of a Greek lyre found in a tomb near Athens are shown in Case 56 (No. =642=). As the popular instrument, the lyre was naturally taught in schools. Two interesting Greek vases (Nos. =643= and =644=), exhibited in these Cases, give pictures of boys receiving music lessons at a school. In one instance a boy is learning the lyre, in another the boy is playing the flutes, while the master, who holds a _plectrum_, is playing on a lyre. Domestic animals are freely admitted, and the discipline seems far from severe. [Illustration: FIG. 252. APOLLO PLAYING ON A KITHARA.] [Illustration: FIG. 253. LYRE.] As the school scene shows, flute-playing, though condemned by Plato and Aristotle,[96] was commonly taught at Athens. Ancient flutes are distinguished from the modern instruments by the vibrating reed which formed the mouthpiece, and by the fact that they were always played in pairs. Hence the frequency with which pairs of ancient flutes are found. Two of sycamore wood (No. =645=; Case 56) were discovered in the same tomb (near Athens) as the lyre described above (No. =642=). Another pair of flutes (in bronze) from Italy (No. =646=; fig. 254) have their mouthpieces in the form of busts of Maenads. A terracotta shows a pair of female musicians (No. =647=) playing with a drum and double flutes. To assist the playing of the two flutes together a mouth-band was often worn, as may be seen from designs on vases, _e.g._, on a cup of Epiktetos (E 38; Third Vase Room), and on some of the Cypriote sculptures in the Gold Ornament Room passage. A framed impression from a Greek hymn to Apollo inscribed on stone is here exhibited (No. =648=). Musical notes, indicated by letters of the Greek alphabet in various positions, are placed at intervals over the letters to guide the singer. The inscription was found at Delphi, where other inscriptions of a similar character have come to light. Flute-playing was very popular with the Romans, among whom it was considered the proper accompaniment of every kind of ceremony.[97] For military purposes they used several other wind instruments. Two bronze mouthpieces (No. =649=) in Case 55 may perhaps come from long straight trumpets (_tubae_). The Roman curved horn (_cornu_) is represented by two large specimens in bronze (No. =650=) placed at the top of Cases 55, 56. The terracotta bugle in Case 55 is probably a model of the Roman _bucina_ (No. =651=). [Illustration: FIG. 254.--BRONZE FLUTES AND CYMBALS (NOS. 646, 654). 1:3.] The simplest of all ancient wind instruments is the rustic Pan's pipe (_syrinx_), usually formed of seven or eight hollow reeds fastened together with wax. The Greek Pan's pipe has the reeds of equal length, the different notes being produced by the different positions of the natural joints of the reed. An example may be seen among the Cypriote sculptures in the Gold Ornament Room passage. The Roman _syrinx_ had its lower edge sloping, the result of cutting off the reeds immediately below the natural joints. A terracotta statuette in Case 55 (No. =652=) represents a shepherd boy playing on a Pan's pipe of the Roman kind, and a marble relief from Ephesus at the top of Case 54 (No. =653=) shows a beardless man seated with a large _syrinx_ in his hands. The Greek inscription tells us that the relief was dedicated by Ebenos, a "first flute," to Hierokles his piper. It was the Pan's pipe which gave Ktesibios of Alexandria (third century B.C.; cf. p. 120) the model on which he constructed his water-organ, an instrument which became popular with the Romans. A Roman "contorniate" shown in Case 58 has one of these water-organs represented upon it. The air was supplied by water pressure and the notes were played by means of a key-board. Cymbals were largely used by the Greeks and Romans in religious ceremonies of an ecstatic character, such as the mysteries of Demeter and Kore and the worship of Kybele. Among the cymbals in Case 56 is an interesting pair (No. =654=; fig. 254) inscribed in Greek with the name of Oata their owner ([Greek: Oatas eimi]). They were originally joined together by a chain, part of which still remains. In the lower part of Cases 55-56 is a considerable variety of bells in bronze (No. =655=). (=643=) and (=644=) _Cat. of Vases_, III., E 171, 172; (=645=) For the structure of the ancient flute, cf. especially Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, s.v. _Flöten;_ (=648=) _Bull. de Corr. Hell._, XVIII., pl. 21; (=652=) For the _syrinx_, cf. Tillyard in _Journ. Hell. Stud._, XXVII. (1907), p. 167 ff.; (=653=) _Cat. of Sculpt._, II., 1271. See in general, _Camb. Comp. to Gk. Stud._, pp. 370-374; Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. _Musica_. =Dancing.=--Dancing among the Greeks and Romans differed in many ways from our own. In the first place dances (which were generally accompanied by the flutes) were largely associated with religion. Plato in his _Laws_ gave it as his opinion that, in imitation of the Egyptian example, all dancing should be made to take a religious character.[98] This ceremonial side of Greek dancing is illustrated by a primitive stone vessel from Cyprus (No. =655=), which represents three draped women dancing in a ring. Among the Romans the processions of the Salii or dancing priests of Mars are among the best-known examples of religious dancing. In private life dancing was regarded by the Greeks rather as an entertainment to be provided by hired performers than as a recreation in which guests could take their part.[99] Hence with them men and women did not dance together as in the modern fashion. The demand for dancing girls to entertain the guests at banquets led to the training of large numbers of this class. A vase (No. =656=), placed in the lower part of Case 54, shows dancing girls being instructed in their art. They repeatedly appear on Greek vases dancing before the feasting guests (_e.g._ on E 68 in Case E in the Third Vase Room, the interior of a cup in the style of Brygos). These girls often carried castanets when dancing, as may be seen on the lekythos (No. =657=) and in the relief from Melos (No. =658=). [Illustration: FIG. 255.--GREEK WOMEN DANCING. Ca. 2:7.] Greek women sometimes danced in private among themselves, especially on the occasion of some domestic festival.[100] It is with this kind of dancing that we should probably associate the terracotta figurines (fig. 255). They illustrate the important part played by the arms and the drapery in ancient dancing, which was largely mimetic. Ovid notes that supple arms are one of the principal qualifications for a good dancer.[101] This tradition was undoubtedly inherited from Greek dancing, for (religious rites apart) the Romans regarded the art as an unseemly one, so much so that Cicero remarked "that practically no one except a madman danced when sober."[102] (=656=) _Cat. of Vases_, III., E 185; (=657=) _Ibid._, E 642: (658) _Cat. of Terracottas_, B 370. For Greek dancing in general, cf. Emmanuel, _La danse grecque_. [Footnote 95: Plat., _Rep._ iii. 398-9.] [Footnote 96: Plato, _Rep._ iii. 399 D; Arist., _Pol._ viii. 6, 5 ff.] [Footnote 97: Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 659 f.: cantabat fanis, cantabat tibia ludis, cantabat maestis tibia funeribus. ] [Footnote 98: Plat., _Leg._ 799 A.] [Footnote 99: Cf. the famous story of Hippokleides (Herodot., vi. 129), whose dancing lost him a bride.] [Footnote 100: Aristoph., _Lys._ 408; Athen., xv. 668 D.] [Footnote 101: _Ars. Amat._ i. 595: si vox est, canta; si mollia bracchia, salta. ] [Footnote 102: _Pro Mur._ 6; cf. Nepos, _Epam._ 1.] XXVI.--DOMESTIC AND PET ANIMALS; FLOWERS. (Wall-Cases 57-58.) The upper part of Wall-Cases 57, 58 contains a number of representations of domesticated and pet animals. The series includes cattle, goats, pigs, dogs, cats, pigeons and poultry. Often, but not always, the animal is associated with some human actor, as when the child rides on a dog, pig, or goat, or when the large cock tries to peck at the bunch of grapes in a child's hand (No. =659=). More than one of the pigeons wears a _bulla_ round its neck (No. =660=) to avert the evil eye (see p. 136), and a cock is decked with a wreath of ivy leaves (No. =661=). On a vase (No. =662=) a girl has tied a string to the hind leg of a tortoise, and dangles it before her dog; on another (No. =663=) two children are making a dog jump through a hoop. In a relief already mentioned (p. 198, No. =603=) the dog seeks the notice of its studious mistress, little Avita. In the scene of the music school (No. =643= in Case 55) the boy plays with the cat behind the master's chair. Another form of amusement is illustrated by the kylix, No. =664=. A boy is seated, and holds on his knee a cage containing a bird, probably a quail. Quail-fighting was a very popular amusement at Athens, where odds were freely betted on the result of the encounter. The wooden instrument, seen above the boy, would be used to provoke the quails to fight with one another. The game of quail-striking ([Greek: ortygokopia]) was another variety of sport with quails. In this the object was to prove the endurance of the quail by striking it with the fingers or pulling out its feathers. A Roman lamp (No. =665=; fig. 256) gives an interesting view of an itinerant with his troop of performing animals. On his right is an ape, on his left a cat climbing a ladder. Above are two hoops for the animals to jump through. [Illustration: FIG. 256.--ITINERANT WITH PERFORMING ANIMALS (NO. 665). 2:3.] =Flowers.=--In Cases 57-58 will be seen a set of funeral wreaths (No. =666=; cf. p. 226), found at Hawara, in Egypt. Among the flowers which can be identified in those wreaths are the rose, narcissus, sweet marjoram, and immortelle. We know, from an epigram of Martial,[103] that Egypt cultivated roses with such success that she exported them from Alexandria to Rome during the winter, though at the time when the poet wrote (latter part of first century A.D.), Italy was, according to him, in a position to export roses to Egypt. In their gardens the Romans devoted most of their attention to their trees, which they cut into fantastic shapes by the agency of the landscape gardener (_topiarius_). The species of flowers known to them were decidedly limited in number, but we find gardens of singular beauty depicted on their wall-paintings, notably on one found at Prima Porta near Rome.[104] (=659=) _Cat. of Terracottas_, C 539; (=662=) _Cat. of Vases_, IV., F 101; (=665=) _Cat. of Lamps_, 679; (=666=) Petrie, _Hawara_, p. 47. [Footnote 103: vi. 80.] [Footnote 104: _Ant. Denkmäler_, I., pl. 11.] XXVII.--METHODS OF BURIAL. (Wall-Cases 58-64.) =Greece.=--In the prehistoric period known as Mycenaean, the inhabitants of Greek lands probably buried their dead and did not cremate them. It is possible, however, that a partial burning was in vogue in this and the succeeding periods in Greece. In the case of the more wealthy Mycenaean dead, the bodies were elaborately decked with gold ornaments. Oval plates of gold were tied over the forehead and mouth of the corpse, in the latter case (where the impression of the lips can be seen) perhaps with the idea of keeping out evil spirits. The window-cases in the Gold Ornament Room contain many examples of these funeral diadems and mouthpieces from Cyprus. In the Homeric poems we find the bodies of the dead burnt upon a pyre and the ashes buried beneath a mound. [Illustration: FIG. 257. FUNERAL LEKYTHOS. Ht. 15-1/4 in.] Scenes representing the preparation of the body for cremation or burial are frequently depicted on Greek vases. They occur on the large "Dipylon" vases, made specially for standing outside the tomb (see examples in the First Vase Room), and on black-figure vases, where the body is seen lying on the bier surrounded by mourners. It is, however, upon the white lekythi of the fifth century (No. =668=; fig. 257), one of which is here illustrated, that funeral scenes are most commonly found. We know from Greek literature that these vases were expressly made for putting in tombs. A speaker in the _Ekklesiazusae_ of Aristophanes talks of "the man who paints the lekythi for the dead."[105] On the vase here figured a woman is making offerings at the tombstone. These offerings were made by the relatives from time to time, and consisted mainly of sashes, wreaths, and vases, as may be seen from the vases placed in the Case. The Greek funeral monuments of the best period are characterised by their restrained beauty. Examples of the different types will be found in the Phigaleian Room downstairs and in the Gallery of Casts. In the Cases 59-60, the only tombstones are the archaic one of Idagygos of Halikarnassos (No. =669=; fig. 258) found in Cyprus, inscribed with an elegiac couplet in which he is called "the squire of Ares,"[106] and a round stone (No. =670=) with a late inscription showing that the tomb was that of Menestratos, a Corinthian buried in Attic soil. The Greek tombs were generally ranged on either side of the main roads leading from the city gates. [Illustration: FIG. 258.--INSCRIBED TOMBSTONE OF IDAGYGOS (NO. 669). Ht. 5 ft. 8 in.] A terracotta urn of about the third century B.C. (No. =671=) in Case 60 serves as an example of the vases used to contain the calcined remains of the dead. It holds a number of burnt bones, among them part of a jaw-bone, with a silver obol adhering to it. The coin was placed in the mouth of the corpse as the fee of the ferryman Charon for piloting the dead across Acheron. The gilded figure of a Siren found in this vase is emblematic of the spirit world. Two later monuments with Greek inscriptions are the marble chests in Cases 61-62. Each has a lock-plate (cf. those in Case G), carved in front in low relief. No. =672= is the cinerary chest of Metras Tryphon, who had been publicly crowned by the people of Ephesus, and has this crown represented on his urn. The second chest (No. =673=), from the temple of Kybele at Sardes, is inscribed with the name of Metrodoros, who is called a "sprinkler" ([Greek: perirantês]) no doubt with reference to an office held by him in the temple service. Below this chest is a marble cup from Rhodes (No. =674=), bearing the inscription: "The burying-place of those who have lost their ancestral tomb." This cup, which is ornamented above with flying birds and has holes for a metal attachment, seems to have been set on a column as a boundary mark. [Illustration: FIG. 259.--ITALIAN HUT-URN (NO. 675). Ca. 1:4.] =Italy.=--In the earliest period inhumation was the custom in Italy, but cremation gradually became more and more common. The Twelve Tables (450 B.C.) show both practices prevailing side by side. The hut-urns (Nos. =675= and =676=; fig. 259) found at Monte Albano, near Rome, are evidence of cremation having been practised at a very early date in Italy (eighth to seventh century B.C.). They served as receptacles for the ashes of the dead, and are an instance of the custom of making the last resting-place of the deceased as like as possible to his habitation during life. They represent rude wattled huts, in which the roof-beams of rough branches can be clearly distinguished. The Etruscan tomb-chambers, one of which is shown in a picture in Case 59, furnish a later instance (seventh to sixth century B.C.) of sepulchres built in imitation of living-rooms. A small model (in Case 59) of an Etruscan built tomb shows the skeleton in armour, with painted vases placed about it (No. =677=). The Etruscan cinerary urns are distinguished by the frequent introduction of the portrait. The "Canopic" urns, which take the shape of jars roughly in the form of a human body and head, are especially noteworthy. The example illustrated (No. =678=, fig. 260), probably of the seventh century B.C., has the face pierced with numerous holes, most likely for the attachment of a mask. Two Etruscan sepulchral masks (No. =679=) in terracotta, of about the end of the sixth century B.C., are exhibited near the Canopic urn and are shown in fig. 261. These remarkable masks are covered with incised designs, most likely of magic significance, intended to avert evil from the dead. A separate half-mask (No. =680=) of this type is exhibited here, and another will be found with the objects illustrating superstition in Case 106. In these masks we can see the innate Italian tendency to preserve the features of the dead, and we may perhaps recognise in them the origin of the waxen portrait masks of his ancestors which the Roman noble set up in his hall. The portrait is again found on the lid of the sixth-century Etruscan funeral urn (No. =681=; fig. 262) in Case 59. Here a draped woman lies on a couch of elaborate form, decorated below with a relief of two lions devouring a bull. A kindred type of Etruscan funeral monument will be seen in the two large terracotta sarcophagi in the Terracotta Room. [Illustration: FIG. 260.--CANOPIC URN (NO. 678). Ht. 1 ft. 11 in.] [Illustration: FIG. 261.--ETRUSCAN FUNERAL MASKS (NO. 679). Ca. 1:6.] [Illustration: FIG. 262.--ETRUSCAN FUNERAL URN (NO. 681). L. 1 ft. 11-1/2 in.] [Illustration: FIG. 263.--ROMAN FUNERAL URN (NO. 682). Ht. 1 ft. 5-1/2 in.] With rare exceptions (conspicuously in the case of members of the noble families of the Cornelian house and all infants) the Romans, during the period of the Republic, burned their dead. This system continued under the early Empire, but gradually gave way to burial under the influence of Christianity. Several examples of Roman cinerary urns and sepulchral relief are here shown. These urns are of various shapes, but the altar-form (No. =682=; fig. 263) was specially favoured. The inscription gives the names of L. Dexius Clymenus and C. Sergius Alcimus. The latter, a child of three and a quarter, is stated to have received his portion of corn on the tenth day at the office of distribution numbered XXXIX, a curious side-light on the practice of free distribution of corn under the Roman Empire, already noticed above (p. 11). Other Roman funeral urns which may be mentioned are the vase (No. =683=) with the remains of L. Laelius Victor, a soldier of the fourteenth city cohort, and the alabaster caskets numbered =684= and =685=. These urns of the wealthier classes were generally deposited in a vault underneath a monument placed at the side of one of the great roads leading from the city gates. Those, however, who could not afford such expensive monuments subscribed for a joint tomb (_columbarium_), a large chamber containing in its walls numerous niches for the urns. An interesting tablet (No. =686=) in Case 62 throws light on the arrangements adopted in the case of these joint tombs. It is inscribed with the name of P. Sontius Philostorgus and marked the niche in which the urn containing his ashes was placed. The inscription reads: "Lot I in block III." From other inscriptions of the same character it appears that the niches were arranged in five horizontal rows of thirty-six, and that each of the members of the burial club was allotted one place in each of the five rows. [Illustration: FIG. 264.--TOMBSTONE OF AURELIUS HERMIA AND HIS WIFE (NO. 687). Width 3 ft. 5 in.] Another noteworthy monument is (No. =687=) an inscribed relief of the first century B.C., belonging to Aurelius Hermia, a butcher from the Viminal hill, and his wife Aurelia Philematio(n), who are seen clasping hands (fig. 264). The husband praises the virtues of his wife, and the wife those of her husband, her fellow-freedman, who had been more than a father to her. Other interesting inscriptions from tombstones are No. =688=, on a hunting dog named Margarita, a great favourite with her master and mistress, who died in giving birth to puppies, and No. =689=, which sheds light on the memorial ceremonies after burial. A testator here leaves seven twenty-fourths of the rent accruing from a block of flats to his freedmen and freedwomen, on condition that they celebrate his memory four times in a year--on his birthday, the Day of Roses, the Day of Violets, and the feast of the Parentalia, the last the Roman All Souls' Day, held publicly in February, but privately on the anniversary of the day of death. A lighted lamp, with incense, was to be placed on the tomb on the Kalends, Nones, and Ides, the three dividing days of each month. The funeral wreaths from Hawara (Cases 57, 58; No. =666=, see p. 219) are an instance of offerings at tombs belonging to the Roman period. They have been so thoroughly preserved in the dry climate of Egypt that the different varieties of flowers can still be distinguished. (=668=) Cf. Murray and Smith, _White Athenian Vases in the B.M._; (=669=) _B.M. Inscr._ 971; (=670=) _ibid._, 102; (=671=) _Cat. of Terracottas_, C 12 and 13; (=672=) _Cat. of Sculpt._, II., 1277; (=674=) _ibid._, III., 2400; (=675=) Cf. Walters, _Hist. of Anc. Pottery_, II., p 288; (=678=) _ibid._ II., p. 304 ff; (=679=) Benndorf, _Ant. Gesichtshelme_, p. 42, pl. xi; (=681=) _Cat. of Terracottas_, B 629; (=682=) _Cat. of Sculpt._, III., 2359; (683) _ibid._, 2402; (=684=) and (=685=) _ibid._, 2420 and 2425; (=686=) Dessau, _Inscrr. Lat. Selectae_, 7892 a; (=687=) _Cat. of Sculpt._, III., 2274; (=688=) _C.I.L._ VI., 29,896; (=689=) _C.I.L._ VI., 10,248. On Greek tombstones, see Conze, _Attische Grabreliefs_; P. Gardner, _Sculptured tombs of Hellas_. On Roman monuments, Altmann, _Röm. Grabaltäre_. [Footnote 105: Aristoph., _Ekkl._ 996: [Greek: hos tois nekroisi zôgraphei tas lêkythous]. ] [Footnote 106: [Greek: enthade moiran echôn Halikarnêsseus Idagygos keitai, Aristokleos pais, Areos therapôn.] ] INDEX. _The numbers refer to the pages of the Guide._ ACROBATS, 218 ACTORS, 31 AEGINETAN WEIGHT-SYSTEM, 159 ALTARS, 39 ALTAR-URNS, 223 AMPHORAE, on weights, 159; for wine, 177 ANATOMICAL MODEL, 47, 187 ANKLE-PIECES, 89 APHRODITE, dedication to, 45; in shrine, 43 APIS-BULL, 50 ARITHMETIC, 198 ARM-GUARD, 89 ARMED-RACE, 60 ARMOUR, 74; Dacian, 92 ARROWHEADS, Mycenaean, 97; Greek and Roman, 107 ARTEMIS BRAURONIA, garments dedicated to, 45 AS, 20, 22 ASKLEPIADAE, school of, 185 ASTRAGALOS, on weights, 159; in games, 203. _See also_ KNUCKLE-BONES ATHLETES, 59 "ATHLETES' RINGS," 177 ATRIUM, 109 AUGURY, 43 AURELIUS HERMIA, tombstone of, 226 AXE, 108 AXE-HEAD, votive, 50 BAETYLIC IMAGE, 44 BAKERS, 117 BALANCES, 25, 161 BASKET, votive, 46 BATHS, 118 BEASTS in the arena, 69 BELL, votive, 51 BELT, metal, 87 BETROTHAL RING, 211 BIRDS, actors as, 28 BISTOURIES, 187 BITS, 172 BOARD, inscribed for school use, 198 BOATS, terracotta, 34 BONA DEA, 39 BOOTS, 129 BOXES, 139, 153, 185, 189 BOXING, 58 BOXING-GLOVES, 62 BRACELETS, 135 BRAZIERS, 118 BREAD-MAKING, 117 BREISEAN MYSTAE, 55 BRICKS, Roman, 167 BRIDAL PROCESSION, 210 BUCINA, 215 BULLA, 136, 218 BULLS, bronze votive, 50 BURIAL, 220 CADUCEUS, 9 CALDRON, given as prize, 63 CALTHROP, 108 CANDELABRA, 110 CANDLESTICKS, 114 CANGUE, 13 CANOPIC URNS, 222 CARACALLA, 39 CARTS, models of, 171, 179, 193 CHAIR, Infant's, 193 CHARIOTEERS, 71; dress of, 71, 170 CHARIOT-RACING, 70, 169 CHARIOTS, 169 CHARON'S FEE, 221 CHESTS, funeral, 223 CHITON, Dorian, 123; Ionian, 124 CHLAMYS, 126 CIRCUS, 70 CITIZENSHIP, Roman, 9 CLOTH, pieces of ancient, 147 COIN-BALANCE, 25, 165 COINS, Greek, 14; Roman, 19; special uses, 24; false, 24 COLONIZATION, 3 COLUMBARIUM, 224 COMBS, 138 COMEDY, 26-33 COMIC CHORUS, 26 COMPASSES, 191 CONSULS, 3 CONTORNIATES, 207 CORN LARGESSES, 11, 223 COUCH, bronze, 110 CRADLES, 193 CRESTS, on helmets, 83 CROCODILE SYRUP, 42 CUIRASS, 85 CUPPING-VESSEL, 188 CURSES, 56 CUTLER'S FORGE, 156, 158 CUTLER'S SHOP, 157, 158 CUTLERY, 148 CYMBALS, 216 CYPRIOTE DEDICATION, 46 DAGGERS, early and Mycenaean, 94; Italian, 98 DANCING, 216 DEDICATIONS, 7, 24, 38 DEFIXIONES, 56 DEFRUTUM, 177 DEXTRARUM IUNCTIO, 211 DICE, 204 DIKASTAE, 6 DIOSCURI at Theoxenia, 43; dedications to 49, 51, 61 DIPLOMA, Roman bronze, 9 DISKOS, 60 DOG'S EPITAPH, 226 DOLLS, 194 DOMESTIC ANIMALS, 218 DOWELS, 167 DRAGON-STANDARD (Dacian), 92 DRAMA, Greek and Roman, 25 DRAUGHTS, 203, 206 DRESS, Greek 123; Roman, 127 DRILL-BOW, surgical, 187 DRUG-BOX, 189 DUODECIM SCRIPTA, 206 EAR-PICKS, 142 EARRINGS, 136 EDUCATION, 197 ENAMEL DECORATION, 134, 185 ENCAUSTIC PAINTING, 202 EPINETRON, 145, 196 EYES, painted on ships, 35 FALSE MONEY, 24 FASCES, 12 FERONIA, dedication to, 55 FETTERS, 13 FIBULAE, 131 FIGURE-HEAD, 35 FINGER-RINGS, 135 FISHERMAN, 37 FISH-PLATES, 116 "FIVE-STONES," 203 FLOWERS, 219 FLUES, 122 FLUTES, 214 FOOD, from Pompeii, 116 FOOT-RACE, 60 FOOT-RULES, 191 FORCEPS, 187 FOUNTAIN-JETS, 121 FRAME, for picture, 202 FUNERAL DIADEMS, 220 FURNITURE, 110; (toy), 193 GAMES, 203 GEMS, 184 GETA, name of, erased from inscriptions, 39 GLADIATORS, 64; armour of, 68; discharge tickets of, 69 GNOSTICS, 56 GRAPE-GATHERING, 177 GREAVES, 88 HAIR, votive, 48 HALF-MASKS, 222 HANDS, magical, 56 HARBOURS, 37 HARE, votive, 49 HARNESS, 171 HEATING OF HOUSES, 122 HELMETS, 74; Aegean, 79; Attic, 77; Corinthian, 74; Etruscan, 81; Gladiatorial, 68; Inscribed, 76, 81; Italian, 80; Roman, 81; votive, from Kyme, 7, 81; Parade vizor-masks, 82 HELMET-CRESTS, 83 HERA, axe-head dedicated to, 50 HIERON, helmet dedicated by, 7, 81 HIMATION, 124 HINGES, 168 HIPPOKRATES, 186 HOOKS, surgical, 187 HORSE-SHOES, 173 HOUSE, Greek and Roman, 109 HUNTSMEN, dedications by, 49 HUT-URNS, 222 INKPOTS, 200 INLAY, ivory, 185 INTERNAL ORGANS, model of, 47 INVENTORIES, temple, 45 ISIS, worship of, 57 JASON, relief of the physician, 189 JAVELIN-THROWING, 61 JEWELLERY, 135 JUMPING-WEIGHTS, 59 JUNO, dedication to, 55 JUPITER. _See_ ZEUS. JUPITER DOLICHENUS, silver plaques dedicated to, 52 JUPITER POENINUS, dedication to, 55 JURY-TICKETS, 6 KEYS, 149; Temple, 42 KILN, potter's, 182 KINYRAS, legend of, 34 KITCHEN, 115 KITHARA, 213 KNIVES, 148 KNOCKERS, 167 KNUCKLEBONES, 197, 203 KTESIBIOS OF ALEXANDRIA, 120, 216 LABELS, 45, 156 LAMP-FILLERS, 114 LAMPS, 112; combined with altar, 40; moulds for, 184 LANTERNS, 114 LARES, 55 LATHE, use of, 185 LAWYER'S TABLET, 200 LEAD FIGURINES, votive, 55 LEG, votive, 48 LEGIONARY, armour of, 88, 91 LEKYTHI, white funeral, 220 LETTER on papyrus, 200 LIBRA, 160 LIGHT-HOUSE, 37 LIGHTING, methods of, 110 LITRA, 160 LOCK, 149 LOCK-PLATES, 152, 221 LOOM, 145 LOOM-WEIGHTS, 146 LUDUS LATRUNCULORUM, 207 LYRE, 213 MAGIC symbols, 56; wheel, 208 MANTLE. _See_ HIMATION. MARATHON, weapons from, 101 MARBLES, specimens of, 168 MARRIAGE, Greek, 207; Roman, 211; military, 9; vases used in, 208 MASKS, dramatic, 31; sepulchral, 222 MEASURES, 191 MEDICINE, 185 MERCHANT-SHIP, 33 METAL-WORK, 180 MIRRORS, 140; with magical symbols, 57 MITHRAS, 54 MORTARS, 118 MOSAICS, 169 MOULDS, for cooking, 116; for counters, 180; for vases and terracottas, 184; for weights, 180 MOUTH-BAND, for flutes, 214 MOUTH-PIECES, funeral, 220 MULTIPLICATION-TABLE, 198 MUSIC, 213 MUSIC-LESSONS, 214 MUSICAL NOTATION, 215 MUZZLES, for horses, 173 NAIL-FILES, 142 NAILS, magical, 56 NECKLACES, 136 NEEDLE-CASE, 148 NEEDLES, 147 NETTING-NEEDLES, 147 NEUROSPASTA, 195 OBOL, 221 OCULIST-STAMPS, 189 OIL-FLASKS, 119 OIL-PRESS, 178 OLIVE-GATHERING, 176 ONOS. _See_ EPINETRON. OSCAN dedicatory tablet, 44 OSTRACISM, 7 PADLOCKS, 152 PAINTING, 201; of vases, 183 PANATHENAIC GAMES, 60 PANKRATION, 59 PAN'S PIPE, 215 PAPYRUS, 199 PARCHMENT, 200 PARENTALIA, 225 PASTES, 184 PENS, 200 PENTATHLON, 59 PERFORMING ANIMALS, 218 PERSEPHONE, dedications to, 46 PESTLES, 118 PHILIP (Emperor), _diploma_ granted by, 9; seal with name of, 55 PHLYAKES, 28 PIG, as sacrificial animal, 40 PILUM, 103 PINS, 137, 147; pin dedicated to Aphrodite, 45 PIVOTS from doors, 168 PLATING of cuirass, 86 PLAUTUS, _Casina_, 29 PLECTRUM, 214 PLOUGH, 174 PLUMMETS, 166 PNYX, votive reliefs from, 47 PORK-BUTCHER'S SHOP, 158 POTTER'S WHEEL, 181 POTTERY, 181 PRAYER, 42 PRIZE VASES, 60, 63 PROBES, 187 PROPORTIONAL COMPASSES, 191 PROW of trireme, 35 PROXENIA, decrees of, 3 PUMPS, 120 QUAIL-FIGHTING, 218 RACING-CHARIOTS, 70, 169 RAEDA, 171 RAG-DOLL, 196 RATTLES, 193 RAZORS, 141 READING, 198 RELIGION, 39 REPRISALS, 2 RINGS, 135 RIVETS, 183 ROSE-DAY, 226 SABAZIUS, 56 SACRIFICES, 40 SACRIFICIAL IMPLEMENTS, 40 SAFETY-PINS. _See_ FIBULAE. SALII, dances of, 216 SALVE-POTS, 190 SANDALS, 129 SAW, surgical, 187 SCISSORS, 147 SCOURGE, 13 SCRUPLE (weight), 160, 190 SCULPTURE, unfinished, 169 SEAL-BOXES, 155 SEAL-LOCKS, 154 SEALS, 154 SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, altar dedicated for return of, 39 SET-SQUARES, 166 SHIELDS, 90 SHIN-GUARDS, 89 SHIPS, 33 SHOES, 89, 129 SHOPS, 158 SHRINES, 43 SHUTTLE, 146 SICKLE, 175 SIREN, 221 SISTRUM, 57 SLAVE BADGE, 12 SLAVERY, 12 SLAVES, dedicated to temple-service, 45; in drama, 32 SLINGSHOT, 101, 107 SOLES, 130 SOLONIAN WEIGHTS, 159 SOWER, 175 SPATULAE, 187 SPEARS, classical, 102; Italian, 99; Mycenaean, 97; primitive, 94; votive, 9; butts of, 103 SPINDLES, 143 SPOONS, 117 SPURS, 174 STAMPS for moulds, 184; for other purposes, 167, 189, 192 STANDARDS, 92 STATUETTE, pierced, 42 STEELYARDS, 161 STILI (pens), 199 STONES, sacred, 44 STOOL, bronze, 110; votive, 46 STOP-COCKS, 121 STRAINERS, 116 STRIGILS, 119 STRONG-BOX, 153 STUDS, 136 SUOVETAURILIA, 40 SURGERIES, 186 SURGICAL INSTRUMENTS, 187 SWORDS, Mycenaean, 95; Greek, 100 ff; Italian, 99; Roman, 104 SYRINX. _See_ PAN'S PIPE. TABLE, votive, 40 TABLE-LEG, 110 TABLETS, 44, 192, 198, 200 TABULA ILIACA, 198 TEETOTUM, 205 TEMPLE-INVENTORIES, 45 TEMPLE-WEIGHTS, 160 TENSA, 171 TERRACOTTAS, method of making, 183 THEOXENIA, festival of, 42 THIGH-PIECE, 89 THIMBLE, 147 TIBERIUS, sword of (so-called), 104 TICKETS, 6, 11, 12, 69 TILE-STAMPS, 166 TILES, Greek, 166; Roman, 167; from Palaestra at Olympia, 64 TITURUS, 178 TOGA, 127 TOILET, articles of, 138; on votive reliefs, 46 TOILET-BOXES, 139 TOMBS, 220 TOOLS, 166 TOYS, 193 TRAGEDY, 25; chorus in, 26; Roman, 54 TREATIES, 2 TRIPODS, 110 TRIREMES, 34 TROPHIES, 91 TUNIC, 123 TWEEZERS, 142 UNCIA (coin), 20; weight, 160 UNKNOWN GOD, 46 URN, funeral, 223 UVULA FORCEPS, 187 VASE-SHAPES, 122 VINTAGE, 177 VIOLET-DAY, 226 VOTIVE OFFERING, 7, 44, 194 WALL-PAINTINGS, 169 WAR-VESSELS, 33 WATER-ORGAN, 216 WATER-PIPES, 121 WATER-SUPPLY, 120 WAX-TABLETS, 198 WEAPONS, 94 WEAVING, 145 WEDDING-SACRIFICE, 212 WEIGHTS, Greek, 158; Roman, 160; hanging, 161; medical, 190 WHEELS, votive, 51 WHIPPING-TOPS, 196 WHORLS, 143 WINE-PRESS, 177 WINNOWING-BASKET, 177 WOMEN GLADIATORS, 66 WOOD, paintings on, 202 WOODWORKING, 185 WREATHS, 219, 226 WRESTLING, 61 WRITING, 198 ZEUS LYKAEOS, votive offering to, 50 ZEUS SABAZIUS, 56 ZEUS THE HIGHEST, votive offerings to, 47 LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, DUKE STREET, STAMFORD STREET, S.E. 1, AND GREAT WINDMILL STREET, W. 1. Transcriber's Note - - represents italic text; = = represents bold text; + + represents strong text, sans serif. ^ denotes a superscript. | inserted by the author to represent the end of a line of carving on a document or monument. Sometimes | occurs in the middle of a word, indicating the word has been split by a line-break. In the all-caps Greek text, the book preserves some different Greek letter-forms. Compare the capital theta with a cross at the top of p. 77, and theta with a dot at the bottom of p. 130. There is a V-like upsilon on p. 77, l. 7, and Y-like upsilon on p. 77, l. 12. There is a capital lunate sigma, and an alpha with a v-shaped crossbar on p. 202 ... and on p. 161, as a marking in silver on an ounce weight with another symbol. And there is the zeta like a rotated H on p. 6, and an upper and lower case Koppa (Qoppa), and the Digamma (wau, stigm). C.I.L. is abbreviation for '_Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_'. 'Inscrr.', 'reff.': a double consonant signifies plural. Some missing or damaged punctuation has been repaired. Any illustration which intersected a paragraph, e.g., at a page turn, has been moved to a more convenient position. Page 20: (.··) corrected to (···) for consistency. Page 56: 'suppose' corrected to 'supposed'. "... _defixiones_, because they were supposed to fix down, as it were, the hated enemy." Page 64 (Footnote 32): A colon : has been used to represent the triple vertical dots (a punctuation mark, much like a colon) after [Greek: "Eksoida(s) m'anethêke Diwos qouroin megaloio]" Page 103: Spearbutts; p. 104: Spear-Butts. Both retained. Page 111: Superfluous 'a' removed. "The stem may be fluted, or...." Page 114: 'emall' corrected to 'small'. "Just below the lantern is a small bronze statuette,..." Page 145: Loom Weight; loom-weights ... various spellings; all retained. Numerous other instances of words being sometimes hyphenated and sometimes un-hyphenated appear in the text. All have been retained. Page 150: 'to' corrected to 'so'. "... then turned, and drawn back so as to lift up the pegs...." Page 152: "the keyhole is in the shape" (of an inverted right-angle, represented by) |¯. Page 160: 1-1/2oz. corrected to 1/12oz. "... 1/12oz. = 2 scruples;" Page 190: extra 'a' removed. "These salves were pounded on the stone into a paste." Page 192: 'Nos.' corrected to 'No.'. "An example of a rare form is the rolling stamp with the name of Alexander (No. =584=; fig. 229)." Page 198: From Wikipedia (https: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Digamma): Digamma, waw, or wau (uppercase: (F), lowercase: (F), numeral: [Greek: st]) is an archaic letter of the Greek alphabet. It originally stood for the sound /w/ but it has principally remained in use as a Greek numeral for 6. Whereas it was originally called waw or wau, its most common appellation in classical Greek is digamma; as a numeral, it was called epis[=e]mon during the Byzantine era and is now known as stigma after the value of the Byzantine ligature combining [Greek: s-t] ... In modern Greek, this is often replaced by the digraph [Greek: st]. ([=e] represents e-macron) 
2484	----	THE BOYS' AND GIRLS' PLUTARCH BEING PARTS OF THE "LIVES" OF PLUTARCH By Plutarch Edited for Boys and Girls With Introductions By John S. White Head-Master Berkeley School Table of Contents Life of Theseus Life of Romulus Comparison of Theseus and Romulus Life of Lycurgus Life of Solon Life of Themistocles Life of Camillus Life of Pericles Life of Demosthenes Life of Cicero Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero Life of Alcibiades Life of Coriolanus Comparison of Alcibiades and Coriolanus Life of Aristides Life of Cimon Life of Pompey The Engines of Archimedes; from the Life of Marcellus Description of Cleopatra; from the Life of Antony Anecdotes from the Life of Agesilaus The Brothers; from the Life of Timoleon The Wound of Philopoemen A Roman Triumph; from the Life of Paulus Aemilius The Noble Character of Caius Fabricius; from the Life of Pyrrhus From the Life of Quintus Fabius Maximus The Cruelty of Lucius Cornelius Sylla The Luxury of Lucullus From the Life of Sertorius the Roman, who endeavored to establish a separate Government for himself in Spain The Scroll; from the Life of Lysander The Character of Marcus Cato The Sacred Theban Band; from the Life of Pelopidas From the Life of Titus Flamininus, Conqueror of Philip Life of Alexander the Great The Death of Caesar THESEUS As geographers crowd into the edges of their maps parts of the world which they do not know about, adding notes in the margin to the effect that beyond this lies nothing but sandy deserts full of wild beasts, unapproachable bogs, Seythian ice, or frozen sea, so, in this great work of mine, in which I have compared the lives of the greatest men with one another, after passing through those periods which probable reasoning can reach to and real history find a footing in, I might very well say of those that are farther off, Beyond this there is nothing but prodigies and fictions; the only inhabitants are the poets and inventors of fables; there is no credit, or certainty any farther. Yet, after publishing an account of Lycurgus the lawgiver and Numa the king, I thought I might, not without reason, ascend as high as to Romulus, being brought by my history so near to his time. Considering therefore with myself Whom shall I set so great a man face to face? Or whom oppose? Who's equal to the place? (as Aeschylus expresses it), I found none so fit as he who peopled the beautiful and far-famed city of Athens, to be set in opposition with the father of the invincible and renowned city of Rome. Let us hope that Fable may, in what shall follow, so submit to the purifying processes of Reason as to take the character of exact history. We shall beg that we may meet with candid readers, and such as will receive with indulgence the stories of antiquity. Theseus seemed to me to resemble Romulus in many particulars. Both of them had the repute of being sprung from the gods. Both warriors; that by all the world's allowed. Both of them united with strength of body an equal vigor of mind; and of the two most famous cities of the world, the one built in Rome, and the other made Athens be inhabited. Neither of them could avoid domestic misfortunes nor jealousy at home; but toward the close of their lives are both of them said to have incurred great odium with their countrymen, if, that is, we may take the stories least like poetry as our guide to truth. Theseus was the son of Aegeus and Aethra. His lineage, by his father's side, ascends as high as to Erechtheus and the first inhabitants of Attica. By his mother's side, he was descended of Pelops, who was the most powerful of all the kings of Peloponnesus. When Aegeus went from the home of Aethra in Troezen to Athens, he left a sword and a pair of shoes, hiding them under a great stone that had a hollow in it exactly fitting them; and went away making her only privy to it, and commanding her that, if, when their son came to man's estate, he should be able to lift up the stone and take away what he had left there, she should send him away to him with those things with all secrecy, and with injunctions to him as much as possible to conceal his journey from everyone; for he greatly feared the Pallantidae, who were continually mutinying against him, and despised him for his want of children, they themselves being fifty brothers, all sons of Pallas, the brother of Aegeus. When Aethra's son was born, some say that he was immediately named Theseus, from the tokens which his father had put under the stone; others that he received his name afterwards at Athens, when Aegeus acknowledged him for his son. He was brought up under his grandfather Pittheus, and had a tutor and attendant set over him named Connidas, to whom the Athenians, even to this time, the day before the feast that is dedicated to Theseus, sacrifice a ram, giving this honor to his memory upon much juster grounds than to Silanio and Parrhasius, for making pictures and statues of Theseus. There being then a custom for the Grecian youth, upon their first coming to a man's estate, to go to Delphi and offer firstfruits of their hair to the god, Theseus also went thither, and a place there to this day is yet named Thesea, as it is said, from him. He clipped only the fore part of his head, as Homer says the Abantes did. And this sort of tonsure was from him named Theseis. The Abantes first used it, not in imitation of the Arabians, as some imagine, nor of the Mysians, but because they were a warlike people, and used to close fighting, and above all other nations, accustomed to engage hand to hand; as Archilochus testifies in these verses: Slings shall not whirl, nor many arrows fly, When on the plain the battle joins; but swords, Man against man, the deadly conflict try, As is the practice of Euboea's lords Skilled with the spear.-- Therefore, that they might not give their enemies a hold by their hair, they cut it in this manner. They write also that this was the reason why Alexander gave command to his captains that all the beards of the Macedonians should be shaved, as being the readiest hold for an enemy. Aethra for some time concealed the true parentage of Theseus, and a report was given out by Pittheus that he was the son of Neptune; for the Troezenians pay Neptune the highest veneration. He is their tutelar god, to him they offer all their firstfruits, and in his honor stamp their money with a trident. Theseus displaying not only great strength of body, but equal bravery, and a quickness alike and force of understanding, his mother Aethra, conducting him to the stone, and informing him who was his true father, commanded him to take from thence the tokens that Aegeus had left, and to sail to Athens. He without any difficulty set himself to the stone and lifted it up; but refused to take his journey by sea, though it was much the safer way, and though his mother and grandfather begged him to do so. For it was at that time very dangerous to go by land on the road to Athens, no part of it being free from robbers and murderers. That age produced a sort of men, in force of hand, and swiftness of foot, and strength of body, excelling the ordinary rate, and wholly incapable of fatigue; making use, however, of these gifts of nature to no good or profitable purpose for mankind, but rejoicing and priding themselves in insolence, and taking the benefit of their superior strength in the exercise of inhumanity and cruelty, and in seizing, forcing, and committing all manner of outrages upon everything that fell into their hands; all respect for others, all justice, they thought, all equity and humanity, though naturally lauded by common people, either out of want of courage to commit injuries or fear to receive them, yet no way concerned those who were strong enough to win for themselves. Some of these Hercules destroyed and cut off in his passage through these countries, but some, escaping his notice, while he was passing by, fled and hid themselves, or else were spared by him in contempt of their abject submission; and after that Hercules fell into misfortune, and, having slain Iphitus, retired to Lydia, and for a long time was there slave to Omphale, a punishment which he had imposed upon himself for the murder. Then, indeed, Lydia enjoyed high peace and security, but in Greece and the countries about it the like villainies again revived and broke out, there being none to repress or chastise them. It was therefore a very hazardous journey to travel by land from Athens to Peloponnesus; and Pittheus, giving him an exact account of each of these robbers and villains, their strength, and the cruelty they used to all strangers, tried to persuade Theseus to go by sea. But he, it seems, had long since been secretly fired by the glory of Hercules, held him in the highest estimation, and was never more satisfied than in listening to any that gave an account of him; especially those that had seen him, or had been present at any action or saying of his. So that he was altogether in the same state of feeling as, in after ages, Themistocles was, when he said that he could not sleep for the trophy of Miltiades; entertaining such admiration for the virtues of Hercules that in his dreams were all of that hero's actions, and in the day a continual emulation stirred him up to perform the like. Besides, they were related, being born of own cousins. For Aethra was daughter of Pittheus, and Alcmena of Lysidice; and Lysidice and Pittheus were brother and sister, children of Hippodamia and Pelpos. He thought it therefore a dishonorable thing, and not to be endured, that Hercules should go out everywhere, and purge both land and sea from the wicked men, and he should fly from the like adventures that actually came his way; not showing his true father as good evidence of the greatness of his birth by noble and worthy actions, as by the tokens that he brought with him, the shoes and the sword. With this mind and these thoughts, he set forward with a design to do injury to nobody, but to repel and avenge himself of all those that should offer any. And first of all, in a set combat he slew Periphtes, in the neighborhood of Epidaurus, who used a club for his arms, and from thence had the name of Corynetes, or the club-bearer; who seized upon him, and forbade him to go forward in his journey. Being pleased with the club, he took it, and made it his weapon, continuing to use it as Hercules did the lion's skin, on whose shoulders that served to prove how huge a beast he had killed; and to the same end Theseus carried about him this club; overcome indeed by him, but now, in his hands, invincible. Passing on further towards the Isthmus of Peloponnesus, he slew Sinnis, often surnamed the Bender of Pines, after the same manner in which he himself had destroyed many others before. And this he did without having either practiced or ever learnt the art of bending these trees, to show that natural strength is above all art. This Sinnis had a daughter of remarkable beauty and stature, called Perigune, who, when her father was killed, fled, and was sought after everywhere by Theseus; and coming into a place overgrown with brushwood, shrubs, and asparagus-thorn, there, in a childlike, innocent manner, prayed and begged them, as if they understood her, to give shelter, with vows that if she escaped she would never cut them down nor burn them. But Theseus calling upon her, and giving her his promise that he would use her with respect, and offer no injury, she came forth. Whence it is a family usage amongst the people called Ioxids, from the name of her grandson, Ioxus, both male and female, never to burn either shrubs or asparagus-thorn, but to respect and honor them. The Crommyonian sow, which they called Phaea, was a savage and formidable wild beast, by no means an enemy to be despised. Theseus killed her, going out of his way on purpose to meet and engage her, so that he might not seem to perform all his great exploits out of mere necessity; being also of opinion that it was the part of a brave man to chastise villainous and wicked men when attacked by them, but to seek out and overcome the more noble wild beasts. Others relate that Phaea was a woman, a robber full of cruelty, that lived in Crommyon, and had the name of Sow given her from the foulness of her life and manners, and afterwards was killed by Theseus. He slew also Sciron, upon the borders of Megara, casting him down from the rocks, being, as most report, a notorious robber of all passengers, and, as others add, accustomed out of insolence and wantonness, to stretch forth his feet to strangers, commanding them to wash them, and then while they did it, with a kick to send them down the rock into the sea. In Eleusis he killed Cercyon, the Arcadian, in a wrestling match. And going on a little farther, in Erineus, he slew Damastes, otherwise called Procrustes, forcing his body to the size of his own bed, as he himself was used to do with all strangers; this he did in imitation of Hercules, who always returned upon his assailants the same sort of violence that they offered to him; sacrificed Busiris, killed Antaeus in wrestling, and Cycnus in single combat, and Termerus by breaking his skull in pieces (whence, they say, comes the proverb of "a Termerian mischief"), for it seems Termerus killed passengers that he met by running with his head against them. And so also Theseus proceeded with the same violence from which they had inflicted upon others, justly suffering after the same manner of their own injustice. As he went forward on his journey, and was come as far as the River Cephisus, some of the race of the Phytalidae met him and saluted him, and upon his desire to use the purifications, then in custom, they performed them with all the usual ceremonies, and having offered propitiatory sacrifices to the gods, invited him and entertained him at their house, a kindness which, in all his journey hitherto, he had not met. On the eighth day of Cronius, now called Hecatombaeon, he arrived at Athens, where he found the public affairs full of all confusion, and divided into parties and factions. Aegeus also, and his whole private family, laboring under the same distemper; for Medea, having fled from Corinth, was living with him. She was first aware of Theseus, whom as yet Aegeus did not know, and he being in years, full of jealousies and suspicions, and fearing everything by reason of the faction that was then in the city, she easily persuaded him to kill him by poison at a banquet, to which he was to be invited as a stranger. He, coming to the entertainment, thought it not fit to discover himself at once, but, willing to give his father the occasion of first finding him out, the meat being on the table, he drew his sword as if he designed to cut with it; Aegeus, at once recognizing the token, threw down the cup of poison, and, questioning his son, embraced him, and, having gathered together all his citizens, owned him publicly before them, who, on their part, received him gladly for the fame of his greatness and bravery. The sons of Pallas, who were quiet, upon expectation of recovering the kingdom after Aegeus's death, who was without issue, as soon as Theseus appeared and was acknowledged the successor, highly resenting that Aegeus first, as adopted son only of Pandion, and not at all related to the family of Erechtheus, should be holding the kingdom, and that after him, Theseus, a visitor and stranger, should be destined to succeed to it, broke out into open war. And, dividing themselves into two companies, one part of them marched openly from Sphettus, with their father, against the city; the other, hiding themselves in the village of Gargettus, lay in ambush, with a design to set upon the enemy on both sides. They had with them a crier of the township of Agnus, named Leos, who discovered to Theseus all the designs of the Pallentidae. He immediately fell upon those that lay in amuscade, and cut them all off; upon tidings of which Pallas and his company fled and were dispersed. From hence they say is derived the custom among the people of the township of Pallene to have no marriages or any alliance with the people of Agnus, nor to suffer the criers to pronounce in their proclamations the words used in all other parts of the country, Acouete Leoi (Hear ye people), hating the very sound of Leo, because of the treason of Leos. Theseus, longing to be in action, and desirous also to make himself popular, left Athens to fight with the bull of Marathon, which did no small mischief to the inhabitants of Tetrapolis. And, having overcome it, he brought it alive in triumph through the city, and afterwards sacrificed it to the Delphian Apollo. The story of Hecale, also, of her receiving and entertaining Theseus in this expedition, seems to be not altogether void of truth; for the townships round about, meeting upon a certain day, used to offer a sacrifice, which they called Hecalesia, to Jupiter Hecaleius, and to pay honor to Hecale, whom, by a diminutive name, they called Hecalene, because she, while entertaining Theseus, who was quite a youth, addressed him, as old people do, with similar endearing diminutives; and having made a vow to Jupiter that he was going to the fight, that, if he returned in safety, she would offer sacrifices in thanks of it, and dying before he came back, she had these honors given her by way of return for her hospitality, by the command of Theseus, as Philochorus tells us. Not long afterwards came the third time from Crete the collectors of the tribute which the Athenians paid them upon the following occasion. Androgeus having been treacherously murdered in the confines of Attica, not only Minos, his father, put the Athenians to extreme distress by a perpetual war, but the gods also laid waste their country; both famine and pestilence lay heavy upon them, and even their rivers were dried up. Being told by the oracle that if they appeased and reconciled Minos, the anger of the gods would cease and they should enjoy rest from the miseries they labored under, they sent heralds, and with much supplication were at last reconciled, entering into an agreement to send to Crete every nine years a tribute of seven young men and as many virgins, as most writers agree in stating; and the most poetical story adds that the Minotaur destroyed them, or that, wandering in the Labyrinth, and finding no possible means of getting out, they miserably ended their lives there, and that this Minotaur was (as Euripides hath it) A mingled form, where two strange shapes combined, And different natures, bull and man, were joined. Now when the time of the third tribute was come, and the fathers who had any young men for their sons were to proceed by lot to the choice of those that were to be sent, there arose fresh discontents and accusations against Aegeus among the people, who were full of grief and indignation that he, who was the cause of all their miseries, was the only person exempt from the punishment; adopting and setting his kingdom upon a foreign son, he took no thought, they said, of their destitution and loss of their lawful children. These things sensibly affected Theseus, who, thinking it but just not to disregard, but rather partake of, the sufferings of his fellow citizens, offered himself for one without any lot. All else were struck with admiration for the nobleness, and with love for the goodness, of the act; and Aegeus, after prayers and entreaties, finding him inflexible and not to be persuaded, proceeded to the choosing of the rest by lot. Hellanicus, however, tells us that the Athenians did not send the young men and virgins by lot, but that Minos himself used to come and make his own choice, and pitched upon Theseus before all others; according to the conditions agreed upon between, namely, that the Athenians should furnish them with a ship, and that the young men who were to sail with him should carry no weapon of war; but that if the Minotaur was destroyed the tribute should cease. On the two former occasions of the payment of the tribute, entertaining no hopes of safety or return, they sent out the ship with a black sail, as to unavoidable destruction; but now, Theseus encouraging his father and speaking greatly of himself, as confident that he should kill the Minotaur, he gave the pilot another sail, which was white, commanding him, as he returned, if Theseus were safe, to make use of that; but if not, to sail with the black one, and to hang out that sign of his misfortune. Simonides says that the sail which Aegeus delivered to the pilot was not white, but Scarlet, in the juicy bloom Of the living oak-tree steeped. The lot being cast, and Theseus having received out of the Prytaneum those upon whom it fell, he went to the Delphinium, and made an offering for them to Apollo of his suppliant's badge, which was a bough of a consecrated olive tree, with white wool tied about it. Having thus performed his devotion, he went to sea, the sixth day of Munychion, on which day even to this time the Athenians send their virgins to the same temple to make supplication to the gods. It is farther reported that he was commanded by the oracle at Delphi to make Venus his guide, and to invoke her as the companion and conductress of his voyage, and that, as he was sacrificing a she goat to her by the seaside, it was suddenly changed into a he, and for this cause that goddess had the name of Epitragia. When he arrived at Crete, as most of the ancient historians as well as poets tell us, having a clue of thread given him by Ariadne, who had fallen in love with him, and being instructed by her now to use it so as to conduct him through the windings of the Labyrinth, he escaped out of it and slew the Minotaur, and sailed back, taking along with him Ariadne and the young Athenian captives. Pherecydes adds that he bored holes in the bottom of the Cretan ships to hinder their pursuit. Demon writes that Taurus, the chief captain of Minos, was slain by Theseus at the mouth of the port, in a naval combat, as he was sailing out for Athens. But Philochorus gives us the story thus: That at the setting forth of the yearly games by King Minos, Taurus was expected to carry away the prize, as he had done before; and was much grudged the honor. His character and manners made his power hateful, and he was accused, moreover, of too near familiarity with Pasiphae, for which reason, when Theseus desired the combat, Minos readily complied. And as it was a custom in Crete that the women also should be admitted to the sight of these games, Ariadne, being present, was struck with admiration of the manly beauty of Theseus, and the vigor and address which he showed in combat, overcoming all that encountered with him. Minos, too, being extremely pleased with him, especially because he had overthrown and disgraced Taurus, voluntarily gave up the young captives to Theseus, and remitted the tribute to the Athenians. There are yet many traditions about these things, and as many concerning Ariadne, all inconsistent with each other. Some relate that she hung herself, being deserted by Theseus. Others that she was carried away by his sailors to the isle of Naxos, and married to Oenarus, priest of Bacchus; and that Theseus left her because he fell in love with another, "For Aegle's love was burning in his breast." Now Theseus, in his return from Crete, put in at Delos, and, having sacrificed to the god of the island, dedicated to the temple the image of Venus which Ariadne had given him, and danced with the young Athenians a dance that, in memory of him, they say is still preserved among the inhabitants of Delos, consisting in certain measured turnings and returnings, imitative of the windings and twistings of the Labyrinth. And this dance, as Dicaearchus writes, is called among the Delians, the Crane. This he danced round the Ceratonian Altar, so called from its consisting of horns taken from the left side of the head. They also say that he instituted games in Delos, where he was the first that began the of giving a palm to the victors. When they were come near the coast of Attica, so great was the joy for the happy success of their voyage, that neither Theseus himself nor the pilot remembered to hang out the sail which should have been the token of their safety to Aegeus, who, in despair at the sight, threw himself headlong from a rock, and perished in the sea. But Theseus, being arrived at the port of Phalerum, paid there the sacrifices which he had vowed to the gods at his setting out to sea, and sent a herald to the city to carry the news of his safe return. At his entrance, the herald found the people for the most part full of grief for the loss of their king, others, as may well be believed, as full of joy for the tidings that he brought, and eager to welcome him and crown him with garlands for his good news, which he indeed accepted of, but hung them upon his herald's staff; and thus returning to the seaside before Theseus had finished his libation to the gods, he stayed apart for fear of disturbing the holy rites, but, as soon as the libation was ended, went up and related the king's death, upon the hearing of which, with great lamentations and a confused tumult of grief, they ran with all haste to the city. And from hence, they say, it comes that at this day, in the feast of Oschoporia, the herald is not crowned, but his staff, and all who are present at the libation cry out "eleleu, iou, iou," the first of which confused sounds is commonly used by men in haste, or at a triumph, the other is proper to people in consternation or disorder of mind. Theseus, after the funeral of his father, paid his vows to Apollo the seventh day of Pyanepsion; for on that day the youth that returned with him safe from Crete made their entry into the city. They say, also, that the custom of boiling pulse at this feast is derived from hence; because the young men that escaped put all that was left of their provision together, and, boiling it in one common pot, feasted themselves with it, and ate it all up together. Hence, also, they carry in procession an olive branch bound about with wool (such as they then made use of in their supplications), which they call Eiresione, crowned with all sorts of fruits, to signify that scarcity and barrenness was ceased, singing in their procession this song: Eiresione brings figs, and Eiresione brings loaves; Bring us honey in pints, and oil to rub on our bodies, And a strong flagon of wine, for all to go mellow to bed on. The ship wherein Theseus and the youth of Athens returned had thirty oars, and was preserved by the Athenians down even to the time of Demetrius Phalereus, for they took away the old planks as they decayed, putting in new and stronger timber in their place, insomuch that this ship became a standing example among the philosophers, for the logical question as to things that grow; one side holding that the ship remained the same, and the other contending that it was not the same. Now, after the death of his father Aegeus, forming in his mind a great and wonderful design, he gathered together all the inhabitants of Attica into one town, and made them one people of one city, whereas before they lived dispersed, and were not easy to assemble upon any affair, for the common interest. Nay, the differences and even wars often occurred between them, which he by his persuasions appeased, going form township to township, and from tribe to tribe. And those of a more private and mean condition readily embracing such good advice, to those of greater power he promised a commonwealth without monarchy, a democracy, or people's government, in which he should only be continued as their commander in war and the protector of their laws, all things else being equally distributed among them;--and by this means brought a part of them over to his proposal. The rest, fearing his power, which was already grown very formidable, and knowing his courage and resolution, chose rather to be persuaded than forced into a compliance. He then dissolved all the distant state-houses, council halls, and magistracies, and built one common state-house (the Prytaneum) and council hall on the site of the present upper town, and gave the name of Athens to the whole state, ordaining a common feast and sacrifice, which he called Panathenaea, or the sacrifice of all the united Athenians. He instituted also another sacrifice, called Metoecia, or Feast of Migration, which is yet celebrated on the sixteenth day of Hecatombaeon. Then, as he had promised, he laid down his regal power and proceeded to order a commonwealth, entering upon this great work not without advice from the gods. For having sent to consult the oracle of Delphi concerning the fortune of his new government and city, he received this answer: Son of the Pitthean maid, To your town the terms and fates My father gives of many states. Be not anxious or afraid: The bladder will not fail to swim On the waves that compass him. Which oracle, they say, one of the sibyls long after did in a manner repeat to the Athenians, in this verse: The bladder may be dipt, but not be drowned. Farther yet designing to enlarge his city, he invited all strangers to come and enjoy equal privileges with the natives, and it is said that the common form, "Come hither all ye people," was the words that Theseus proclaimed when he thus set up a commonwealth, in a manner, for all nations. Yet he did not suffer his state, by the promiscuous multitude that flowed in, to be turned into confusion and be left without any order or degree, but was the first that divided the commonwealth into three distinct ranks, the noblemen, the husbandmen, and artificers. To the nobility he committed the care of religion, the choice of magistrates, the teaching and dispensing of the laws, and interpretation and direction in all sacred matters; the whole city being, as it were, reduced to an exact equality, the nobles excelling the rest in honor, the husbandmen in profit, and the artifices in number. And that Theseus was the first, who, as Aristotle says, out of an inclination to popular government, parted with the regal power, Homer also seems to testify, in his catalogue of ships, where he gives the name of "People" to the Athenians only. He also coined money, and stamped it with the image of an ox, either in memory of the Marathonian bull, or of Taurus, whom he vanquished, or else to put his people in mind to follow husbandry; and from this coin came the expression so frequent among the Greeks, as a thing being worth ten or a hundred oxen. After this he joined Megara to Attica, and erected that famous pillar on the isthmus, which bears an inscription of two lines, showing the bounds of the two countries that meet there. On the east side the inscription is,-"Peloponnesus there, Ionia here," And on the west side,-"Peloponnesus here, Ionia there." He also instituted the games, in emulation of Hercules, being ambitious that as the Greeks, by that hero's appointment, celebrated the Olympian games to the honor of Jupiter, so, by his institution, they should celebrate the Isthmian to the honor of Neptune. At the same time he made an agreement with the Corinthians, that they should allow those that came from Athens to the celebration of the Isthmian games as much space of honor before the rest to behold the spectacle in as the sail of the ship that brought them thither, stretched to its full extent, could cover; so Hellenicus and Andro of Halicarnassus have established. Concerning his voyage into the Euxine Sea, Philochorus and some others write that he made it with Hercules, offering him his service in the war against the Amazons, and had Antiope given him for the reward of his valor; but the greater number, of whom are Pherecides, Hellanicus, and Herodorus, with a navy under his own command, and took the Amazon prisoner,--the more probable story, for we do not read that any other, of all those that accompanied him in this action, took any Amazon prisoner. Bion adds, that, to take her, he had to use deceit and fly away; for the Amazons, he says, being naturally lovers of men, were so far from avoiding Theseus when he touched upon their coasts, that they sent him presents to his ship; but he, having invited Antiope, who brought them, to come aboard, immediately set sail and carried her away. An author named Menecrates, that wrote the History of Nicaea in Bithynia, adds, that Theseus, having Antiope aboard his vessel, cruised for some time about those coasts, and that there were in the same ship three young men of Athens, that accompanied him in his voyage, all brothers, whose names were Euneos, Thoas, and Soloon. The last of these fell desperately in love with Antiope; and escaping the notice of the rest, revealed the secret only to one of his most intimate acquaintance, and employed him to disclose his passion to Antiope. She rejected his pretences with a very positive denial, yet treated the matter with much gentleness and discretion, and made no complaint to Theseus of anything that had happened; but Soloon, the thing being desperate, leaped into a river near the seaside and drowned himself. As soon as Theseus was aquainted with his death, and his unhappy love that was the cause of it, he was extremely distressed, and, in the height of his grief, an oracle which he had formerly received at Delphi came into his mind; for he had been commanded by the priestess of Apollo Pythius, that, wherever in a strange land he was most sorrowful and under the greatest affliction, he should build a city there, and leave some of his followers to be governors of the place. For this cause he there founded a city, which he called, from the name of Apollo, Pythopolis, and, in honor of the unfortunate youth, he named the river that runs by it Soloon, and left the two surviving brothers intrusted with the care of the government and laws, joining with them Hermus, one of the nobility of Athens, from whom a place in the city is called the House of Hermus; though by an error in the accent it has been taken for the House of Hermes, or Mercury, and the honor that was designed to the hero, transferred to the god. This was the origin and cause of the Amazonian invasion of Attica, which would seem to have been no slight or womanish enterprise. For it is impossible that they should have placed their camp in the very city, and joined battle close by the Pnyx and the hill called Museum, unless, having first conquered the country round about, they had thus with impunity advanced to the city. That they made so long a journey by land, and passed the Cimmerian Bosphorus when frozen, as Hellanicus writes, is difficult to be believed. That they encamped all but in the city is certain, and may be sufficiently confirmed by the names that the places thereabout yet retain, and the graves and the monuments of those that fell the battle. Both armies being in sight, there was a long pause and doubt on each side which should give the first onset; at last Theseus, having sacrificed to Fear, in obedience to the command of an oracle he had received, gave them battle, in which action a great number of the Amazons were slain. At length, after four months, a peace was concluded between them by the mediation of Hippolyta (for so this historian calls the Amazon whom Theseus married, and not Antiope), though others write that she was slain with a dart by Molpadia, while fighting by Theseus's side, and that the pillar which stands by the temple of Olympian Earth was erected to her honor. Nor is it to be wondered at, that in events of such antiquity, history should be in disorder. This is as much as is worth telling concerning the Amazons. The celebrated friendship between Theseus and Pirithous is said to have been begun as follows: The fame of the strength and valor of Theseus being spread through Greece, Pirithous was desirous to make a trial and proof of it himself, and to this end seized a herd of oxen which belonged to Theseus, and was driving them away from Marathon, and, when news was brought that Theseus pursued him in arms, he did not fly, but turned back and went to meet him. But as soon as they had viewed one another, each so admired the gracefulness and beauty, and was seized with such a respect for the courage of the other, that they forgot all thoughts of fighting; and Pirithous, first stretching out his hand to Theseus, bade him be judge in this case himself, and promised to submit willingly to any penalty he should impose. But Theseus not only forgave him all, but entreated him to be his friend and brother in arms; and they ratified their friendship by oaths. After this Pirithous married Deidamia, and invited Theseus to the wedding, entreating him to come and see his country, and make acquaintance with the Lapithae; he had at the same time invited the Centaurs to the feast, who, growing hot with wine and beginning to be insolent and wild, the Lapithae took immediate revenge upon them, slaying many of them upon the place, and afterwards, having overcome them in battle, drove the whole race of them out of their country, Theseus all along taking the part of the Lapithae, and fighting on their side. Theseus was now fifty years old, as Hellanicus states, when he carried off Helen, who was yet too young to be married. Some writers, to take away this accusation of one of the greatest crimes laid to his charge, say that he did not steal away Helen himself, but that Idas and Lynceus brought her to him, and committed her to his charge, and that, therefore, he refused to restore her at the demand of Castor and Pollux; or, indeed, they say her own father, Tyndarus, had sent her to be kept by him, for fear of Enarophorus, the son of Hippocoon, who would have carried her away by force when she was yet a child. But the most probable account, and that which has witnesses on its side, is this: Theseus and Pirithous went both together to Sparta, and, having seized the young lady as she was dancing in the temple of Diana Orthia, fled away with her. There were presently men in arms sent to pursue, but they followed no farther than to Tegea; and Theseus and Pirithous being now out of danger, having passed through Peloponnesus, made an agreement between themselves, that he to whom the lot should fall should have Helen to his wife, but should be obliged to assist in procuring another for his friend. The lot fell upon Theseus, who conveyed her to Aphidnae, not being yet marriageable, and delivered her to one of his allies, called Aphidnus, and having sent his mother, Aethra, after to take care of her, desired him to keep them so secretly that none might know where they were; which done, to return the same service to his friend Pirithous, he accompanied him in his journey to Epirus, in order to steal away the king of the Molossians' daughter. The king, his own name being Aidoneus, or Pluto, called his wife Proserpina, and his daughter Cora, and a great dog which he kept Cerberus, with whom he ordered all that came as suitors to his daughter to fight, and promised her to him that should overcome the beast. But having been informed that the design of Pirithous and his companion was not to court his daughter, but to force her away, he caused them both to be seized, and threw Pirithous to be torn to pieces by the dog, and put Theseus into prison, and kept him. About this time Menetheus, the son of Peteus, grandson of Orneus, and great-grandson to Erechtheus, the first man that is recorded to have affected popularity and ingratiated himself with the multitude, stirred up and exasperated the most eminent men of the city, who had long borne a secret grudge to Theseus, conceiving that he had robbed them of their several little kingdoms and lordships, and, having pent them all up in one city, was using them as his subjects and slaves. He put also the meaner people into commotion, telling them, that, deluded with a mere dream of liberty, though indeed they were deprived both of that and their proper homes and religious usages, instead of many good and gracious kings of their own, they had given themselves up to be lorded over by a newcomer and a stranger. Whilst he was thus busied in infecting the minds of the citizens, the war that Castor and Pollux brought against Athens came very opportunity to farther the sedition he had been promoting, and some say that he by his persuasions was wholly the cause of their invading the city. At their first approach they committed no acts of hostility, but peaceably demanded their sister Helen; but the Athenians returning answer that they neither had her nor knew where she was disposed of, they prepared to assault the city, when Academus, having, by whatever means, found it out, disclosed to them that she was secretly kept at Aphidnea. For which reason he was both highly honored during his life by Castor and Pollux, and the Lacedaemonians, when often in after times they made excursions into Attica, and destroyed all the country round about, spared the Academy for the sake of Academus. Hercules, passing by the Molossians, was entertained in his way by Aidoneus the king, who, in conversation, accidentally spoke of the journey of Theseus and Pirithous into his country, of what they had designed to do, and what they were forced to suffer. Hercules was much grieved for the inglorious death of the one and the miserable condition of the other. As for Pirithous, he thought it useless to complain; but begged to have Theseus released for his sake, and obtained that favor from the king. Theseus, being thus set at liberty, returned to Athens, where his friends were not wholly suppressed, and dedicated to Hercules all the sacred places which the city had set apart for himself, changing their names from Thesea to Herculea, four only excepted, as Philochorus writes. And wishing immediately to resume the first place in the commonwealth, and manage the state as before, he soon found himself involved in factions and troubles; those who long had hated him had now added to their hatred contempt; and the minds of the people were so generally corrupted, that, instead of obeying commands with silence, they expected to be flattered into their duty. He had some thoughts to have reduced them by force, but was overpowered by demagogues and factions. And at last, despairing of any good success of his affairs in Athens, he sent away his children privately to Euboea, commending them to the care of Elephenor, the son of Chalcodon; and he himself, having solemnly cursed the people of Athens in the village of Gargettus, in which there yet remains the place called Araterion, or the place of cursing, sailed to Scyros, where he had lands left him by his father, and friendship, as he thought, with those of the island. Lycomedes was then king of Scyros. Theseus, therefore, addressed himself to him, and desired to have his lands put into his possession, as designing to settle and dwell there, though others say that he came to beg his assistance against the Athenians. But Lycomedes, either jealous of the glory of so great a man, or to gratify Menestheus, having led him up to the highest cliff of the island, on pretense of showing him from thence the lands that he desired, threw him headlong down from the rock and killed him. Others say he fell down of himself by a slip of his foot, as he was walking there, according to his custom, after supper. At that time there was no notice taken, nor were any concerned for his death, but Menestheus quietly possessed the kingdom of Athens. His sons were brought up in a private condition, and accompanied Elephenor to the Trojan war, but, after the decease of Menestheus in that expedition, returned to Athens, and recovered the government. But in succeeding ages, beside several other circumstances that moved the Athenians to honor Theseus as a demigod, in the battle which was fought at Marathon against the Medes, many of the soldiers believed they saw an apparition of Theseus in arms, rushing on at the head of them against the barbarians. And after the Median war, Phaedo being archon of Athens, the Athenians, consulting the oracle at Delphi, were commanded to gather together the bones of Theseus, and, laying them in some honorable place, keep them as sacred in the city. But it was very difficult to recover these relics, or so much as to find out the place where they lay, on account of the inhospitable and savage temper of the barbarous people that inhabited the island. Nevertheless, afterwards, when Cimon took the island (as is related in his life), and had a great ambition to find the place where Theseus was buried, he, by chance, spied an eagle upon a rising ground pecking with her beak and tearing up the earth with her talons, when on the sudden it came into his mind, as it were by some divine inspiration, to dig there, and search for the bones of Theseus. There were found in that place a coffin of a man of more than ordinary size, and a brazen spear-head, and a sword lying by it, all which he took aboard his galley and brought with him to Athens. Upon which the Athenians, greatly delighted, went out to meet and receive the relics with splendid procession and with sacrifices, as if it were Theseus himself returning alive to the city. He lies interred in the middle of the city, near the present gymnasium. His tomb is a sanctuary and refuge for slaves, and all those of mean condition that fly from the persecution of men in power, in memory that Theseus while he lived was an assister and protector of the distressed, and never refused the petitions of the afflicted that fled to him. The chief and most solemn sacrifice which they celebrate to him is kept on the eighth day of Pyanepsion, on which he returned with the Athenian young men from Crete. Besides which, they sacrifice to him on the eighth day of every month, either because he returned from Troezen the eighth day of Hecatombaeon, as Diodorus the geographer writes, or else thinking that number to be proper to him, because he was reputed to be born of Neptune, because they sacrifice to Neptune on the eighth day of every month. The number eight being the first cube of an even number, and the double of the first square, seemed to be am emblem of the steadfast and immovable power of this god, who from thence has the names of Asphalius and Gaeiochus, that is, the establisher and stayer of the earth. ROMULUS From whom, and for what reason, the city of Rome, a name so great in glory, and famous in the mouths of all men, was so first called, authors do not agree. But the story which is most believed and has the greatest number of vouchers in general outline runs thus: the kings of Alba reigned in lineal descent from Aeneas, and the succession devolved at length upon two brothers, Numitor and Amulius. Amulius proposed to divide things into two equal shares, and set as equivalent to the kingdom the treasure and gold that were brought from Troy. Numitor chose the kingdom; but Amulius, having the money, and being able to do more with that than Numitor, took his kingdom from with great ease, and, fearing lest his daughter might have children who would supplant him, made her a Vestal, bound in that condition forever to live a single and maiden life. This lady some call Ilia, others Rhea, and others Silvia; however, not long after, contrary to the established laws of the Vestals, she had two sons of more than human size and beauty, whom Amulius, becoming yet more alarmed, commanded a servant to take and cast away; this man some call Faustulus, others say Faustulus was the man who brought them up. He put the children, however, in a small trough, and went towards the river with a design to cast them in; but seeing the waters much swollen and coming violently down, was afraid to go nearer, and, dropping the children near the bank, went away. The river overflowing, the flood at last bore up the trough, and, gently wafting it, landed them on a smooth piece of ground, which they now call Cermanus, formerly Germanus, perhaps from "Germani," which signifies brothers. While the infants lay here, history tells us, a she-wolf nursed them, and a woodpecker constantly fed and watched them. These creatures are esteemed holy to the god Mars; the woodpecker the Latins still especially worship and honor. Which things, as much as any, gave credit to what the mother of the children said, that their father was the god Mars. Meantime Faustulus, Amulius's swineherd, brought up the children without any man's knowledge; or, as those say who wish to keep closer to probabilities, with the knowledge and secret assistance of Numitor; for it is said, they went to school at Gabii, and were well instructed in letters, and other accomplishments befitting their birth. And they were called Romulus and Remus (from "ruma", the dug), because they were found suckling the wolf. In their very infancy, the size and beauty of their bodies intimated their natural superiority; and when they grew up, they both proved brave and manly, attempting all enterprises that seemed hazardous, and showing in them a courage altogether undaunted. But Romulus seemed rather to act by counsel, and to show the sagacity of a statesman, and in all his dealings with their neighbors, whether relating to feeding of flocks or to hunting, gave the idea of being born rather to rule than to obey. To their comrades and inferiors they were therefore dear; but the king's servants, his bailiffs and overseers, as being in nothing better men than themselves, they despised and slighted, nor were the least concerned at their commands and menaces. They used honest pastimes and liberal studies, not esteeming sloth and idleness honest and liberal, but rather such exercises as hunting and running, repelling robbers, taking of thieves, and delivering the wronged and oppressed from injury. For doing such things, they became famous. A quarrel occurring betwixt Numitor's and Amulius's cowherds, the latter, not enduring the driving away of their cattle by the others, fell upon them and put them to flight, and rescued the greatest part of the prey. At which Numitor being highly incensed, they little regarded it, but collected and took into their company a number of needy men and runaway slaves,--acts which looked like the first stages of rebellion. It so happened, that when Romulus was attending a sacrifice, being fond of sacred rites and divination, Numitor's herdsmen, meeting with Remus on a journey with few companions, fell upon him, and, after some fighting, took him prisoner, carried him before Numitor, and there accused him. Numitor would not punish him himself, fearing his brother's anger, but went to Amulius and desired justice, as he was Amulius's brother and was affronted by Amulius's servants. The men of Alba likewise resenting the thing, and thinking he had been dishonorably used, Amulius was induced to deliver Remus up into Numitor's hands, to use him as he thought fit. He therefore took and carried him home, and, being struck with admiration of the youth's person, in stature and strength of body exceeding all men, and perceiving in his very countenance the courage and force of his mind, which stood unsubdued and unmoved by his present circumstances, and hearing further that all the enterprises and actions of his life were answerable to what he saw of him, but chiefly, as it seemed, a divine influence aiding and directing the first steps that were to lead to great results, out of the mere thought of his mind, and casually, as it were, he put his hand upon the fact, and, in gentler terms and with a kind aspect, to inspire him with confidence and hope, asked him who he was, and whence he was derived. He, taking heart, spoke thus: "I will hide nothing from you, for you seem to be of a more princely temper than Amulius, in that you give a hearing and examine before you punish, while he condemns before the cause is heard. Formerly, then, we (for we are twins) thought ourselves the sons of Faustulus and Larentia, the king's servants; but since we have been accused and aspersed with calumnies, and brought in peril of our lives here before you, we hear great things of ourselves, the truth of which my present danger is likely to bring to the test. Our birth is said to have been secret, our fostering and nurture in our infancy still more strange; by birds and beasts, to whom we were cast out, we were fed--by the milk of a wolf, and the morsels of a woodpecker, as we lay in a little trough by the side of the river. The trough is still in being, and is preserved, with brass plates round it, and an inscription in letters almost effaced, which may prove hereafter unavailing tokens to our parents when we are dead and gone." Numitor, upon these words, and computing the dates by the young man's looks, slighted not the hope that flattered him, but considered how to come at his daughter privately (for she was still kept under restraint), to talk with her concerning these matters. Faustulus, hearing Remus was taken and delivered up, called on Romulus to assist in his rescue, informing him then plainly of the particulars of his birth--not but he had before given hints of it--and told as much as an attentive man might make no small conclusions from; he himself, full of concern and fear of not coming in time, took the trough, and ran instantly to Numitor; but giving a suspicion to some of the king's sentry at his gate, and being gazed upon by them and perplexed with their questions, he let it be seen that he was hiding the trough under his cloak. By chance there was one among them who was at the exposing of the children, and was one employed in the office; he, seeing the trough and knowing it by its make and inscription, guessed at the business, and, without further delay, telling the king of it, brought in the man to be examined. Faustulus, hard beset, did not show himself altogether proof against terror; nor yet was he wholly forced out of all: confessed indeed the children were alive, but lived, he said, as shepherds, a great way from Alba; he himself was going to carry the trough to Ilia, who had often greatly desired and handle it, for a confirmation of her hopes of her children. As men generally do who are troubled in mind and act either in fear or passion, it so fell out Amulius now did; for he sent in haste as a messenger, a man, otherwise honest and friendly to Numitor, with commands to learn from Numitor whether any tidings were come to him of the children's being alive. He, coming and seeing how little Remus wanted of being received into the arms and embraces of Numitor, both gave him surer confidence in his hope, and advised them, with all expedition, to proceed to action; himself too joining and assisting them, and indeed, had they wished it, the time would not have let them demur. For Romulus was now come very near, and many of the citizens, out of fear and hatred of Amulius, were running out to join him; besides, he brought great forces with him, dividing into companies, each of an hundred men, every captain carrying a small bundle of grass and shrubs tied to a pole. The Latins call such bundles "manipuli," and from hence it is that in their armies still they call their captains "manipulares." Remus rousing the citizens within to revolt, and Romulus making attacks from without, the tyrant, not knowing either what to do, or what expedient to think of for his security, in this perplexity and confusion was taken and put to death. This narrative, for the most part given by Fabius and Diocles of Peparethos, who seem to be the earliest historians of the foundation of Rome, is suspected by some because of its dramatic and fictitious appearance; but it would not wholly be disbelieved, if men would remember what a poet Fortune sometimes shows herself, and consider that the Roman power would hardly have reached so high a pitch without a divinely ordered origin, attended with great and extraordinary circumstances. Amulius now being dead and matters quietly disposed, the two brothers would neither dwell in Alba without governing there, nor take the government into their own hands during the life of their grandfather. Having therefore delivered the dominion up into his hands, and paid their mother befitting honor, they resolved to live by themselves, and build a city in the same place where they were in their infancy brought up. This seems the most honorable reason for their departure; though perhaps it was necessary, having such a body of slaves and fugitives collected about them, either to come to nothing by dispersing them, or if not so, then to live with them elsewhere. For that the inhabitants of Alba did not think fugitives worthy of being received and incorporated as citizens among them plainly appears from the matter of the women, an attempt made not wantonly, but of necessity, because they could not get wives by good-will. For they certainly paid unusual respect and honor to those whom they thus forcibly seized. Not long after the first foundation of the city, they opened a sanctuary of refuge for all fugitives, which they called the temple of the god Asylaeus, where they received and protected all, delivering none back, neither the servant to his master, the debtor to his creditor, nor the murderer into the hands of the magistrate, saying it was a privileged place, and they could so maintain it by an order of the holy oracle; insomuch that the city grew presently very populous, for, they say, it consisted at first of no more than a thousand houses. But of that hereafter. Their minds being fully bent upon building, there arose presently a difference about the place where. Romulus chose what was called Roma Quadrata, or the Square Rome, and would have the city there. Remus laid out a piece of ground on the Aventine Mount, well fortified by nature, which was from him called Remonium, but now Rignarium. Concluding at last to decide the contest by a divination from a flight of birds, and placing themselves apart at some distance, Remus, they say, saw six vultures, and Romulus double the number; others say Remus did truly see his number, and that Romulus feigned his, but, when Remus came to him, that then he did, indeed, see twelve. Hence it is that the Romans, in their divinations from birds, chiefly regard the vulture, though Herodorus Ponticus relates that Hercules was always very joyful when a vulture appeared to him upon any occasion. For it is a creature the least hurtful of any, pernicious neither to corn, fruit-tree, nor cattle; it preys only on carrion, and never kills or hurts any living thing; and as for birds, it touches not them, though they are dead, as being of its own species, whereas eagles, owls, and hawks mangle and kill their own fellow-creatures; yet, as Aeschylus says,-- What bird is clean that preys on fellow bird? Besides, all other birds are, so to say, never out of our eyes; they let themselves be seen of us continually; but a vulture is a very rare sight, and you can seldom meet with a man that has seen their young; their rarity and infrequency has raised a strange opinion in some, that they come to us from some other world; as soothsayers ascribe a divine origination to all things not produced either of nature or of themselves. When Remus knew the cheat, he was much displeased; and as Romulus was casting up a ditch, where he designed the foundation of the city wall, he turned some pieces of the work to ridicule, and obstructed others: at last, as he was in contempt leaping over it, some say Romulus himself struck him, others Celer, one of his companions; he fell, however, and in the scuffle Faustulus also was slain, and Plistinus, who, being Faustulus's brother, story tells us, helped to bring up Romulus. Celer upon this fled instantly into Tuscany, and from him the Romans call all men that are swift of foot Celeres; and because Quintus Metellus, at his father's funeral, in a few days' time gave the people a show of gladiators, admiring his expedition in getting it ready, they gave him the name of Celer. Romulus, having buried his brother Remus, together with his two foster-fathers, on the mount Remonia, set to building his city; and sent for men out of Tuscany, who directed him by sacred usages and written rules in all the ceremonies to be observed, as in a religious rite. First, they dug a round trench about that which is now the Comitium, or Court of Assembly and into it solemnly threw the first-fruits of all things either good by custom or necessary by nature; lastly, every man taking a small piece of earth of the country from whence he came, they all threw them in promiscuously together. This trench they call, as they do the heavens, Mundus; making which their centre, they described the city in a circle round it. Then the founder fitted to a plough, a bronze ploughshare, and, yoking together a bull and a cow, drove himself a deep line or furrow round the bounds; while the business of those that followed after was to see that whatever earth was thrown up should be turned all inwards towards the city, and not to let any clod lie outside. With this line they described the wall, and called it, by a contradiction, Pomoerium, that is, "post murum," after or beside the wall; and where they designed to make a gate, there they took out the share, carried the plough over, and left a space; for which reason they consider the whole wall as holy, except where the gates are; for had they adjudged them also sacred, they could not, without offence to religion, have given free ingress and egress for the necessaries of human life, some of which are in themselves unclean. As for the day they began to build the city, it is universally agreed to have been the twenty-first of April, and that day the Romans annually keep holy, calling it their country's birthday. At first, they say, they sacrificed no living creatures on this day, thinking it fit to preserve the feast of their country's birthday pure and without stain of blood. Yet before ever the city was built, there was a feast of herdsmen and shepherds kept on this day, which went by the name of Palilia. The Roman and Greek months have now little or no agreement; they say, however, the day on which Romulus began to build was quite certainly the thirtieth of the month, at which time there was an eclipse of the sun which they conceive to be that seen by Antimachus, the Teian poet, in the third year of the sixth Olympiad. In the times of Varro the philosopher, a man deeply read in Roman history, lived one Tarrutius, his familiar acquaintance, a good philosopher and mathematician, and one, too, that out of curiosity had studied the way of drawing schemes and tables, and was thought to be a proficient in the art; to him Varro propounded to cast Romulus's nativity, even to the first day and hour, making his deductions from the several events of the man's life which he should be informed of, exactly as in working back a geometrical problem; for it belonged, he said, to the same science both to foretell a man's life by knowing the time of his birth, and also to find out his birth by the knowledge of his life. This task Tarrutius undertook, and first looking into the actions and casualties of the man, together with the time of his life and manner of his death, and then comparing all these remarks together, he very confidently and positively pronounced that Romulus was born the twenty-first day of the month Thoth, about sun-rising; and that the first stone of Rome was laid by him the ninth day of the month Pharmuthi, between the second and third hour. For the fortunes of cities as well as of men, they think, have their certain periods of time prefixed, which may be collected and foreknown from the position of the stars at their first foundation. But these and the like relations may perhaps not so much take and delight the reader with their novelty and curiosity as offend him by their extravagance. The city now being built, Romulus enlisted all that were of age to bear arms into military companies, each company consisting of three thousand footmen and three hundred horse. These companies were called legions, because they were the choicest and most select of the people for fighting men. The rest of the multitude he called the people; an hundred of the most eminent he chose for counselors; these he styled patricians, and their assembly the senate, which signifies a council of elders. In the fourth month after the city was built, as Fabius writes, the adventure of stealing the women was attempted. It would seem that, observing his city to be filled by a confluence of foreigners, few of whom had wives, and that the multitude in general, consisting of a mixture of mean and obscure men, fell under contempt, and seemed to be of no long continuance together, and hoping farther, after the women were appeased, to make this injury in some measure an occasion of confederacy and mutual commerce with the Sabines, Romulus took in his hand this exploit after this manner. First, he gave it out that he had found an altar of a certain god hid under ground, perhaps the equestrian Neptune, for the altar is kept covered in the Circus Maximus at all other times, and only at horse-races is exposed to public view. Upon discovery of this altar, Romulus, by proclamation, appointed a day for a splendid sacrifice, and for public games and shows, to entertain all sorts of people; many flocked thither, and he himself sat in front, amidst his nobles, clad in purple. Now the signal for their falling on was to be whenever he rose and gathered up his robe and threw it over his body; his men stood all ready armed, with their eyes intent upon him, and when the sign was given, drawing their swords and falling on with a great shout, they stole away the daughters of the Sabines, the men themselves flying without any let or hindrance. Some say there were but thirty taken, and from Curiae or Fraternities were named; but Valerius Antias says five hundred and twenty seven, Juba, six hundred and eighty-three. It continues a custom at this very day for the bride not of herself to pass her husband's threshold, but to be lifted over, in memory that the Sabine virgins were carried in by violence, and did not go in of their own free will. Some say, too, the custom of parting the bride's hair with the head of a spear was in token their marriages began at first by war and acts of hostility. The Sabines were a numerous and martial people, but lived in small, unfortified villages, as it befitted, they thought, a colony of the Lacedaemonians to be bold and fearless; nevertheless, seeing themselves bound by such hostages to their good behavior, and being solicitous for their daughters, they sent ambassadors to Romulus with fair and equitable requests, that he would return their young women and recall that act of violence, and afterwards, by persuasion and lawful means, seek friendly correspondence between both nations. Romulus would not part with the young women, yet proposed to the Sabines to enter into an alliance with them; upon which point some consulted and demurred long, but Acron, king of the Ceninenses, a man of high spirit and a good warrior, who had all along a jealousy of Romulus's bold attempts, and considering particularly from this exploit upon the women that he was growing formidable to all people, and indeed insufferable, were he not chastised, first rose up in arms, and with a powerful army advanced against him. Romulus likewise prepared to receive him; but when they came within sight and viewed each other, they made a challenge to fight a single duel, the armies standing by under arms, without participation. And Romulus, making a vow to Jupiter, if he should conquer, to carry himself, and dedicate his adversary's armor to his honor, overcame him in combat, and, a battle ensuing, routed his army also, and then took his city; but did those he found in it no injury, only commanded them to demolish the place and attend him to Rome, there to be admitted to all the privileges of citizens. And indeed there was nothing did more advance the greatness of Rome, than that she did always unite and incorporate those whom she conquered into herself. Romulus, that he might perform his vow in the most acceptable manner to Jupiter, and withal make the pomp of it delightful to the eye of the city, cut down a tall oak which he saw growing in the camp, which he trimmed to the shape of a trophy, and fastened on it Acron's whole suit of armor disposed in proper form; then he himself, girding his clothes about him, and crowning his head with a laurel-garland, his hair gracefully flowing, carried the trophy resting erect upon his right shoulder, and so marched on, singing songs of triumph, and his whole army following after, the citizens all receiving him with acclamations of joy and wonder. The procession of this day was the origin and model of all after triumphs. But the statues of Romulus in triumph are, as may be seen in Rome, all on foot. After the overthrow of the Ceninensians, the other Sabines still protracting the time in preparations, the people of Fidenae, Crustumerium, and Antemna, joined their forces against the Romans; they in like manner were defeated in battle, and surrendered up to Romulus their cities to be seized, their lands and territories to be divided, and themselves to be transplanted to Rome. All the lands which Romulus acquired he distributed among the citizens, except only what the parents of the stolen virgins had; these he suffered to possess their own. The rest of the Sabines, enraged thereat, choosing Tatius their captain, marched straight against Rome. The city was almost inaccessible, having for its fortress that which is now the Capitol, where a strong guard was placed, and Tarpeius their captain. But Tarpeia, daughter to the captain, coveting the golden bracelets she saw them wear, betrayed the fort into the Sabines' hands, and asked, in reward of her treachery, the things they wore on their left arms. Tatius conditioning thus with her, in the night she opened one of the gates and received the Sabines in. And truly Antigonus, it would seem, was not solitary in saying he loved betrayers, but hated those who had betrayed; nor Caesar, who told Rhymitalces the Thracian that he loved the treason, but hated the traitor; but it is the general feeling of all who have occasion for wicked men's services, as people have for the poison of venomous beasts; they are glad of them while they are of use, and abhor their baseness when it is over. And so did Tatius behave towards Tarpeia, for he commanded the Sabines, in regard to their contract, not to refuse her the least part of what they wore on their left arms; and he himself first took his bracelet off his arm, and threw that, together with his buckler, at her; and all the rest following, she, being borne down and quite buried with the multitude of gold and their shields, died under the weight and pressure of them; Tarpeius also himself, being prosecuted by Romulus, was found guilty of treason, and that part of the Capitol they still call the Tarpeian Rock, from which they used to cast down malefactors. The Sabines being possessed of the hill, Romulus, in great fury, bade them battle, and Tatius was confident to accept it. There were many brief conflicts, we may suppose, but the most memorable was the last, in which Romulus having received a wound on his head by a stone, and being almost felled to the ground by it, and disabled, the Romans gave way, and, being driven out of the level ground, fled towards the Palatium. Romulus, by this time recovering from his wound a little, turned about to renew the battle, and, facing the fliers, with a loud voice encouraged them to stand and fight. But being overborne with numbers, and nobody daring to face about, stretching out his hands to heaven, he prayed to Jupiter to stop the army, and not to neglect but maintain the Roman cause, now in extreme danger. The prayer was no sooner made than shame and respect for their king checked many; the fears of the fugitives changed suddenly into confidence. The place they first stood at was where now is the temple of Jupiter Stator (which may be translated the Stayer); there they rallied again into ranks, and repulsed the Sabines to the place called now Regia, and to the temple of Vesta; where both parties, preparing to begin a second battle, were prevented by a spectacle, strange to behold, and defying description. For the daughters of the Sabines, who had been carried off, came running, in great confusion, some on this side, some on that, with miserable cries and lamentations, like creatures possessed, in the midst of the army, and among the dead bodies, to come at their husbands and their fathers, some with their young babes in their arms, others their hair loose about their ears, but all calling, now upon the Sabines, now upon the Romans, in the most tender and endearing words. Hereupon both melted into compassion, and fell back, to make room for them betwixt the armies. The sight of the women carried sorrow and commiseration upon both sides into the hearts of all, but still more their words, which began with expostulation and upbraiding, and ended with entreaty and supplication. "Wherein," say they, "have we injured or offended you, as to deserve such sufferings, past and present? We were ravished away unjustly and violently by those whose now we are; that being done, we were so long neglected by our fathers, our brothers, and countrymen, that time, having now by the strictest bonds united us to those we once mortally hated, has made it impossible for us not to tremble at the danger and weep at the death of the very men who once used violence to us. You did not come to vindicate our honor, while we were virgins, against our assailants; but do come now to force away wives from their husbands and mothers from their children, a succor more grievous to its wretched objects than the former betrayal and neglect of them. Which shall we call the worst, their love-making or your compassion? If you were making war upon any other occasion, for our sakes you ought to withhold your hands from those to whom we have made you fathers-in-law and grandsires. If it be for our own cause, then take us, and with us your sons-in-law and grandchildren. Restore to us our parents and kindred, but do not rob us of our children and husbands. Make us not, we entreat you, twice captives." Having spoken many such words as these, and earnestly praying, a truce was made, and the chief officers came to a parley; the women, in the meantime, brought and presented their husbands and children to their fathers and brothers; gave those that wanted, meat and drink, and carried the wounded home to be cured, and showed also how much they governed within doors, and how indulgent their husbands were to them, in demeaning themselves towards them with all kindness and respect imaginable. Upon this, conditions were agreed upon, that what women pleased might stay where they were, exempt from all drudgery and labor but spinning; that the Romans and Sabines should inhabit the city together; that the city should be called Rome, from Romulus; but the Romans, Quirites, from the country of Tatius; and that they both should govern and command in common. The place of the ratification is still called Comitium, from "coire," to meet. The city thus being doubled in number, an hundred of the Sabines were elected senators, and the legions were increased to six thousand foot and six hundred horse; then they divided the people into three tribes: the first, from Romulus, named Ramnenses; the second, from Tatius, Tatienses; the third, Luceres, from the "lucus," or grove, where the Asylum stood, whither many fled for sanctuary, and were received into the city. And that they were just three, the very name of "tribe" and "tribune" seems to show. Then they constituted many things in honor to the women, such as to give them the way wherever they met them; to speak no ill word in their presence; that their children should wear an ornament about their necks called the "bulla" (because it was like a bubble), and the "praetexta," a gown edged with purple. The princes did not immediately join in council together, but at first each met with his own hundred; afterwards all assembled together. Tatius dwelt where now the temple of Moneta stands, and Romulus, close by the steps, as they call them, of the Fair Shore, near the descent from the Mount Palatine to the Circus Maximus. There, they say, grew the holy cornel tree, of which they report that Romulus once, to try his strength, threw a dart from the Aventine Mount, the staff of which was made of cornel, which struck so deep into the ground that no one of many that tried could pluck it up; and the soil, being fertile, gave nourishment to the wood, which sent forth branches, and produced a cornel-stock of considerable bigness. This did posterity preserve and worship as one of the most sacred things; and therefore, walled it about; and if to any one it appeared not green nor flourishing, but inclining to pine and wither, he immediately made outcry to all he met, and they, like people hearing of a house on fire, with one accord would cry for water, and run from all parts with bucketfuls to the place. But when Gaius Caesar they say, was repairing the steps about it, some of the laborers digging too close, the roots were destroyed, and the tree withered. The Sabines adopted the Roman months, of which whatever is remarkable is mentioned in the Life of Numa. Romulus, on the other hand, adopted their long shields, and changed his own armor and that of all the Romans, who before wore round targets of the Argive pattern. Feasts and sacrifices they partook of in common, not abolishing any which either nation observed before, and instituting several new ones. This, too, is observable as a singular thing in Romulus, that he appointed no punishment for real parricide, but called all murder so, thinking the one an accursed thing, but the other a thing impossible; and for a long time, his judgement seemed to have been right; for in almost six hundred years together, nobody committed the like in Rome; Lucius Hostius, after the wars of Hannibal, is recorded to have been the first parricide. Let thus much suffice concerning these matters. In the fifth year of the reign of Tatius, some of his friends and kinsmen, meeting ambassadors coming from Laurentum to Rome, attempted on the road to take away their money by force, and, upon their resistance, killed them. So great a villany having been committed, Romulus thought the malefactors ought at once to be punished, but Tatius shuffled off and deferred the execution of it; and this one thing was the beginning of an open quarrel betwixt them; in all other respects they were very careful of their conduct, and administered affairs together with great unanimity. The relations of the slain, being debarred of lawful satisfaction by reason of Tatius, fell upon him as he was sacrificing with Romulus at Lavinium, and slew him; but escorted Romulus home, commending and extolling him for just a prince. Romulus took the body of Tatius, and buried it very splendidly in the Aventine Mount. The Roman cause daily gathering strength, their weaker neighbors shrunk away, and were thankful to be left untouched; but the stronger, out of fear or envy, thought they ought not to give away to Romulus, but to curb and put a stop to his growing greatness. The first were the Veientes, a people of Tuscany, who had large possessions, and dwelt in a spacious city; they took occasion to commence a war, by claiming Fidenae as belonging to them. But being scornfully retorted upon by Romulus in his answers, they divided themselves into two bodies; with one they attacked the garrison of Fidenae, the other marched against Romulus; that which went against Fidenae got the victory, and slew two thousand Romans; the other was worsted by Romulus, with the loss of eight thousand men. A fresh battle was fought near Fidenae, and here all men acknowledge the day's success to have been chiefly the work of Romulus himself, who showed the highest skill as well as courage, and seemed to manifest a strength and swiftness more than human. But what some write, that, of fourteen thousand that fell that day, above half were slain by Romulus's own hand, verges too near to fable, and is, indeed, simply incredible: since even the Messenians are thought to go too far in saying that Aristomenes three times offered sacrifices for the death of a hundred enemies, Lacedaemonians, slain by himself. The army being thus routed, Romulus, suffering those that were left to make their escape, led his forces against the city; they, having suffered such great losses, did not venture to oppose, but, humbly suing him, made a league and friendship for an hundred years; surrendering also a large district of land called Septempagium, that is, the seven parts, as also their salt-works upon the river, and fifty noblemen for hostages. He made his triumph for this on the Ides of October, leading, among the rest of his many captives, the general of the Veientes, an elderly man, but who had not, it seemed, acted with the prudence of age; whence even now, in sacrifices for victories, they led an old man through the market-place to the Capitol, appareled in purple, with a bulla, or child's toy, tied to it, and the crier cries, "Sardians to be sold;" for the Tuscans are said to be a colony of the Sardians, and the Veientes are a city of Tuscany. This was the last battle Romulus ever fought; afterwards he, as most, nay all men, very few excepted, do, who are raised by great and miraculous good-haps of fortune to power and greatness, so, I say, did he: relying upon his own great actions and growing of a haughtier mind, he forsook his popular behavior for kingly arrogance, odious to the people; to whom in particular the state which he assumed was hateful. For he dressed in scarlet, with the purple-bordered robe over it; he gave audience on a couch of slate, having always about him some young men called "Celeres," from their swiftness in doing commissions. He suddenly disappeared on the Nones of July, as they call the month which was then Quintilis, leaving nothing of certainty to be related of his death; the senators suffered the people not to search, or busy themselves about the matter, but commanded them to honor and worship Romulus as one taken up to the gods, and about to be to them, in the place of a good prince, now a propitious god. The multitude, hearing this, went away believing and rejoicing in hopes of good things from him; but there were some, who, canvassing the matter in a hostile temper, accused the patricians, as men that persuaded the people to believe ridiculous tales, when they were the murderers of the king. Things being in this disorder, one, they say, of the patricians, of noble family and approved good character, and a faithful and familiar friend of Romulus himself, having come with him from Alba, Julius Proculus by name, presented himself in the forum; and taking a most sacred oath, protested before them all, that, as he was travelling on the road, he had seen Romulus coming to meet him, looking taller and comelier than ever, dressed in shining and flaming armor; and he, being affrighted at the apparition, said, "Why, O king, or for what purpose, have you abandoned us to unjust and wicked surmises, and the whole city to bereavement and endless sorrow?" and that he made answer, "It pleased the gods, O Proculus, that we, who came from them, should remain so long a time amongst men as we did; and, having built a city to be the greatest in the world for empire and glory, should again return to heaven. But farewell; and tell the Romans, that, by the exercise of temperance and fortitude, they shall attain the height of human power; we will be to you the propitious god Quirinus." This seemed credible to the Romans, upon the honesty and oath of the relator, and laying aside all jealousies and detractions, they prayed to Quirinus and saluted him as a god. This is like some of the Greek fables of Aristeas the Proconnesian, and Cleomedes the Astypalaean; for they say Aristeas died in a fuller's workshop, and his friends, coming to look for him, found his body vanished; and that some presently after, coming from abroad, said they met him travelling towards Croton. And that Cleomedes, being an extraordinarily strong and gigantic man, but also wild and mad, committed many desperate freaks; and at last, in a schoolhouse, striking a pillar that sustained the roof with his fist, broke it in the middle, so that the house fell and destroyed the children in it; and being pursued, he fled into a great chest, and, shutting to the lid, held it so fast that many men, with their united strength, could not force it open; afterwards, breaking the chest to pieces, they found no man in it alive or dead. And many such improbabilities do your fabulous writers relate, deifying creatures naturally mortal; for though altogether to disown a divine nature in human virtue were impious and base, so again to mix heaven with earth is ridiculous. Let us believe with Pindar, that All human bodies yield to Death's decree: The soul survives to all eternity. For that alone is derived from the gods, thence comes, and thither returns. It was in the fifty-fourth year of his age and the thirty-eighth of his reign that Romulus, they tell us, left the world. COMPARISON OF THESEUS AND ROMULUS Both Theseus and Romulus were by nature meant for governors; yet neither lived up to the true character of a king, but fell off, and ran, the one into popularity, the other into tyranny, falling both into the same fault out of different passions. For a ruler's first end is to maintain his office, which is done no less by avoiding what is unfit than by observing what is suitable. Whoever is either too remiss or too strict is no more a king or a governor, but either a demagogue or a despot, and so becomes either odious or contemptible to his subjects. Though certainly the one seems to be the fault of easiness and good-nature, the other of pride and severity. But Romulus has, first of all, one great plea, that his performances proceeded from very small beginnings; for both the brothers, being thought servants and the sons of swineherds, before becoming freemen themselves gave liberty to almost all the Latins, obtaining at once all the most honorable titles, as, destroyers of their country's enemies, preservers of their friends and kindred, princes of the people, founders of cities; not removers, like Theseus, who raised and compiled only one house out of many, demolishing many cities bearing the names of ancient kings and heroes. Romulus, indeed, did the same afterwards, forcing his enemies to deface and ruin their own dwellings, and to sojourn with their conquerors; but at first, not by removal, or increase of an existing city, but by foundation of a new one, he obtained himself lands, a country, a kingdom, wives, children, and relations. And, in so doing, he killed or destroyed nobody, but benefited those that wanted houses and homes, and were willing to be of a society and become citizens. Robbers and malefactors he slew not; but he subdued nations, he overthrew cities, he triumphed over kings and commanders. As to Remus, it is doubtful by whose hand he fell; it is generally imputed to others. His mother he clearly retrieved from death, and placed his grandfather, who was brought under base and dishonorable vassalage, on the ancient throne of Aeneas, to whom he did voluntarily many good offices, but never did him harm even inadvertently. But Theseus, in his forgetfulness and neglect of the command concerning the flag, can scarcely, methinks, by any excuses, or before the most indulgent judges, avoid the imputation of parricide. And, indeed, one of the Attic writers, perceiving it to be very hard to make an excuse for this, feigns that Aegeus, at the approach of the ship, running hastily to the Acropolis to see what news there was, slipped and fell down; as if he had no servants, or none would attend him on his way to the shore. LYCURGUS Those authors who are most worthy of credit deduce the genealogy of Lycurgus, the lawgiver of Sparta, as follows: Aristodemus. | Patrocles. | Sous. | Eurypon. | Eunomus. | _________________________________________________ Polydectes by his first wife. Lycurgus by Dionassa his second. Sous certainly was the most renowned of all his ancestors, under whose conduct the Spartans made slaves of the Helots, and added to their dominions, by conquest, a good part of Arcadia. There goes a story of this king Sous, that, being besieged by the Clitorians in a dry and stony place so that he could come at no water, he was at last constrained to agree with them upon these terms, that he would restore to them all his conquests, provided that himself and all his men should drink of the nearest spring. After the usual oaths and ratifications, he called his soldiers together, and offered to him that would forbear drinking, his kingdom for a reward; and when not a man of them was able to forbear, in short, when they had all drunk their fill, at last comes king Sous himself to the spring, and, having sprinkled his face only, without swallowing one drop, marches off in the face of his enemies, refusing to yield up his conquests, because himself and all his men had not, according to the articles, drunk of their water. Although he was justly had in admiration on this account, yet his family was not surnamed from him, but from his son Eurypon (of whom they were called Eurypontids); the reason of which was that Eurypon relaxed the rigor of the monarchy, seeking favor and popularity with the many. They, after this first step, grew bolder; and the succeeding kings partly incurred hatred with their people by trying to use force, or, for popularity's sake and through weakness, gave way; and anarchy and confusion long prevailed in Sparta, causing, moreover, the death of the father of Lycurgus. For as he was endeavoring to quell a riot, he was stabbed with a butcher's knife, and left the title of king to his eldest son Polydectes. He, too, dying soon after, the right of succession (as every one thought) rested in Lycurgus; and reign he did for a time, but declared that the kingdom belonged to the child of his sister-in-law the queen, and that he himself should exercise the regal jurisdiction only as his guardian; the Spartan name for which office is prodicus. Soon after, an overture was made to him by the queen, that she would herself in some way destroy the infant, upon condition that he would marry her when he came to the crown. Abhorring the woman's wickedness, he nevertheless did not reject her proposal, but, making show of closing with her, despatched the messenger with thanks and expressions of joy, with orders that they should bring the boy baby to him, wheresoever he were, and whatsoever doing. It so fell out that when he was at supper with the principal magistrates, the queen's child was presented to him, and he, taking him into his arms, said to those about him, "Men of Sparta, here is a king born unto us;" this said, he laid him down in the king's place, and named him Charilaus, that is, the joy of the people; because that all were transported with joy and with wonder at his noble and just spirit. His reign had lasted only eight months, but he was honored on other accounts by the citizens, and there were more who obeyed him because of his eminent virtues, than because he was regent to the king and had the royal power in his hands. Some, however, envied and sought to impede his growing influence while he was still young; chiefly the kindred and friends of the queen-mother, who pretended to have been dealt with injuriously. Her brother Leonidas, in a warm debate which fell out betwixt him and Lycurgus, went so far as to tell him to his face that he was well assured that ere long he should see him king; suggesting suspicions and preparing the way for an accusation of him, as though he had made away with his nephew, if the child should chance to fail, though by a natural death. Words of the like import were designedly cast abroad by the queen-mother and her adherents. Troubled at this, and not knowing what it might come to, he thought it his wisest course to avoid their envy by a voluntary exile, and to travel from place to place until his nephew came to marriageable years, and, by having a son, had secured the succession. Setting sail, therefore, with this resolution, he first arrived at Crete, where, having considered their several forms of government, and got an acquaintance with the principal men amongst them, some of their laws he very much approved of, and resolved to make use of them in his own country; a good part he rejected as useless. Amongst the persons there the most renowned for their learning and their wisdom in state matters was one Thales, whom Lycurgus, by importunities and assurances of friendship, persuaded to go over to Lacedaemon; where, though by his outward appearance and his own profession he seemed to be no other than a lyric poet, in reality he performed the part of one of the ablest lawgivers in the world. The very songs which he composed were exhortations to obedience and concord, and the very measure and cadence of the verse, conveying impressions of order and tranquillity, had so great an influence on the minds of the listeners that they were insensibly softened and civilized, insomuch that they renounced their private feuds and animosities, and were reunited in a common admiration of virtue. So that it may truly be said that Thales prepared the way for the discipline introduced by Lycurgus. From Crete he sailed to Asia, with design, as is said, to examine the difference betwixt the manners and rules of life of the Cretans, which were very sober and temperate, and those of the Ionians, a people of sumptuous and delicate habits, and so to form a judgment; just as physicians do by comparing healthy and diseased bodies. Here he had the first sight of Homer's works, in the hands, we may suppose, of the posterity of Creophylus; and, having observed that the few loose expressions and actions of ill example which are to be found in his poems were much outweighed by serious lessons of state and rules of morality, he set himself eagerly to transcribe and digest them into order, as thinking they would be of good use in his own country. They had, indeed, already obtained some slight repute amongst the Greeks, and scattered portions, as chance conveyed them, were in the hands of individuals; but Lycurgus first made them really known. The Egyptians say that he took a voyage into Egypt, and that, being much taken with their way of separating the soldiery from the rest of the nation, he transferred it from them to Sparta; a removal from contact with those employed in low and mechanical occupations giving high refinement and beauty to the state. Some Greek writers also record this. But as for his voyages into Spain, Africa, and the Indies, and his conferences there with the Gymnosophists, the whole relation, as far as I can find, rests on the single credit of the Spartan Aristocrates, the son of Hipparchus. Lycurgus was much missed at Sparta, and often sent for, "For kings indeed we have," they said, "who wear the marks and assume the titles of royalty, but as for the qualities of their minds, they have nothing by which they are to be distinguished from their subjects;" adding that in him alone was the true foundation of sovereignty to be seen, a nature made to rule, and a genius to gain obedience. Nor were the kings themselves averse to see him back, for they looked upon his presence as a bulwark against the insolencies of the people. Things being in this posture at his return, he applied himself, without loss of time, to a thorough reformation, and resolved to change the whole face of the commonwealth; for what could a few particular laws and a partial alteration avail? He must act as wise physicians do, in the case of one who labors under a complication of diseases,--by force of medicines reduce and exhaust him, change his whole temperament, and then set him upon a totally new regimen of diet. Having thus projected things, away he goes to Delphi to consult Apollo there; which having done, and offered his sacrifice, he returned with that renowned oracle, in which he is called beloved of God, and rather God than man: that his prayers were heard, that his laws should be the best, and the commonwealth which observed them the most famous in the world. Encouraged by these things, he set himself to bring over to his side the leading men of Sparta, exhorting them to give him a helping hand in his great undertaking: he broke it first to his particular friends, and then by degrees gained others, and animated them all to put his design in execution. When things were ripe for action, he gave order to thirty of the principal men of Sparta to be ready armed at the market-place at break of day, to the end that he might strike a terror into the opposite party. Hermippus hath set down the names of twenty of the most eminent of them: but the name of him whom Lycurgus most confided in, and who was of most use to him both in making his laws and putting them in execution, was Arthmiadas. Things growing to a tumult, king Charilaus, apprehending that it was a conspiracy against his person, took sanctuary in the temple of Athena of the Brazen House; but, being soon after undeceived, and having taken an oath of them that they had no designs against him, he quitted his refuge, and himself also entered into the confederacy with them; of so gentle and flexible a disposition he was, to which Archelaus, his brother-king, alluded, when, hearing him extolled for his goodness, he said: "Who can say he is anything but good? he is so even to the bad." Amongst the many changes and alterations which Lycurgus made, the first and of greatest importance was the establishment of the senate, which, having a power equal to the kings' in matters of great consequence, and, as Plato expresses it, allaying and qualifying the fiery genius of the royal office, gave steadiness and safety to the commonwealth. For the state, which before had no firm basis to stand upon, but leaned one while towards an absolute monarchy, when the kings had the upper hand, and another while towards a pure democracy, when the people had the better, found in this establishment of the senate a central weight, like ballast in a ship, which always kept things in a just equilibrium; the twenty-eight always adhering to the kings so far as to resist democracy, and, on the other hand, supporting the people against the establishment of absolute monarchy. As for the determinate number of twenty-eight, Aristotle states that it so fell out because two of the original associates, for want of courage, fell off from the enterprise; but Sphaerus assures us that there were but twenty-eight of the confederates at first; perhaps there is some mystery in the number, which consists of seven multiplied by four, and is the first of perfect numbers after six, being, as that is, equal to all its parts. For my part, I believe Lycurgus fixed upon the number of twenty-eight, that, the two kings being reckoned amongst them, they might be thirty in all. So eagerly set was he upon this establishment, that he took the trouble to obtain an oracle about it from Delphi; and the Rhetra (or sacred ordinance) runs thus: "After that you have built a temple to Jupiter Hellanius, and to Minerva Hellania, and after that you have phyle'd the people into phyles, and obe'd them into obes, you shall establish a council of thirty elders, the leaders included, and shall, from time to time, assemble the people betwixt Babyca and Cnacion, there propound and put to the vote. The commons have the final voice and decision." By phyles and obes are meant the divisions of the people; by the leaders, the two kings; Aristotle says Cnacion is a river, and Babyca a bridge. Betwixt this Babyca and Cnacion, their assemblies were held, for they had no council-house or building to meet in. Lycurgus was of opinion that ornaments were so far from advantaging them in their councils, that they were rather an hindrance, by diverting their attention from the business before them to statues and pictures, and roofs curiously fretted, the usual embellishments of such places amongst the other Greeks. The people then being thus assembled in the open air, it was not allowed to any one of their order to give his advice, but only either to ratify or reject what should be propounded to them by the king or senate. After the creation of the thirty senators, his next task, and, indeed, the most hazardous he ever undertook, was the making of a new division of their lands. For there was an extreme inequality amongst them, and their state was overloaded with a multitude of indigent and necessitous persons, while its whole wealth had centred upon a very few. To the end, therefore, that he might expel from the state arrogance and envy, luxury and crime, and those yet more inveterate diseases of want and superfluity, he obtained of them to renounce their properties, and to consent to a new division of the land, and that they should live all together on an equal footing; merit to be their only road to eminence, and the disgrace of evil, and credit of worthy acts, their one measure of difference between man and man. Upon their consent to these proposals, proceeding at once to put them into execution, he divided the country of Laconia in general into thirty thousand equal shares, and the part attached to the city of Sparta into nine thousand; these he distributed among the Spartans, as he did the others to the country citizens. A lot was so much as to yield, one year with another, about seventy bushels of grain for the master of the family, and twelve for his wife, with a suitable proportion of oil and wine. And this he thought sufficient to keep their bodies in good health and strength; superfluities they were better without. It is reported, that, as he returned from a journey shortly after the division of the lands, in harvest time, the ground being newly reaped, seeing the stacks all standing equal and alike, he smiled, and said to those about him, "Methinks all Laconia looks like one family estate just divided among a number of brothers." Not contented with this, he resolved to make a division of their movables too, that there might be no odious distinction or inequality left amongst them; but finding that it would be very dangerous to go about it openly, he took another course, and defeated their avarice by the following stratagem: he commanded that all gold and silver coin should be called in, and that only a sort of money made of iron should be current, a great weight and quantity of which was worth but very little; so that to lay up a hundred or two dollars there was required a pretty large closet, and, to remove it, nothing less than a yoke of oxen. With the diffusion of this money, at once a number of vices were banished from Lacedaemon; for who would rob another of such a coin? Who would unjustly detain or take by force, or accept as a bribe, a thing which it was not easy to hide, nor a credit to have, nor indeed of any use to cut in pieces? For when it was just red-hot, they quenched it in vinegar, and by that means spoilt it, and made it almost incapable of being worked. In the next place, he declared an outlawry of all needless and superfluous arts; but here he might almost have spared his proclamation; for they of themselves would have gone with the gold and silver, the money which remained being not so proper payment for curious work; for, being of iron, it was scarcely portable, neither, if they should take the pains to export it, would it pass amongst the other Greeks, who ridiculed it so there was now no more means of purchasing foreign goods and small wares; merchants sent no shiploads into Laconian ports; no rhetoric-master, no itinerant fortune-teller, or gold or silversmith, engraver, or jeweler, set foot in a country which had no money; so that luxury, deprived little by little of that which fed and fomented it, wasted to nothing, and died away of itself. For the rich had no advantage here over the poor, as their wealth and abundance had no road to come abroad by, but were shut up at home doing nothing. And in this way they became excellent artists in common necessary things; bedsteads, chairs, and tables, and such like staple utensils in a family, were admirably well made there; their cup, particularly, was very much in fashion, and eagerly sought for by soldiers, as Critias reports; for its color was such as to prevent water, drunk upon necessity and disagreeable to look at, from being noticed; and the shape of it was such that the mud stuck to the sides, so that only the purer part came to the drinker's mouth. For this, also, they had to thank their lawgiver, who, by relieving the artisans of the trouble of making useless things, set them to show their skill in giving beauty to those of daily and indispensable use. The third and most masterly stroke of this great lawgiver, by which he struck a yet more effectual blow against luxury and the desire of riches, was the ordinance he made that they should all eat in common, of the same bread and same meat, and of kinds that were specified, and should not spend their lives at home, laid on costly couches at splendid tables, delivering themselves up into the hands of their tradesmen and cooks, to fatten them in corners, like greedy brutes, and to ruin not their minds only but their very bodies, which, enfeebled by indulgence and excess, would stand in need of long sleep, warm bathing, freedom from work, and, in a word, of as much care and attendance as if they were continually sick. It was certainly an extraordinary thing to have brought about such a result as this, but a greater yet to have taken away from wealth, as Theophrastus observes, not merely the property of being coveted, but its very nature of being wealth. For the rich, being obliged to go to the same table with the poor, could not make use of or enjoy their abundance, nor so much as please their vanity by looking at or displaying it. So that the common proverb, that Plutus, the god of riches, is blind, was nowhere in all the world literally verified but in Sparta. There, indeed, he was not only blind, but, like a picture, without either life or motion. Nor were they allowed to take food at home first, and then attend the public tables, for everyone had an eye upon those who did not eat and drink like the rest, and reproached them with being dainty and effeminate. This last ordinance in particular exasperated the wealthier men. They collected in a body against Lycurgus, and from ill words came to throwing stones, so that at length he was forced to run out of the market-place, and make to sanctuary to save his life; by good-hap he outran all excepting one Alcander, a young man otherwise not ill accomplished, but hasty and violent, who came up so close to him, that, when he turned to see who was near him, he struck him upon the face with his stick, and put out one of his eyes. Lycurgus, so far from being daunted and discouraged by this accident, stopped short and showed his disfigured face and eye beat out to his countrymen; they, dismayed and ashamed at the sight, delivered Alcander into his hands to be punished, and escorted him home, with expressions of great concern for his ill usage. Lycurgus, having thanked them for their care of his person, dismissed them all, excepting only Alcander; and, taking him with him into his house, neither did nor said anything severe to him, but dismissing those whose place it was, bade Alcander to wait upon him at table. The young man, who was of an ingenuous temper, did without murmuring as he was commanded; and, being thus admitted to live with Lycurgus, he had an opportunity to observe in him, beside his gentleness and calmness of temper, an extraordinary sobriety and an indefatigable industry, and so, from an enemy, became one of his most zealous admirers, and told his friends and relations that Lycurgus was not that morose and ill-natured man they had formerly taken him for, but the one mild and gentle character of the world. And thus did Lycurgus, for chastisement of his fault, make of a wild and passionate young man one of the discreetest citizens of Sparta. In memory of this accident, Lycurgus built a temple to Minerva. Some authors, however, say that he was wounded, indeed, but did not lose his eye from the blow; and that he built the temple in gratitude for the cure. Be this as it will, certain it is, that, after this misadventure, the Lacedaemonians made it a rule never to carry so much as a staff into their public assemblies. But to return to their public repasts. They met by companies of fifteen, more or less, and each of them stood bound to bring in monthly a bushel of meal, eight gallons of wine, five pounds of cheese, two pounds and a half of figs, and some very small sum of money to buy flesh or fish with. Besides this, when any of them made sacrifice to the gods, they always sent a dole to the common hall; and, likewise, when any of them had been a-hunting, he sent thither a part of the venison he had killed; for these two occasions were the only excuses allowed for supping at home. The custom of eating together was observed strictly for a great while afterwards; insomuch that king Agis himself, after having vanquished the Athenians, sending for his commons at his return home, because he desired to eat privately with his queen, was refused them by the polemarchs; and when he resented this refusal so much as to omit next day the sacrifice due for a war happily ended, they made him pay a fine. They used to send their children to these tables as to schools of temperance; here they were instructed in state affairs by listening to experienced statesmen; here they learnt to converse with pleasantry, to make jests without scurrility, and take them without ill humor. In this point of good breeding, the Lacedaemonians excelled particularly, but if any man were uneasy under it, upon the least hint given there was no more to be said to him. It was customary also for the eldest man in the company to say to each of them, as they came in, "Through this" (pointing to the door), "no words go out." When any one had a desire to be admitted into any of these little societies, he was to go through the following probation: each man in the company took a little ball of soft bread, which they were to throw into a deep basin, that a waiter carried round upon his head; those that liked the person to be chosen dropped their ball into the basin without altering its figure, and those who disliked him pressed it betwixt their fingers, and made it flat; and this signified as much as a negative voice. And if there were but one of these flattened pieces in the basin, the suitor was rejected, so desirous were they that all the members of the company should be agreeable to each other. The basin was called caddichus, and the rejected candidate had a name thence derived. Their most famous dish was the black broth, which was so much valued that the elderly men fed only upon that, leaving what flesh there was to the younger. They say that a certain king of Pontus, having heard much of this black broth of theirs, sent for a Lacedaemonian cook on purpose to make him some, but had no sooner tasted it than he found it extremely bad, which the cook observing, told him, "Sir, to make this broth relish, you should have bathed yourself first in the river Eurotas." After drinking moderately, every man went to his home without lights, for the use of them was, on all occasions, forbid, to the end that they might accustom themselves to march boldly in the dark. Such was the common fashion of their meals. Lycurgus would never reduce his laws into writing; nay, there is a Rhetra expressly to forbid it. For he thought that the most material points, and such as most directly tended to the public welfare, being imprinted on the hearts of their youth by a good discipline, would be sure to remain, and would find a stronger security, than any compulsion would be, in the principles of action formed in them by their best lawgiver, education. One, then, of the Rhetras was, that their laws should not be written; another is particularly leveled against luxury and expensiveness, for by it it was ordained that the ceilings of their houses should only be wrought by the axe, and their gates and doors smoothed only the saw. Epaminondas's famous dictum about his own table, that "Treason and a dinner like this do not keep company together," may be said to have been anticipated by Lycurgus. Luxury and a house of this kind could not well be companions. For a man must have a less than ordinary share of sense that would furnish such plain and common rooms with silver-footed couches and purple coverlets and gold and silver plate. Doubtless he had good reason to think that they would proportion their beds to their houses, and their coverlets to their beds, and the rest of their goods and furniture to these. It is reported that King Leotychides, the first of that name, was so little used to the sight of any other kind of work, that, being entertained at Corinth in a stately room, he was much surprised to see the timber and ceilings so finely carved and paneled, and asked his host whether the trees grew so in his country. A third ordinance or Rhetra was that they should not make war often, or long, with the same enemy, lest they should train and instruct them in war, by habituating them to defend themselves. And this is what Agesilaus was much blamed for a long time after; it being thought that, by his continual incursions into Boeotia, he made the Thebans a match for the Lacedaemonians; and therefore Antalcidas, seeing him wounded one day, said to him that he was very well paid for taking such pains to make the Thebans good soldiers, whether they would or no. These laws were called the Rhetras, to intimate that they were divine sanctions and revelations. In order to the good education of their youth (which, as I said before, he thought the most important and noblest work of a lawgiver), he took in their case all the care that was possible; he ordered the maidens to exercise themselves with wrestling, running, throwing the quoit, and casting the dart, to the end that they might have strong and healthy bodies. It was not in the power of the father to dispose of his child as he thought fit; he was obliged to carry it before certain "triers" at a place called Lesche; these were some of the elders of the tribe to which the child belonged; their business it was carefully to view the infant, and, if they found it stout and well made, they gave order for its rearing, and allotted to it one of the nine thousand shares of land above mentioned for its maintenance; but if they found it puny and ill-shaped, ordered it to be taken to what was called the Apothetae, a sort of chasm under Taygetus; as thinking it neither for the good of the child itself, nor for the public interest, that it should be brought up, if it did not, from the very outset, appear made to be healthy and vigorous. Upon the same account, the women did not bathe the new-born children with water, as is the custom in all other countries, but with wine, to prove the temper and complexion of their bodies; from a notion they had that epileptic and weakly children faint and waste away upon their being thus bathed, while, on the contrary, those of a strong and vigorous habit acquire firmness and get a temper by it like steel. There was much care and art, too, used by the nurses; they had no swaddling bands; the children grew up free and unconstrained in limb and form, and not dainty and fanciful about their food; nor afraid in the dark, or of being left alone; without any peevishness or ill humor or crying. Upon this account, Spartan nurses were often bought up, or hired by people of other countries. Lycurgus was of another mind; he would not have masters bought out of the market for his young Spartans, nor such as should sell their pains; nor was it lawful, indeed, for the father himself to raise his children after his own fancy; but as soon as they were seven years old they were to be enrolled in certain companies and classes, where they all lived under the same order and discipline, doing their exercises and taking their play together. Of these he who showed the most conduct and courage was made captain; they had their eyes always upon him, obeyed his orders, and underwent patiently whatsoever punishment he inflicted; so that the whole course of their education was one continued exercise of a ready and perfect obedience. The old men, too, were spectators of their performances, and often raised quarrels and disputes among them, to have a good opportunity of finding out their different characters, and of seeing which would be valiant, which a coward, when they should come to more dangerous encounters. Reading and writing they gave them, just enough to serve their turn; their chief care was to make them good subjects, and to teach them to endure pain and conquer in battle. To this end, as they grew in years, their discipline was proportionally increased; their heads were close-clipped; they were accustomed to go barefoot, and for the most part to play naked. After they were twelve years old they were no longer allowed to wear any under-garment; they had one coat to serve them a year; their bodies were hard and dry, with but little acquaintance of baths and unguents; these human indulgences they were allowed only on some few particular days in the year. They lodged together in little bands upon beds made of the rushes which grew by the banks of the river Eurotas, which they were to break off with their hands without a knife; if it were winter, they mingled some thistledown with their rushes, which it was thought had the property of giving warmth. Besides all this, there was always one of the best and most honest men in the city appointed to undertake the charge and governance of them; he again arranged them into their several bands, and set over each of them for their captain the most temperate and bold of those they called Irens, who were usually twenty years old, two years out of boyhood; and the eldest of the boys, again, were Mell-Irens, as much as to say, "who would shortly be men." This young man, therefore, was their captain when they fought, and their master at home, using them for the offices of his house; sending the oldest of them to fetch wood, and the weaker and less able, to gather salads and herbs, and these they must either go without or steal; which they did by creeping into the gardens, or conveying themselves cunningly and closely into the eating-houses; if they were taken in the act, they were whipped without mercy, for thieving so ill and awkwardly. They stole, too, all other meat they could lay their hands on, looking out and watching all opportunities, when people were asleep or more careless than usual. If they were caught, they were not only punished with whipping, but hunger, too, being reduced to their ordinary allowance, which was but very slender, and so contrived on purpose, that they might set about to help themselves, and be forced to exercise their energy and address. So seriously did the Lacedaemonian children go about their stealing, that a youth, having stolen a young fox and hid it under his coat, suffered it to tear out his very bowels with its teeth and claws, and died upon the place, rather than let it be seen. What is practised to this very day in Lacedaemon is enough to gain credit to this story, for I myself have seen several of the youths endure whipping to death at the foot of the altar of Diana surnamed Orthia. The Iren, or under-master, used to stay a little with them after supper, and one of them he bade to sing a song, to another he put a question which required an advised and deliberate answer; for example, Who was the best man in the city? What he thought of such an action of such a man? They accustomed them thus early to pass a right judgment upon persons and things, and to inform themselves of the abilities or defects of their countrymen. If they had not an answer ready to the question, Who was a good or who an ill-reputed citizen? they were looked upon as of a dull and careless disposition, and to have little or no sense of virtue and honor; besides this, they were to give a good reason for what they said, and in as few words and as comprehensive as might be; he that failed of this, or answered not to the purpose, had his thumb bit by his master. They taught them, also, to speak with a natural and graceful raillery, and to comprehend much matter of thought in few words. For Lycurgus, who ordered, as we saw, that a great piece of money should be but of an inconsiderable value, on the contrary would allow no discourse to be current which did not contain in few words a great deal of useful and curious sense; children in Sparta, by a habit of long silence, came to give just and sententious answers; for, indeed, loose talkers seldom originate many sensible words. King Agis, when some Athenian laughed at their short swords, and said that the jugglers on the stage swallowed them with ease, answered him, "We find them long enough to reach our enemies with;" and as their swords were short and sharp, so, it seems to me, were their sayings. They reach the point and arrest the attention of the hearers better than any others. Lycurgus himself seems to have been short and sententious, if we may trust the anecdotes of him; as appears by his answer to one who by all means would set up democracy in Lacedaemon. "Begin, friend," said he, "and set it up in your family." Another asked him why he allowed of such mean and trivial sacrifices to the gods. He replied, "That we may always have something to offer to them." Being asked what sort of martial exercises or combats he approved of, he answered, "All sorts, except that in which you stretch out your hands." Of their dislike to talkativeness, the following apophthegms are evidence. King Leonidas said to one who held him in discourse upon some useful matter, but not in due time and place, "Much to the purpose, sir, elsewhere." King Charilaus, the nephew of Lycurgus, being asked why his uncle had made so few laws, answered, "Men of few words require but few laws." When one blamed Hecataeus the sophist because that, being invited to the public table, he had not spoken one word all supper-time, Archidamidas answered in his vindication, "He who knows how to speak, knows also when." The sharp, and yet not ungraceful, retorts which I mentioned may be instanced as follows. Demaratus, being asked in a troublesome manner by an importunate fellow, Who was the best man in Lacedaemon? answered at last, "He, sir, that is the least like you." Some, in company where Agis was, much extolled the Eleans for their just and honorable management of the Olympic games; "Indeed," said Agis, "they are highly to be commended if they can do justice one day in five years." We may see their character, too, in their very jests. For they did not throw them out at random, but the very wit of them was grounded upon something or other worth thinking about. For instance, one, being asked to go hear a man who exactly counterfeited the voice of a nightingale, answered, "Sir, I have heard the nightingale itself." Another, having read the following inscription upon a tomb,-- Seeking to quench a cruel tyranny, They, at Selinus, did in battle die, said, it served them right; for instead of trying to quench the tyranny they should have let it burn out. A lad, being offered some game-cocks that would die upon the spot, said he cared not for cocks that would die, but for such as would live and kill others. In short, their answers were so sententious and pertinent, that one said well that intellectual, much more truly than athletic, exercise was the Spartan characteristic. Nor was their instruction in music and verse less carefully attended to than their habits of grace and good breeding in conversation. And their very songs had a life and spirit in them that inflamed and possessed men's minds with an enthusiasm and ardor for action; the style of them was plain and without affectation; the subject always serious and moral; most usually it was in praise of such men as had died in defence of their country, or in derision of those that had been cowards; the former they declared happy and glorified; the life of the latter they described as most miserable and abject. There were also vaunts of what they would do, and boasts of what they had done, varying with the various ages, as, for example, they had three choirs in their solemn festivals, the first of the old men, the second of the young men, and the last of the children; the old men began thus: We once were young, and brave and strong; the young men answered them, singing, And we're so now, come on and try; the children came last and said, But we'll be strongest by and by. Before they engaged in battle, the Lacedaemonians abated a little the severity of their manners in favor of their young men, suffering them to curl and adorn their hair, and to have costly arms, and fine clothes; and were well pleased to see them, like proud horses, neighing and pressing to the course. And therefore, as soon as they came to be well grown, they took a great deal of care of their hair, to have it parted and trimmed, especially against a day of battle, pursuant to a saying recorded of their lawgiver, that a large head of hair added beauty to a good face, and terror to an ugly one. The senate, as I said before, consisted of those who were Lycurgus's chief aiders and assistants in his plan. The vacancies he ordered to be supplied out of the best and most deserving men past sixty years old. The manner of their election was as follows: the people being called together, some selected persons were locked up in a room near the place of election, so contrived that they could neither see nor be seen, but could only hear the noise of the assembly without; for they decided this, as most other affairs of moment, by the shouts of the people. This done, the competitors were not brought in and presented all together, but one after another by lot, and passed in order through the assembly without speaking a word. Those who were locked up had writing-tables with them, in which they recorded and marked each shout by its loudness, without knowing in favor of which candidate each of them was made, but merely that they came first, second, third, and so forth. He who was found to have the most and loudest acclamations was declared senator duly elected. When he perceived that his more important institutions had taken root in the minds of his countrymen, that custom had rendered them familiar and easy, that his commonwealth was now grown up and able to go alone, then, as Plato somewhere tells us the Maker of the world, when first he saw it existing and beginning its motion, felt joy, even so Lycurgus, viewing with joy and satisfaction the greatness and beauty of his political structure, now fairly at work and in motion, conceived the thought to make it immortal too, and as far as human forecast could reach, to deliver it down unchangeable to posterity. He called an extraordinary assembly of all the people, and told them that he now thought everything reasonably well established, both for the happiness and the virtue of the state; but that there was one thing still behind, of the greatest importance, which he thought not fit to impart until he had consulted the oracle; in the meantime, his desire was that they would observe the laws without even the least alteration until his return, and then he would do as the god should direct him. They all consented readily, and bade him hasten his journey; but, before he departed, he administered an oath to the two kings, the senate, and the whole commons, to abide by and maintain the established form of polity until Lycurgus should come back. This done, he set out for Delphi, and, having sacrificed to Apollo, asked him whether the laws he had established were good and sufficient for a people's happiness and virtue. The oracle answered that the laws were excellent, and that the people, while it observed them, should live in the height of renown. Lycurgus took the oracle in writing, and sent it over to Sparta, and, having sacrificed a second time to Apollo, and taken leave of his friends and his son, he resolved that the Spartans should not be released from the oath they had taken, and that he would, of his own act, close his life where he was. He was now about that age in which life was still tolerable, and yet might be quitted without regret. Everything, moreover, about him was in a sufficiently prosperous condition. He, therefore, made an end of himself by a total abstinence from food; thinking it a statesman's duty to make his very death, if possible, an act of service to the state, and even in the end of his life to give some example of virtue and effect some useful purpose. Nor was he deceived in his expectations, for the city of Lacedaemon continued the chief city of all Greece for the space of five hundred years, in strict observance of Lycurgus's laws; in all which time there was no manner of alteration made, during the reign of fourteen kings, down to the time of Agis, the son of Archidamus. King Theopompus, when one said that Sparta held up so long because their kings could command so well, replied, "Nay, rather because the people know so well how to obey." For people do not obey, unless rulers know how to command; obedience is a lesson taught by commanders. A true leader himself creates the obedience of his own followers; as it is the greatest attainment in the art of riding to make a horse gentle and tractable, so is it of the science of government to inspire men with a willingness to obey. It is reported that when the bones were brought home to Sparta his tomb was struck with lightning, an accident which befell no eminent person but himself and Euripides. But Aristocrates, the son of Hipparchus, says that he died in Crete, and that his Cretan friends, in accordance with his own request, when they had burned his body, scattered the ashes into the sea, for fear lest, if his relics should be transported to Lacedaemon, the people might pretend to be released from their oaths, and make innovations in the government. SOLON SOLON, as Hermippus writes, when his father had ruined his estate in doing benefits and kindnesses to other men, though he had friends enough that were willing to contribute to his relief, yet was ashamed to be beholden to others, since he was descended from a family who were accustomed to do kindnesses rather than receive them; and therefore applied himself to merchandise in his youth; though others assure us that he traveled rather to get learning and experience than to make money. It is certain that he was a lover of knowledge, for when he was old he would say that he Each day grew older, and learnt something new. But that he accounted himself rather poor than rich is evident from the lines, Some wicked men are rich, some good are poor, We will not change our virtue for their store; Virtue's a thing that none can take away, But money changes owners all the day. It is stated that Anacharsis and Solon and Thales were familiarly acquainted, and some have quoted parts of their discourse; for, they say, Anacharsis, coming to Athens, knocked at Solon's door and told him that he, being a stranger, was come to be his guest, and contract a friendship with him; and Solon replying; "It is better to make friends at home," Anacharsis replied, "Then you that are at home make friendship with me." Solon, somewhat surprised at the readiness of the repartee, received him kindly, and kept him some time with him, being already engaged in public business and the compilation of his laws; which when Anacharsis understood, he laughed at him for imagining the dishonesty and covetousness of his countrymen could be restrained by written laws, which were like spiders' webs, and would catch, it is true, the weak and poor, but easily be broken by the mighty and rich. To this Solon rejoined that men keep their promises when neither side can get anything by the breaking of them; and he would so fit his laws to the citizens, that all should understand it was more eligible to be just than to break the laws. But the event rather agreed with the conjecture of Anacharsis than Solon's hope. Anacharsis, being once at the assembly, expressed his wonder that in Greece wise men spoke and fools decided. Now, when the Athenians were tired with a tedious and difficult war that they conducted against the Megarians for the island Salamis, and made a law that is should be death for any man, by writing or speaking, to assert that the city ought to endeavor to recover it, Solon, vexed at the disgrace, and perceiving thousands of the youth wished for somebody to begin, but did not dare to stir first for fear of the law, counterfeited a distraction, and by his own family it was spread about the city that he was mad. He then secretly composed some elegiac verses, and getting them by heart, that it might seem extempore, ran out into the market-place with a cap upon his head, and, the people gathering about him, got upon the herald's stand, and sang that elegy which begins thus:-- I am a herald come from Salamis the fair, My news from thence my verses shall declare. The poem is called "Salamis"; it contains a hundred verses, very elegantly written. When it had been sung, his friends commended it, and especially Pisistratus exhorted the citizens to obey his directions; insomuch that they recalled the law, and renewed the war under Solon's conduct. The popular take is, that with Pisistratus he sailed to Colias, and, finding the women, according to the custom of the country there, sacrificing to Ceres, he sent a trusty friend to Salamis, who should pretend himself a renegade, and advise them, if they desired to seize the chief Athenian women, to come with him at once to Colias; the Megarians presently sent off men in the vessel with him, and Solon, seeing it put off from the island, commanded the women to be gone, and some beardless youths, dressed in their clothes, their shoes, and caps, and privately armed with daggers, to dance and play near the shore till the enemies had landed and the vessel was in their power. Things being thus ordered, the Megarians were allured with the appearance, and, coming to the shore, jumped out, eager who should first seize a prize, so that not one of them escaped; and the Athenians set sail for the island and took it. For this Solon grew famed and powerful; but his advice in favor of defending the oracle at Delphi, to give aid, and not to suffer the Cirrhaeans to profane it, but to maintain the honor of the god, got him most repute among the Greeks: for upon his persuasion the Amphictyons undertook the war. Now the Cylonian pollution had a long time disturbed the commonwealth, ever since the time when Megacles the archon persuaded the conspirators with Cylon that took sanctuary in Athena's temple to come down and stand to a fair trial. And they, tying a thread to the image, and holding one end of it, went down to the tribunal; but when they came to the temple of the Furies, the thread broke of its own accord, upon which, as if the goddess had refused them protection, they were seized by Megacles and the other magistrates; as many as were without the temples were stoned, those that fled for sanctuary were butchered at the altar, and only those escaped who made supplication to the wives of the magistrates. The Athenians, now the Cylonian sedition was over and the polluted gone into banishment, fell into their old quarrels about the government, there being as many different parties as there were diversities in the country. The Hill quarter favored democracy; the Plain, oligarchy; and those that lived by the Sea-side stood for a mixed sort of government, and so hindered either of the parties from prevailing. And the disparity of fortune between the rich and the poor at that time also reached its height; so that the city seemed to be in a truly dangerous condition, and no other means for freeing it from disturbances and settling it to be possible but a despotic power. Then the wisest of the Athenians, perceiving Solon was of all men the only one not implicated in the troubles, that he had not joined in the exactions of the rich, and was not involved in the necessities of the poor, pressed him to succor the commonwealth and compose the differences. Solon, reluctantly at first, engaged in state affairs, being afraid of the pride of one party and the greediness of the other; he was chosen archon, however, after Philombrotus, and empowered to be an arbitrator and lawgiver; the rich consenting because he was wealthy, the poor because he was honest. There was a saying of his current before the election, that when things are even there never can be war, and this pleased both parties, the wealthy and the poor; the one conceiving him to mean, when all have their fair proportion; the other, when all are absolutely equal. Thus, there being great hopes on both sides, the chief men pressed Solon to take the government into his own hands, and, when he was once settled, manage the business freely and according to his pleasure; and many of the commons, perceiving it would be a difficult change to be effected by law and reason, were willing to have one wise and just man set over the affairs; and some say that Solon had this oracle from Apollo: Take the mid-seat, and be the vessel's guide; Many in Athens are upon your side. From which it is manifest that he was a man of great reputation before he gave his laws. The several mocks that were put upon him for refusing the power, he records in these words: Solon surely was a dreamer, and a man of simple mind; When the gods would give him fortune, he of his own will declined; When the new was full of fishes, over-heavy thinking it, He declined to haul it up, through want of heart and want of wit. Had but I that chance of riches and of kingship for one day, I would give my skin for flaying, and my house to die away. Thus he makes the many and the low people speak of him. Yet, though he refused the government, he did not show himself mean and submissive to the powerful, nor make his laws to pleasure those that chose him. For the first thing which he settled was, that what debts remained should be forgiven, and no man, for the future, should engage the body of his debtor for security. Though some, as Androtion, affirm that the debts were not canceled, but the interest only lessened, which sufficiently pleased the people; so that they named this benefit the Seisacthea, together with the enlarging of their measures, and raising the value of their money; for he made a pound, which before passed for seventy-three drachmas, go for a hundred; so that, though the number of pieces in the payment was equal, the value was less; which proved a considerable benefit to those that were to discharge great debts, and no loss to the creditors. While he was designing this, a most vexatious thing happened; for when he had resolved to take off the debts, and was considering the proper form and fit beginning for it, he told some of his friends, Conon, Clinias, and Hipponicus, in whom he had a great deal of confidence, that he would not meddle with the lands, but only free the people from their debts; upon which, they, using their advantage, made haste and borrowed some considerable sums of money, and purchased some large farms; and when the law was enacted, they kept the possessions, and would not return the money; which brought Solon into great suspicion and dislike, as if he himself had not been abused, but was concerned in the contrivance. But he presently stopped this suspicion, by releasing his own debtors of five talents (for he had lent so much), according to the law; others, as Polyzelus the Rhodian, say fifteen. Soon becoming sensible of the good that was done, the people laid by their grudges, made a public sacrifice, and chose Solon to new-model and make laws for the commonwealth, giving him the entire power over everything, their magistracies, their assemblies, courts, and councils; that he should appoint the number, times of meeting, and what estate they must have that could be capable of these, and dissolve or continue any of the present constitutions, according to his pleasure. First, then, he repealed all Draco's laws, except those concerning homicide, because they were too severe and the punishments too great; for death was appointed for almost all offences, insomuch that those that were convicted of idleness were to die, and those that stole a cabbage or an apple to suffer even as villains that committed sacrilege or murder. So that Demades, in after time, was thought to have said very happily, that Draco's laws were written not with ink, but blood; and he himself, being once asked why he made death the punishment of most offences, replied: "Small ones deserve that, and I have no higher for the greater crimes." Next, Solon, being willing to continue the magistracies in the hands of the rich men, and yet receive the people into the other part of the government, took an account of the citizens' estates, and those that were worth five hundred measures of fruits, dry and liquid, he placed in the first rank; those that could keep a horse, or were worth three hundred measures, were made the second class; those that had two hundred measures, were in the third; and all the other were called Thetes, who were not admitted to any office, but could come to the assembly, and act as jurors; which at first seemed nothing, but afterward was found an enormous privilege, as almost every matter of dispute came before them in this latter capacity. Besides, it is said that he was obscure and ambiguous in the wording of his laws, on purpose to increase the honor of his courts; for since their differences could not be adjusted by the letter, they would have to bring all their causes to the judges, who thus were in a manner masters of the laws. Of this equalization he himself makes mention in this manner: Such power I gave the people as might do, Abridged not what they had, now lavished new. Those that were great in wealth and high in place, My counsel likewise kept from all disgrace. Before them both I held my shield of might, And let not either touch the other's right. When he had constituted the Areopagus of those who had been yearly archons, of which he himself was a member therefore, observing that the people, now free from their debts, were unsettled and imperious, he formed another council of four hundred, a hundred out of each of the four tribes, which was to inspect all matters before they were propounded to the people, and to take care that nothing but what had been first examined should be brought before the general assembly. The upper council, or Areopagus, he made inspectors and keepers of the laws, conceiving that the commonwealth, held by these two councils like anchors, would be less liable to be tossed by tumults, and the people be more at quiet. Such is the general statement that Solon instituted the Areopagus. Amongst his other laws, one is very peculiar and surprising, which disfranchises all who stand neuter in a sedition; for it seems he would not have any one remain insensible and regardless of the public good, but at once join with the good party and those that have the right upon their side, assist and venture with them, rather than keep out of harm's way and watch who would get the better. Another commendable law of Solon's is that which forbids men to speak evil of the dead. Since the country has but few rivers, lakes, or large springs, and many used wells which they had dug, there was a law made, that, where there was a public well within a hippicon, that is, four furlongs, all should draw at that; but then it was farther off, they should try and procure a well of their own; and, if they had dug ten fathoms deep and could find no water, they had liberty to fetch a pitcherful of four gallons and a half in a day from their neighbors'; for he thought it prudent to make provision against want, but not to supply laziness. He showed skill in his orders about planting, for any one that would plant another tree was not to set it within five feet of his neighbor's field; but if a fig or an olive, not within nine, for their roots spread farther, nor can they be planted near all sorts of trees without damage, for they draw away the nourishment, and in some cases are noxious by their effluvia. He that would dig a pit or a ditch was to dig it at the distance of its own depth from his neighbor's ground; and he that would raise stocks of bees was not to place them within three hundred feet of those which another had already raised. He permitted only oil to be exported, and those that exported any other fruit, the archon was solemnly to curse, or else pay an hundred drachmas (a drachma was about twenty cents.) himself; and this law was written in his first table, and, therefore, let none think it incredible, as some affirm, that the exportation of figs was once unlawful. He made a law also, concerning hurts and injuries from beasts, in which he commands the master of any dog that bit a man to deliver him up with a log about his neck four and a half feet long-a happy device for men's security. All his laws he established for an hundred years, and wrote them on wooden tables or rollers, named axones, which might be turned round in oblong cases; some of their relics were in my time still to be seen in the Prytaneum, or common hall, at Athens. These, as Aristotle states, were called cyrbes, and there is a passage of Cratinus the comedian, By Solon, and by Draco, if you please, Whose Cyrbes make the fires that parch our peas. But some say those are properly cyrbes, which contain laws concerning sacrifices and the rites of religion, and all the other axones. The council all jointly swore to confirm the laws, and every one of the Thesmothetae vowed for himself at the stone in the market-place, that, if he broke any of the statutes, he would dedicate a golden statue, as big as himself, at Delphi. Now when these laws were enacted, and some came to Solon every day, to commend or dispraise them, and to advise, if possible, to leave out, or put in something, and many criticised, and desired him to explain, and tell the meaning of such and such a passage, he, to escape all displeasure, it being a hard thing, as he himself says, In great affairs to satisfy all sides, As an excuse for traveling, bought a trading vessel and, having obtained leave for ten years' absence, departed, hoping that by that time his laws would have become familiar. His first voyage was for Egypt, and he lived, as he himself says, Near Nilus' mouth, by fair Canopus' shore, And spent some time in study with Psenophis of Heliopolis, and Sonchis the Saite, the most learned of all the priests; from whom, as Plato says, getting knowledge of the Atlantic story, he put it into a poem, and proposed to bring it to the knowledge of the Greeks. From thence he sailed to Cyprus, where he was made much of by Philocyprus, one of the kings there, who had a small city built by Demophon, Theseus's son, near the river Clarius, in a strong situation, but incommodious and uneasy of access. Solon persuaded him, since there lay a fair plain below, to remove, and build there a pleasanter and more spacious city. And he stayed himself, and assisted in gathering inhabitants, and in fitting it both for defence and convenience of living; insomuch that many flocked to Philocyprus, and the other kings imitated the design; and, therefore, to honor Solon, he called the city Soli. That Solon should discourse with Croesus, some think not agreeable with chronology; but I cannot reject so famous and well-attested a narrative, and, what is more, so agreeable to Solon's temper, and so worthy his wisdom and greatness of mind, because, forsooth, it does not agree with some chronological canons, which thousands have endeavored to regulate, and yet, to this day, could never bring their differing opinions to any agreement. They say, therefore, that Solon, coming to Croesus at his request, was in the same condition as an inland man when first he goes to see the sea; for as he fancies every river he meets with to be the ocean, so Solon, as he passed through the court, and saw a great many nobles richly dressed, and proudly attended with a multitude of guards and footboys, thought every one to be the king, till he was brought to Croesus, who was decked with every possible rarity and curiosity, in ornaments of jewels, purple, and gold, that could make a grand and gorgeous spectacle of him. Now when Solon came before him, and seemed not at all surprised, nor gave Croesus those compliments he expected, but showed himself to all discerning eyes to be a man that despised the gaudiness and petty ostentation of it, he commanded them to open all his treasure houses, and carry him to see his sumptuous furniture and luxuries, though Solon did not wish it; he could judge of him well enough by the first sight of him; and, when he returned from viewing all, Croesus asked him if ever he had known a happier man than he. And when Solon answered that he had known one Tellus, a fellow-citizen of his own, and told him that this Tellus had been an honest man, had had good children, a competent estate, and died bravely in battle for his country, Croesus took him for an ill-bred fellow and a fool, for not measuring happiness by the abundance of gold and silver, and preferring the life and death of a private and mean man before so much power and empire. He asked him however, again, if, besides Tellus, he knew any other man more happy. And Solon replying, Yes, Cleobis and Biton, who were loving brothers, and extremely dutiful sons to their mother, and, when the oxen delayed her, harnessed themselves to the wagon, and drew her to Juno's temple, her neighbors all calling her happy, and she herself rejoicing; then, after sacrificing and feasting, they went to rest, and never rose again, but died in the midst of their honor a painless and tranquil death. "What," said Croesus, angrily, "and dost not thou reckon us amongst the happy men at all?" Solon, unwilling either to flatter or exasperate him more, replied, "The gods, O king, have given the Greeks all other gifts in moderate degree; and so our wisdom, too, is a cheerful and a homely, not a noble and kingly, wisdom; and this, observing the numerous misfortunes that attend all conditions, forbids us to grow insolent upon our present enjoyments, or to admire any man's happiness that may yet, in course of time, suffer change. For the uncertain future has yet to come, with every possible variety of fortune; and him only to whom the divinity has continued happiness unto the end, we call happy; to salute as happy one that is still in the midst of life and hazard, we think as little safe, and conclusive as to crown and proclaim as victorious the wrestler that is yet in the ring." After this, he was dismissed, having given Croesus some pain, but no instruction. Aesop, who wrote the fables, being then at Sardis upon Croesus's invitation, and very much esteemed, was concerned that Solon was so ill-received, and gave him this advice: "Solon, let your converse with kings be either short or seasonable." "Nay, rather," replied Solon, "either short or reasonable." So at this time Croesus despised Solon; but when he was overcome by Cyrus, had lost his city, was taken alive, condemned to be burnt, and laid bound upon the pile before all the Persians and Cyrus himself, he cried out as loud as he possibly could three times, "O Solon!" and Cyrus being surprised, and sending some to inquire what man or god this Solon was, whom alone he invoked in this extremity, Croesus told him the whole story, saying, "He was one of the wise men of Greece, whom I sent for, not to be instructed, or to learn anything that I wanted, but that he should see and be a witness of my happiness; the loss of which was, it seems, to be a greater evil than the enjoyment was a good; for when I had them they were goods only in opinion, but now the loss of them has brought upon me intolerable and real evils. And he, conjecturing from what then was, this that now is, bade me look to the end of my life, and not rely and grow proud upon uncertainties." When this was told Cyrus, who was a wiser man than Croesus, and saw in the present example Solon's maxim confirmed, he not only freed Croesus from punishment, but honored him as long as he lived; and Solon had the glory, by the same saying, to save one king and instruct another. When Solon was gone, the citizens began to quarrel; Lycurgus headed the Plain; Megacles, the son of Alcmaeon, those of the Sea-side; and Pisistratus the Hill-party, in which were the poorest people, the Thetes, and greatest enemies to the rich; insomuch that, though the city still used the new laws, yet all looked for and desired a change of government, hoping severally that the change would be better for them, and put them above the contrary faction. Affairs standing thus, Solon returned, and was reverenced by all, and honored; but his old age would not permit him to be as active, and to speak in public, as formerly; yet, by privately conferring with the heads of the factions, he endeavored to compose the differences, Pisistratus appearing the most tractable; for he was extremely smooth and engaging in his language, a great friend to the poor, and moderate in his resentments; and what nature had not given him, he had the skill to imitate; so that he was trusted more than the others, being accounted a prudent and orderly man, one that loved equality, and would be an enemy to any that moved against the present settlement. Thus he deceived the majority of people; but Solon quickly discovered his character, and found out his design before any one else; yet did not hate him upon this, but endeavored to humble him, and bring him off from his ambition, and often told him and others, that if any one could banish the passion for preeminence from his mind, and cure him of his desire of absolute power, none would make a more virtuous man or a more excellent citizen. Thespis, at this time, beginning to act tragedies, and the thing, because it was new, taking very much with the multitude, though it was not yet made a matter of competition, Solon, being by nature fond of hearing and learning something new, and now, in his old age, living idly, and enjoying himself, indeed, with music and with wine, went to see Thespis himself, as the ancient custom was, act; and after the play was done, he addressed him, and asked him if he was not ashamed to tell so many lies before such a number of people; and Thespis replying that it was no harm to say or do so in play, Solon vehemently struck his staff against the ground: "Ay," said he, "if we honor and commend such play as this, we shall find it some day in our business." Now when Pisistratus, having wounded himself, was brought into the market-place in a chariot, and stirred up the people, as if he had been thus treated by his opponents because of his political conduct, and a great many were enraged and cried out, Solon, coming close to him, said, "This, O son of Hippocrates, is a bad copy of Homer's Ulysses; you do, to trick your countrymen, what he did to deceive his enemies." After this, the people were eager to protect Pisistratus, and met in an assembly, where one Ariston made a motion that they should allow Pisistratus fifty clubmen for a guard to his person. Now, the people, having passed the law, were not nice with Pisistratus about the number of his clubmen, but took no notice of it, though he enlisted and kept as many as he would, until he seized the Acropolis. When that was done, and the city in an uproar, Megacles, with all his family, at once fled; But Solon, though he was now very old, and had none to back him, yet came into the market-place and made a speech to the citizens, partly blaming their inadvertency and meanness of spirit, and in part urging and exhorting them not thus tamely to lose their liberty; and likewise then spoke that memorable saying, that, before, it was an easier task to stop the rising tyranny, but now the greater and more glorious action to destroy it, when it was begun already, and had gathered strength. But all being afraid to side with him, he returned home, and, taking his arms, he brought them out and laid them in the porch before his door, with these words: "I have done my part to maintain my country and my laws," and then be busied himself no more. But Pisistratus, having got the command, so extremely courted Solon, so honored him, obliged him, and sent to see him, that Solon gave him his advice, and approved many of his actions; for he retained most of Solon's laws, observed them himself, and compelled his friends to obey. And he added other laws, one of which is that the maimed in the wars should be maintained at the public charge, following Solon's example in this, who had decreed it in the case of one Thersippus, that was maimed. Solon lived after Pisistratus seized the government a long time. But the story that his ashes were scattered about the island Salamis is too strange to be easily believed, or be thought anything but a mere fable; and yet it is given, among other good authors, by Aristotle the philosopher. THEMISTOCLES The birth of Themistocles was somewhat too obscure to do him honor. His father, Neocles, was not of the distinguished people of Athens, but of the township of Phrearrhi; and by his mother's side, as it is reported, he was low-born. "I am not of the noble Grecian race, I'm poor Abrotonon, and born in Trace; Let the Greek women scorn me, if they please, I was the mother of Themistocles." From his youth he was of a vehement and impetuous nature, of a quick apprehension, and a strong and aspiring bent for action and great affairs, the holidays and intervals in his studies he did not spend in play or idleness, as other children, but would be always inventing or arranging some oration or declamation to himself, the subject of which was generally the excusing of accusing of his companions, so that his master would often say to him, "You, my boy, will be nothing small, but great one way or other, for good and else for bad." he received reluctantly and carelessly instructions given him to improve his manners and behavior, or to teach him any pleasing or graceful accomplishment, but whatever was said to improve him in sagacity, or in management of affairs, he would give attention to beyond one of years, from confidence in his natural capacities for such things. In the first essays of his youth he was not regular nor happily balanced; he allowed himself to follow mere natural character, which, without the control of reason and instruction, is apt to hurry, upon either side, into sudden and violent courses, and very often to break away and determine upon the worst; as he afterwards owned himself, saying that the wildest colts make the best horses, if they only get properly trained and broken in. Yet it is evident that his mind was early imbued with the keenest interest in public affairs, and the most passionate ambition for distinction. It is said that Themistocles was so transported with the thoughts of glory, and so inflamed with the passion for great actions, that, though he was still young when the battle of Marathon was fought against the Persian, upon the skillful conduct of the general, Miltiades, being everywhere talked about, he was observed to be thoughtful and reserved; he passed the nights without sleep, and avoided all his usual places of recreation, and to those how wondered at the change, and inquired the reason of it, he gave the answer that "the trophy of Miltiades would not let him sleep." And when others were of opinion that the battle of Marathon would be an end to the war, Themistocles thought that it was but the beginning of far greater conflict, and for these, to the benefit of Greece, he kept himself in continual readiness, and his city also in proper training, foreseeing from far before what would happen. And, first of all, the Athenians being accustomed to divide amongst themselves the revenue proceeding from the silver mines at Laurium, he was the only man that durst propose to the people that this distribution should cease, and that with the money, ships should be built to make war against the Aeginetans, who were the most flourishing people in all Greece, and by the number of their ships held the sovereignty of the sea; and Themistocles thus, little by little, turned and drew the city down towards the sea, in the belief that, whereas by land they were not a match for their next neighbors, with their ships they might be able to repel the Persian and command Greece; thus, as Plato says, from steady soldiers he turned them into mariners and seamen tossed about the sea, and gave occasion for the reproach against him, that he took away from the Athenians the spear and the shield, and bound them to the bench and the oar. He was well liked by the common people, would salute every particular citizen by his own name, and always showed himself a just judge in questions of business between private men; he said to Simonides, the poet of Ceos, who desired something of him when he was commander of the army that was no reasonable, "Simonides, you would be no good poet if you wrote false measure, nor should I be a good magistrate if for favor I made false law." Gradually growing to be great, and winning the favor of the people, he at last gained the day with his faction over that of Aristides, and procured his banishment by ostracism. When the kind of Persia was now advancing against Greece, and sent messengers into Greece, with an interpreter, to demand earth and water, as an acknowledgement of subjection, Themistocles, by the consent of the people, seized upon the interpreter, and put him to death, for presuming to publish the barbarian orders and decrees in the Greek language; and having taken upon himself the command of the Athenian forces, he immediately endeavored to persuade the citizens to leave the city, and to embark upon their galleys, and meet with the Persians at a great distance from Greece. When the contingents met at the straits of Artemisium, the Greeks would have the Lacedaemonians to command, and Eurybiades to be their admiral; but the Athenians, who surpassed all the rest together in number of vessels, would not submit to come after any other, till Themistocles, perceiving the danger of this contest, yielded his own command to Eurybiades, and got the Athenians to submit, persuading them that if in this war they behaved themselves like men, he would answer for it after that, that the Greeks, of their own will, would submit to their command. Though the fights between the Greeks and Persians in the straits of Euboea were not so important as to make any final decision of the war, yet the experience which the Greeks obtained in them was of great advantage; for thus, by actual trial and in real danger, they found out, that neither number of ships, or riches and ornaments, nor boasting shouts, nor barbarous songs of victory, were any way terrible to men that knew how to fight, and were resolved to come hand to hand with their enemies. This, Pindar appears to have seen, and says justly enough of the fight at Artemisium, that There the sons of Athens set The stone that freedom stands on yet. For the first step towards victory undoubtedly is to gain courage. Artemisium is in Euboea, beyond the city of Histiaea, a sea-beach open to the north; there is small temple there, dedicated to Diana, surnamed of the Dawn, and trees about it, around which again stand pillars of white marble; and if rub them with your hand, they send forth both the smell and color of saffron. But when news came from Thermopylae to Artemisium, informing that that king Leonidas was slain, and that Xerxes had made himself master of all the passages by land, they returned back to the interior of Greece. Xerxes had already passed through Doris and invaded the country of Phocis, and was burning and destroying the cities of the Phocians, yet the Greeks sent them no relief; and, though the Athenians earnestly desired them to meet the Persians in Boeotia, before they could come into Attica, as they themselves had come forward by sea at Artemisium, they gave no ear to their request, being wholly intent upon Peloponnesus, and resolved to gather all their forces together within the Isthmus, and to build a wall from sea to sea in that narrow neck of land; so that the Athenians were enraged to see themselves betrayed, and at the same time afflicted and dejected at their own destitution. For to fight alone against such a numerous army was to no purpose, and the only expedient now left them was to leave their city and cling to their ships; which the people were very unwilling to submit to, imagining that it would signify little now to gain a victory, and not understanding how there could be deliverance any longer after they had once forsaken the temples of their gods and exposed the tombs and monuments of their ancestors to the fury of their enemies. Themistocles, being at a loss, and not able to draw the people over to his opinion by any human reason, set his machines to work, as in a theatre, and employed prodigies and oracles. The serpent of Athena, kept in the inner part of her temple, disappeared; the priests gave it out to the people and declared, by the suggestion of Themistocles, that the goddess had left the city, and taken her flight before them towards the sea. And he often urged them with the oracle which bade them "trust to walls of wood," showing them that walls of wood could signify nothing else but ships; and that the island of Salamis was termed in it not miserable or unhappy, but had the epithet of divine, for that it should one day be associated with a great good fortune of the Greeks. At length his opinion prevailed, and he obtained a decree that the city should be committed to the protection of Athena, "queen of Athens"; that they who were of age to bear arms should embark, and that each should see to sending away his children, women, and slaves where he could. This decree being confirmed, most of the Athenians removed their parents, wives, and children to Troezen, where they were received with eager good-will by the Troezenians, who passed a vote that they should be maintained at the public charge. Among the great actions of Themistocles at this crisis, the recall of Aristides was not the least, for, before the war, he had been ostracized by the party which Themistocles headed, and was in banishment; but now, perceiving that the people regretted his absence, and were fearful that he might go over to the Persians to revenge himself, and thereby ruin the affairs of Greece, Themistocles proposed a decree that those who were banished for a time might return again, to give assistance by word and deed to the cause of Greece with the rest of their fellow citizens. Eurybiades, by reason of the greatness of Sparta, was admiral of the Greek fleet, but yet was faint-hearted in time of danger, and willing to weigh anchor and set sail for the Isthmus of Corinth, near which the land army lay encamped; which Themistocles, resisted; and this was the occasion of the well-known words, when Eurybiades, to check his impatience, told him that at the Olympic games they that start up before the rest are lashed. "And they," replied Themistocles, "that are left behind are not crowned." Some say that while Themistocles was thus speaking things upon the deck, an owl was seen flying to the right hand of the fleet, which came and sat upon the top of the mast; and this happy omen so far disposed the Greeks to follow his advice, that they presently prepared to fight. Yet, when the enemy's fleet was arrived at the haven of Phalerum, upon the coast of Attica, and with the number of their ships concealed all the shore, and when they saw the king himself in person come down with his land army to the sea-side, with all his forces united, then the good counsel of Themistocles was soon forgotten, and the Peloponnesians cast their eyes again towards the Isthmus, and took it very ill if any one spoke against their returning home; and, resolving to depart that night, the pilots had order what course to steer. Themistocles, in great distress that the Greeks should return, and lost the advantage of the narrow seas and strait passage, and slip home very one to his own city, considered with himself, and contrived that stratagem which was carried out by Sicinnus. This Sicinnus was a Persian captive, but a great lover of Themistocles, and the attendant of his children. Upon this occasion he sent him privately to Xerxes, commanding him to tell the king that Themistocles, the admiral of the Athenians, having espoused his interest, wished to be the first to inform him that the Greeks were ready to make their escape, and that he counseled him to hinder their flight, to set upon them while they were in this confusion and at a distance from their land army, and thereby destroy all their forces by sea. Xerxes was very joyful at this message, and received it as from one who wished him all that was good, and immediately issued instructions to the commanders of his ships that they should instantly set out with two hundred galleys to encompass all the islands, and enclose all the straits and passages, that none of the Greeks might escape, and that they should afterward follow with the rest of their fleet at leisure. This being done, Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, was the first man that perceived it, and went to the test of Themistocles, not out of any friendship, for he had been formerly banished by his means, as has been related, but to inform him how they were encompassed by their enemies. Themistocles, knowing the generosity of Aristides, and much struck by his visit at that time, imparted to him all that he had transacted by Sicinnus, and entreated him that, as he would be more readily believed among the Greeks, he would make use of his credit to help to induce them to stay and fight their enemies in the narrow seas. Aristides applauded Themistocles, and went to the other commanders and captains of the galleys and encouraged them to engage; yet they did not perfectly assent to him till a galley of Tenos, which deserted from the Persians, of which Panaetius was commander, came in, while they were still doubting, and confirmed the news that all the straits and passages were beset; and then their rage and fury, as well as their necessity, provoked them all to fight. As soon as it was day, Xerxes placed himself high up, to view his fleet, as Acestodorus writes, in the confines of Megara, upon those hills which are called the Horns, where he sat in a chair of gold, with many secretaries about him to write down all that was done in the fight. The number of the enemy's ships the poet Aeschylus gives in his tragedy called the Persians, as on his certain knowledge, in the following words: Xerxes, I know, did into battle lead One thousand ships; of more than usual speed Seven and two hundred. So is it agreed. The Athenians had a hundred and eighty; in every ship eighteen men fought upon the deck, four of whom were archers and the rest men-at-arms. As Themistocles had fixed upon the most advantageous place, so, with no less sagacity, he chose the best time of fighting; for he would not run the prows of his galleys against the Persians, nor begin the fight till the time of day was come when there regularly blows in a fresh breeze from the open sea, and brings in with it a strong swell into the channel; this was no inconvenience to the Greek ships, which were low-built, and little above the water, but did much hurt to the Persians, which had high sterns and lofty decks, and were heavy and cumbrous in their movements, as it presented them broadside to the quick charges of the Greeks, who kept their eyes upon the motions of Themistocles, as their best example, and more particularly because, opposed to his ship, Ariamenes, admiral to Xerxes, a brave man, and by far the best and worthiest of the king's brothers, was seen throwing darts and shooting arrows from his huge galley, as from the walls of a castle. Aminias the Decelean and Sosicles the Pedian, who sailed in the same vessel, upon the ships meeting stem to stem, and transfixing each the other with their brazen prows, so that they were fastened together, when Ariamenes attempted to board theirs, ran at them with their pikes, and thrust him into the sea; his body, as it floated amongst other shipwrecks, was discovered by Artemisia, and carried to Xerxes. The first man that took a ship was Lycomedes the Athenian, captain of a galley, who cut down its ensign, and dedicated it to Apollo the Laurel-crowned. And as the Persians fought in a narrow sea, and could bring but part of their fleet to fight, and fell foul of one another, the Greeks thus equaled them in strength, and fought with them till the evening, forced them back, and obtained, as says Simonides, that noble and famous victory, than which neither amongst the Greeks nor barbarians was ever known more glorious exploit on the seas; by the joint valor, indeed, and zeal of all who fought, but most by the wisdom and sagacity of Themistocles. After this sea-fight, Xerxes, enraged at his ill-fortune, attempted, by casting great heaps of earth and stones into the sea, to stop up the channel and to make a dam, upon which he might lead his land forces over into the island of Salamis. Themistocles, being desirous to try the opinion of Aristides, told him that he proposed to set sail for the Hellespont, to break the bridge of ships, so as to shut up, he said, Aisa a prisoner within Europe; but Aristides, disliking the design, said: "We have hitherto fought with an enemy who has regarded little else but his pleasure and luxury; but if we shut him up within Greece, and drive him to necessity, he that is master of such great forces will no longer sit quietly with an umbrella of gold over his head, looking upon the fight for his pleasure; but he will be resolute, and attempt all things. Therefore, it is noways our interest, Themistocles," he said, "to take away the bridge that is already made, but rather to build another, if it were possible, that he might make his retreat with the more expedition." To which Themistocles answered: "If this be requisite, we must immediately use all diligence, art, and industry, to rid ourselves of him as soon as may be;" and to this purpose he found out among the captives one named Arnaces, whom he sent to the king, to inform him that the Greeks, being now victorious by sea, had decreed to sail to the Hellespont, where the boasts were fastened together, and destroy the bridge; but that Themistocles, being concerned for the king, revealed this to him, that he might hasten toward the Asiatic seas, and pass over into his own dominions; and in the meantime would cause delays, and hinder the confederates from pursuing him. Xerxes no sooner heard this than, being very much terrified, he proceeded to retreat out of Greece with all speed. The prudence of Themistocles and Aristides in this was afterward more fully understood at the battle of Plataea, where Mardonius, with a very small fraction of the forces of Xerxes, put the Greeks in danger of losing all. Herodotus writes that, of all the cities of Greece, Aegina was held to have performed the best service in the war; while all single men yielded to Themistocles, though, out of envy, unwillingly; and when they returned to the entrance of Peloponnesus, where the several commanders delivered their suffrages at the altar, to determine who was most worthy, every one gave the first vote for himself and the second for Themistocles. The Lacedaemonians carried him with them to Sparta, where, giving the rewards of valor to Eurybiades, and of wisdom and conduct to Themistocles, they crowned him with olive, presented him with the best chariot in the city, and sent three hundred young men to accompany him to the confines of their country. And at the next Olympic games, when Themistocles entered the course, the spectators took no further notice of those who were competing for the prizes, but spent the whole day in looking upon him, showing him to the strangers, admiring him, and applauding him by clapping their hands, and other expressions of joy, so that he himself, much gratified, confessed to his friends that he then reaped the fruit of all his labors for the Greeks. He was, indeed, by nature, a great lover of honor, as is evident from the anecdotes recorded of him. When chosen admiral by the Athenians, he would not quite conclude any single matter of business, either public or private, but deferred all till the day they were to set sail, that, by dispatching a great quantity of business all at once, and having to met a great variety of people, he might make an appearance of greatness and power. Viewing the dead bodies cast up by the sea, he perceived bracelets and necklaces of gold about them, yet passed on, only showing them to a friend that followed him, saying, "Take you these things, for you are not Themistocles." He aid to Antiphates, a handsome young man, "Time, young man, has taught us both a lesson." He said that the Athenians did not honor him or admire him, but made, as it were, a sort of plane-tree of him; sheltered themselves under him in bad weather, and as soon as it was fine, plucked his leaves and cut his branches. When a Seriphian told him that he had not obtained this honor by himself, but by the greatness of his city, he replied: "You speak truth; I should never have been famous if I had been of Seriphus; nor you, had you been of Athens." Laughing at his own son, who got his mother, and by his mother's means, his father also to indulge him, he told him that he had the most power of any one is Greece: "For the Athenians command the rest of Greece, I command the Athenians, your mother commands me, and you command your mother." Of the two who made love to his daughter, he preferred the man of worth to the one who was rich, saying he desired a man without riches, rather than riches without a man. When the citizens of Athens began to listen willingly to those who traduced and reproached him, he was forced, with somewhat obnoxious frequency, to put them in mind of the great services he had performed. And he yet more provoked the people by building a temple to Diana with the epithet of Aristobule, or Diana of Best Counsel; intimating thereby that he had given the best counsel, not only to the Athenians, but to all Greece. At length the Athenians banished him, making use of the ostracism to humble his eminence and authority, as they ordinarily did with all whom they thought too powerful, or, by their greatness, disproportionate to the equality thought requisite in a popular government. For the ostracism was instituted, not so much to punish the offender as to mitigate and pacify the violence of the envious, who delighted to humble eminent men, and who, by fixing this disgrace upon them, might vent some part of their rancor. Themistocles being banished from Athens, while he stayed at Argos the detection of Pausanias happened. And after Pausanias was put to death, letters and writings were found which rendered Themistocles suspected, and his enemies among the Athenians accused him. In answer to the malicious detractions of his enemies, he merely wrote to the citizens urging that he who was always ambitious to govern, and not of a character or a disposition to serve, would never sell himself and his country into slavery to a barbarous and hostile nation. Notwithstanding this, the people, being persuaded by his accuser, set officers to take him and bring him away to be tried before a council of the Greeks; but, having timely notice of it, he passed over into the island of Corcyra, where the state was under obligations to him; for, being chosen as arbitrator in a difference between them and the Corinthians, he decided the controversy by ordering the Corinthians to pay down twenty talents, and declaring the town and island of Leucas a joint colony from both cities. From thence he fled into Epirus, and, the Athenians and Lacedaemonians still pursuing him, he threw himself upon chances of safety that seemed all but desperate. For he fled fro refuge to Admetus, kind of the Molossians, who had formerly made some request to the Athenians when Themistocles was in the height of his authority, and had been disdainfully used and insulted by him, and had let it appear plain enough that could he lay hold of him he would take his revenge. Yet in this misfortune, Themistocles, fearing the recent hatred of his neighbors and fellow-citizens more than the old displeasure of the king, put himself at his mercy, and became an humble suppliant to Admetus, after a peculiar manner, different from the custom of other countries. For taking the king's son, who was then a child, in his arms, he laid himself down at his hearth, this being the most sacred and only manner of supplication, among the Molossians, which was not to be refused. Thucydides says, that, passing over land to the Aegean Sea, he took shop at Pydna in the bay of Thermae, not being known to any one in the ship, till, being terrified to see the vessel driven by the winds near to Naxos, which was then besieged by the Athenians, he made himself known to the master and pilot, and, partly entreating them, partly threatening, he compelled them to bear off and stand out to sea, and sail forward toward the coast of Aisa. When he arrived at Cyme, and understood that all along the coast many laid in wait for him (the king of Persia having offered by public proclamation two hundred talents to him that should take him), he fled to Aegae, a small city of the Aeolians, where no one knew him but only his host Nicogenes, who was the richest man in Aeolia, and well known to the great men of Inner Asia. There Themistocles, going to bed, dreamed that he saw a snake coil itself up upon his belly, and so creep to his neck; then, as soon as it touched his face, it turned into an eagle, which spread its wings over him, and took him up and flew away with him a great distance; then there appeared a herald's golden wand, and upon this at last it set him down securely, after infinite terror and disturbance. His departure was effected by Nicogenes by the following artifice: the barbarous nations, and among them the Persians especially, are extremely jealous, severe, and suspicious about their wives, whom they keep so strictly that no one ever sees them abroad; they spend their lives shut up within doors, and, when they take a journey, are carried in close tenets, curtained in on all sides, and set upon a wagon. Such a traveling carriage being prepared for Themistocles, they hid him in it, and carried him on his journey, and told those whom they met or spoke with upon the road that they were conveying a young Greek woman out of Ionia to a nobleman at court. When he was introduced to the king, and had paid his reverence to him, he stood silent, till the king commanding the interpreter to ask him who he was, he replied: "O king, I am Themistocles the Athenian, driven into banishment by the Greeks. The evils I have done to the Persians are numerous; but my benefits to them yet greater, in withholding the Greeks from pursuit, so soon as the deliverance of my own country allowed me to show kindness also to you. I come with a mind suited to my present calamities; prepared alike for favors and for anger; to welcome your gracious reconciliation, and to deprecate your wrath. Take my own countrymen for witnesses of the services I have done for Persia, and make use of this occasion to show the world your virtue, rather than to satisfy your indignation. If you save me, you will save your suppliant; if otherwise, you will destroy an enemy of the Greeks." In the morning, calling together the chief of his court, he had Themistocles brought before him, who expected no good of it. Yet, when he came into the presence, and again fell down, the king saluted him, and spake to him kindly, telling him he was now indebted to him two hundred talents; for it was just and reasonable that he should receive the reward which was proposed to whosoever should bring Themistocles; and promising much more, and encouraging him, he commanded him to speak freely what he would concerning the affairs of Greece. Themistocles replied, that a man's discourse was like to a rich Persians carpet, the beautiful figures and patterns of which can only be shown by spreading and extending it out; when it is contracted and folded up, they are obscured and lost; and, therefore, he desired time. The king being pleased with the comparison, and bidding him take what time he would, he desired a year; in which time, having learnt the Persian language sufficiently, he spoke with the king by himself without the help of an interpreter; the king invited him to partake of his own pastimes and recreations both at home and abroad, carrying him with him a-hunting, and made him his intimate so far that he permitted him to see the queen-mother, and converse frequently with her. By the king's command, he also was made acquainted with the Magian learning. They relate, also, how Themistocles, when he was in great prosperity, and courted by many, seeing himself splendidly served at his table, turned to his children and said: "Children, we had been undone if we had not been undone." Most writers say that he had three cities given him--Magnesia, Myus and Lampsacus--to maintain him in bread, meat and wine; and some add two more, the city of Palaescepsis, to provide him with clothes, and Percote, with bedding and furniture for his house. He lived quietly in his own house in Magnesia, where for a long time he passed his days in great security, being courted by all, and enjoying rich presents, and honored equally with the greatest persons in the Persian empire; the king, at that time, not minding his concerns with Greece, being taken up with the affairs of Inner Aisa. But when Egypt revolted, being assisted by the Athenians, and the Greek galleys roved about as far as Cyprus and Cilicia, and Cimon had made himself master of the seas, the king turned his thoughts thither, and, bending his mind chiefly to resist the Greeks, and to cheek the growth of their power against him, began to raise forces, and send out commanders, and to dispatch messengers to Themistocles at Magnesia, to put him in mind of his promise, and to summon him to act against the Greeks. Yet this did not increase his hatred nor exasperate him against the Athenians, but, being ashamed to sully the glory of his former great actions, and of his many victories and trophies, he determined to put a conclusion to his life, agreeable to its previous course. He sacrificed to the gods, and invited his friends; and having entertained them and shaken hands with them, drank bull's blood, as is the usual story; as others state, a poison, producing instant death; and ended his days in the city of Magnesia, having lived sixty-five years, most of which he had spent in politics and in the wars, in government and command. The king, being informed of the cause and manner of his death, admired him the more than ever, and continued to show kindness to his friends and relations. The Magnesians possess a splendid sepulchre of Themistocles, placed in the middle of their market-place. And various honors and privileges were granted to the kindred of Themistocles at Magnesia, which were observed down to our times, and were enjoyed by another Themistocles of Athens, with whom I had an intimate acquaintance and friendship in the house of Ammonius the philosopher. CAMILLUS Among the many remarkable things that are related of Furius Camillus, it seems singular that he, who continually was in the highest commands, and obtained the greatest successes, was five times chosen dictator, triumphed four times, and was styled a second founder of Rome, yet never was so much as once consul. The reason of which was the state and temper of the commonwealth at that time; for the people, being at dissension with the senate, refused to return consuls, but they instead elected other magistrates, called military tribunes, who acted, indeed, with full consular power, but were thought to exercise a less obnoxious amount of authority, because it was divided among a larger number. The house of the Furii was not, at that time, of any considerable distinction; he, by his own acts, first raised himself to honor, serving under Postumius Tubertus, dictator, in the great battle against the Aequians and Volscians. For, riding out from the rest of the army, and in the charge receiving a would in his thigh, he for all that did not quit the fight, but, letting the dart drag in the would, and engaging with the bravest of the enemy, put them to flight; for which action, among other rewards bestowed on him, he was created censor, an office in those days of great repute and authority. During his censorship one very good act of his is recorded, that, whereas the wars had made many widows, he obliged such as had no wives, some by fair persuasion, others by threatening to set fines on their heads, to take them in marriage; another necessary one, in causing orphans to be rated, who before were exempted from taxes, the frequent wars requiring more than ordinary expenses to maintain them. What, however, pressed them most was the siege of Veii. Some call this people Veientani. This was the head city of Tuscany, not inferior to Rome either in number of arms or multitude of soldiers, insomuch that, presuming on her wealth and luxury, and priding herself upon her refinement and sumptuousness, she engaged in many honorable contests with the Romans for glory and empire. But now they had abandoned their former ambitious hopes, having been weakened by great defeats, so that, having fortified themselves with high and strong walls, and furnished the city with all sorts of weapons offensive and defensive, as likewise with corn and all manner of provisions, they cheerfully endured a siege, which, though tedious to them, was no less troublesome and distressing to the besiegers. For the Romans, having never been accustomed to stay away from home except in summer, and for no great length of time, and constantly to winter at home, were then first compelled by the tribunes to build forts in the enemy's country, and, raising strong works about their camp, to join winter and summer together. And now the seventh year of the war drawing to an end, the commanders began to be suspected as too slow and remiss in driving on the siege, insomuch that they were discharged and others chosen for the war, among whom was Camillus, then second time tribune. But at present he had no hand in the siege, the duties that fell by lot to him being to make war upon the Faliscans and Capenates, who, taking advantage of the Romans being occupied on all hands, had carried ravages into their country, and through all the Tuscan war, given them much annoyance, but were now reduced by Camillus, and with great loss shut up within their walls. And now, in the very heat of the war, a strange phenomenon in the Alban lake, which, in the absence of any known cause and explanation by natural reasons, seemed as great a prodigy as the most incredible that are reported, occasioned great alarm. It was the beginning of autumn, and the summer now ending had, to all observation, been neither rainy nor much troubled with southern winds; and of the many lakes, brooks, and springs of all sorts with which Italy abounds, some were wholly dried up, others had very little water in them; all the rivers, as is usual in summer, ran in a very low and hollow channel. But the Alban lake, which is fed by no other waters but its own, and is on all sides encircled with fruitful mountains, without any cause, unless it were divine, began visibly to rise and swell, increasing to the feet of the mountains, and by degrees reaching the level of the very tops of some of them, and all this without any waves or agitation. At first it was the wonder of shepherds and herdsmen; but when the earth, which, like a great dam, held up the lake from falling into the lower grounds, through the quantity and weight of water was broken down, and in a violent stream it ran through the ploughed fields and plantations to discharge itself in the sea, it not only struck terror into the Romans, but was thought by all the inhabitants of Italy to portend some extraordinary event. But the greatest talk of it was in the camp that besieged Veii, so that in the town itself, also, the occurrence became known. As in long sieges it commonly happens that both parties on both sides meet often and converse with one another, so it chanced that a Roman had gained much confidence and familiarity with one of the besieged, a man versed in ancient prophecies, and of repute for more than ordinary skill in divination. The Roman, observing him to be overjoyed at the story of the lake, and to mock at the siege, told him that this was not the only prodigy that of late had happened to the Romans; others more wonderful yet than this had befallen them, which he was willing to communicate to him, that he might the better provide for his private interests in these public distempers. The man greedily embraced the proposal, expecting to hear some wonderful secrets; but when, little by little, he had led him on in conversation, and insensibly drawn him a good way from the gates of the city, he snatched him up the middle, being stronger than he, and, by the assistance of others who came running from the camp, seized and delivered him to the commanders. The man, reduced to this necessity, and sensible now that destiny was not to be avoided, discovered to them the secret oracle of Veii, that it was not possible the city should be taken until the Alban lake, which now broke forth and had found out new passages, was drawn back from that course, and so diverted that it could not mingle with the sea. The senate, having heard and satisfied themselves about the matter, decreed to send to Delphi, to ask counsel of the god. The messengers returned with the answer that the Alban water, if possible, they should keep from the sea, and shut it up in its ancient bounds; but if that was not to be done, then they should carry it off by ditches and trenches into the lower grounds, and so dry it up; which message being delivered, the priests performed what related to the sacrifices, and the people went to work and turned the water. And now the senate, in the tenth year of the war, taking away all other commands, created Camillus dictator, who chose Cornelius Scipio for his general of horse, and, having made vows, marched into the country of the Faliscans, and in a great battle overthrew them and the Capenates, their confederates; afterwards he turned to the siege of Veii, and finding that to take it by assault would prove a difficult and hazardous attempt, proceeded to cut mines under ground, the earth about the city being easy to break up, and allowing such depth for the works as would prevent their being discovered by the enemy. This design going on in a hopeful way, he openly gave assaults to the enemy, to keep them to the walls, until they that worked underground in the mines might, without being perceived, arrive within the citadel, close to the temple of Juno, which was the greatest and most honored in all the city. It is said that the prince of the Tuscans was at that very time at sacrifice, and that the priest, after he had looked into the entrails of the beast, cried out with a loud voice that the gods would give the victory to those that should complete those offerings; and that the Romans who were in the mines, hearing the words, immediately pulled down the floor, and, ascending with noise, and clashing of weapons, frightened away the enemy, and, snatching up the entrails, carried them to Camillus. But this may look like a fable. The city, however, being taken by storm, and the soldiers busied in pillaging and gathering an infinite quantity of riches and spoil, Camillus, from the high tower viewing what was done, at first wept for pity; and when the bystanders congratulated him upon his success, he lifted up his hands to heaven, and broke out into this prayer: "O most mighty Jupiter, and ye gods that are judges of good and evil actions, ye know that not without just cause, but constrained by necessity, we have been forced to revenge ourselves on the city of our unrighteous and wicked enemies. But if, the the vicissitude of things, there by any calamity due, to counter-balance this great felicity, I beg that it may be diverted from the city and army of the Romans, and fall, with as little hurt as may be, upon my own head." Having said these words, and just turning about (as the custom of the Romans is to turn to the right after adoration or prayer), he stumbled and fell, to the astonishment of all that were present. But, recovering himself presently from the fall, he told them that he had received what he had prayed for, a small mischance, in compensation for the greatest good fortune. Camillus, however, whether puffed up with the greatness of his achievement in conquering a city that was the rival of Rome, and held out a ten years' siege, or exalted with the felicitations of those that were about him, assumed to himself more than became a civil and legal magistrate; among other things, in the pride and haughtiness of triumph, driving through Rome in a chariot drawn with four white horses, which no general either before or since ever did; for the Romans consider such a mode of conveyance to be sacred and specially set apart to the king and father of the gods. This alienated the hearts of his fellow-citizens, who were not accustomed to such pomp and display. The second pique they had against him was his opposing the law by which the city was to be divided; for the tribunes of the people brought forward a motion that the people and senate should be divided into two parts, one of which should remain at home, the other, as the lot should decide, remove to the new-taken city. By which means they should not only have much more room, but, by the advantage of two great and magnificent cities, be better able to maintain their territories and their fortunes in general. The people, therefore, who were numerous and indigent, greedily embraced it, and crowded continually to the forum, with tumultuous demands to have it put to the vote. But the senate and the noblest citizens, judging the proceedings of the tribunes to tend rather to a destruction than a division of Rome, greatly averse to it, went to Camillus for assistance, who, fearing the result if it came to a direct contest, contrived to occupy the people with other business, and so staved it off. He thus became unpopular. And now the tribunes of the people again resuming their motion for the division of the city, the war against the Faliscans luckily broke out, giving liberty to the chief citizens to choose what magistrates they pleased, and to appoint Camillus military tribune, with five colleagues; affairs then requiring a commander of authority and reputation, as well as experience. And when the people had ratified the election, he marched with his forces into the territories of the Faliscans, and laid siege to Falerii, a well-fortified city, and plentifully stored with all necessaries of war. And although he perceived it would be so small work to take it, and no little time would be required for it, yet he was willing to exercise the citizens and keep them abroad, that they might have no leisure, idling at home, to follow the tribunes in factions and seditions: a very common remedy, indeed, with the Romans, who thus carried off, like good physicians, the ill humors of their commonwealth. The Falerians (The Falerians, in this narrative, are the people of the town; the Faliscans, the nation in general.), trusting in the strength of their city, which was well fortified on all sides, made so little account of the siege, that all, with the exception of those that guarded the walls, as in times of peace, walked about the streets in their common dress; the boys went to school, and were led by their master to play and exercise about the town walls; for the Falerians, like the Greeks, used to have a single teacher for many pupils, wishing their children to live and be brought up from the beginning in each others company. This schoolmaster, designing to betray the Falerians by their children, led them out every day under the town wall, at first but a little way, and, when they had exercised, brought them home again. Afterwards by degrees he drew them farther and farther, till by practice he had made them bold and fearless, as if no danger was about them; and at last, having got them all together, he brought them to the outposts of the Romans, and delivered them up, demanding to be led to Camillus. Where being come, and standing in the middle, he said that he was the master and teacher of these children, but, preferring his favor before all other obligations, he had come to deliver up his charge to him, and, in that, the whole city. When Camillus had heard him out, he was astounded at the treachery of the act, and, turning to the standers-by observed that, "War, indeed, is of necessity attended with much injustice and violence! Certain laws, however, all good men observe even in war itself, nor is victory so great an object as to induce us to incur for its sake obligations for base and impious acts. A great general should rely on his own virtue, and not other men's vices." Which said, he commanded the officers to tear off the man's clothes, and bind his hands behind him and give the boys rods and scourges, to punish the traitor and drive him back to the city. By this time the Falerians had discovered the treachery of the schoolmaster, and the city, as was likely, was full of lamentations and cries for their calamity, men and women of worth running in distraction about the walls and gates; when, behold, the boys came whipping their master on, naked and bound, calling Camillus their preserver and god and father; so that it struck not only the parents, but the rest of the citizens, with such admiration and love of Camillus's justice, that, immediately meeting in assembly, they sent ambassadors to him, to resign whatever they had to his disposal. Camillus sent them to Rome, where, being brought into the senate, they spoke to this purpose: that the Romans, preferring justice before victory, had taught them rather to embrace submission than liberty; they did not so much confess themselves to be inferior in strength as they must acknowledge them to be superior in virtue. The senate remitted the whole matter to Camillus, to judge and order as he thought fit; who, taking a sum of money of the Falerians, and making a peace with the whole nation of Faliscans, returned home. But the soldiers, who had expected to have the pillage of the city, when they came to Rome empty-handed railed against Camillus among their fellow-citizens, as a hater of the people, and one that grudged all advantage to the poor. The People were exasperated against him. Gathering, therefore, together his friends and fellow-soldiers, and such as had borne command with him, a considerable number in all, he besought them that they would not suffer him to be unjustly overborne by shameful accusations, and left the mock and scorn of his enemies. His friends, having advised and consulted among themselves, made answer, that, as to the sentence, they did not see how they could help him, but that they would contribute to whatsoever fine should be set upon him. Not able to endure so great an indignity, he resolved in his anger to leave the city and go into exile; and so, having taken leave of his wife and son, he went silently to the gate of the city, and, there stopping and turning round, stretched out his hands to the Capitol, and prayed to the gods, that if, without any fault of his own, but merely through the malice and violence of the people, he was driven out into banishment, the Romans might quickly repent of it; and that all mankind might witness their need for the assistance, and desire for the return, of Camillus. And there is not a Roman but believes that immediately upon the prayers of Camillus a sudden judgment followed, and that he received a revenge for the injustice done unto him, which was very remarkable, and noised over the whole world: such a punishment visited the city of Rome, an era of such loss and danger and disgrace so quickly succeeded; whether it thus fell out by fortune, or it be the office of god not to see injured virtue go unavenged. The first token that seemed to threaten some mischief to ensure was the death of the censor Julius; for the Romans have a religious reverence for the office of a censor, and esteem it sacred. The second was, that, just before Camillus went into exile, Marcus Caedicius, a person of no great distinction, nor of the rank of senator, but esteemed a good and respectable man, reported to the military tribunes a thing worthy their consideration: that, going along the night before in the street called the New Way, and being called by somebody in a loud voice, he turned about, but could see no one, but heard a voice greater than human, which said these words, "Go, Marcus Caedicius, and early in the morning tell the military tribunes that they are shortly to expect the Gauls." But the tribunes made a mock and sport with the story, and a little after came Camillus's banishment. The Gauls are of the Celtic race, and are reported to have been compelled by their numbers to leave their country, which was insufficient to sustain them all, and to have gone in search of other homes. And being, many thousands of them, young men able to bear arms, and carrying with them a still greater number of women and young children, some of them, passing the Riphaean mountains, fell upon the Northern Ocean, and possessed themselves of the farthest parts of Europe; others, seating themselves between the Pyrenean mountains and the Alps, lived there a considerable time, near to the Senones and Celtorii; but, afterwards tasting wine, which was then first brought them out of Italy, they were all so much taken with the liquor, and transported with the hitherto unknown delight, that, snatching up their arms and taking their families along with them, they marched directly to the Alps, to find out the country which yielded such fruit, pronouncing all others barren and useless. He that first brought wine among them and was the chief instigator of their coming into Italy is said to have been one Aruns, A Tuscan, a man of noble extraction. At their first coming they at once possessed themselves of all that country which anciently the Tuscans inhabited, reaching from the Alps to both the seas, as the names themselves testify; for the North of Adriatic Sea is named from the Tuscan city Adria, and that to the south the Tuscan Sea simply. The whole country is rich in fruit trees, has excellent pasture, and is well watered with river. It had eighteen large and beautiful cities, well provided with all the means for industry and wealth, and all the enjoyments and pleasures of life. The Gauls cast out the Tuscans, and seated themselves in them. The Gauls at this time were besieging Clusium, a Tuscan city. The Clusinians sent to the Romans for succor, desiring them to interpose with the barbarians by letters and ambassadors. The Romans, perceiving that Brennus, the leader of the Gauls, was not to be treated with, went into Clusium and encouraged the inhabitants to make a sally with them upon the barbarians, which they did either to try their strength or to show their own. The sally being made, and the fight growing hot about the walls, one of the Fabii, Quintus Ambustus, who had come as an ambassador, being well mounted, and setting spurs to his horse, made full against a Gaul, a man of huge bulk and stature, whom he saw riding out at a distance from the rest. At the first he was not recognized, through the quickness of the conflict and the glittering of the armor, that precluded any view of him; but when he had overthrown the Gaul, and was going to gather the spoils, Brennus knew him; and invoking the gods to be witnesses that, contrary to the known and common law of nations, which is holily observed by all mankind, he who had come as an ambassador had now engaged in hostility against him, he drew off his men, and, bidding Clusium farewell, led his army directly against Rome. Whilst the barbarians were hastening with all speed, the military tribunes brought the Romans into the field to be ready to engage them, being not inferior to the Gauls in number (for they were no less than forty thousand foot), but most of them raw soldiers, and such as had never handled a weapon before. Besides, they had wholly neglected all religious usages, had not obtained favorable sacrifices, nor made inquiries of the prophets, natural in danger and before battle. No less did the multitude of commanders distract and confound their proceedings; frequently before, upon less occasions, they had chosen a single leader, with the title of dictator, being sensible of what great importance it is in critical times to have the solders united under one general with the entire and absolute control placed in his hands. Add to all, the remembrance of Camillus's treatment, which made it now seem a dangerous thing for officers to command without humoring their solders. In this condition they left the city, and encamped by the river Allia, about ten miles from Rome, and not far from the place where it falls into the Tiber; and here the Gauls came upon them, and, after a disgraceful resistance, devoid of order and discipline, they were miserably defeated. The left wing was immediately driven into the river, and there destroyed; the right had less damage by declining the shock, and from the low ground getting to the tops of the hills, from whence most of them afterwards dropped into the city; the rest, as many as escaped, the enemy being weary of the slaughter, stole by night to Veii, giving up Rome and all that was in it for lost. This battle was fought about the summer solstice, the moon being at full, the very same day in which the sad disaster of the Fabii had happened, when three hundred of that name were at one time cut off by the Tuscans. And now, after the battle, had the Gauls immediately pursued those that fled, there had been no remedy but Rome must have wholly been ruined, and all those who remained in it utterly destroyed; such was the terror that those who escaped the battle brought with them into the city, and with such distraction and confusion were they themselves in turn infected. But the Gauls, not imagining their victory to be so considerable, and overtaken with the present joy, fell to feasting and dividing the spoil, by which means they gave leisure to those who were for leaving the city to make their escape, and to those that remained, to anticipate and prepare for their coming. On the third day after the battle, Brennus appeared with his army at the city, and, finding the gates wide open and no guards upon the walls, first began to suspect it was some design or stratagem, never dreaming that the Romans were in so desperate a condition. But when he found it to be so indeed, he entered at the Colline gate, and took Rome, in the three hundred and sixtieth year, or a little more, after it was built. Brennus having taken possession of Rome, set a strong guard about the Capitol, and, going himself down into the forum, was there struck with amazement at the sight of so many men sitting in such order and silence, observing that they neither rose at his coming, nor so much as changed color or countenance, but remained without fear or concern, leaning upon their staves, and sitting quietly, looking at each other. The Gauls, for a great while, stood wondering at the strangeness of the sight, not daring to approach or touch them, taking them for an assembly of superior beings. But when one, bolder than the rest, drew near to Marcus Papirius, and, putting forth his hand, gently touched his chin and stroked his long beard, Papirius with his staff struck him a severe blow on the head; upon which the barbarian drew his sword and slew him. This was the introduction to the slaughter; for the rest, following his example, set upon them all and killed them, and dispatched all others that came in their way; and so went on to the sacking and pillaging of the houses, which they continued for many days ensuing. Camillus then sojourned in the city of Ardea, having, ever since his leaving Rome, sequestered himself from all business, and taken to a private life; but now he began to rouse up himself, and consider not how to avoid or escape the enemy, but to find out an opportunity to be revenged upon them. And perceiving that the Ardeatians wanted not men, but rather enterprise, through the inexperience and timidity of their officers, he began to speak with the young men, first to the effect that they ought not to ascribe the misfortune of the Romans to the courage of their enemy, nor attribute the losses they sustained by rash counsel to the conduct of men who had no title to victory: the event had been only an evidence of the power of fortune. When he found the young men embraced the thing, he went to the magistrates and council of the city, and, having persuaded them also, he mustered all that could bear arms, and drew them up within the the walls, that they might not be perceived by the enemy, who was near; who, having scoured the country, and now returned heavy laden with booty, lay encamped in the plains in a careless and negligent posture, so that, with the night ensuing upon debauch and drunkenness, silence prevailed through all the camp. When Camillus learned this from his scouts, he drew out the Ardeatians, and in the dead of the night, passing in silence over the ground that lay between, came up to their works, and, commanding his trumpets to sound and his men to shout and halloo, he struck terror into them from all quarters; while drunkenness impeded and sleep retarded their movements. A few whom fear had sobered, getting into some order, for awhile resisted; and so died with their weapons in their hands. But the greatest part of them, buried in wine and sleep, were surprised without their arms, and dispatched; and as many of them as by the advantage of the night got out of the camp were the next day found scattered abroad and wandering in the fields, and were picked up by the horse that pursued them. The fame of this action soon flew through the neighboring cities, and stirred up the young men from various quarters to come and join themselves with him. But none were so much concerned as those Romans who escaped in the battle of Allia, and were now at Veii, thus lamenting with themselves, "O heavens, what a commander has Providence bereaved Rome of, to honor Ardea with his actions! And that city, which brought forth and nursed so great a man, is lost and gone, and we, destitute of a leader and shut up within strange walls, sit idle, and see Italy ruined before our eyes. Come, let us send to the Ardeatians to have back our general, or else, with weapons in our hands, let us go thither to him." To this they all agreed, and sent to Camillus to desire him to take the command; but he answered that he would not until they that were in the Capitol should legally appoint him. When this answer was returned, they admired the modesty and tempter of Camillus; but they could not tell how to find a messenger to carry the intelligence to the Capitol, or rather, indeed, it seemed altogether impossible for any one to get to the citadel whilst the enemy was in full possession of the city. But among the young men there was one Pontius Cominius, of ordinary birth, but ambitious of honor, who proffered himself to run the hazard, and took no letters with him to those in the Capitol, lest, if he were intercepted, the enemy might learn the intentions of Camillus; but, putting on a poor dress and carrying corks under, he boldly traveled the greatest part of the way by day, and came to the city when it was dark; the bridge he could not pass, as it was guarded by the barbarians; so that taking his clothes, which were neither many nor heavy, and binding them about his head, he laid his body upon the corks, and, swimming with them, got over to the city. And avoiding those quarters where he perceived the enemy was awake, which he guessed at by the lights and noise, he went to the Carmental gate, where there was greatest silence, and where the hill of the Capitol is steepest, and rises with craggy and broken rock. By this way he got up, though with much difficulty, by the hollow of the cliff, and presented himself to the guards, saluting them, and telling them his name; he was taken in, and carried to the commanders. And a senate being immediately called, he related to them in order the victory of Camillus, which they had not heard of before, and the proceedings of the soldiers, urging them to confirm Camillus in the command, as on him alone all their fellow-countrymen outside the city would rely. Having heard and consulted of the matter, the senate declared Camillus dictator, and sent back Pontius the same way that he came, who, with the same success as before, got through the enemy without being discovered, and delivered to the Romans outside the decision of the senate, who joyfully received it. Camillus, on his arrival, found twenty thousand of them ready in arms; with which forces, and those confederates he brought along with him, he prepared to set upon the enemy. But at Rome some of the barbarians passing by chance near the place at which Pontius by night had got into the Capitol, spied in several places marks of feet and hands, where he had laid hold and clambered, and places where the plants that grew to the rock had been rubbed off, and the earth had slipped, and went accordingly and reported it to the king, who, coming in person, and viewing it, for the present said nothing, but in the evening, picking out such of the Gauls as were nimblest of body, and by living in the mountains were accustomed to climb, he said to them, "The enemy themselves have shown us a way how to come at them; where it was easy for one man to get up, it will not be hard for many, one after another; nay, when many shall undertake it, they will be aid and strength to each other. Rewards and honors shall be bestowed on every man as he shall acquit himself." When the king had thus spoken, the Gauls cheerfully undertook to perform it, and in the dead of night a good party of them together, with great silence, began to climb the rock, clinging to the precipitous and difficult ascent, which yet upon trial offered a way to them, and proved less difficult than they had expected. So that the foremost of them having gained the top of all, and put themselves into order, they all but surprised the outworks, and mastered the watch, who were fast asleep; for neither man nor dog perceived their coming. But there were sacred geese kept near the temple of Juno, which at other times were plentifully fed, but now, by reason that corn and all other provisions were grown scarce for all, were in but a poor condition. The creature is by nature of quick sense, and apprehensive of the least noise, so that these, being moreover watchful through hunger, and restless, immediately discovered the coming of the Gauls, and, running up and down with the noise and cackling, they raised the whole camp; while the barbarians, on the other side, perceiving themselves discovered, no longer endeavored to conceal their attempt, but with shouting and violence advanced to the assault. The Romans, every one in haste snatching up the first weapon that came to hand, did what they could on the sudden occasion. Manlius, a man of consular dignity, of strong body and great spirit, was the first that made head against them, and, engaging with two of the enemy at once, with his sword cut off the right arm of one just as he was lifting up his blade to strike, and, running his target full in the face of the other, tumbled him headlong down the steep rock; then mounting the rampart, and there standing with others that came running to his assistance, drove down the rest of them, who, indeed, to begin with, had not been many, and did nothing worthy of so bold an attempt. The Romans, having thus escaped this danger, early in the morning took the captain of the watch and flung him down the rock upon the heads of their enemies, and to Manlius for his victory voted a reward, intended more for honor than advantage, bringing him, each man of them, as much as he received for his daily allowance, which was half a pound of bread and one eighth of a pint of wine. Henceforward, the affairs of the Gauls were daily in a worse and worse condition; they wanted provisions, being withheld from foraging through fear of Camillus, and sickness also was amongst them, occasioned by the number of carcasses that lay in heaps unburied. Neither, indeed, were things on that account any better with the besieged, for famine increased upon them, and despondency with not hearing anything of Camillus, it being impossible to send any one to him, the city was so guarded by the barbarians. Things being in this sad condition on both sides, a motion of treaty was made at first by some of the outposts, as they happened to speak with one another; which being embraced by the leading men, Sulpicius, tribune of the Romans, came to a parley with Brennus, in which it was agreed that the Romans laying down a thousand weight of gold, the Gauls upon the receipt of it should immediately quit the city and territories. The agreement being confirmed by oath on both sides, and the gold brought forth, the Gauls used false dealing in the weights, secretly at first, but afterwards openly pulled back and disturbed the balance; at which the Romans indignantly complaining, Brennus in a scoffing and insulting manner pulled off his sword and belt, and threw them both into the scales; and when Sulpicius asked what that meant, "What should it mean," says he, "but woe to the conquered?" which afterwards became a proverbial saying. Whilst this difference remained still unsettled, both amongst themselves and with the Gauls, Camillus was at the gates with his army; and, having learned what was going on, commanded the main body of his forces to follow slowly after him in good order, and himself with the choicest of his men hastening on, went at once to the Romans; where all giving way to him, and receiving him as their sole magistrate, with profound silence and order, he took the gold out of the scales, and delivered it to his officers, and commanded the Gauls to take their weights and scales and depart; saying that is was customary with the Romans to deliver their country with iron, not with gold. And when Brennus began to rage, and say that he was unjustly dealt with in such a breach of contract, Camillus answered that it was never legally made, and the agreement of no force or obligation; for that himself being declared dictator, and there being no other magistrate by law, the engagement had been made with men who had no power to enter into it; but now they might say anything they had to urge, for he had come with full power by law to grant pardon to such as should ask it, or inflict punishment on the guilty, if they did not repent. At this, Brennus broke into violent anger, and an immediate quarrel ensued; both sides drew their swords and attacked, but in confusion, as could not otherwise be amongst houses, and in narrow lanes and places where it was impossible to form any order. But Brennus, presently recollecting himself, called off his men, and, with the loss of a few only, brought them to their camp; and, rising in the night with all his forces, left the city, and advancing about eight miles, encamped upon the way to Gabii. As soon as day appeared, Camillus came up with him, splendidly armed himself, and his soldier full o courage and confidence; and there engaging with him in a sharp conflict, which lasted a long while, overthrew his army with great slaughter, and took their camp. Of those that fled, some were presently cut off by the pursuers; other, and these were the greatest number, dispersed hither and thither, and were despatched by the people that came sallying out from the neighboring towns and villages. Thus Rome was strangely taken, and more strangely recovered, having been seven whole months in the possession of the barbarians, who entered her a little after the Ides of July, and were driven out about the Ides of February following. Camillus triumphed, as he deserved, having saved his country that was lost, and brought the city so to say, back again to itself. For those that had fled abroad, together with their wives and children, accompanied him as he rode in; and those who had been shut up in the capitol, and were reduced almost to the point of perishing with hunger, went out to meet him, embracing each other as they met, and weeping for joy, and, though the excess of the present pleasure, scarcely believing in its truth. It was a hard task, amidst so much rubbish, to discover and re-determine the consecrated places; but by the zeal of Camillus, and the incessant labor of the priest, it was at last accomplished. But when it came also to rebuilding the city, which was wholly demolished, despondency seized the multitude, and a backwardness to engage in a work for which they had no materials. The senate, therefore, fearing a sedition, would not suffer Camillus, though desirous, to lay down his authority within the year, though no other dictator had ever held it above six months. Camillus thought good to refer the matter of rebuilding to general deliberation, and himself spoke largely and earnestly in behalf of his country, as also may others. At last, calling to Lucius Lucretius, whose place it was to speak first, he commanded him to give his sentence, and the rest as they followed, in order. Silence being made, and Lucretius just about to begin, by chance a centurion, passing by outside with his company of the day-guard, called out with a loud voice to the ensign-bearer to halt and fix his standard, for this was the best place to stay in. This voice, coming in that moment of time, and that crisis of uncertainty and anxiety for the future, was taken as a direction what was to be done; so that Lucretius, assuming an attitude of devotion, gave sentence in concurrence with the gods, as he said, as likewise did all that followed. Even among the common people it created a wonderful change of feeling: every one now cheered and encouraged his neighbor, and set himself to the work, proceeding in it, however, not by any regular lines or divisions, but every one pitching upon that plot of ground which came next to hand, or best pleased his fancy; by which haste and hurry in building they constructed their city in narrow and ill-designed lanes, and with houses huddled together one upon another; for it is said that within the compass of the year the whole city was raised up anew, both in its public walls and private buildings. And now they had scarcely got a breathing time from their trouble when a new war came upon them; and the Aequians, and the Tuscans besieged Sutrium, their confederate city. Camillus, being the third time chosen dictator, armed not only those under, but also those over, the age of service; and taking a large circuit around the mountain Maecius, undiscovered by the enemy, lodged his army on their rear, and then by many fires gave notice of his arrival. The besieged, encouraged by this, prepared to sally forth and join battle; but the Latins and Volscians, fearing this exposure to any enemy on both sides, drew themselves within their works, and fortified their camp with a strong palisade of trees on every side, resolving to wait for more supplies from home, and expecting, also, the assistance of the Tuscans, their confederate. Camillus, detecting their object, and fearing to be reduced to the same position to which he had brought them, namely, to be besieged himself, resolved to lose no time; and finding their rampart was all of timber, and observing that a strong wind constantly at sun-rising blew off from the mountains, after having prepared a quantity of combustibles, about break of day he drew forth his forces, commanding a part with their missiles to assault the enemy with noise and shouting on the other quarter, whilst he, with those that were to fling in the fire, went to that side of the enemy's camp to which the wind usually blew, and there waited his opportunity. When the skirmish was begun, and the sun risen, and a strong wind set in from the mountains, he gave the signal of onset; and, heaping in an immense quantity of fiery matter, filled all their rampart with it, so that the flame being fed by the close timber and wooden palisades, went on and spread into all quarters. The Latins, having nothing ready to keep it off or extinguish it, when the camp was now almost full of fire, were driven back within a very small compass, and at last forced by necessity to come into their enemy's hands, who stood before the works ready armed and prepared to receive them; of these very few escaped, while those that stayed in the camp were all a prey to the fire, until the Romans, to gain the pillage, extinguished it. These things performed, Camillus, leaving his son Lucius in the camp to guard the prisoners and secure the booty, passed into the enemy's country, where, having taken the city of the Aequians and reduced the Volscians to obedience, he then immediately led his army to Sutrium, not having heard what had befallen the Sutrians, but making haste to assist them, as if they were still in danger and besieged by the Tuscans. They, however, had already surrendered their city to their enemies, and destitute of all things, with nothing left but their clothes, and bewailing their misfortune. Camillus himself was struck with compassion, and perceiving the soldiers weeping, and commiserating their case, while the Sutrians hung about and clung to them, resolved not to defer revenge, but that very day to lead his army to Sutrium; conjecturing that the enemy, having just taken a rich and plentiful city, without an enemy left within it, nor any from without to be expected, would be found abandoned to enjoyment, and unguarded. Neither did his opinion fail him: he not only passed through their country without discovery, but came up to their very gates and possessed himself of the walls, not a man being left to guard them, but their whole army scattered about in the houses, drinking and making merry. Nay, when at last they did perceive that the enemy had seized the city, they were so overloaded with meat and wine that few were able so much as to endeavor to escape, but either waited shamefully for their death within doors,or surrendered themselves to the conqueror. Thus the city of the Sutrians was twice taken in one day; and they who were in possession lost it, and they who had lost regained it, alike by the means of Camillus. For all which actions he received a triumph which brought him no less honor and reputation than the two former ones; for those citizens who before most regarded him with an evil eye, and ascribed his successes to a certain luck rather than real merit, were compelled by these last acts of his to allow the whole honor to his great abilities and energy. Of all he adversaries and enviers of his glory, Marcus Manlius was the most distinguished, he who first drove back the Gauls when they made their night attack upon the Capitol, and who for that reason had been named Capitolinus. This man, affecting the first place in the commonwealth, and not able by noble ways to outdo Camillus's reputation, took that ordinary course toward usurpation of absolute power, namely, to gain the multitude, those of them especially that were in debt; defending some by pleading their causes against their creditors, rescuing others by force, and not suffering the law to proceed against them; insomuch that in a short time he got great numbers of indigent people about him, whose tumults and uproars in the forum struck terror into the principal citizens. After that Quintius Capitolinus, who was made dictator to suppress these disorders, had committed Manlius to prison, the people immediately changed their apparel, a thing never done but in great and public calamities, and the senate, fearing some tumult, ordered him to be released. He, however, when set at liberty, changed not his course, but was rather the more insolent in his proceedings,filling the whole city with faction and sedition. They chose, therefore, Camillus again military tribune; and a day being appointed for Manlius to answer to his charge, the prospect from the place where his trial was held proved a great impediment to his accusers; for the very spot where Manlius by night fought with the Gauls overlooked the forum from the Capitol, so that, stretching forth his hands that way, and weeping, he called to their remembrance his past actions, raising compassion in all that beheld him. Insomuch that the judges were at a loss what to do, and several times adjourned the trial, unwilling to acquit him of the crime, which was sufficiently proved, and yet unable to execute the law while his noble action remained, as it were, before their eyes. Camillus, considering this, transferred the court outside the gates to the Peteline Grove, from whence there is no prospect of the Capitol Here his accuser went on with his charge, and his judges were capable of remembering the duly resenting his guilty deeds. He was convicted, carried to the Capitol, and flung headlong from the rock; so that one and same spot was thus the witness of his greatest glory, and monument of his most unfortunate end. The Romans, besides, razed his house, and built there a temple to the goddess they call Moneta, ordaining for the future that none of the patrician order should ever dwell on the Capitoline. And now Camillus, being called to his sixth tribuneship, desired to be excused, as being aged, and perhaps not unfearful of the malice of fortune, and those reverses which seem to ensue upon great prosperity. But the most apparent pretence was the weakness of his body, for he happened at that time to be sick; the people, however, would admit of no excuses, but, crying that they wanted not his strength for horse or for foot service, but only his counsel and conduct, constrained him to undertake the command, and with one of his fellow-tribunes to lead the army immediately against the enemy. These were the Praenestines and Volscians, who, with large forces, were laying waste the territory of the Roman confederates. Having marched out with his army, he sat down and encamped near the enemy, meaning himself to protract the war, or if there should come any necessity or occasion of fighting, in the meantime to regain his strength, but Lucius Furius, his colleague, carried away with the desire of glory, was not to e held in, but, impatient to give battle, inflamed the inferior officers of the army with the same eagerness; so that Camillus, fearing he might seem out of envy to be wishing to rob the young man of the glory of a noble exploit, consented, though unwillingly, that he should draw out the forces, whilst himself, by reason of weakness, stayed behind with a few in the camp. Lucius, engaging rashly, was discomfited, when Camillus, perceiving the Romans to give ground and fly, could not contain himself, but, leaping from his bed, with those he had about him ran to meet them at the gates of the camp, making his way through the flyers to oppose the pursuers; so that those who had got within the camp turned back at once and followed him, and those that came flying from without made head again and gathered about him, exhorting one another not to forsake their general. Thus the enemy, for that time, was stopped in his pursuit. The next day Camillus, drawing out his forces and joining battle with them, overthrew them by main force, and, following close upon them, entered pell-mell with them into their camp, and took it, slaying the greatest part of them. Afterwards, having heard that the city of Satricum was taken by the Tuscans, and the inhabitants, all Romans, put to the sword, he sent home to Rome the main body of his forces and heaviest-armed, and, taking with him the lightest and most vigorous soldiers, set suddenly upon the Tuscans, who were in the possession of the city, and mastered them, slaying some and expelling the rest; and so, returning to Rome with great spoils, gave signal evidence of their superior wisdom, who, not mistrusting the weakness and age of a commander endowed with courage and conduct, had rather chosen him who was sickly and desirous to be excused, than young men who were forward and ambitious to command. When, therefore, the revolt of the Tusculans was reported, they gave Camillus the charge of reducing them, choosing one of his five colleagues to go with him. And when every one was eager for the place, contrary to the expectation of all, he passed by the rest and chose Lucius Furius, the very same man who lately, against the judgment of Camillus, had rashly hazarded and nearly lost a battle; willing, at it should seem, to dissemble that miscarriage, and free him from the shame of it. The Tusculans, hearing of Camillus's coming against them, made a cunning attempt at revoking their act of revolt; their fields, as in times of highest peace, were full of ploughmen and shepherds; their gates stood wide open, and their children were being taught in the schools; of the people, such as were tradesmen, he found in their workshops, busied about their several employments, and the better sort of citizens walking in the public places in their ordinary dress; the magistrates hurried about to provide quarters for the Romans, as if they stood in fear of no danger and were conscious of no fault. Which arts, though they could not dispossess Camillus of the conviction he had of their treason, yet induced some compassion for their repentance; he commanded them to go to the senate and deprecate their anger, and joined himself as an intercessor in their behalf, so that their city was acquitted of all guilt and admitted to Roman citizenship. These were the most memorable actions of his sixth tribuneship. After these things, Licinius Stolo raised a great sedition in the city, and brought the people to dissension with the senate, contending, that of two consuls one should be chosen out of the commons, and not both out of the patricians. Tribunes of the people were chosen, but the election of consuls was interrupted and prevented by the people. And as this absence of any supreme magistrate was leading to yet further confusion, Camillus was the fourth time created dictator by the senate, sorely against the people's will, and not altogether in accordance with his own; he had little desire for a conflict with men whose past services entitles them to tell him that he had achieved far greater actions in war along with them than in politics with the patricians, who, indeed, had only put him forward now out of envy; that, if successful, he might crush the people, or, failing, be crushed himself. However, to provide as good a remedy as he could for the present, knowing the day on which the tribunes of the people intended to prefer the law, he appointed it by proclamation for a general muster, and called the people from the forum into the Campus, threatening to set heavy fines upon such as should not obey. On the other side, the tribunes of the people met his threats by solemnly protesting they would fine him fifty thousand drachmas of silver, if he persisted in obstructing the people from giving their suffrages for the law. Whether it were, then, that he feared another banishment or condemnation, which would ill become his age and past great actions, or found himself unable to stem the current of the multitude, which ran strong and violent, he betook himself, for the present, to his house, and afterwards, for some days together, professing sickness, finally laid down his dictatorship. The senate created another dictator; who, choosing Stolo, leader of the sedition, to be his general of horse, suffered that law to be enacted and ratified, which was most grievous to the patricians, namely that no person whatsoever should possess above five hundred acres of land. Stolo was much distinguished by the victory he had gained; but, not long after was found himself to possess more than he had allowed to others, and suffered the penalties of his own law. And now the contention about election of consuls coming on (which was the main point and original cause of the dissension, and had throughout furnished most matter of division between the senate and the people), certain intelligence arrived, that the Gauls again, proceeding from the Adriatic Sea, were marching in vast number upon Rome. On the very heels of the report followed manifest acts also of hostility; the country through which they marched was all wasted, and such as by flight could not make their escape to Rome were dispersing and scattering among the mountains. The terror of this war quieted the sedition; nobles and commons, senate and people together, unanimously chose Camillus the fifth time dictator; who, though very aged, not wanting much of fourscore years, yet, considering the danger and necessity of his country, did not, as before, pretend sickness, or depreciate his own capacity, but at once undertook the charge, and enrolled soldiers. And, knowing that the great force of the barbarians lay chiefly in their swords, with which they laid about them in a rude and inartificial manner, hacking and hewing the head and shoulders, he caused head-pieces entire of iron to be made for most of his men, smoothing and polishing the outside, that the enemy's swords, lighting upon them, might either slide off or be broken; and fitted also their shields with a little rim of brass, the wood itself not being sufficient to bear off the blows. Besides, he taught his soldiers to use their long javelins in close encounter, and, by bringing them under their enemy's swords, to receive their strokes upon them. When the Gauls drew near, about the river Anio, dragging a heavy camp after them, and loaded with infinite spoil, Camillus drew forth his forces, and planted himself upon a hill of easy ascent, and which had many dips in it, with the object that the greatest part of his army might lie concealed, and those who appeared might be thought to have betaken themselves, through fear, to those upper grounds. And the more to increase this opinion in them, he suffered them, without any disturbance, to spoil and pillage even to his very trenches, keeping himself quiet within his works, which were well fortified; till, at last, perceiving that part of the enemy were scattered about the country foraging, and that those that were in the camp did nothing day and night but drink and revel, in the night time he drew up his lightest-armed men, and sent them out before to impede the enemy while forming into order, and to harass them when they should first issue out of the their camp; and early in the morning brought down his main body, and set them in battle array in the lower round, numerous and courageous army, not, as the barbarians had supposed, an inconsiderable and fearful division. The first thing that shook the courage of the Gauls was, that their enemies had, contrary to their expectation, the honor of being aggressors. In the next place, the light-armed men, falling upon them before they could get into their usual order or range themselves in their proper squadrons, so disturbed and pressed upon them, that they were obliged to fight at random, without any order at all. But at last, when Camillus brought on his heavy-armed legions, the barbarians, with their swords drawn, went vigorously to engage them; the Romans, however, opposing their javelins, and receiving the force of their blows on those parts of the defences which were well guarded with steel, turned the edge of their weapons, beingmade of a soft and ill-tempered metal, so that their swords bent and doubled up in their hands; and their shields were pierced through and through, and grew heavy with the javelins that stuck upon them. And thus forced to quit their own weapons, they endeavored to take advantage of those of their enemies, laid hold of the javelins with their hands, and tried to pluck them away. But the Romans, perceiving them now naked and defenceless, betook themselves to their swords, which they so well used, that in a little time great slaughter was made in the foremost ranks, while the rest fled over all parts of the level country; the hills and upper grounds Camillus had secured beforehand, and their camp they knew it would not be difficult for the enemy to take, as, through confidence of victory, they had left it unguarded. This fight, it is stated, was thirteen years after the sacking of Rome; and from henceforward the Romans took courage, and surmounted the apprehensions they had hitherto entertained of the barbarians, whose previous defeat they had attributed rather to pestilence and a concurrence of mischances than to their own superior valor. And, indeed, this fear had been formerly so great, that they made a law, that priests should be excused from service in war, unless in an invasion from the Gauls. This was the last military action that Camillus ever performed; for the voluntary surrender of the city of the Velitrani was but a mere accessory to it. But the greatest of all civil contests, and the hardest to be managed, was still to be fought out against the people; who, returning home full of victory and success, insisted, contrary to established law, to have one of the consuls chosen out of their own body. The senate strongly opposed it, and would not suffer Camillus to lay down his dictatorship, thinking, that, under the shelter of his great name and authority, they should be better able to contend for the power of the aristocracy. But when Camillus was sitting upon the tribunal, dispatching public affairs, an officer, sent by the tribunes of the people, commanded him to rise and follow him, laying his and upon him, as ready to seize and carry him away; upon which, such a noise and tumult as was never heard before, filled the whole forum; some that were about Camillus thrusting the officer from the bench, and the multitude below calling out to him to bring Camillus down. Being at a loss what to do in these difficulties, he yet laid not down his authority, but, taking the senators along with him, he went to the senate-house; but before he entered, besought the gods that they would bring these troubles to a happy conclusion, solemnly vowing, when the tumult was ended, to build a temple to Concord. A great conflict of opposite opinions arose in the senate; but, at last, the most moderate and most acceptable to the people prevailed, and consent was given, that of two consuls, one should be chosen from the commonalty. When the dictator proclaimed this determination of the senate to the people, at the moment pleased and reconciled with the senate, as they could not well otherwise be, they accompanied Camillus home with all expressions and acclamations of joy; and the next day, assembling together, they voted a temple of Concord to be built, according to Camillus's vow, facing the assembly and the forum; and to the feasts, called the Latin holidays, they added one day more, making four in all; and ordained that, on the present occasion the whole people of Rome should sacrifice with garlands on their heads. In the election of consuls held by Camillus, Marcus Aemilius was chosen of the patricians, and Lucius Sextius the first of the commonalty; and this was the last of all Camillus's actions. In the year following, a pestilential sickness infected Rome, which, besides an infinite number of the common people, swept away most of the magistrates, among whom was Camillus; whose death cannot be called premature, if we consider his great age, or greater actions, yet was he more lamented than all the rest put together that then died of that distemper. PERICLES We are inspired by acts of virtue with an emulation and eagerness that may lead on to imitation. In other things there does not immediately follow upon the admiration and liking of the thing done, any strong desire of doing the like. Nay, many times, on the very contrary, when we are pleased with the work, we slight and set little by the workman or artist himself, as, for instance, in perfumes and purple dyes, we are taken with the things themselves well enough, but do not think dyers and perfumers otherwise than low and sordid people. It was not said amiss by Antisthenes, when people told him that one Ismenias was an excellent piper, "It may be so, but he is a wretched human being, otherwise he would not have been an excellent piper." And King Philip, to the same purpose, told his son Alexander, who once at a merry meeting played a piece of music charmingly and skillfully, "Are you not ashamed, my son, to play so well?" For it is enough for a king or prince to find leisure sometimes to hear others sing, and he does the muses quite honor enough when he pleases to be but present, while others engage in such exercises and trials of skill. He who busies himself in mean occupations produces, in the very pains he takes about things of little or no use, an evidence against himself of his negligence and indisposition to what is really good. Nor did any generous and ingenuous young man, at the sight of the statue of Jupiter at Pisa, ever desire to be a Phidias, or, on seeing that of Juno at Argos, long to be a Polycletus, or feel induced by his pleasure in their poems to wish to be an Anacreon or Pliletas or Archilochus. But virtue, by the bare statement of its actions, can so affect men's minds as to create at once both admiration of the things done and desire to imitate the doers of them. The goods of fortune we would possess and would enjoy; those of virtue we long to practice and exercise; we are content to receive the former from others, the latter we wish others to experience from us. And so we have thought fit to spend our time and pains in writing of the lives of famous persons; and have composed this tenth book upon that subject, containing the life of Pericles, and that of Fabius Maximus, who carried on the war against Hannibal, men alike, as in their other virtues and good parts, so especially in their mild and upright temper and demeanor, and in that capacity to bear the cross-grained humors of their fellow-citizens and colleagues in office which made them both most useful and serviceable to the interests of their countries. Whether we take a right aim at our intended purpose, it is left to the reader to judge by what he shall find here. Pericles was of the tribe of Acamantis, and the township Cholargus, of the noblest birth both on his father's and mother's side. Xanthippus, his father, who defeated the king of Persia's generals in the battle at Mycale, took to Wife Agariste, the grandchild of Clisthenes, who drove out the sons of Pisistratus, and nobly put and end to their tyrannical usurpation, and moreover made a body of laws, and settled a model of government admirably tempered and suited for the harmony and safety of the people. Pericles in other respects was perfectly formed physically, only his head was somewhat longish and out of proportion. For which reason almost all the images and statues that were made of him have the head covered with a helmet, the workmen not apparently being willing to expose him. The poets of Athens called him "Schinocephalos," or squill-head, from "schinos," a squill, or sea-onion. Pericles was a hearer of Zeno, the Eliatic, who treated of natural philosophy in the same manner as Parmenides did, but had also perfected himself in an art of his own for refuting and silencing opponents in argument; as Timon of Phlius describes it,-- Also the two-edged tongue of mighty Zeno, who, Say what one would, could argue it untrue. But he saw most of Pericles, and furnished him most especially with a weight and grandeur of sense, superior to all arts of popularity, and in general gave him his elevation and sublimity of purpose and of character, was Anaxagoras of Clazomenae; whom the men of those times called by the name of Nous, that is mind, or intelligence, whether in admiration of the great and extraordinary gift he displayed for the science of nature, or because he was the first of the philosophers who did not refer the first ordering of the world to fortune or chance, nor to necessity or compulsion, but to a pure, unadulterated intelligence, which in all other existing mixed and compound things acts as a principle of discrimination, and of combination of like with like. For this man, Pericles entertained an extraordinary esteem and admiration, and, filling himself with this lofty and, as they call it, up-in-the-air sort of thought, derived hence not merely, as was natural, elevation of purpose and dignity of language, raised far above the base and dishonest buffooneries of mob-eloquence, but, besides this, a composure of countenance, and a serenity and calmness in all his movements, which no occurrence whilst he was speaking could disturb, a sustained and even tone of voice, and various other advantages of a similar kind, which produced the greatest effect on his hearers. Once, after being reviled and ill-spoken of all day long in his own hearing by some abandoned fellow in the open market-place where he was engaged in the despatch of some urgent affair, he continued his business in perfect silence, and in the evening returned home composedly, the man still dogging him at the heels, and pelting him all the way with abuse and foul language; and stopping into his house, it being by this time dark, he ordered one of hi servants to take a light and to go along with the man and see him safe home. Nor were these the only advantages which Pericles derived from Anaxagoras's acquaintance; he seems also to have become, by his instructions, superior to that superstition with which an ignorant wonder at appearances, for example, in the heavens, possesses the minds of people unacquainted with their causes, eager for the supernatural, and excitable through an inexperience which the knowledge of natural causes removes, replacing wild and timid superstition by the good hope and assurance of an intelligent piety. There is a story that once Pericles had brought to him from a country farm of his, a ram's head with one horn, and that Lampon, the diviner, upon seeing the horn grow strong and solid out of the midst of the forehead, gave it as his judgement that, there being at that time two potent factions, parties, or interests in the city, the one of Thucydides and the other of Pericles, the government would come about to that one of them in whose ground or estate this token or indication of fate had shown itself. But that Anaxagoras, cleaving the skull in sunder, showed to the bystanders that the brain had not filled up its natural place, but being oblong, like an egg, had collected from all parts of the vessel which contained it, in a point to that place from whence the root of the horn took its rise. And that, for the time, Anaxagoras was much admired for his explanation by those that were present; and Lampon no less a little while after, when Thucydides was overpowered, and the whole affairs of the state and government came into the hands of Pericles. Pericles, while yet but a young man, stood in considerable apprehension of the people, as he was thought in face and figure to be very like the tyrant Pisitratus, and those of great age remarked upon the sweetness of his voice, and his volubility and rapidity in speaking, and were struck with amazement at the resemblance. But when Aristides was now dead, and Themosticles driven out, and Cimon was for the most part kept abroad by the expeditions he made in parts out of Greece, Pericles, seeing things in this posture, now advanced and took his side, not with the rich and few, but with the many and poor, contrary to his natural bent, which was far from democratical; but, most likely, fearing he might fall under suspicion of aiming at arbitrary power, and seeing Cimon on the side of the aristocracy, and much beloved by the better and more distinguished people, he joined the party of the people, with a view at once both to secure himself and procure means against Cimon. He immediately entered, also, on quite a new course of life and management of his time. For he was never seen to walk in any street but that which led to the market-place and the council-hall, and he avoided invitations of friends to supper, and all friendly visits and intercourse whatever; in all the time he had to do with the public, which was not a little, he was never known to have gone to any of his friends to a supper, except that once when his near kinsman Euryptolemus married, he remained present till the ceremony of the drink-offering, and then immediately rose from the table and went his way. For these friendly meetings are very quick to defeat any assumed superiority, and in intimate familiarity an exterior of gravity is hard to maintain. Real excellence, indeed, is best recognized when most openly looked into; and in really good men, nothing which meets the eyes of external observers so truly deserves their admiration, as their daily common life does that of their nearer friends. Pericles, however, to avoid any feeling of commonness, or any satiety on the part of the people, presented himself at intervals only, not speaking on every business, nor at all times coming into the assembly, but, as Critoaus says, reserving himself, like the Salaminian galley, for great occasions, while matters of lesser importance were despatched by friends or other speakers under his direction. And of this number we are told Ephialtes made one, who broke the power of the council of Areopagus, giving the people, according to Plato's expression, so copious and so strong a draught of liberty, that, growing wild and unruly, like an unmanageable horse, it, as the comic poets say,-- "--got beyond all keeping in, Champing at Euboea, and among the islands leaping in." The style of speaking most consonant to his form of life and the dignity of his views he found, so to say, in the tones of that instrument with which Anaxagoras had furnished him; of his teaching he continually availed himself, and deepened the colors of rhetoric with the dye of natural science. A saying of Thucydides, the son of Melesias, stands on record, spoken by him by way of pleasantry upon Pericles's dexterity. Thucydides was one of the noble and distinguished citizens, and had been his greatest opponent; and, when Archidamus, the king of the Lacedaemonians, asked him whether he or Pericles were the better wrestler, he made this answer: "When I," said he, "have thrown him and given him a fair fall, he by persisting that he had no fall, gets the better of me, and makes the bystanders, in spite of their own eyes, believe him." The rule of Pericles has been described as an aristocratical government, that went by the name of a democracy, but was, indeed, the supremacy of a single great man; while many say, that by him the common people were first encouraged and led on to such evils as appropriations of subject territory, allowances for attending theatres, payments for performing public duties, and by these bad habits were, under the influence of his public measures, changed from a sober, thrifty people, that maintained themselves by their own labors, to lovers of expense, intemperance, and license. At the first, as has been said, when he set himself against Cimon's great authority, he did caress the people. Finding himself come short of his competitor in wealth and money, by which advantages the other was enabled to take care of the poor, inviting every day some one or other of the citizens that was in want to supper, and bestowing clothes on the aged people, and breaking down the hedges and enclosures of his grounds, that all that would might freely gather what fruit they pleased. Pericles, thus outdone in popular arts, turned to the distribution of the public moneys; and in a short time having bought the people over, what with moneys allowed for shows and for service on juries, and what with the other forms of pay and largess, he made use of them against the council of Areopagus, and directed the exertions of his party against this council with such success, that most of those causes and matters which had been formerly tried there, were removed from its cognizance; Cimon, also, was banished by ostracism as a favorer of the Lacedaemonians and a hater of the people, though in wealth and noble birth he was among the first, and had won several most glorious victories over the barbarians, and had filled the city with money and spoils of war. So vast an authority had Pericles obtained among the people. The ostracism was limited by law to ten years; but the Lacedaemonians, in the meantime, entering with a great army into the territory of Tanagra, and the Athenians going out against the Cimon, coming from his banishment before his time was out, put himself in arms and array with those of his fellow-citizens that were of his own tribe, and desired by his deeds to wipe off the suspicion of his favoring the Lacedaemonians, by venturing his own person along with his countrymen. But Pericles's friends, gathering in a body, forced him to retire as a banished man. For which cause also Pericles seems to have exerted himself more than in any other battle, and to have been conspicuous above all for his exposure of himself to danger. All Cimon's friends, also, to a man, fell together side by side, whom Pericles had accused with him of taking part with the Lacedaemonians. Defeated in this battle on their own frontiers, and expecting a new and perilous attack with return of spring, the Athenians now felt regret and sorrow for the loss of Cimon, and repentance for their expulsion of him. Pericles, being sensible of their feelings, did not hesitate or delay to gratify it, and himself made the motion for recalling him home. He, upon his return, concluded a peace betwixt the two cities; for the Lacedaemonians entertained as kindly feelings towards him as they did the reverse towards Pericles and the other popular leaders. Cimon, while he was admiral, ended his days in the Isle of Cyprus. And the aristocratical party, seeing that Pericles was already before this grown to be the greatest and foremost man of all the city, but nevertheless wishing there should be somebody set up against him, to blunt and turn the edge of his power, that it might not altogether prove a monarchy, put forward Thucydides of Alopece, a discreet person, and a near kinsman of Cimon's, to conduct the opposition against him. And so Pericles, at that time more than at any other, let loose the reins to the people, and made his policy subservient to their pleasure, contriving continually to have some great public show or solemnity, some banquet, or some procession or other in the town to please them, coaxing his countrymen like children, with such delights and pleasures as were not, however, unedifying. Besides that, every year he sent out threescore galleys, on board of which there went numbers of the citizens, who were in pay eight months, at the same time learning and practicing the art of seamanship. He sent, moreover, a thousand of them into the Chersonese as planters, to share the land among them by lot, and five hundred more into the isle of Naxos, and half that number to Andros, a thousand into Thrace to dwell among the Bisaltae, and others into Italy, when the city Sybaris, which now was called Thurii, was to be repeopled. And this he did to ease and discharge the city of an idle, and, by reason of their idleness, a busy, meddling crowd of people; and at the same time to meet the necessities and restore the fortunes of the poor townsmen, and to intimidate, also, and check their allies from attempting any change, by posting such garrisons, as it were, in the midst of them. That which gave most pleasure and ornament to the city of Athens, and the greatest admiration and even astonishment to all strangers, and that which now is Greece's only evidence that the power she boasts of and her ancient wealth are no romance or idle story, was his construction of the public and sacred buildings. The materials were stone, brass, ivory, gold, ebony, and cypress-wood; the artisans that wrought and fashioned them were smiths and carpenters, moulders, founders and braziers, stone-cutters, dyers, goldsmiths, ivory-workers, painters, embroiderers, turners; those again that conveyed them to the town for use, merchants and mariners and ship-masters by sea; and by land, cartwrights, cattle-breeders, wagoners, rope-makers, flax-workers, shoe-makers and leather-dressers, road-makers, miners. And every trade in the same nature, as a captain in an army has his particular company of soldiers under him, had its own hired company of journeymen and laborers belonging to it banded together as in array, to be as it were the instrument and body for the performance of the service of these public works distributed plenty through every age and condition. As then grew the works up, no less stately in size than exquisite in form, the workmen striving to outvie the material and the design with the beauty of their workmanship, yet the most wonderful thing of all was the rapidity of their execution. Undertakings, any one of which singly might have required, they thought, for their completion, several successions and ages of men, were every one of them accomplished in the height and prime of one man's political service. Although they say, too, that Zeuxis once, having heard Agatharchus, the painter, boast of despatching his work with speed and ease, replied, "I take a long time." For ease and speed in doing a thing do not give the work lasting solidity or exactness of beauty; the expenditure of time allowed to a man's pains beforehand for the production of a thing is repaid by way of interest with a vital force for its preservation when once produced. For which reason Pericles's works are especially admired, as having been made quickly, to last long. For every particular piece of his work was immediately, even at that time, for its beauty and elegance, antique; and yet in its vigor and freshness looks to this day as if it were just executed. There is a sort of bloom of newness upon those works of his, preserving them from the touch of time, as if they had some perennial spirit and undying vitality mingled in the composition of them. Phidias had the oversight of all the works, and was surveyor-general, though upon the various portions other great masters and workmen were employed. For Callicrates and Ictinus built the Parthenon; the chapel at Eleusis, where the mysteries were celebrated, was begun by Coroebus, who erected the pillars that stand upon the floor or pavement, and joined them to the architraves; and after his death Metagenes of Xypete added the frieze and the upper line of columns; Xenocles of Cholargus roofed or arched the lantern on the top of the temple of Castor and Pollux; and the long wall, which Socrates says he himself heard Pericles propose to the people, was undertaken by Callicrates. The Odeum, or music-room, which in its interior was full of seats and ranges of pillars, and outside had its roof made to slope and descend from one single point at the top, was constructed, we are told, in imitation of the king of Persia's Pavilion; this likewise by Pericles's order; which Cratinus again, in his comedy called The Thracian Women, made an occasion of raillery,-- So, we see here, Jupiter Long-pate Pericles appear, Since ostracism time he's laid aside his head, And wears the new Odeum in its stead. Perils, also eager for distinction, then first obtained the decree for a contest in musical skill to be held yearly at the Panathenaea, and he himself, being chosen judge, arranged the order and method in which the competitors should sing and play on the flute and the harp. And both at that time, and at other times also, they sat in this music-room to see and hear all such trials of skill. The propylaea, or entrances to the Acropolis, were finished in five years' time, Mnesicles being the principal architect. A strange accident happened in the course of building, which showed that the goddess was not averse to the work, but was aiding and co-operating to bring it to perfection. One of the artificers, the quickest and the handiest workmen among them all, with a slip of his foot, fell down from a great height, and lay in a miserable condition, the physician having no hopes of his recovery. When Pericles was in distress about this, Athenia appeared to him at night in a dream, and ordered a course of treatment which he applied, and in a short time, and with great ease, cured the man. And upon this occasion it was that he set up a brass statue of Athena, surnamed Health, in the citadel near the altar, which they say was there before. But it was Phidias who wrought the goddess's image in gold, and he has his name inscribed on the pedestal as the workman of it; and indeed the whole work in a manner was under his charge, and he had, as we have said already, the oversight over all the artists and workmen, through Pericles's friendship for him. When the orators, who sided with Thucydides and his party, were at one time crying out, as their custom was, against Pericles, as one who squandered away public money and made havoc of the state revenues, he rose in the open assembly and put the question to the people, whether they thought that he had laid out much; and saying, "Too much, a great deal," "Then," said he, "since it is so, let the cost not go to your account, but to mine; and let the inscription upon the buildings stand in my name." When they heard him say thus, whether it were out of a surprise to see the greatness of his spirit, or out of emulation of the glory of the works, they cried aloud, bidding him to spend on, and lay out what he thought fit from the public purse, and to spare no cost, till all were finished. At length, coming to a final contest with Thucydides, which of the two should ostracize the other out of the country, and, having gone through this peril, he threw his antagonist out, and broke up the confederacy that had been organized against him. So that now all schism and division being at an end, and the city brought to evenness and unity, he got all Athens and all affairs that pertained to the Athenians into his own hands, their tributes, their armies and their galleys, the islands, the sea, and their wide-extended power, partly over other Greeks and partly over barbarians, and all that empire which they possessed, founded and fortified upon subject nations and royal friendships and alliances. After this he was no longer the same man he had been before, nor as tame and gentle and familiar as formerly with the populace, so as readily to yield to their pleasures and to comply with the desires of the multitude, as a steersman shifts with the winds. Quitting that loose, remiss, and, in some cases, licentious court of the popular will, he turned those soft and flowery modulations to the austerity of aristocratical and regal rule; but, employing this uprightly and undeviatingly for the country's best interests, he was able generally to lead the people along, with their own will and consent, by persuading and showing them what was to be done. The source of this predominance was not barely his power of language, but, as Thucydides the historian assures us, the reputation of his life, and the confidence felt in his character; his manifest freedom from every kind of corruption, and superiority to all considerations of money. Notwithstanding he had made the city of Athens, which was great of itself, as great and rich as can be imagined, and though he were himself in power and interest more than equal to many kings and absolute rulers, who some of them also bequeathed by will their power to their children, he for his part, did not make the patrimony his father left him greater than it was by one drachma. Teleclides says the Athenians had surrendered to him-- The tributes of the cities, and, with them, the cities, too, to do with them as he pleases, and undo; To build up, if he likes, stone walls around a town; and again, if so he likes, to pull them down; Their treaties and alliances, power, empire, peace, and war, their wealth and their success forevermore. Nor was all this the luck of some happy occasion; nor was it the mere bloom and grace of a policy that flourished for a season; but having for fifty-five years together maintained the first place among statesmen, in the exercise of one continuous unintermitted command in the office, to which he was annually reelected, of General, he preserved his integrity unspotted; though otherwise he was not altogether idle or careless in looking after his pecuniary advantage; his paternal estate, which of right belonged to him, he so ordered that it might neither through negligence be wasted or lessened, nor yet, being so full of business as he was, cost him any great trouble or time with taking care of it; and put it into such a way of management as he thought to be most easy for himself, and the most exact. All his yearly products and profits he sold together in a lump, and supplied his household needs afterward by buying everything that he or his family wanted out of the market. Upon which account, his children, when they grew to age, were not well pleased with his management; since there was not there, as is usual in a great family and a plentiful estate, anything to spare, or over and above; but all that went out or came in, all disbursements and all receipts, proceeded as it were by number and measure. His manager in all this was a single servant, Evangelus by name, a man either naturally gifted or instructed by Pericles so as to excel every one in this art of domestic economy. The Lacedaemonians beginning to show themselves troubled at the growth of the Athenian power, Pericles, on the other hand, to elevate the people's spirit yet more, and to raise them to the thought of great actions, proposed a decree to summon all the Greeks in what part soever, whether of Europe or Asia, every city, little as well as great, to send their deputies to Athens to a general assembly or convention, there to consult and advise concerning the Greek temples which the barbarians had burnt down; and also concerning the navigation of the sea, that they might henceforward all of them pass to and fro and trade securely, and be at peace among themselves. Nothing was effected, nor did the cities meet by their deputies, as was desired; the Lacedaemonians, as it is said, crossing the design underhand, and the attempt being disappointed and baffled first in Peloponnesus. I thought fit, however, to introduce the mention of it, to show the spirit of the man and the greatness of his thoughts. In his military conduct he gained a great reputation for wariness; he would not by his good-will engage in any fight which had much uncertainty or hazard; he did not envy the glory of generals whose rash adventures fortune favored with brilliant success, however they were admired by others; nor did he think them worthy his imitation, but always used to say to his citizens that, so far as lay in his power, they should continue immortal, and live forever. Seeing Tolmides, the son of Tolmaeus, upon the confidence of his former successes, and flushed with the honor his military actions had procured him, making preparation to attack the Boeotians in their own country, when there was no likely opportunity, and that he had prevailed with the bravest and most enterprising of the youth to enlist themselves as volunteers in the service, who besides his other force made up a thousand, he endeavored to withhold him, and advised him against it in the public assembly, telling him in a memorable saying of which still goes about, that, if he would not take Pericles's advice, yet he would not do amiss to wait and be ruled by time, the wisest counselor of all. This saying, at that time, was but slightly commended; but, within a few days after, when news was brought that Tolmides himself had been defeated and slain in battle near Coronea, and that many brave citizens had fallen with him, it gained him great repute as well as good-will among the people, for wisdom and for love of his countrymen. But of all his expeditions, that to the Chersonese gave most satisfaction and pleasure, having proved the safety of the Greeks who inhabited there. For not only by carrying along with him a thousand fresh citizens of Athens he gave new strength and vigor to the cities, but also by belting the neck of land, which joins the peninsula to the continent, with bulwarks and forts from sea to sea, he put a stop to the inroads of the Thracians, who lay all about the Chersonese, and closed the door against a continual and grievous war, with which that country had been long harassed, lying exposed to the encroachments and influx of barbarous neighbors, and groaning under the evils of a predatory population both upon and within its borders. Entering also the Euxine Sea with a large and finely equipped fleet, he obtained for the Greek cities any new arrangements they wanted, and entered into friendly relations with them; and to the barbarous nations, and kings and chiefs round about them, displayed the greatness of the power of the Athenians, their perfect ability and confidence to sail wherever they had a mind, and to bring the whole sea under his control. He left the Sinopians thirteen ships of war, with soldiers under the command of Lamachus, to assist them against Timesileus the tyrant; and, when he and his accomplices had been thrown out, obtained a decree that six hundred of the Athenians that were willing should sail to Sinope and plant themselves there with the Sinopians, sharing among them the houses and land which the tyrant and his party had previously held. But in other things he did not comply with the giddy impulses of the citizens, nor quit his own resolutions to follow their fancies, when, carried away with the thought of their strength and great success, they were eager to interfere again in Egypt, and to disturb the king of Persia's maritime dominions. Nay, there were a good many who were, even then, possessed with that unblest and unauspicious passion for Sicily, which afterward the orators of Alciabes's party blew up into a flame. There were some also who dreamt of Tuscany and of Carthage, and not without plausible reason in their present large dominion and the prosperous course of their affairs. But Pericles curbed this passion for foreign conquest, and unsparingly pruned and cut down their ever-busy fancies for a multitude of undertakings, and directed their power for the most part to securing and consolidating what they had already got, supposing it would be quite enough for them to do, if they could keep the Lacedaemonians in check; to whom he entertained all along a sense of opposition; which, as upon many other occasions, he particularly showed by what he did in the time of the holy war. The Lacedaemonians, having gone with an army to Delphi, restored Apollo's temple, which the Phocians had got into their possession, to the Delphians; immediately after their departure, Pericles, with another army, came and restored it to the Phocians. And the Lacedaemonians having engraven the record of their privilege of consulting the oracle before others, which the Delphians gave them, upon the forehead of the brazen wolf which stands there, he, also, having received from the Phocians the like privilege for the Athenians, had it cut upon the same wolf of brass, on his right side. When Pericles, in giving up his accounts, stated a disbursement of ten talents, as laid out upon fit occasion, the people, without any question, nor troubling themselves to investigate the mystery, freely allowed it. And some historians, in which number is Theophtastus the philosopher, have given it as a truth that Pericles every year used to send privately the sum of ten talents to Sparta, with which he complimented those in office, to keep off the war; not to purchase peace either, but time, that he might prepare at leisure, and be the better able to carry on war hereafter. After this, having made a truce between the Athenians and Lacedaemonians for thirty years, he ordered, by public decree, the expedition against the Isle of Samos, on the ground, that, when they were bid to leave off their war with the Milesians, they had not complied. For the two states were at war for the possession of Priene; and the Samians, getting the better, refused to lay down their arms and to have the controversy betwixt them decided by arbitration before the Athenians. Pericles, therefore, fitting out a fleet, went and broke up the oligarchal government at Samos, and, taking fifty of the principal men of the town as hostages, and as many of their children, sent them to the Isle of Lemnos, there to be kept, though he had offers, as some relate, of a talent apiece for himself from each one of the hostages, and of many other presents from those who were anxious not to have a democracy. Moreover, Pissuthnes the Persian, one of the king's lieutenants, bearing some good-will to the Samians, sent him ten thousand pieces of gold to excuse the city. Pericles, however, would receive none of all this; but after he had taken that course with the Samians which he thought fit, and set up a democracy among them, sailed back to Athens. But they, however, immediately revolted, Pissuthnes having privily got away their hostages for them, and provided them with means for war. Whereupon Pericles came out with a fleet a second time against them, and found them not idle nor slinking away, but manfully resolved to try for the dominion of the sea. The issue was, that, after a sharp sea-fight about the island called Tragia, Pericles obtained a decisive victory, having with forty-four ships routed seventy of the enemy's, twenty of which were carrying soldiers. Together with his victory and pursuit, having made himself master of the port, he laid siege to the Samians, and blocked them up, who yet, one way or other, still ventured to make sallies, and fight under the city walls. But after another greater fleet from Athens had arrived, and the Samians were now shut up with a close leaguer on every side, Pericles, taking with him sixty galleys, sailed out into the main sea, with the intention, as most authors give the account, to meet a squadron of Phoenician ships that were coming for the Samians' relief, and to fight them at as great a distance as could be from the island; but, as Stesimbrotus says, with a design of putting over to Cyprus; which does not seem to be probable. But whichever of the two was his intent, it seems to have been a miscalculation. For on his departure, Melissus, the son of Ithagenes, a philosopher, being at that time general in Samos, despising either the small number of ships that were left or the inexperience of the commanders, prevailed with the citizens to attack the Athenians. And the Samians having won the battle and taken several of the men prisoners, and disabled several of the ships, were masters of the sea, and brought into port all necessities they wanted for the war, which they had not before. Aristotle says, too, that Pericles himself had been once before this worsted by the Milissus in a sea-fight. The Samians, that they might requite an affront which had before been put upon them, branded the Athenians whom they took prisoners, in their foreheads, with the figure of an owl. For so the Athenians had marked them before with a Samaena, which is a sort of ship, low and flat in the prow, so as to look snub-nosed, but wide and large and well-spread in the hold, by which it both carries a large cargo and sails well. And so it was called, because the first of that kind was seen at Samos, having been built by order of Polycrates the tyrant. These brands upon the Samians' foreheads, they say, are the allusion in the passage of Aristophanes, where he says,-- For, oh, the Samians are a lettered people. Pericles, as soon as news was brought to him of the disaster that had befallen his army, made all the haste he could to come in to their relief, and having defeated Melissus, who bore up against him, and put the enemy to flight, he immediately proceeded to hem them in with a wall, resolving to master them and take the town, rather with some cost and time than with the wounds and hazards of his citizens. But as it was a hard matter to keep back the Athenians, who were vexed at the delay, and were eagerly bent to fight, he divided the whole multitude into eight parts, and arranged by lot that that part which had the white bean should have leave to feast and take their ease, while the other seven were fighting. And this is the reason, they say, that people, when at any time they have been merry, and enjoyed themselves, call it white day, in allusion to this white bean. Ephorus, the historian, tells us besides, that Pericles made use of engines of battery in this siege, being much taken with the curiousness of the invention, with the aid and presence of Artemon himself, the engineer, who, being lame, used to be carried about in a litter, where the works required his attendance, and for that reason was called Periphoretus. But Heraclides Ponticus disproves this out of Anacreon's poems, where mention is made of this Artemon Periphoretus several ages before the Samian war, or any of these occurrences. And he says that Artemon, being a man who loved his ease, and had a great apprehension of danger, for the most part kept close within doors, having two of his servants to hold a brazen shield over his head, that nothing might fall upon him from above; and if he were at any time forced upon necessity to go abroad, that he was carried about in a little hanging-bed, close to the very ground, and that for this reason he was called Periphoretus. In the ninth month, the Samians surrendering themselves and delivering up the town, Pericles pulled down their walls, and seized their shipping, and set a fine of a large sum upon them, part of which they paid down at once, and they agreed to bring in the rest by a certain time, and gave hostages for security. Pericles, however, after the reduction of Samos, returning back to Athens, took care that those who died in the war should be honorably buried, and made a funeral harangue, as the custom is, in their commendation at their graves, for which he gained great admiration. As he came down from the stage on which he spoke, all the women except Elpinice, the aged sister of Cimon, came out and complimented him, taking him by the hand, and crowning him with garlands and ribbons, like a victorious athlete in the games. After this was over, the Peloponnesian war beginning to break out in full tide, he advised the people to send help to the Corcyraeans, who were attacked by the Corinthians, and to secure to themselves an island possessed of great naval resources, since the Peloponnesians were already all but in actual hostilities against them. Archidamus, the king of the Lacedaemonians, endeavoring to bring the greater part of the complaints and matters in dispute to a fair determination, and to pacify and allay the heats of the allies, it is very likely that the war would not upon any other grounds of quarrel have fallen upon the Athenians, could they have been prevailed upon to be reconciled with the inhabitants of Megara. The true occasion of the quarrel is not easy to find out. The worst motive of all, which is confirmed by most witnesses, is to the following effect. Phidias the Moulder had, as has before been said, undertaken to make the statue of Athena. Now he, being admitted to friendship with Pericles, and a great favorite of his, had many enemies upon this account, who envied and maligned him; and they, to make trial in a case of his what kind of judges the commons would prove, should there be occasion to bring Pericles himself before them, having tampered with Menon, one who had been a workman with Phidias, stationed him in the marketplace, with a petition desiring public security upon his discovery and impeachment of Phidias. The people admitting the man to tell his story, and, the prosecution proceeding in the assembly, there was nothing of theft or cheat proved against him; for Phidias, from the very first beginning, by the advice of Pericles, had so wrought and wrapt the gold that was used in the work about the statue, that they might take it all off and make out the just weight of it, which Pericles at that time bade the accusers do. But the repudiation of his works was what brought envy upon Phidias, especially that where he represents the fight of the Amazons upon the goddesses' shield, he had introduced a likeness of himself as a bald old man holding up a great stone with both hands, and had put in a very fine representation of Pericles fighting with an Amazon. And the position of the hand, which holds out the spear in front of the face, was ingeniously contrived to conceal in some degree the likeness, which, meantime, showed itself on either side. Phidias then was carried away to Prison, and there died of a disease; but, as some say, of poison administered by the enemies of Pericles, to raise a slander, or a suspicion at least, as though he had procured it. The informer Menon, upon Glycon's proposal, the people made free from payment of taxes and customs, and ordered the generals to take care that nobody should do him any hurt. And Pericles, finding that in Phidias's case he had miscarried with the people, being afraid of impeachment, kindled the war, which hitherto had lingered and smothered, and blew it up into a flame; hoping, by that means, to disperse and scatter these complaints and charges, and to allay their jealousy; the city usually throwing herself upon him alone, and trusting to his sole conduct, upon the urgency of great affairs and public dangers, by reason of his authority and the sway he bore. These are given out to have been the reasons which induced Pericles not to suffer the people of Athens to yield to the proposals of the Lacedaemonians; but their truth is uncertain. The Lacedaemonians, therefore, and their allies, with a great army, invaded the Athenian territories, under the conduct of king Archidamus, and laying waste the country, marched on as far as Acharnae, and there pitched their camp, presuming that the Athenians would never endure that, but would come out and fight them for their country's and their honor's sake. But Pericles looked upon it as dangerous to engage in battle, to the risk of the city itself, against sixty thousand men-at-arms of Peloponnesians and Boeotians; for so many they were in number that made the inroad at first; and he endeavored to appease those who were desirous to fight, and were grieved and discontented to see how things went, and gave them good words, saying, that "trees, when they are lopped and cut, grow up again in a short time, but men, being once lost, cannot easily be recovered." He did not convene the people into an assembly, for fear lest they should force him to act against his judgement; and many of his enemies threatened and accursed him for doing as he did, and many made songs and lampoons upon him, which were sung about the town to his disgrace, reproaching him with the cowardly exercise of his office of general, and the tame abandonment of everything to the enemy's hands. Cleon, also, already was among his assailants, making use of the feeling against him as a step to the leadership of the people, as appears in the anapaestic verses of Hermippus. Satyr-king, instead of swords, Will you always handle words? Very brave indeed we find them, But a Teles lurks behind them. (Teles was apparently some notorious coward.) Yet to gnash your teeth you're seen, When the little dagger keen, Whetted every day anew, Of sharp Cleon touches you. Pericles, however, was not at all moved by any attacks, but took all patiently, and submitted in silence to the disgrace they threw upon him and the ill-will they bore him; and, sending out a fleet of a hundred galleys to Peloponnesus, he did not go along with it in person, but stayed behind, that he might watch at home and keep the city under his own control, till the Peloponnesians broke up their camp and were gone. Yet to soothe the common people, jaded and distressed with the war, he relieved them with distributions of public moneys, and ordained new divisions of subject land. For having turned out all the people of Aegina, he parted the island among the Athenians, according to lot. Some comfort, also, and ease in their miseries, they might receive from what their enemies endured. For the fleet, sailing round the Peloponnesus, ravaged a great deal of the country, and pillaged and plundered the towns and smaller cities; and by land he himself entered with an army the Megarian country, and made havoc of it all. Whence it is clear that the Peloponnesians, though they did the Athenians much mischief by land, yet suffering as much themselves from them by sea, would not have protracted the war to such a length, but would quickly have given it over, as Pericles at first foretold they would, had not some divine power crossed human purposes. In the first place, the pestilential disease, or plague, seized upon the city, and ate up all the flour and prime of their youth and strength. Upon occasion of which the people, distempered and afflicted in their souls, as well as in their bodies, were utterly enraged like madmen against Pericles, and, like patients grown delirious, sought to lay violent hands on their physician, or, as it were, their father. Finding the Athenians ill affected and highly displeased with him, he tried and endeavored what he could to appease and re-encourage them. But he could not pacify or allay their anger nor persuade or prevail with them anyway, til they freely passed their votes upon him, resumed their power, took away his command from him, and fined him in a sum of money. After this, public troubles were soon to leave him unmolested; the people, so to say, discharged their passion in their stroke, and lost their stings in the wound. But his domestic concerns were in an unhappy condition, many of his friends and acquaintance having died in the plague time, and those of his family having long since been in disorder and in a kind of mutiny against him. For the eldest of his sons, Xanthippus by name, being naturally prodigal, and marrying a young and expensive wife, was highly offended at his father's economy in making him but a scanty allowance, by little and little at a time. He sent therefore, to a friend one day, and borrowed some money of him in his father Pericles's name, pretending it was by his order. The man coming afterward to demand the debt, Pericles was so far from yielding to pay it, that he entered an action against him. Upon which the young man, Xanthippus, thought himself so ill used and disobliged, that he openly reviled his father; telling first, by way of ridicule, stories about his conversations at home, and the discourses he had with the sophists and scholars that came to his house. As for instance, how one who was a practicer of the five games of skill, * having with a dart or javelin unawares against his will struck and killed Epitimus the Pharsalian, his father spent a whole day with Protagoras in a serious dispute, whether the javelin, or the man that threw it, or the masters of the games who appointed these sports, were, according to the strictest and best reason, to be accounted the cause of this mischance. And in general, this difference of the young man's with his father, in the breach betwixt them, continued never to be healed or made up til his death. For Xanthippus died in the plague time of the sickness. At which time Pericles also lost his sister, and the greatest part of his relations and friends, and those who had been most useful and serviceable to him in managing the affairs of state. However, he did not shrink or give in on these occasions, nor betray or lower his high spirit and even the greatness of his mind under all his misfortunes; he was not even so much as seen to weep or to mourn, or even attend the burial of his friends or relations, till at last he lost his only remaining son. Subdued by this blow, yet striving still, as far as he could, to maintain his principle, and yet to preserve and keep up the greatness of his soul, when he came, however, to perform the ceremony of putting a garland of flowers on the head of the corpse, he was vanquished by his passion at the sight, so that he burst into exclamations, and shed copious tears, having never done any such thing in all his life before. The city having made trial of other generals for the conduct of war, and orators for business of state, when they found there was no one who was of weight enough for such a charge, or of authority sufficient to be trusted with so great a command, regretted the loss of him, and invited him again to address and advise them, and to resume the office of general. He, however, lay at home in dejection and mourning; but was persuaded by Alcibiades and others of his friends to come abroad and show himself to the people; who having, upon his appearance, made their acknowledgements, and apologized for their untowardly treatment of him, he undertook the public affairs once more. About this time, it seems, the plague seized Pericles, not with sharp and violent fits, as it did others that had it, but with a dull and lingering distemper, attended with various changes and alterations, leisurely, by little and little, wasting the strength of his body, and undermining the noble faculties of his soul. When he was now near his end, the best of citizens and those of his friends who were left alive, sitting about him, were speaking of the greatness of his merit, and his power, and reckoning up his famous actions and the number of his victories; there were no less than nine trophies which, as their chief commander and conqueror of their enemies, he had set up, for the honor of the city. They talked thus among themselves, as though he were unable to understand or mind what they said, but had now lost his consciousness. He had listened, however, all the while, and attended to all, and speaking out among them, said, that he wondered they should commend and take notice of things which were as much owing to fortune as to anything else, and had happened to many other commanders, and, at the same time, should not speak or make mention of that which was the most excellent and greatest thing of all. "For," said he, "no Athenian through my means, ever wore mourning." He was indeed a character deserving our high admiration, not only for his equable and mild temper, which all along, in the many affairs of his life, and the great animosities which he incurred, he constantly maintained; but also for the high spirit and feeling which made him regarded the noblest of all his honors, that, in the exercise of such immense power, he never had gratified his envy or his passion, nor ever had treated any enemy as irreconcilably opposed to him. And to me it appears that this one thing gives an otherwise childish and arrogant title a fitting and becoming significance; so dispassionate a temper, a life so pure and unblemished, in the height of power and place, might well be called "Olympian," in accordance with our conceptions of divine beings, to whom, as the natural of all good and of nothing evil, we ascribe the rule and government of the world. The course of public affairs after his death produced a quick and speedy sense of the loss of Pericles. Those who, while they live, resented his great authority, as that which eclipsed themselves, presently after quitting the stage, making trial of other orators and demagogues, readily acknowledged that there never had been in nature such a disposition as his was, more moderate and reasonable in the height of that state he took upon him, or more grave and impressive in the mildness which he used. DEMOSTHENES Whoever it was, Sosius, that wrote the poem in honor of Alcibiades, upon his winning the chariot-race at the Olympian Games, whether it was Euripedes, as is most commonly thought, or some other person he tells us, that to a man's being happy it is pre-eminently requisite that he should be born in "some famous city." But if anybody undertakes to write a history, that has to be collected from materials gathered by observation and the reading of works not easy to be got in all places, nor written always in his own language, but many of them foreign and dispersed in other hands, for him, undoubtedly, it is above all things most necessary, to reside in some city of good note, devoted to liberal arts, and populous; where he may have plenty of all sorts of books, and upon inquiry may hear and inform himself of such particulars as, having escaped the pens of writers, are more faithfully preserved in the memories of men. But for me, I live in a little town, where I am willing to continue, lest it should grow less; and having had no leisure, while I was in Rome and other parts of Italy, to practice myself in the Roman language, on account of public business and of those who came to be instructed by me in philosophy, it was very late, and in the decline of my age, before I applied myself to the reading of Latin authors. But to appreciate the graceful and ready pronunciation of the Roman tongue, to understand the various figures and connection of words, and such other ornaments, in which the beauty of speaking consists, is, I doubt not, an admirable and delightful accomplishment; but it requires a degree of practice and study which is not easy, and will better suit those who have more leisure, and time enough yet before them for the occupation. And so in this book of my Parallel Lives, in giving an account of Demosthenes and Cicero, my comparison of their natural dispositions and their characters will be formed upon their actions and their lives as statesmen, and I shall not pretend to criticise their orations one against the other, to show which of the two was the more charming or the more powerful speaker. For there, as Ion says, We are but like a fish upon dry land. The divine power seems originally to have designed Demosthenes and Cicero upon the same plan, giving them many similarities in their natural characters, as their passion for distinction and their love of liberty in civil life, and their want of courage in dangers and war, and at the same time also to have added many accidental resemblances. I think there can hardly be found two other orators, who, from small and obscure beginnings, became so great and mighty; who both contested with kings and tyrants; both lost their daughters, were driven out of their country, and returned with honor; who, flying from thence again, were both seized upon by their enemies, and at last ended their lives with the liberty of their countrymen. So that if we were to suppose that there had been a trial of skill between nature and fortune, as there is sometimes between artists, it would be hard to judge, whether that succeeded best in making them alike in their dispositions and manners, or this, in the coincidences of their lives. We will speak of the eldest first. Demosthenes, the father of Demosthenes, was a citizen of good rank and quality, as Theopompus informs us, surnamed the Sword-maker, because he had a large workhouse, and kept servants skilful in that art at work. Demosthenes, when only seven years old, was left by his father in affluent circumstances, the whole value of his estate being little short of fifteen talents, but was wronged by his guardians, part of his fortune being embezzled by them, and the rest neglected; insomuch that even his teachers were defrauded of their salaries. This was the reason that he did not obtain the liberal education that he should have had; besides that on account of weakness and delicate health, his mother would not let him exert himself, and his teachers forebore to urge him. He was meagre and sickly from the first, and hence had the nickname of Batalus, given him, it is said, by the boys, in derision of his appearance; Batalus being a certain enervated flute-player, in ridicule of whom Antiphanes wrote a play. The first occasion of his eager inclination to oratory, they say, was this. Callistratus, the orator, was to plead in open court for Oropus, and the expectation of the issue of that cause was very great, as well for the ability of the orator, who was then at the height of his reputation, as also for the fame of the action itself. Therefore, Demosthenes, having heard the tutors and schoolmasters agreeing among themselves to be present at this trial, with much importunity persuades his tutor to take him along with him to the hearing; who, having some acquaintance with the doorkeepers, procured a place where the boy might sit unseen, and hear what was said. Callistratus having got the day, and being much admired, the boy began to look upon his glory with emulation, observing how he was courted on all hands, and attended on his way by the multitude; but his wonder was more than all excited by the power of his eloquence, which seemed able to subdue and win over any thing. From this time, therefore, bidding farewell to other sorts of learning and study, he now began to exercise himself, and to take pains in declaiming, as one that meant to be himself also an orator. He made use of Isaeus as his guide to the art of speaking, though Isocrates at that time was giving lessons; whether, as some say, because he was an orphan, and was not able to pay Isocrates his appointed fee of ten minae, or because he preferred Isaeus's speaking, as being more business-like and effective in actual use. As soon, therefore, as he was grown up to man's estate, he began to go to law with his guardians, and to write orations against them; who, in the meantime, had recourse to various subterfuges and pleas for new trials, and Demosthenes, though he was thus, as Thucydides says, taught his business in dangers, and by his own exertions was successful in his suit, was yet unable for all this to recover so much as a small fraction of his patrimony. He only attained some degree of confidence in speaking, and some competent experience in it. And having got a taste of the honor and power which are acquired by pleadings, he now ventured to come forth, and to undertake public business. And, as it is said of Laomedon, the Orchomenian, that by advice of his physician, he used to run long distances to keep off some disease of his spleen, and by that means having, through labor and exercise, framed the habit of his body, he betook himself to the great garland games, and became one of the best runners at the long race; so it happened to Demosthenes, who, first venturing upon oratory for the recovery of his own private property, by this acquired ability in speaking, and at length, in public business, as it were in the great games, came to have the pre-eminence of all competitors in the assembly. But when he first addressed himself to the people, he met with great discouragements, and was derided for his strange and uncouth style, which was cumbered with long sentences and tortured with formal arguments to a most harsh and disagreeable excess. Besides, he had, it seems, a weakness in his voice, a perplexed and indistinct utterance and a shortness of breath, which, by breaking and disjointing his sentences, much obscured the sense and meaning of what he spoke. So that in the end, being quite disheartened, he foresook the assembly; and as he was walking carelessly and sauntering about the Piraeus, Eunomus, the Thriasian, then a very old man, seeing him, upbraided him, saying that his diction was very much like that of Pericles, and that he was wanting to himself through cowardice and meanness of spirit, neither bearing up with courage against popular outcry, nor fitting his body for action, but suffering it to languish through mere sloth and negligence. Another time, when the assembly had refused to hear him, and he was going home with his head muffled up, taking it very heavily, they relate that Satyrus, the actor followed him, and being his familiar acquaintance, entered into conversation with him. To whom Demosthenes bemoaned, that although he had been the most industrious of all the pleaders, and had spent almost the whole strength and vigor of his body in that employment, he could not yet find any acceptance with the people, while drunken sots, mariners, and illiterate fellows were heard, and had the hustings for their own. "You say true, Demosthenes," replied Satyrus, "but I will quickly remedy the cause of all this, if you will repeat to me some passage out of Euripides or Sophocles." When Demosthenes had pronounced one, Satyrus presently taking it up after him, gave the same passage, in his rendering of it, such a new form, by accompanying it with the proper mien and gesture, that to Demosthenes it seemed quite another thing. By this being convinced how much grace and ornament language acquires from action, he began to esteem it a small matter, and as good as nothing for a man to exercise himself in declaiming, if he neglected enunciation and delivery. Hereupon he built himself a place under ground to study in (which was still remaining in our time), and hither he would come constantly every day to form his action, and to exercise his voice; and here he would continue, oftentimes without intermission, two or three months together, shaving one half of his head, so that for shame he might not go abroad, though he desired it never so much. Nor was this all, but he also made his conversation with people abroad, his common speech, and his business, subservient to his studies, taking from hence occasions and arguments as matter to work upon. For as soon as he was parted from his company, down he would go at once into his study, and run over everything in order that had passed, and the reasons that might be alleged for and against it. Any speeches, also, that he was present at, he would go over again with himself, and reduce into periods; and whatever others spoke to him, or he to them, he would correct, transform, and vary in several ways. Hence it was, that he was looked upon as a person of no great natural genius, but one who owed all the power and ability he had in speaking to labor and industry. He was very rarely heard to speak off-hand, but though he were by name frequently called upon by the people, as he sat in the assembly, yet he would not rise unless he had previously considered the subject, and come prepared for it. So that many of the popular pleaders used to make it a jest against him; and Pytheas once, scoffing at him, said that his arguments smelt of the lamp. To which Demosthenes gave the sharp answer, "It is true, indeed, Pytheas, that your lamp and mine are not conscious of the same things." To others, however, he would not deny it, but would admit frankly enough, that he neither entirely wrote his speeches beforehand, nor yet spoke wholly extempore. And he would affirm, that it was the more truly popular act to use premeditation, such preparation being a kind of respect to the people. How then, some may say, was it, that Aeschines speaks of him as a person much to be wondered at for his boldness in speaking? And, when Lamachus, the Myrinaean, had written a panegyric upon king Philip and Alexander, in which he uttered many things in reproach of the Thebans and Olynthians, and at the Olympic Games recited it publicly, Demosthenes, then rising up, and recounting historically and demonstratively what benefits and advantages all Greece had received from the Thebans and Chalcidians, and on the contrary, what mischiefs the flatterers of the Macedonians had brought upon it, so turned the minds of all that were present that the sophist, in alarm at the outcry against him, secretly made his way out of the assembly. But Demosthenes, it would seem, regarded the reserve and sustained manner of Pericles, and his forbearing to speak on the sudden, or upon every occasion, as being the things to which he principally owed his greatness, and this he followed, and endeavored to imitate, neither wholly neglecting the glory which present occasion offered, nor yet willing too often to expose his faculty to the mercy of chance. For, in fact, the orations which were spoken by him had much more of boldness and confidence in them than those that he wrote. Eratosthenes says that often in his speaking he would be transported into a kind of ecstasy, and Demetrius, that he uttered the famous metrical adjuration to the people, By the earth, the springs, the rivers, and the streams, as a man inspired, and beside himself. One of the comedians calls him a rhopoperperethras--a loud declaimer about petty matters; from rhopos, small wares, and perperos, a loud talker; and another scoffs at him for the use of antithesis:-- And what he took, took back; a phrase to please The very fancy of Demosthenes. Unless, indeed, this also is meant by Antiphanes for a jest upon the speech on Halonesus, which Demosthenes advised the Athenians not to take at Philip's hands, but to take back. All, however, used to consider Demades, in the mere use of his natural gifts, an orator impossible to surpass, and that in what he spoke on the sudden, he excelled all the study and preparation of Demosthenes. And Ariston, the Chian, has recorded a judgment which Theophrastus passed upon the orators; for being asked what kind of orator he accounted Demosthenes, he answered, "Worthy of the city of Athens;" and then, what he thought of Demades, he answered, "Above it." And the same philosopher reports, that Polyeuctus, the Sphettian, one of the Athenian politicians about that time, was wont to say that Demosthenes was the greatest orator, but Phocion the ablest, as he expressed the most sense in the fewest words. And, indeed, it is related, that Demosthenes himself, as often as Phocion stood up to plead against him, would say to his acquaintance, "Here comes the knife to my speech." Yet it does not appear whether he had this feeling for his powers of speaking, or for his life and character, and meant to say that one word or nod from a man who was really trusted, would go further than a thousand lengthy periods from others. Demetrius, the Phalerian, tells us, that he was informed by Demosthenes himself, when old, that the ways he made use of to remedy his natural bodily infirmities and defects were such as these: his inarticulate and stammering pronunciation he overcame and rendered more distinct by speaking with pebbles in his mouth; his voice he disciplined by declaiming and reciting speeches or verses when he was out of breath, while running or going up steep places; and that in his house he had a large looking-glass, before which he would stand and go through his exercises. It is told that some one once came to request his assistance as a pleader, and related how he had been assaulted and beaten. "I am sure," said Demosthenes, "nothing of the kind can have happened to you." Upon which the other, raising his voice, exclaimed loudly, "What, Demosthenes, nothing has been done to me?" "Ah," replied Demosthenes, "now I hear the voice of one that has been injured and beaten." Of so great consequence towards the gaining of belief did he esteem the tone and action of the speaker. When a thief, who had the nickname of the Brazen, was attempting to upbraid him for sitting up late, and writing by candlelight, "I know very well," said he, "that you had rather have all lights out; and wonder not, O ye men of Athens, at the many robberies which are committed, since we have thieves of brass and walls of clay." His first entering into public business was about the time of the Phocian war. But the object which he chose for himself in the commonwealth was noble and just, the defence of the Greek against Philip; and in this he behaved himself so worthily that he soon grew famous, and excited attention everywhere for his eloquence and courage in speaking. He was admired through all Greece, the king of Persia courted him, and by Philip himself he was more esteemed than all the other orators. His very enemies were forced to confess that they had to do with a man of mark; for such a character even Aeschines and Hyperides give him, where they accuse and speak against him. Demosthenes would never turn aside or prevaricate, either in word or deed. Panaetius, the philosopher, said, that most of his orations were written, as if they were to prove this one conclusion: that only what is honest and virtuous is to be chosen; as that of the Crown, that against Aristocrates, that for the Immunities, and the Philippics; in all which he persuades his fellow-citizens to pursue not that which seems most pleasant, easy, or profitable; but declares over and over again, that they ought in the first place to prefer that which is just and honorable, before their own safety and preservation. Excepting only Phocion, he far surpassed, even in his life and manners, the other orators of his time. None of them addressed the people so boldly; he attacked the faults, and opposed himself to the unreasonable desires of the multitude, as may be seen in his orations. Theopompus writes, that the Athenians having by name selected Demosthenes, and called upon him to accuse a certain person, he refused to do it; upon which the assembly being all in an uproar, he rose up and said, "Your counselor, whether you will or no, O ye men of Athens, you shall always have me; but a sycophant or false accuser, I shall never be." And his conduct in the case of Antiphon was perfectly aristocratical; whom, after he had been acquitted in the assembly, he took and brought before the court of Areopagus, and, setting at naught the displeasure of the people, convicted him there of having promised Philip to burn the arsenal; whereupon the man was condemned by that court, and suffered for it. He accused, also, Theoris, the priestess, among other misdemeanors, of having instructed and taught the slaves to deceive and cheat their masters, for which the sentence of death was passed upon her, and she was executed. It was evident, even in time of peace, what course Demosthenes would steer in the commonwealth; for whatever was done by the Macedonian, he criticised and found fault with, and upon all occasions was stirring up the people of Athens, and inflaming them against him. Therefore, in the court of Philip, no man was so much talked of, or of so great account as he; and when he came thither, as one of the ten ambassadors who was sent into Macedonia, his speech was answered with most care and exactness. But in other respects, Philip entertained him not so honorably as the rest, neither did he show him the same kindness and civility with which he applied himself to the party of Aeschines and Philocrates. So that, when the others commended Philip for his able speaking, his beautiful person, nay, and also for his good companionship in drinking, Demosthenes could not refrain from cavilling at these praises; the first, he said, was a quality which might well enough become a rhetorician, the second a woman, and the last was only the property of a sponge; no one of them was the proper commendation of a prince. Not long after, he undertook an embassy through the States of Greece, which he solicited and so far incensed against Philip, that a few only excepted, he brought them all into a general league. So that, besides the forces composed of the citizens themselves, there was an army consisting of fifteen thousand foot and two thousand horse, and the money to pay these strangers was levied and brought in with great cheerfulness. On which occasion it was, says Theophrastus, on the allies requesting that their contributions for the war might be ascertained and stated, Crobylus, the orator, made use of the saying, "War can't be fed at so much a day." Now was all Greece up in arms, and in great expectation what would be the event. The Euboeans, the Achaeans, the Corinthians, the Megarians, the Leucadians, and Corcyraeans, their people and their cities, were all joined together in a league. But the hardest task was yet behind, left for Demosthenes, to draw the Thebans into this confederacy with the rest. Their country bordered next upon Attica, they had great forces for the war, and at that time they were accounted the best soldiers of all Greece, but it was no easy matter to make them break with Philip, who by many good offices, had so lately obliged them in the Phocian war; especially considering how the subjects of dispute and variance between the two cities were continually renewed and exasperated by petty quarrels, arising out of the proximity of their frontiers. But after Philip, puffed up with his good success at Amphissa, on a sudden surprised Elatea and possessed himself of Phocis, the Athenians were in a great consternation, none durst venture to rise up to speak, all were at a loss, and the whole assembly was in silence and perplexity. In this extremity of affairs, Demosthenes was the only man who appeared, his counsel to them being alliance with the Thebans. And having in other ways encouraged the people, and, as his manner was, raised their spirits up with hopes, he, with some others was sent ambassador to Thebes. To oppose him, as Marsyas says, Philip also sent thither his envoys. Now the Thebans, in their consultations, were well enough aware what suited best with their own interest, but every one had before his eye the terrors of war, and their losses in the Phocian troubles were still recent: but such was the force and power of the orator, fanning up their courage, and firing their emulation, that, casting away every thought of prudence, fear, or obligation, in a sort of divine possession, they chose the path of honor, to which his words invited them. And this success, thus accomplished by an orator, was thought to be so glorious and of such consequence, that Philip immediately sent heralds to treat and petition for a peace: all Greece was aroused, and up in arms to help. And the commanders-in-chief, not only of Attica, but of Boeotia, applied themselves to Demosthenes, and observed his directions. He managed all the assemblies of the Thebans, no less than those of the Athenians; he was beloved both by the one and by the other, and exercised the same supreme authority with both; and that not by unfair means, or without just cause, but it was no more than was due to his merit. But there was, it should seem, some divinely-ordered fortune, commissioned, in the revolution of things, to put a period at this time to the liberty of Greece, which opposed and thwarted all their actions, and by many signs foretold what should happen. Such were the sad predictions uttered by the Pythian priestess, and this old oracle cited out of the Sibyl's verses: The battle on Thermodon that shall be Safe at a distance I desire to see, Far, like an eagle, watching in the air. Conquered shall weep, and conqueror perish there. This Thermodon, they say, is a little rivulet here in our country in Chaeronea, running into the Cephisus. But we know of none that is so called at the present time; and can only conjecture that the streamlet which is now called Haemon, and runs by the Temple of Hercules, where the Greeks were encamped, might perhaps in those days be called Thermodon. But of Demosthenes it is said, that he had such great confidence in the Greek forces, and was so excited by the sight of the courage and resolution of so many brave men ready to engage the enemy, that he would by no means endure they should give any heed to oracles, or hearken to prophecies, but gave out that he suspected even the prophetess herself, as if she had been tampered with to speak in favor of Philip. He put the Thebans in mind of Epaminondas, the Athenians of Pericles, who always took their own measures and governed their actions by reason, looking upon things of this kind as mere pretexts for cowardice. Thus far, therefore, Demosthenes acquitted himself like a brave man. But in the fight he did nothing honorable, nor was his performance answerable to his speeches. For he fled, deserting his place disgracefully, and throwing away his arms, not ashamed, as Pytheas observed, to belie the inscription written on his shield, in letters of gold, "With good fortune." In the meantime Philip, in the first moment of victory, was so transported with joy, that he grew extravagant, and going out, after he had drunk largely, to visit the dead bodies, he chanted the first words of the decree that had been passed on the motion of Demosthenes, The motion of Demosthenes, Demosthenes's son, dividing it metrically into feet, and marking the beats. But when he came to himself, and had well considered the danger he was lately under, he could not forbear from shuddering at the wonderful ability and power of an orator who had made him hazard his life and empire on the issue of a few brief hours. The fame of it also reached even to the court of Persia, and the king sent letters to his lieutenants, commanding them to supply Demosthenes with money, and to pay every attention to him, as the only man of all the Greeks who was able to give Philip occupation and find employment for his forces near home, in the troubles of Greece. At this time, however, upon the ill success which now happened to the Greeks, those of the contrary faction in the commonwealth turned upon Demosthenes, and took the opportunity to frame several informations and indictments against him. But the people not only acquitted him of these accusations, but continued towards him their former respect, and when the bones of those who had been slain at Chaeronea were brought home to be solemnly interred, Demosthenes was the man they chose to make the funeral oration. The speech, therefore, was spoken by Demosthenes. But the subsequent decrees he would not allow to be passed in his own name, but made use of those of his friends, one after another, looking upon his own as unfortunate and inauspicious; till at length he took courage again after the death of Philip, who did not long outlive his victory at Chaeronea. And this, it seems, was that which was foretold in the last verse of the oracle, Conquered shall weep, and conqueror perish there. Demosthenes had secret intelligence of the death of Philip, and laying hold of this opportunity to prepossess the people with courage and better hopes for the future, he came into the assembly with a cheerful countenance, pretending to have had a dream that presaged some great good fortune for Athens; and, not long after, arrived the messengers who brought the news of Philip's death. No sooner had the people received it, but immediately they offered sacrifice to the gods, and decreed that Pausanias should be presented with a crown. Demosthenes appeared publicly in a rich dress, with a chaplet on his head, though it were but the seventh day since the death of his daughter, as is said by Aeschines, who upbraids him upon this account, and rails at him as one void of natural affection towards his children. Whereas, Aeschines rather betrays himself to be of a poor spirit, if he really means to make wailings and lamentation the only signs of a gentle and affectionate nature. I must commend the behavior of Demosthenes, who leaving tears and lamentations and domestic sorrows to the women, made it his business to attend to the interests of the commonwealth. But now to return to my narrative. The cities of Greece were inspirited once more by the efforts of Demosthenes to form a league together. The Thebans, whom he had provided with arms, set upon their garrison, and slew many of them; the Athenians made preparations to join their forces with them; Demosthenes ruled supreme in the popular assembly, and wrote letters to the Persian officers who commanded under the king in Asia, inciting them to make war upon the Macedonian, calling him child and simpleton. But as soon as Alexander had settled matters in his own country, and come in person with his army into Boeotia, down fell the courage of the Athenians, and Demosthenes was hushed; the Thebans, deserted by them, fought by themselves, and lost their city. After which, the people of Athens, all in distress and great perplexity, resolved to send ambassadors to Alexander, and amongst others, made choice of Demosthenes for one; but his heart failing him for fear of the king's anger, he returned back from Cithaeron, and left the embassy. In the mean time, Alexander sent to Athens, requiring eight of the orators to be delivered up to him,--Demosthenes, Polyeuctus, Ephialtes, Lycurgus, Moerocles, Demon, Callisthenes, and Charidemus. It was upon this occasion that Demosthenes related to them the fable in which the sheep are said to deliver up their dogs to the wolves; himself and those who with him contended for the people's safety, being, in his comparison, the dogs that defended the flock, and Alexander "the Macedonian arch wolf." He further told them, "As we see corn-dealers sell their whole stock by a few grains of wheat which they carry about with them in a dish, as a sample of the rest, so you, by delivering up us, who are but a few, do at the same time unawares surrender up yourselves all together with us." The Athenians were deliberating, and at a loss what to do, when Demades, having agreed with the persons whom Alexander had demanded, for five talents, undertook to go ambassador, and to intercede with the king for them; and, whether it was that he relied on his friendship and kindness, or that he hoped to find him satiated, as a lion glutted with slaughter, he certainly went, and prevailed with him both to pardon the men, and to be reconciled to the city. So he and his friends, when Alexander went away, were great men, and Demosthenes was quite put aside. Yet when Agis, the Spartan, made his insurrection, he also for a short time attempted a movement in his favor; but he soon shrunk back again, as the Athenians would not take any part in it, and, Agis being slain, the Lacedaemonians were vanquished. During this time it was that the indictment against Ctesiphon, concerning the Crown, was brought to trial. The action was commenced a little before the battle in Chaeronea, when Chaerondas was archon, but it was not proceeded with till about ten years after, Aristophon being then archon. Never was any public cause more celebrated than this, alike for the fame of the orators, and for the generous courage of the judges, who, though at that time the accusers of Demosthenes, were in the height of power, and supported by all the favor of the Macedonians, yet would not give judgment against him, but acquitted him so honorably, that Aeschines did not obtain the fifth part of their suffrages on his side, so that, immediately after, he left the city, and spent the rest of his life in teaching rhetoric about the island of Rhodes, and upon the continent in Ionia. It was not long after that Harpalus fled from Alexander, and came to Athens out of Asia; knowing himself guilty of many misdeeds into which his love of luxury had led him, and fearing the king, who was now grown terrible even to his best friends. Yet this man had no sooner addressed himself to the people, and delivered up his goods, his ships, and himself to their disposal, but the other orators of the town had their eyes quickly fixed upon his money, and came in to his assistance, persuading the Athenians to receive and protect their suppliant. Demosthenes at first gave advice to chase him out of the country, and to beware lest they involved their city in a war upon an unnecessary and unjust occasion. But some few days after, as they were taking an account of the treasure, Harpalus, perceiving how much he was pleased with a cup of Persian manufacture, and how curiously he surveyed the sculpture and fashion of it, desired him to poise it in his hand, and consider the weight of the gold. Demosthenes, being amazed to feel how heavy it was asked him what weight it came to. "To you," said Harpalus, smiling, "it shall come with twenty talents." And presently after, when night drew on, he sent him the cup with so many talents. Harpalus, it seems, was a person of singular skill to discern a man's covetousness by the air of his countenance, and the look and movement of his eyes. For Demosthenes could not resist the temptation, but admitting the present, like an armed garrison, into the citadel of his house, he surrendered himself up to the interest of Harpalus. The next day he came into the assembly with his neck swathed about with wool and rollers, and when they called on him to rise up and speak, he made signs as if he had lost his voice. But the wits, turning the matter to ridicule, said that certainly the orator had been seized that night with no other than a silver quinsy. And soon after, the people, becoming aware of the bribery, grew angry, and would not suffer him to speak, or make any apology for himself, but ran him down with noise; and one man stood up and cried out, "What, ye men of Athens, will you not hear the cup-bearer?" So at length they banished Harpalus out of the city; and fearing lest they should be called to account for the treasures which the orators had purloined, they made a strict inquiry, going from house to house. Demosthenes resisted the inquisition, and proposed a decree to refer the business to the court of Areopagus, and to punish those whom that court should find guilty. But being himself one of the first whom the court condemned, when he came to the bar, he was fined fifty talents, and committed to prison; where, out of shame of the crime for which he was condemned, and through the weakness of his body, growing incapable of supporting the confinement, he made his escape, by the carelessness of some and by the connivance of others of the citizens. He did not show much fortitude in his banishment, spending his time for the most part in Aegina and Troezen, and, with tears in his eyes, looking towards the country of Attica. The young men that came to visit and converse with him, he deterred from meddling with state affairs, telling them, that if at first two ways had been proposed to him, the one leading to the speaker's stand and the assembly, the other going direct to destruction, and he could have foreseen the many evils which attend those who deal in public business, such as fears, envies, calumnies, and contentions, he would certainly have taken that which led straight on to his death. But now happened the death of Alexander, while Demosthenes was in this banishment which we have been speaking of. And the Greeks were once again up in arms, encouraged by the brave attempts of Leosthenes, who was then drawing a circumvallation about Antipater, whom he held close besieged in Lamia. Pytheas, therefore, the orator, and Callimedon, called the Crab, fled from Athens, and taking sides with Antipater, went about with his friends and ambassadors to keep the Greeks from revolting and taking part with the Athenians. But, on the other side, Demosthenes, associating himself with the ambassadors that came from Athens, used his utmost endeavors and gave them his best assistance in persuading the cities to fall unanimously upon the Macedonians, and to drive them out of Greece. With this conduct the people of Athens were so well pleased, that they decreed the recall of Demosthenes from banishment. The decree was brought in by Demon the Paeanian, cousin to Demosthenes. So they sent him a ship to Aegina, and he landed at the port of Piraeus, where he was met and joyfully received by all the citizens, not so much as an Archon or a priest staying behind. And Demetrius, the Magnesian, says, that he lifted up his hands towards heaven, and blessed this day of his happy return, as far more honorable than that of Alcibiades; since he was recalled by his countrymen, not through any force or constraint put upon them, but by their own good-will and free inclinations. There remained only his pecuniary fine, which, according to law, could not be remitted by the people. But they found out a way to elude the law. It was a custom with them to allow a certain quantity of silver to those who were to furnish and adorn the altar for the sacrifice of Jupiter Soter. This office, for that turn, they bestowed on Demosthenes, and for the performance of it ordered him fifty talents, the very sum in which he was condemned. Yet it was no long time that he enjoyed his country after his return, the attempts of the Greeks being soon all utterly defeated. And in the month of Pyanepsion following Demosthenes died after this manner. Upon the report that Antipater was coming to Athens, Demosthenes with his party took their opportunity to escape privily out of the city; but sentence of death was, upon the motion of Demades, passed upon them by the people. They dispersed themselves, flying some to one place, some to another; and Antipater sent about his soldiers into all quarters to apprehend them. Archias, formerly an actor, was their captain, and was thence called the exile-hunter. This Archias finding Hyperides the orator, Aristonicus and Himeraeus in Aegina, took them by force out of the temple of Aeacus, whither they had fled for safety, and sent them to Antipater, and put them all to death; and Hyperides, they say, had his tongue cut out. Demosthenes, he heard, had taken sanctuary at the temple of Neptune at Calauria, and, crossing over thither in some light vessels, as soon as he had landed himself, and the Thracian spear-men that came with him, he endeavored to persuade Demosthenes to accompany him to Antipater, as if he should meet with no hard usage from him. But Demosthenes, in his sleep the night before, had a strange dream. It seemed to him that he was acting a tragedy, and contended with Archias for the victory; and though he acquitted himself well, and gave good satisfaction to the spectators, yet for want of better furniture and provision for the stage, he lost the day. And so, while Archias was discoursing to him with many expressions of kindness, he sat still in the same posture, and looking up steadfastly upon him, said: "O Archias, I am as little affected by your promises now as I used formerly to be by your acting." Archias at this beginning to grow angry and to threaten him, "Now," said Demosthenes, "you speak like the genuine Macedonian oracle; before you were but acting a part. Therefore forebear only a little, while I write a word or two home to my family." Having thus spoken, he withdrew into the temple, and taking a scroll, as if he meant to write, he put the reed into his mouth, and biting it, as he was wont to do when he was thoughtful or writing, he held it there for some time. Then he bowed down his head and covered it. The soldiers that stood at the door, supposing all this to proceed from want of courage and fear of death, in derision called him effeminate, and faint-hearted, and coward. And Archias, drawing near, desired him to rise up, and repeating the same kind things he had spoken before, he once more promised him to make his peace with Antipater. But Demosthenes, perceiving that now the poison had pierced and seized his vitals, uncovered his head, and fixing his eyes upon Archias, "Now," said he, "as soon as you please you may commence the part of Creon in the tragedy, and cast out this body of mine unburied. But, O gracious Neptune, I, for my part, while I am yet alive, arise up and depart out of this sacred place; though Antipater and the Macedonians have not left so much as thy temple unpolluted." After he had thus spoken and desired to be held up, because already he began to tremble and stagger, as he was going forward, and passing by the altar, he fell down, and with a groan gave up the ghost. Ariston says that he took the poison out of a reed, as we have shown before. And Eratosthenes also says that he kept the poison in a hollow ring, which he wore about his arm. There are various other statements made by the many authors who have related the story, but there is no need to enter into their discrepancies; yet I must not omit what is said by Demochares, the relation of Demosthenes, who is of opinion, it was not by the help of poison that he met with no sudden and so easy a death, but that by the singular favor and providence of the gods he was thus rescued from the cruelty of the Macedonians. He died on the sixteenth of Pyanepsion, the most sad and solemn day of the Thesmophoria, which the women observe by fasting in the temple of the goddess. Soon after his death, the people of Athens bestowed on him such honors as he had deserved. They erected his statue of brass; they decreed that the eldest of his family should be maintained in the Prytaneum; and on the base of his statue was engraven the famous inscription,-- Had you for Greece been strong, as wise you were, The Macedonian had not conquered her. A little before we went to Athens, the following incident was said to have happened. A soldier, being summoned to appear before his superior officer, and answer to an accusation brought against him, put a little gold which he had into the hands of Demosthenes's statue. The fingers of this statue were folded one within another, and near it grew a small plane-tree, from which many leaves, either accidentally blown thither by the wind, or placed so on purpose by the man himself, falling together, and lying round about the gold, concealed it for a long time. In the end, the soldier returned, and found his treasure entire, and the fame of this incident was spread abroad. And many ingenious persons of the city competed with each other, on this occasion, to vindicate the integrity of Demosthenes, in several epigrams which they made on the subject. As for Demades, he did not long enjoy the new honors he now came in for, divine vengeance for the death of Demosthenes pursuing him into Macedonia, where he was justly put to death by those whom he had basely flattered. CICERO It is generally said that Helvia, the mother of Cicero, was well born; but of his father nothing is reported but in extremes. For whilst some would have him the son of a fuller, and educated in that trade, others carry back the origin of his family to Tullus Attius, an illustrious king of the Volscians, who waged war not without honor against the Romans. However, he who first of that house was surnamed Cicero seems to have been a person worthy to be remembered; since those who succeeded him not only did not reject, but were fond of that name, though vulgarly made a matter of reproach. For the Latins call a vetch Cicer, and a nick or dent at the tip of his nose, which resembled the opening in a vetch, gave him the surname of Cicero. Cicero, whose story I am writing, is said to have replied with spirit to some of his friends, who recommended him to lay aside or change the name when he first stood for office and engaged in politics, that he would make it his endeavor to render the name of Cicero more glorious than that of the Scauri and Catuli. And when he was quaestor in Sicily, and was making an offering of silver plate to the gods, and had inscribed his two names, Marcus and Tullius, instead of the third, he jestingly told the artificer to engrave the figure of a vetch by them. Cicero was born on the third of January, the same day on which now the magistrates of Rome pray and sacrifice for the emperor. As soon as he was of an age to begin to have lessons, he became so distinguished for his talent, and got such a name and reputation amongst the boys, that their fathers would often visit the school, that they might see young Cicero, and might be able to say that they themselves had witnessed the quickness and readiness in learning for which he was renowned. And the more rude among them used to be angry with their children, to see them, as they walked together, receiving Cicero with respect into the middle place. And being, as Plato would have the scholar-like and philosophical temper, eager for every kind of learning, and indisposed to no description of knowledge or instruction, he showed, however, a more peculiar propensity to poetry; and there is a poem now extant, made by him when a boy, in tetrameter verse, called Pontius Glaucus. And afterwards, when he applied himself more curiously to these accomplishments, he had the name of being not only the best orator, but also the best poet of Rome. And the glory of his rhetoric still remains, notwithstanding the many new modes in speaking since his time; but his verses are forgotten and out of all repute, so many ingenious poets have followed him. Leaving his juvenile studies, he became an auditor of Philo the Academic, whom the Romans, above all the other scholars of Clitomachus, admired for his eloquence and loved for his character. He also sought the company of the Mucii, who were eminent statesmen and leaders in the senate, and acquired from them a knowledge of the laws. For some short time he served in arms under Sylla, in the Marsian war. But perceiving the commonwealth running into factions, and from faction all things tending to an absolute monarchy, he betook himself to a retired and contemplative life, and conversing with the learned Greeks, devoted himself to study, till Sylla had obtained the government. At this time, Chrysogonus, Sylla's emancipated slave, having laid an information about an estate belonging to one who was said to have been put to death by proscription, had bought it himself for two thousand drachmas. And when Roscius, the son and heir of the dead, complained, and demonstrated the estate to be worth two hundred and fifty talents, Sylla took it angrily to have his actions questioned, and preferred a process against Roscius for the murder of his father, Chrysogonus managing the evidence. None of the advocates durst assist him, but fearing the cruelty of Sylla, avoided the cause. The young man, being thus deserted, came for refuge to Cicero. Cicero's friends encouraged him, saying he was not likely ever to have a fairer and more honorable introduction to public life; he therefore undertook the defence, carried the cause, and got much renown for it. But fearing Sylla, he traveled into Greece, and gave it out that he did so for the benefit of his health. And indeed he was lean and meagre, and had such a weakness in his stomach that he could take nothing but a spare and thin diet, and that not till late in the evening. His voice was loud and good, but so harsh and ill-managed that in vehemence and heat of speaking he always raised it to so high a tone, that there seemed to be reason to fear for his health. At Athens, he became a hearer of Antiochus of Ascalon, with whose fluency and elegance of diction he was much taken, although he did not approve of his innovations in doctrine. And Cicero made up his mind that if he should be disappointed of any employment in the commonwealth, to retire from pleading and politics, and pass his life quietly in the study of philosophy. But after he had received the news of Sylla's death, and his body, strengthened again by exercise, had grown vigorous, and his voice was rendered sweet and full to the ear, his friends at Rome earnestly solicited him by letters to return to public affairs. He, therefore, again prepared for use his orator's instrument of rhetoric, and summoned into action his political faculties, diligently exercising himself in declamations, and attending the most celebrated rhetoricians of the time. He sailed from Athens for Asia and Rhodes. Among the Asian masters, he conversed with Xenocles of Adramyttium, Dionysius of Magnesia, and Menippus of Caria; at Rhodes, he studied oratory with Apollonius, the son of Molon, and philosophy with Posidonius. Apollonius, we are told, not understanding Latin, requested Cicero to declaim in Greek. He complied willingly, thinking that his faults would thus be better pointed out to him. After he finished, all his other hearers were astonished, and vied with each other in praising him, but Apollonius showed no signs of excitement while he was hearing him, and now, when he had finished, sat musing for some time, without any remark. And when Cicero was discomposed at this, he said, "You have my praise and admiration, Cicero, and Greece my pity and commiseration, since those arts and that eloquence which are the only glories that remain to her, will now be transferred by you to Rome." And now when Cicero, full of expectation, was again bent upon political affairs, a certain oracle blunted the edge of his inclination; for consulting the god of Delphi how he should attain most glory, the Pythoness answered, "By making your own genius and not the opinion of the people the guide of your life;" and therefore at first he passed his time in Rome cautiously, and was very backward in pretending to public offices, so that he was at that time in little esteem, and had got the names, so readily given by low and ignorant people in Rome, of Greek and Scholar. But when his own desire of fame and the eagerness of his father and relations had made him take in earnest to pleading, he made no slow or gentle advance to the first place, but shone out in full lustre at once, and far surpassed all the advocates at the bar. At first, it is said, he as well as Demosthenes, was defective in his delivery, and on that account paid much attention to the instructions, sometimes of Roscius, the comedian, and sometimes of Aesop, the tragedian. They tell of this Aesop, that while representing in the theatre Atreus deliberating the revenge of Thyestes, he was so transported beyond himself in the heat of action, that he struck with his sceptre one of the servants, who was running across the stage, so violently, that he laid him dead upon the place. And such afterwards was Cicero's delivery, that it did not a little contribute to render his eloquence persuasive. He used to ridicule loud speakers, saying that they shouted because they could not speak, like lame men who get on horseback because they cannot walk. And his readiness and address in wit and sarcasm were thought to suit a pleader well. He was appointed quaestor in a great scarcity of corn, and had Sicily for his province, where, at first, he displeased many, by compelling them to send in their provisions to Rome, yet after they had had experience of his care, justice, and clemency, they honored him more than ever they did any of their governors before. It happened, also, that some young Romans of good and noble families, charged with neglect of discipline and misconduct in military service, were brought before the praetor in Sicily. Cicero undertook their defence, which he conducted admirably, and got them acquitted. So returning to Rome with a great opinion of himself for these things, a ludicrous incident befell him, as he tells us himself. Meeting an eminent citizen in Campania, whom he accounted his friend, he asked him what the Romans said and thought of his actions, as if the whole city had been filled with the glory of what he had done. His friend asked him in reply, "Where is it you have been, Cicero?" Utterly mortified and cast down, he perceived that the report of his actions had sunk into the city of Rome as into an immense ocean, without any visible effect or result in reputation. On beginning to apply himself more resolutely to public business, he remarked it as unreasonable that artificers, using vessels and instruments inanimate, should know the name, place, and use of every one of them, and yet the statesman, whose instruments for carrying out public measures are men, should be negligent and careless in the knowledge of persons. And so he not only acquainted himself with the names, but also knew the very place where every one of the more eminent citizens dwelt, what lands he possessed, his friends and his neighbors, and when he traveled on any road in Italy, he could readily name and show the estates and seats of his acquaintances. Having a small competency for his own expenses, it was much wondered at that he took neither fees nor gifts from his clients, and especially, that he did not do so when he undertook the prosecution of Verres. This Verres, who had been praetor of Sicily, and stood charged by the Sicilians with many evil practices during his government there, Cicero succeeded in getting condemned, not by speaking, but, as it were, by holding his tongue. For the praetors, favoring Verres, had deferred the trial by several adjournments to the last day, in which it was evident there could not be sufficient time for the advocates to be heard, and the cause brought to an issue. Cicero, therefore, came forward, and said there was no need of speeches; and after producing and examining witnesses, he required the judges to proceed to sentence. Many witty sayings are on record, as having been used by Cicero on the occasion. When a man named Caecilius, one of the freed slaves, who was said to be given to Jewish practices, would have put by the Sicilians, and undertaken the prosecution of Verres himself, Cicero asked, "What has a Jew to do with swine?" verres being the Roman word for a boar. And when Verres began to reproach Cicero with effeminate living, "You ought," replied he, "to use this language at home, to your sons;" Verres having a son who had fallen into disgraceful courses. Hortensius, the orator, not daring directly to undertake the defence of Verres, was yet persuaded to appear for him at the laying on of the fine, and received an ivory sphinx for his reward; and when Cicero, in some passage of his speech, obliquely reflected on him, and Hortensius told him he was not skilful in solving riddles, "No," said Cicero, "and yet you have the Sphinx in your house!" Verres was thus convicted; though Cicero, who set the fine at seventy-five myriads, lay under the suspicion of being corrupted by bribery to lessen the sum. But the Sicilians, in testimony of their gratitude, came and brought him all sorts of presents from the island, when he was aedile; of which he made no private profit himself, but used their generosity only to reduce the public price of provisions. He had a very pleasant seat at Arpi, he had also a farm near Naples, and another near Pompeii, but none were of any great value. The portion of his wife, Terentia, amounted to ten myriads, and he had a bequest valued at nine myriads of denarii: upon these he lived in a liberal but temperate style, with the learned Greeks and Romans that were his familiars. He rarely, if at any time, sat down to meat till sunset, and that not so much on account of business as for his health and the weakness of his stomach. He was otherwise in the care of his body nice and delicate, appointing himself, for example, a set number of walks and rubbings. And after this manner managing the habit of his body, he brought it in time to be healthful, and capable of supporting many great fatigues and trials. His father's house he made over to his brother, living himself near the Palatine Hill, that he might not give the trouble of long journeys to those that made suit to him. And, indeed, there were not fewer daily appearing at his door, to do their court to him, than there were that came to Crassus for his riches, or to Pompey for his power among the soldiers, these being at that time the two men of the greatest repute and influence in Rome. Nay, even Pompey himself used to pay court to Cicero, and Cicero's public actions did much to establish Pompey's authority and reputation in the state. Numerous distinguished competitors stood with him for the praetor's office; but he was chosen before them all, and managed the decision of causes with justice and integrity. It is related that Licinius Macer, a man himself of great power in the city, and supported also by the assistance of Crassus, was accused before him of extortion, and that, in confidence on his own interest and the diligence of his friends, whilst the judges were debating about the sentence, he went to his house, where hastily trimming his hair and putting on a clean gown, as already acquitted, he was setting off again to go to the Forum; but at his hall door meeting Crassus, who told him that he was condemned by all the votes, he went in again, threw himself upon his bed, and died immediately. This verdict was considered very creditable to Cicero, as showing his careful management of the courts of justice. Yet he was preferred to the consulship no less by the nobles than the common people for the good of the city; and both parties jointly assisted his promotion, for the following reasons. The change of government made by Sylla, which at first seemed a senseless one, by time and usage had now come to be considered by the people no unsatisfactory settlement. But there were some that endeavored to alter and subvert the whole present state of affairs, not from any good motives, but for their own private gain; and Pompey being at this time employed in the wars with the kings of Pontus and Armenia, there was no sufficient force at Rome to suppress any attempts at a revolution. These people had for their head a man of bold, daring, and restless character, Lucius Catiline, who was accused, besides other great offences, of killing his own brother; and fearing to be prosecuted at law, he persuaded Sylla to set his brother down, as though he were yet alive, amongst those that were to be put to death by proscription. This man the profligate citizens choosing for their captain, gave faith to one another, amongst other pledges, by sacrificing a man and eating of his flesh; and a great part of the young men of the city were corrupted by him, he providing for every one pleasures and drink, and profusely supplying the expense of their debauches. Etruria, moreover, had all been excited to revolt, as well as a great part of Gaul within the Alps. But Rome itself was in the most dangerous inclination to change on account of the unequal distribution of wealth and property, those of highest rank and greatest spirit having impoverished themselves by shows, entertainments, running for office, and sumptuous buildings, and the riches of the city had thus fallen into the hands of mean and low-born persons. So that it required but a slight impetus to set all in motion, it being in the power of any daring man to overturn a sickly commonwealth. Catiline, however, being desirous of procuring a strong position to carry out his designs, stood for the consulship, and had great hopes of success, thinking he should be appointed, with Caius Antonius as his colleague, who was a man fit to lead neither in a good cause nor in a bad one, but might be a valuable accession to another's power. The greater part of the good and honest citizens apprehending these things, put Cicero upon standing for the consulship; whom the people readily receiving, Catiline was put by, so that he and Caius Antonius were chosen, although amongst the competitors he was the only man descended from the father of the equestrian, and not of the senatorial, order. Though the designs of Catiline were not yet publicly known, yet considerable trouble immediately followed Cicero's entrance upon the consulship. For, on the one side, those who were disqualified by the laws of Sylla from holding any public offices, being neither inconsiderable in power nor in number, came forward as candidates and entreated the people; on the other hand, the tribunes of the people proposed laws to the same purpose, constituting a commission of ten persons, with unlimited powers, in whom as supreme governors should be vested the right of selling the public lands of all Italy and Syria and Pompey's new conquests, of judging and banishing whom they pleased, of planting colonies, of taking money out of the treasury, and of levying and paying what soldiers should be though needful. And several of the nobility favored this law, but especially Caius Antonius, Cicero's colleague, in hopes of being one of the ten. But what gave the greatest fear to the nobles was, that he was thought privy to the conspiracy of Catiline, and not to dislike it because of his great debts. Cicero, endeavoring in the first place to provide a remedy against this danger, procured a decree assigning to Antonius the province of Macedonia, he himself declining that of Gaul, which was offered to him. And this piece of favor so completely won over Antonius, that he was ready to second, like a hired player, whatever Cicero said for the good of the country. And now, having made his colleague tame and tractable, he could with greater courage attack the conspirators. Therefore, in the senate, making an oration against the law of the ten commissioners, he so confounded those who proposed it, that they had nothing to reply. For Cicero, it may be said, was the one man, above all others, who made the Romans feel how great a charm eloquence lends to what is good, and how invincible justice is if it be well presented. An incident occurred in the theatre, during his consulship, which showed what his speaking could do. Formerly the knights of Rome were mingled in the theatre with the common people, and took their places amongst them just as it happened; but when Marcus Otho became praetor he distinguished them from the other citizens, and appointed them special seats, which they still enjoy as their place in the theatre. This the common people took as an indignity done to them, and, therefore, when Otho appeared in the theatre they hissed him; the knights, on the contrary, received him with loud clapping. The people repeated and increased their hissing; the knights continued their clapping. Upon this, turning upon one another, they broke out into insulting words, so that the theatre was in great disorder. Cicero, being informed of it, came himself to the theatre, and summoning the people into the temple of Bellona, he so effectually chid and chastised them for it, that, again returning into the theatre, they received Otho with loud applause, contending with the knights as to who should give him the greatest demonstrations of honor and respect. The conspirators with Catiline, at first cowed and disheartened, began presently to take courage again. And assembling together, they exhorted one another boldly to undertake the design before Pompey's return. But the old soldiers of Sylla were Catiline's chief stimulus to action. They had been disbanded all about Italy, but the greatest number and the fiercest of them lay scattered among the cities of Etruria entertaining themselves with dreams of new plunder and rapine among the hoarded riches of Italy. These, having for their leader Manlius, who had served with distinction in the wars under Sylla, joined themselves to Catiline, and came to Rome to assist him with their suffrages at the election. For he again aspired for the consulship, having resolved to kill Cicero in a tumult at the elections. The divine powers seemed to give intimation of the coming troubles, by earthquakes, thunderbolts and strange appearances. Nor was human evidence wanting, certain enough in itself, though not sufficient to convict the noble and powerful Catiline. Therefore Cicero, deferring the day of election, summoned Catiline into the senate, and questioned him as to the charges made against him. Catiline, believing there were many in the senate desirous of change, and to give a specimen of himself to the conspirators present, returned an audacious answer. "What harm," said he, "when I see two bodies, the one lean and consumptive with a head, the other one great and strong without one, if I put a head to that body which wants one?" This covert representation of the senate and the people excited yet greater apprehensions in Cicero. He put on armor, and was attended from his house by the noble citizens in a body; and a number of the young men went with him into the Plain. Here, designedly letting his tunic slip partly off from his shoulders, he showed his armor underneath, and discovered his danger to the spectators, who, being much moved at it, gathered around about him for his defence. At length, Catiline was by general suffrage again put by, and Silanus and Murena chosen consuls. Not long after this, Catiline's soldiers got together in a body in Etruria, and began to form themselves into companies, the day appointed for the design being near at hand. About midnight, some of the principal and most powerful citizens of Rome, Marcus, Crassus, Marcus Marcellus, and Scipio Metellus went to Cicero's house, where, knocking at the gate, and calling up the porter, they commanded him to awake Cicero, and tell him they were there. The business was this: Crassus's porter after supper had delivered to him letters brought by an unknown person. Some of them were directed to others, but one to Crassus, without a name; this only Crassus read, which informed him that there was a great slaughter intended by Catiline, and advised him to leave the city. The others he did not open, but went with them immediately to Cicero, being affrighted at the danger, and to free himself of the suspicion he lay under for his familiarity with Catiline. Cicero, considering the matter, summoned the senate at break of day. The letters he brought with him, and delivered them to those to whom they were directed, commanding them to read them publicly; they all alike contained an account of the conspiracy. And when Quintus Arrius, a man of praetorian dignity, recounted to them, how soldiers were collecting in companies in Etruria, and Manlius was stated to be in motion with a large force, hovering about those cities, in expectation of intelligence from Rome, the senate made a decree to place all in the hands of the consuls, who should undertake the conduct of everything, and do their best to save the state. This was not a common thing, but only done by the senate in cases of imminent danger. After Cicero had received this power, he committed all affairs outside to Quintus Metellus; but the management of the city he kept in his own hands. Such a numerous attendance guarded him every day when he went abroad that the greater part of the forum was filled with his train when he entered it. Catiline, impatient of further delay, resolved himself to break forth and go to Manlius; but he commanded Marcius and Cethegus to take their swords and go early in the morning to Cicero's gates, as if only intending to salute him, and then to fall upon him and slay him. A noble lady, Fulvia, coming by night, discovered this to Cicero, bidding him beware of Cethegus and Marcius. They came by break of day, and being denied entrance, made an outcry and disturbance at the gates, which excited all the more suspicion. But Cicero, going forth, summoned the senate into the temple of Jupiter Stator, which stands at the end of the Sacred Street, going up to the Palatine. And when Catiline with others of his party also came, as though intending to make his defence, none of the senators would sit by him, but all of them left the bench where he had placed himself. And when he began to speak, they interrupted him with outcries. At length, Cicero, standing up, commanded him to leave the city; for, since one governed the commonwealth with words, the other with arms, it was necessary that there should be a wall betwixt them. Catiline, therefore, immediately left the town, with three hundred armed men; and assuming, like a magistrate, the rods, axes, and military ensigns, he went to Manlius, and having got together a body of near twenty thousand men, with these he marched to the several cities, endeavoring to persuade or force them to revolt. It being now come to open war, Antonius was sent forth to fight him. The remainder of those in the city whom he had corrupted, Cornelius Lentulus kept together and encouraged. He had the surname Sura, and was a man of a noble family, but a dissolute liver, who for his debauchery was formerly turned out of the senate, and was now holding the office of praetor for the second time, as the custom is with those who desire to regain the dignity of senator. It is said that he got the surname Sura upon this occasion; being quaestor in the time of Sylla, he had lavished away and consumed a great quantity of the public moneys, at which Sylla, being provoked, called him to give an account in the senate. He appeared with great coolness and contempt, and said he had no account to give, but they might take this, holding up the calf of his leg, as boys do at ball, when they have missed. Upon which he was surnamed Sura, sura being the Roman word for the calf of the leg. Being at another time prosecuted at law, and having bribed some of the judges, he escaped by only two votes, and complained of the needless expense he had gone to in paying for a second, as one would have sufficed to acquit him. This man, such in his own nature, and now inflamed by Catiline, false prophets and fortune-tellers had also corrupted with vain hopes, quoting to him fictitious verses and oracles, and proving from the Sibylline prophecies that there were three of the name Cornelius designed by fate to be monarchs of Rome; two of whom, Cinna and Sylla, had already fulfilled the decree, and that divine fortune was now advancing with the gift of monarchy for the remaining third Cornelius; and that therefore he ought by all means to accept it, and not lose opportunity by delay, as Catiline had done. Lentulus, therefore, designed no mean or trivial matter, for he had resolved to kill the whole senate, and as many other citizens as he could, to fire the city, and spare nobody, except Pompey's children, intending to seize and keep them as pledges of his reconciliation with Pompey. For there was then a common report that Pompey was on his way homeward from his great expedition. The night appointed for the design was one of the Saturnalia; swords, flax, and sulphur they carried and hid in the house of Cethegus; and providing one hundred men, and dividing the city into as many parts, they had allotted to every one singly his proper place, so that in a moment, many kindling the fire, the city might be in a flame all together. Others were appointed to stop up the aqueducts, and to kill those who should endeavor to carry water to put it out. While these plans were preparing, it happened that there were two ambassadors from the Allobroges staying in Rome; a nation at that time in a distressed condition, and very uneasy under the Roman government. These Lentulus and his party, judging useful instruments to move Gaul to revolt, admitted into the conspiracy, and they gave them letters to their own magistrates, and letters to Catiline; in those they promised liberty, in these they exhorted Catiline to set all slaves free, and to bring them along with him to Rome. They sent also to accompany them to Catiline, one Titus, a native of Croton, who was to carry those letters to him. These counsels of inconsidering men, who conversed together over their wine, Cicero watched with sober industry and forethought, and with most admirable sagacity, having several emissaries abroad, who observed and traced with him all that was done, and keeping also a secret correspondence with many who pretended to join in the conspiracy. He thus knew all the discourse which passed between them and the strangers; and lying in wait for them by night, he took the Crotonian with his letters, the ambassadors of the Allobroges acting secretly in concert with him. By break of day, he summoned the senate into the temple of Concord, where he read the letters and examined the informers. Junius Silanus further stated that several persons had heard Cethegus say that three consuls and four praetors were to be slain; Piso, also, a person of consular dignity, testified other matters of like nature; and Caius Sulpicius, one of the praetors, being sent to Cethegus's house, found there a quantity of darts and of armor, and a still greater number of swords and daggers, all recently whetted. At length, the senate, decreeing indemnity to the Crotonian upon his confession of the whole matter, Lentulus was convicted, abjured his office (for he was then praetor), and put off his robe edged with purple in the senate, changing it for another garment more agreeable to his present circumstances. He, thereupon, with the rest of his confederates present, was committed to the charge of the praetors in free custody. It being evening, and the common people in crowds expecting without, Cicero went forth to them, and told them what was done, and then, attended by them, went to the house of a friend and near neighbor; for his own was taken up by the women, who were celebrating with secret rites the feast of the goddess whom the Romans call the Good, and the Greeks, the Women's goddess. For a sacrifice is annually performed to her in the consul's house, either by his wife or mother, in the presence of the vestal virgins. And having got into his friend's house privately, a few only being present, he began to deliberate how he should treat these men. The severest and the only punishment fit for such heinous crimes, he was somewhat shy and fearful of inflicting, as well from the clemency of his nature, as also lest he should be thought to exercise his authority too insolently, and to treat too harshly men of the noblest birth and most powerful friendships in the city; and yet, if he should use them more mildly, he had a dreadful prospect of danger from them. For there was no likelihood that, if they suffered less than death, they would be reconciled, but, rather, adding new rage to their former wickedness, they would rush into every kind of audacity, while he himself, whose character for courage already did not stand very high with the multitude, would be thought guilty of the greatest cowardice and want of manliness. While Cicero was in doubt what course to take, a portent happened to the women in their sacrificing. For on the altar, where the fire seemed wholly extinguished, a great and bright flame issued forth from the ashes of the burnt wood; at which others were affrighted, but the holy virgins called to Terentia, Cicero's wife, and bade her hasten to her husband, and command him to execute what he had resolved for the good of his country, for the goddess had sent a great light to the increase of his safety and glory. Terentia, therefore, as she was otherwise in her own nature neither tender-hearted nor timorous, but a woman eager for distinction (who, as Cicero himself says, would rather thrust herself into his public affairs than communicate her domestic matters to him), told him these things, and excited him against the conspirators. So also did Quintus his brother, and Publius Nigidius, one of his philosophical friends, whom he often made use of in his most weighty affairs of state. The next day, a debate arising in the senate about the punishment of the men, Silanus, being the first who was asked his opinion, said, it was fit that they should be all sent to prison, and there suffer the utmost penalty. With him all agreed in order till it came to Caius Caesar, who was afterwards dictator. He was then but a young man, and only at the outset of his career, but had already directed his hopes and policy to that course by which he afterwards changed the Roman state into a monarchy. When it came Caesar's turn to give his opinion, he stood up and proposed that the conspirators should not be put to death, but their estates confiscated, and their persons confined in such cities in Italy as Cicero should approve, there to be kept in custody till Catiline was conquered. To this sentence, as it was the most moderate, and he that delivered it a most powerful speaker, Cicero himself gave no small weight, for he stood up and, turning the scale on either side, spoke in favor partly of the former, partly of Caesar's sentence. And all Cicero's friends, judging Caesar's sentence most expedient for Cicero, because he would incur the less blame if the conspirators were not put to death, chose rather the latter; so that Silanus, also, changing his mind, retracted his opinion, and said he had not declared for capital, but only the utmost punishment, which to a Roman senator is imprisonment. The first man who spoke against Caesar's motion was Catulus Lutatius. Cato followed, and so vehemently urged in his speech the strong suspicion about Caesar himself, and so filled the senate with anger and resolution, that a decree was passed for the execution of the conspirators. But Caesar opposed the confiscation of their goods, not thinking it fair that those who had rejected the mildest part of his sentence should avail themselves of the severest. And when many insisted upon it, he appealed to the tribunes, but they would do nothing; till Cicero himself yielding, remitted that part of the sentence. After this, Cicero went out with the senate to the conspirators; they were not all together in one place, but the several praetors had them, some one, some another, in custody. And first he took Lentulus from the Palatine, and brought him by the Sacred Street, through the middle of the market-place, a circle of the most eminent citizens encompassing and protecting him. The people, affrighted at what was doing, passed along in silence, especially the young men; as if, with fear and trembling, they were undergoing a rite of initiation into some ancient, sacred mysteries of aristocratic power. Thus passing from the market-place, and coming to the gaol, he delivered Lentulus to the officer, and commanded him to execute him; and after him Cethegus, and so all the rest in order, he brought and delivered up to execution. And when he saw many of the conspirators in the market-place, still standing together in companies, ignorant of what was done, and waiting for the night, supposing the men were still alive and in a possibility of being rescued, he called out in a loud voice, and said, "They did live"; for so the Romans, to avoid inauspicious language, name those that are dead. It was now evening, when he returned from the market-place to his own house, the citizens no longer attending him with silence, nor in order, but receiving him, as he passed, with acclamations and applauses, and saluting him as the savior and founder of his country. A bright light shone through the streets from the lamps and torches set up at the doors, and the women showed lights from the tops of the houses, to honor Cicero, and to behold him returning home with a splendid train of the principal citizens; amongst whom were many who had conducted great wars, celebrated triumphs, and added to the possessions of the Roman empire, both by sea and land. These, as they passed along with him, acknowledged to one another, that though the Roman people were indebted to several officers and commanders of that age for riches, spoils, and power, yet to Cicero alone they owed the safety and security of all these, for delivering them from so great and imminent a danger. For though it might seem no wonderful thing to prevent the design, and punish the conspirators, yet to defeat the greatest of all conspiracies with so little disturbance, trouble, and commotion, was very extraordinary. For the greater part of those who had flocked in to Catiline, as soon as they heard of the fate of Lentulus and Cethegus, forsook him, and he himself, with his remaining forces, joining battle with Antonius, was destroyed with his army. And yet there were some who were very ready both to speak ill of Cicero, and to do him hurt for these actions; and they had for their leaders some of the magistrates of the ensuing year, as Caesar, who was one of the praetors, and Metellus and Bestia, the tribunes. These, entering upon their office some few days before Cicero's consulate expired, would not permit him to make any address to the people, but, throwing the benches before the Rostra, hindered his speaking, telling him he might, if he pleased, make the oath of withdrawal from office, and then come down again. Cicero, accordingly, accepting the conditions, came forward to make his withdrawal; and silence being made, he recited his oath, not in the usual, but in a new and peculiar form, namely, that he had saved his country, and preserved the empire; the truth of which oath all the people confirmed with theirs. Caesar and the tribunes, all the more exasperated by this, endeavored to create him further trouble, and for this purpose proposed a law for calling Pompey home with his army, to put an end to Cicero's usurpation. But it was a very great advantage for Cicero and the whole commonwealth that Cato was at that time one of the tribunes. For he, being of equal power with the rest, and of greater reputation, could oppose their designs. He easily defeated their other projects, and, in an oration to the people, so highly extolled Cicero's consulate, that the greatest honors were decreed him, and he was publicly declared the Father of his Country, which title he seems to have obtained, the first man who did so, when Cato applied it to him in this address to the people. At this time, therefore, his authority was very great in the city; but he created himself much envy, and offended very many, not by any evil action, but because he was always lauding and magnifying himself. For neither senate, nor assembly of the people, nor court of judicature could meet, in which he was not heard to talk of Catiline and Lentulus. Indeed, he filled his books and writings with his own praises, to such an excess as to render a style, in itself most pleasant and delightful, nauseous and irksome to his hearers. This ungrateful humor, like a disease, always clove to him. Still, though fond of his own glory, he was very free from envying others, but was, on the contrary, most liberally profuse in commending both the ancients and his contemporaries, as any one may see in his writings. He called Aristotle a river of flowing gold, and said of Plato's Dialogues, that if Jupiter were to speak, it would be in language like theirs. He used to call Theophrastus his special luxury. And being asked which of Demosthenes's orations he liked best, he answered, "The longest." And as for the eminent men of his own time, either in eloquence or philosophy, there was not one of them whom he did not, by writing or speaking favorably of him, render more illustrious. An example of his love of praise is the way in which sometimes, to make his orations more striking, he neglected decorum and dignity. When Munatius, who had escaped conviction by his advocacy, immediately prosecuted his friend Sabinus, he said in the warmth of his resentment, "Do you suppose you were acquitted for your own merits, Munatius, or was it not that I so darkened the case, that the court could not see your guilt?" When from the Rostra he had made a eulogy on Marcus Crassus, with much applause, and within a few days after again as publicly reproached him, Crassus called to him, and said, "Did not you yourself two days ago, in this same place, commend me?" "Yes," said Cicero, "I exercised my eloquence in declaiming upon a bad subject." At another time, Crassus had said that no one of his family had ever lived beyond sixty years of age, and afterwards denied it, and asked, "What should put it into my head to say so?" "It was to gain the people's favor," answered Cicero; "you knew how glad they would be to hear it." When Vatinius, who had swellings in his neck, was pleading a cause, he called him the tumid orator; and having been told by some one that Vatinius was dead, on hearing soon after that he was alive, he said, "may the rascal perish, for his news not being true." Upon Caesar's bringing forward a law for the division of the lands in Campania amongst the soldiers, many in the senate opposed it; amongst the rest, Lucius Gellius, one of the oldest men in the house, said it should never pass whilst he lived. "Let us postpone it," said Cicero, "Gellius does not ask us to wait long." There was a man of the name of Octavius, suspected to be of African descent. He once said, when Cicero was pleading, that he could not hear him; "yet there are holes," said Cicero, "in your ears." When Metellus Nepos told him that he had ruined more as a witness than he had saved as an advocate, "I admit," said Cicero, "that I have more truth than eloquence." To a young man who was suspected of having given a poisoned cake to his father, and who talked largely of the invectives he meant to deliver against Cicero, "Better these," replied he, "than your cakes." Publius Sextius, having amongst others retained Cicero as his advocate in a certain cause, was yet desirous to say all for himself, and would not allow anybody to speak for him; when he was about to receive his acquittal from the judges, and the ballots were passing, Cicero called to him, "make haste, Sextius, and use your time; to-morrow you will be nobody." He cited Publius Cotta to bear testimony in a certain cause, one who affected to be thought a lawyer, though ignorant and unlearned; but when Cotta had said, "I know nothing at all about the matter," Cicero answered: "You think, perhaps, we are asking you about a point of law." When Marcus Appius, in the opening of some speech in a court of justice, said that his friend had desired him to employ industry, eloquence, and fidelity in that cause, Cicero asked, "And how have you had the heart not to accede to any one of his requests?" One Clodius, whom Cicero had vehemently opposed in an important trial, having got himself chosen one of the tribunes, immediately attacked Cicero, endeavoring to incite everybody against him. The common people he gained over with popular laws; to each of the consuls he decreed large provinces, to Piso, Macedonia, and to Gabinius, Syria. Of the three men then in greatest power, Crassus was Cicero's open enemy, Pompey indifferently made advances to both, and Caesar was going with an army into Gaul. To him, though not his friend, Cicero applied, requesting an appointment as one of his lieutenants in the province. Caesar accepted him, and Clodius, perceiving that Cicero would thus escape his tribunician authority, professed to be inclinable to a reconciliation, made always a favorable mention of him, and addressed him with kind expressions, as one who felt no hatred or ill-will, but who merely wished to urge his complaints in a moderate and friendly way. By these artifices, he so freed Cicero of all his fears, that he resigned his appointment to Caesar, and betook himself again to political affairs. At which Caesar being exasperated, joined the party of Clodius against him, and wholly alienated Pompey from him; he also himself declared in a public assembly of the people, that he did not think Lentulus and Cethegus, with their accomplices, were fairly and legally put to death without being brought to trial. And this, indeed, was the crime charged upon Cicero, and this impeachment he was summoned to answer. And so, as an accused man, and in danger for the result, he changed his dress, and went round with his hair untrimmed, in the attire of a suppliant, to beg the people's grace. But Clodius met him in every corner, having a band of abusive and daring fellows about him, who derided Cicero for his change of dress and his humiliation, and often, by throwing dirt and stones at him, interrupted his supplication to the people. However, first of all, almost the whole equestrian order changed their dress with him, and no less than twenty thousand young gentlemen followed him with their hair untrimmed, and supplicating with him to the people. And then the senate met, to pass a decree that the people should change their dress as in time of public sorrow. But the consuls opposing it, and Clodius with armed men besetting the senate-house, many of the senators ran out, crying aloud and tearing their clothes. But this sight moved neither shame nor pity; Cicero must either fly or determine it by the sword with Clodius. He entreated Pompey to aid him, who on purpose had gone out of the way, and was staying at his country-house in the Alban hills; and first he sent his son-in-law Piso to intercede with him, and afterwards set out to go himself. But Pompey being informed, would not stay to see him, being ashamed at the remembrance of the many conflicts in the commonwealth which Cicero had undergone in his behalf, and how much of his policy he had directed for his advantage. But being now Caesar's son-in-law, at his instance he had set aside all former kindness, and, slipping out at another door, avoided the interview. Thus being forsaken by Pompey, and left alone to himself, he fled to the consuls. Gabinius was rough with him, as usual, but Piso spoke more courteously, desiring him to yield for a while to the fury of Clodius, and to await a change of times, and to be now, as before, his country's savior from the peril of these troubles and commotions which Clodius was exciting. Cicero, receiving this answer, consulted with his friends. Lucullus advised him to stay, as being sure to prevail at last; others to fly, because the people would soon desire him again, when they should have enough of the rage and madness of Clodius. This last Cicero approved. But first he took a statue of Minerva, which had been long set up and greatly honored in his house, and carrying it to the capitol, there dedicated it, with the inscription, "To Minerva, Patroness of Rome." And receiving an escort from his friends, about the middle of the night he left the city, and went by land through Lucania, intending to reach Sicily. But as soon as it was publicly known that he was fled, Clodius proposed to the people a decree of exile, and by his own order interdicted him fire and water, prohibiting any within five hundred miles in Italy to receive him into their houses. Most people, out of respect for Cicero, paid no regard to this edict, offering him every attention, and escorting him on his way. But at Hipponium, a city of Lucania, now called Vibo, one Vibius, a Sicilian by birth, who, amongst may other instances of Cicero's friendship, had been made head of the state engineers when he was consul, would not receive him into his house, sending him word that he would appoint a place in the country for his reception. Caius Vergilius, the praetor of Sicily, who had been on the most intimate terms with him, wrote to him to forbear coming into Sicily. Cicero, thoroughly disheartened at these things, went to Brundusium, whence he put forth with a prosperous wind, but a contrary gale blowing from the sea carried him back to Italy the next day. He put again to sea, and having reached Dyrrachium, on his coming to shore there, it is reported that an earthquake and a convulsion in the sea happened at the same time, signs which the diviners said intimated that his exile would not be long, for these were prognostics of change. Although many visited him with respect, and the cities of Greece contended with each other in honoring him, he yet continued disconsolate, like an unfortunate lover, often casting his looks back upon Italy; and, indeed, he had become more humiliated and dejected by his misfortunes than any one could have expected in a man who had devoted so much of his life to study and learning. And yet he often desired his friends not to call him orator, but philosopher, because he had made philosophy his business, and had only used rhetoric as an instrument for attaining his objects in public life. Clodius, having thus driven away Cicero, fell to burning his farm-buildings and villas, and afterwards his city house, and built on the site of it a temple to Liberty. The rest of his property he exposed for sale by daily proclamation, but nobody came to buy. By this course he became formidable to the noble citizens, and, being followed by the commonalty, whom he had filled with insolence and licentiousness, he began at last to try his strength against Pompey, some of whose arrangements in the countries he conquered, he attacked. The disgrace of this made Pompey begin to reproach himself for his cowardice in deserting Cicero, and, changing his mind, he now wholly set himself with his friends to contrive his return. And when Clodius opposed it, the senate made a vote that no public measure should be ratified or passed by them till Cicero was recalled. But when Lentulus was consul, the commotions grew so high upon this matter, that the tribunes were wounded in the Forum, and Quintus, Cicero's brother, was left as dead, lying unobserved amongst the slain. The people began to change in their feelings; and Annius Milo, one of their tribunes, was the first who had the courage to summon Clodius to trial for acts of violence. Many of the common people in Rome and the neighboring cities formed a party with Pompey, who headed them in person, drove Clodius out of the Forum, and summoned the people to pass their vote. And, it is said, the people never passed any suffrage more unanimously than this. The senate, also, striving to outdo the people, sent letters of thanks to those cities which had received Cicero with respect in his exile, and decreed that his house and his country-places, which Clodius had destroyed, should be rebuilt at the public charge. Thus Cicero returned sixteen months after his exile, and the cities were so glad, and the people so zealous to meet him, that his boast, that Italy had brought him on her shoulders home to Rome, was rather less than the truth. And Crassus himself, who had been his enemy before his exile, went voluntarily to meet him, and was reconciled, as he said, to please his son Publius, who was Cicero's affectionate admirer. Cicero had not been long at Rome, when, taking the opportunity of Clodius's absence, he went, with a great company, to the capitol, and there tore and defaced the tribunician tables, in which were recorded the acts done in the time of Clodius. And on Clodius calling him in question for this, he answered, that he, being of the patrician order, had obtained the office of tribune against the law, and, therefore, nothing done by him was valid. Cato was displeased at this, and opposed Cicero, not that he commended Clodius, but rather disapproved of his whole administration; yet, he contended, that it was an irregular and violent course for the senate to vote the illegality of so many decrees and acts, including those of Cato's own government in Cyprus and at Byzantium. This occasioned a breach between Cato and Cicero, which, though it did not come to open enmity, made a more reserved friendship between them. After this, Milo killed Clodius, and, being arraigned for the murder, he procured Cicero for his advocate. The senate, fearing lest the questioning of so eminent and high-spirited a citizen as Milo might disturb the peace of the city, committed the superintendence of this and of the other trials to Pompey, who should undertake to maintain the security alike of the city and of the courts of justice. Pompey, therefore, went in the night, and occupying the high grounds about it, surrounded the Forum with soldiers. Milo, fearing lest Cicero, being disturbed by such an unusual sight, should conduct his cause the less successfully, persuaded him to come in a litter into the Forum, and there rest till the judges had taken their seats, and the court was filled. For Cicero, it seems, not only wanted courage in arms, but, in his speaking also, began with timidity, and in many cases scarcely left off trembling and shaking when he had got thoroughly into the current and the substance of his speech. Once when he had to defend Licinius Murena against the prosecution of Cato, being eager to outdo Hortensius, who had made his plea with great applause, he took so little rest the night before, and was so disordered with thought and over-watching, that he spoke much worse than usual. And so now, on quitting his litter to commence the cause of Milo, at the sight of Pompey, encamped, as it were, with his troops, and seeing arms shining round about the Forum, he was so confounded that he could hardly begin his speech, for the trembling of his body and hesitancy of his tongue; whereas Milo, meantime, was so bold and intrepid in his demeanor, that he disdained either to let his hair grow, or to put on the mourning habit. And this, indeed, seems to have been the principal cause of his condemnation. And Cicero was thought not so much to have shown timidity for himself, as anxiety about his friend. When the outbreak between Caesar and Pompey came, Cicero wavered painfully between both, for he writes in his epistles, "To which side should I turn? Pompey has the fair and honorable plea for war; and Caesar, on the other hand, has managed his affairs better, and is more able to secure himself and his friends. So that I know whom I should fly from, not whom I should fly to." But when Trebatius, one of Caesar's friends, by letter signified to him that Caesar thought it was his most desirable course to join his side, but if he considered himself too old a man for this, he would do better to retire into Greece, and stay quietly there, out of the way of either party, Cicero, wondering that Caesar had not written himself, replied angrily that he should do nothing unbecoming his past life. But as soon as Caesar had marched into Spain, he immediately sailed away to join Pompey. And he was welcomed by all but Cato; who, taking him privately aside, chid him for coming to Pompey. As for himself, he said, it would have been indecent to forsake that part in the commonwealth which he had chosen from the beginning; but Cicero might have been more useful to his country and friends, if, remaining neutral, he had attended and used his influence to moderate the result, instead of coming hither to make himself, without reason or necessity, an enemy to Caesar, and a partner in such great dangers. By this language, Cicero's feelings were altered, and partly, also, because Pompey made no great use of him. Although he was himself really the cause of it, by his not denying that he was sorry he had come, by his deprecating Pompey's resources, finding fault underhand with his counsels, and continually indulging in jests and sarcastic remarks on his fellow-soldiers. After the battle of Pharsalia was over, at which he was not present for want of health, and Pompey had fled, Cato, having considerable forces and a great fleet at Dyrrachium, would have had Cicero commander-in-chief, according to law, and the precedence of his consular dignity. But on his refusing the command, and wholly declining to take part in their plans for continuing the war, he was in the greatest danger of being killed, young Pompey and his friends calling him traitor, and drawing their swords upon him; only that Cato interposed, and with difficulty rescued and brought him out of the camp. Afterwards, arriving at Brundusium, he tarried there some time in expectation of Caesar, who was delayed by his affairs in Asia and Egypt. And when it was told him that he had arrived at Tarentum, and was coming thence by land to Brundusium, he hastened towards him, not altogether without hope, and yet in some fear of making experiment of the temper of an enemy and conqueror in the presence of many witnesses. But there was no necessity for him either to speak or do anything unworthy of himself; for Caesar, as soon as he saw him coming a good way before the rest of the company, went forward to meet him, saluted him, and, leading the way, conversed with him alone for some furlongs. And from that time on he continued to treat him with honor and respect, so that, when Cicero wrote an oration in praise of Cato, Caesar, in writing an answer to it, took occasion to commend Cicero's own life and eloquence, comparing him to Pericles and Teramenes. Cicero's oration was called "Cato"; Caesar's, "Anti-Cato." So also, it is related that when Quintus Ligarius was prosecuted for having been in arms against Caesar, and Cicero had undertaken his defence, Caesar said to his friends, "Ligarius, without question, is a wicked man and an enemy. But why might we not as well once more hear a speech from Cicero?" yet when Cicero began to speak, he wonderfully moved him, and proceeded in his speech with such varied pathos, and such a charm of language, that the color of Caesar's countenance often changed, and it was evident that all the passions of his soul were in commotion. And when at length, the orator touched upon the Pharsalian battle, he was so affected that his whole frame trembled and some of the papers he held dropped out of his hands. And thus he was overpowered, and acquitted Ligarius. Henceforth, the commonwealth being changed into a monarchy, Cicero withdrew himself from public affairs, and employed his leisure in instructing those young men that wished, in philosophy; and by the near intercourse he thus had with some of the noblest and highest in rank, he again began to possess great influence in the city. The work which he set himself to do was to compose and translate philosophical dialogues and to render logical and physical terms into the Roman idiom. For he it was, as it is said, who first or principally gave Latin names to technical Greek terms, which, either by metaphors or other means of accommodation, he succeeded in making intelligible to the Romans. For his recreation, he exercised his dexterity in poetry, and when he was set to it, would make five hundred verses in a night. He spent the greatest part of his time at his country-house near Tusculum. He had a design, it is said, of writing the history of his country, combining with it much of that of Greece, and incorporating in it all the stories and legends of the past that he had collected. But his purposes were interfered with by various public and various private unhappy occurrences and misfortunes; for most of which he was himself in fault. For first of all, he put away his wife, Terentia, by whom he had been neglected in the time of the war, and sent away destitute of necessaries for his journey; neither did he find her kind when he returned into Italy, for she did not join him at Brundusium, where he staid a long time, and would not allow her young daughter, who undertook so long a journey, decent attendance, or the requisite expenses; besides, she left him a naked and empty house, and yet had involved him in many and great debts. These were alleged as the fairest reasons for the divorce. But Terentia, who denied them all, had the most unmistakable defence furnished her by her husband himself, who not long after married a young maiden for the love of her beauty, as Terentia upbraided him; or as Tiro, his emancipated slave, has written, for her riches, to discharge his debts. For the young woman was very rich, and Cicero had the custody of her estate, being left guardian in trust; and being in debt many myriads of money, he was persuaded by his friends and relations to marry her, notwithstanding their disparity of age, and to use her money to satisfy his creditors. Antony, who mentions this marriage in his answer to the Phillippics, reproaches him for putting away a wife with whom he had lived to old age; adding some happy strokes of sarcasm on Cicero's domestic, inactive, unsoldier-like habits. Not long after this marriage, his daughter died at Lentulus's house, to whom she had been married after the death of Piso, her former husband. The philosophers from all parts came to comfort Cicero; for his grief was so excessive, that he put away his newly-married wife, because she seemed to be pleased at the death of Tullia. He had no concern in the design that was now forming to kill Caesar, although, in general, he was Brutus's confidant. But as soon as the act was committed by Brutus and Cassius, and the friends of Caesar had assembled, so that there was danger of another civil war, Antony, being consul, convened the senate, and made a short address recommending concord. And Cicero, following with various remarks such as the occasion called for, persuaded the senate to imitate the Athenians, and decree an amnesty for what had been done in Caesar's case, and to bestow provinces on Brutus and Cassius. But neither of these things took effect. For as soon as the common people, who were naturally inclined to pity, saw the dead body of Caesar borne through the market-place, and Antony showing his clothes stained with blood, and pierced through in every part with swords, they were enraged to such a degree of frenzy, that they made a search for the murderers, and with firebrands in their hands ran to their houses to burn them. Antony at this was in exultation, and every one was alarmed at the prospect that he would make himself sole ruler, and Cicero more than any one else. For Antony, seeing his influence reviving in the commonwealth, and knowing how closely he was connected with Brutus, was ill-pleased to have him in the city. Besides, there had been some former jealousy between them, occasioned by the difference of their manners. Cicero, fearing the event, was inclined to go as lieutenant with Dolabella into Syria. But Hirtius and Pansa, consuls-elect as successors of Antony, good men and lovers of Cicero, entreated him not to leave them, undertaking to put down Antony if he would stay in Rome. And he, neither distrusting wholly, nor trusting them, let Dolabella go without him, promising Hirtius that he would go and spend his summer at Athens, and return again when he entered upon his office. So he set out on his journey; but some delay occurring in his passage, new intelligence, as often happens, came suddenly from Rome, that Antony had made an astonishing change, and was managing the public affairs in harmony with the will of the senate, and that there wanted nothing but his presence to bring things to a happy settlement. Therefore, blaming himself for his cowardice, he returned to Rome, and was not deceived in his hopes at the beginning. For such multitudes flocked out to meet him, that the compliments and civilities which were paid him at the gates, and at this entrance into the city, took up almost a whole day's time. On the morrow, Antony convened the senate, and summoned Cicero thither. But he kept his bed, pretending to be ill from his journey; but the true reason seemed to be the fear of some design against him, upon a suspicion and intimation given him on his way to Rome. Antony, however, showed great offence at the affront, and sent soldiers, commanding them to bring him or burn his house; but many interceding and supplicating for him, he was contented to accept sureties. Ever after when they met, they passed one another in silence, and continued on their guard, till the younger Caesar (Augustus), coming from Apollonia, entered on the first Caesar's inheritance, and was engaged in a dispute with Antony about two thousand five hundred myriads of money, which Antony detained from the estate. Upon this, Philippus, who married the mother, and Marcellus, who married the sister of young Caesar, came with the young man to Cicero, and agreed with him that Cicero should give them the aid of his eloquence and political influence with the senate and people, and Caesar give Cicero the defence of his riches and arms. For the young man had already a great party of the soldiers of Caesar about him. And Cicero's readiness to join him was founded, it is said, on some yet stronger motives; for it seems, while Pompey and Caesar were yet alive, Cicero, in his sleep, had fancied himself engaged in calling some of the sons of the senators into the capitol, Jupiter, according to the dream, being about to declare one of them the chief ruler of Rome. The citizens, running up with curiosity, stood about the temple, and the youths, sitting in their purple-bordered robes, kept silence. On a sudden the doors opened, and the youths, arising one by one in order, passed round the god, who reviewed them all, and, to their sorrow, dismissed them; but when this one was passing by, the god stretched forth his right hand and said, "O ye Romans, this young man, when he shall be lord of Rome, shall put an end to all your civil wars." It is said that Cicero formed from his dream a distinct image of the youth, and retained it afterwards perfectly, but did not know who it was. The next day, going down into the Campus Martius, he met the boys returning from their gymnastic exercises, and the first was he, just as he had appeared to him in his dream. Being astonished at it, he asked him who were his parents. And it proved to be this young Caesar, whose father was a man of no great eminence, Octavius, and his mother, Attia, Caesar's sister's daughter; for which reason, Caesar, who had no children, made him by will the heir of his house and property. From that time, it is said that Cicero studiously noticed the youth whenever he met him, and he as kindly received the civility; and by fortune he happened to be born when Cicero was consul. These were the reasons spoken of; but it was principally Cicero's hatred of Antony, and a temper unable to resist honor, which fastened him to Caesar, with the purpose of getting the support of Caesar's power for his own public designs. For the young man went so far in his court to him, that he called him Father; at which Brutus was so highly displeased, that, in his epistles to Atticus he reflected on Cicero saying, it was manifest, by his courting Caesar for fear of Antony, he did not intend liberty to his country, but an indulgent master to himself. Notwithstanding, Brutus took Cicero's son, then studying philosophy at Athens, gave him a command, and employed him in various ways, with a good result. Cicero's own power at this time was at the greatest height in the city, and he did whatsoever he pleased; he completely overpowered and drove out Antony, and sent the two consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, with an army, to reduce him; and, on the other hand, persuaded the senate to allow Caesar the lictors and ensigns of a praetor, as though he were his country's defender. But after Antony was defeated in battle, and the two consuls slain, the armies united, and ranged themselves with Caesar. And the senate, fearing the young man, and his extraordinary fortune, endeavored by honors and gifts, to call off the soldiers from him, and to lessen his power; professing there was no further need of arms, now Antony was put to flight. This gave Caesar a fright, and he privately sent friends to entreat Cicero to procure the consular dignity for them both together; saying that he should manage the affair as he pleased, should have the supreme power, and govern the young man who was only desirous of name and glory. And now, more than at any other time, Cicero let himself be carried away and deceived, though an old man, by the persuasions of a boy. He joined him in soliciting votes, and procured the good-will of the senate, not without blame at the time on the part of his friends; and he, too, soon enough after, saw that he had ruined himself, and betrayed the liberty of his country. For the young man, once established, and possessed of the office of consul, bade Cicero farewell; and reconciling himself with Antony and Lepidus, joined his power with theirs, and divided the government, like a piece of property, with them. Thus united, they made a schedule of above two hundred persons who were to be put to death. But the greatest contention in all their debates was on the question of Cicero's case. Antony would come to no conditions, unless he should be the first man to be killed. Lepidus held with Antony, and Caesar opposed them both. They met secretly and by themselves, for three days together, near the town of Bononia. The spot was not far from the camp, with a river surrounding it. Caesar, it is said, contended earnestly for Cicero the first two days; but on the third day he yielded, and gave him up. The terms of their mutual concessions were these; that Caesar should desert Cicero, Lepidus his brother Paulus, and Antony, Lucius Caesar, his uncle by his mother's side. Thus they let their anger and fury take from them the sense of humanity, and demonstrated that no beast is more savage than man, when possessed with power proportioned to his rage. While these things were contriving, Cicero was with his brother at his country-house near Tusculum; whence, hearing of the proscriptions, they determined to pass to Astura, a villa of Cicero's near the sea, and to take shipping from there for Macedonia to Brutus, of whose strength in that province news had already been heard. They traveled together in their separate litters, overwhelmed with sorrow; and often stopping on the way till their litters came together, condoled with one another. But Quintus was the more disheartened, when he reflected on his want of means for his journey; for, as he said, he had brought nothing with him from home. And even Cicero himself had but a slender provision. It was judged therefore most expedient that Cicero should make what haste he could to fly, and Quintus return home to provide necessaries, and thus resolved, they mutually embraced, and parted with many tears. Quintus, within a few days after, was betrayed by his servants to those who came to search for him, and slain, together with his young son. But Cicero was carried to Astura, where, finding a vessel, he immediately went on board of her, and sailed as far as Circaeum with a prosperous gale; but when the pilots resolved immediately to set sail from there, whether he feared the sea, or did not wholly lose faith in Caesar, he went on shore, and passed by land a hundred furlongs, as if he was going to Rome. But losing resolution and changing his mind, he again returned to the sea, and there spent the night in fear and perplexity. Sometimes he resolved to go into Caesar's house privately, and there kill himself upon the altar of his household gods, to bring divine vengeance upon him; but the fear of torture restrained him. And after passing through a variety of confused and uncertain counsels, at last he let his servants carry him by sea to Capitae, where he had a house, an agreeable place to retire to in the heat of summer, when the Etesian winds are so pleasant. There was at that place a chapel of Apollo, not far from the sea-side, from which a flight of crows rose with a great noise, and made towards Cicero's vessel as it rowed to land, and lighting on both sides of the yard, some croaked, others pecked the ends of the ropes. This was looked upon by all as an evil omen; and, therefore, Cicero went again ashore, and entering his house, lay down upon his bed to compose himself at rest. Many of the crows settled about the window, making a dismal cawing; but one of them alighted upon the bed where Cicero lay covered up, and with its bill, little by little pecked off the clothes from his face. His servants, seeing this, blamed themselves that they should stay to be spectators of their master's murder, and do nothing in his defence, while the brute creatures came to assist and take care of him in his undeserved affliction; and therefore, partly by entreaty, partly by force, they took him up, and carried him in his litter toward the sea-side. But in the meantime the assassins had come with a band of soldiers--Herennius, a centurion, and Popillius, a tribune, whom Cicero had formerly defended when prosecuted for the murder of his father. Finding the door shut, they broke them open, and when Cicero did not appear and those within said they did not know where he was, it is stated that a youth, who had been educated by Cicero in the liberal arts and sciences, an emancipated slave of his brother Quintus, Philologus by name, informed the tribune that the litter was on its way to the sea through the close and shady walks. The tribune, taking a few with him, ran to the place where he was to come out. And Cicero, perceiving Herennius running in the walks, commanded his servants to set down the litter; and stroking his chin, as he used to do, with his left hand, he looked steadfastly upon his murderers, his person covered with dust, his beard and hair untrimmed, and his face worn with his troubles. So that the greatest part of those that stood by covered their faces whilst Herennius slew him. And thus was he murdered, stretching forth his neck out of the litter, being now in his sixty-fourth year. Herennius cut off his head, and, by Antony's command, his hands also, by which his Philippics were written; for so Cicero styled those orations he wrote against Antony, and so they are called to this day. When these members of Cicero were brought to Rome, Antony was holding an assembly for the choice of public officers; and when he heard it, and saw them, he cried out, "Now let there be an end of our proscriptions." He commanded his head and hands to be fastened up over the Rostra, where the orators spoke; a sight which the Roman people shuddered to behold, and they believed they saw there not the face of Cicero, but the image of Antony's own soul. A long time after, Augustus, when visiting one of his daughter's sons, found him with a book of Cicero's in his hand. The boy for fear endeavored to hide it under his gown; but Caesar took it from him, and turning over a great part of the book standing, gave it to him again, and said, "My child, this was a learned man, and a lover of his country." And immediately after he had vanquished Antony, being then consul, he made Cicero's son his colleague in the office; and, under that consulship, the senate took down all the statues of Antony, and abolished all the other honors that had been given him, and decreed that none of that family should thereafter bear the name of Marcus; and thus the final acts of the punishment of Antony were, by the divine powers, devolved upon the family of Cicero. COMPARISON OF DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO These are the most memorable circumstances recorded in history of Demosthenes and Cicero which have come to our knowledge. But, omitting an exact comparison of their respective faculties in speaking, yet this seems fit to be said: That Demosthenes, to make himself a master in rhetoric, applied all the faculties he had, natural or acquired, wholly that way; that he far surpassed in force and strength of eloquence in political and judicial speaking all his contemporaries, in grandeur and majesty all the panegyrical orators, and in accuracy and science all the logicians and rhetoricians of his day; that Cicero was highly educated, and by his diligent study became a most accomplished general scholar in all these branches, having left behind him numerous philosophical treatises of his own on Academic principles; as, indeed, even in his written speeches, both political and judicial, we see him continually trying to show his learning by the way. And one may discover the different temper of each of them in their speeches. For Demosthenes's oratory was, without all embellishment and jesting, wholly composed for real effect and seriousness; not smelling of the lamp, as Pytheas scoffingly said, but of the temperance, thoughtfulness, austerity, and grave earnestness of his temper. Whereas, Cicero's love of mockery often ran him into scurrility; and in his love of laughing away serious arguments in judicial cases by jests and facetious remarks, with a view to the advantage of his clients, he paid too little regard to what was decent. We are told that Cicero, being consul, undertook the defence of Murena against Cato's prosecution; and, by way of bantering Cato, made a long series of jokes upon the absurd paradoxes, as they are called, of the Stoic sect. When loud laughter passed from the crowd to the judges, Cato, with a quiet smile, said to those that sat next to him, "My friends, what an amusing consul we have." And, indeed, Cicero was by natural temper very much disposed to mirth and pleasantry, and always appeared with a smiling and serene countenance. But Demosthenes had constant care and thoughtfulness in his look, and a serious anxiety which he seldom, if ever, laid aside; and, therefore, was accounted by his enemies, as he himself confessed, morose and ill-mannered. Also, it is very evident, out of their several writings, that Demosthenes never touched upon his own praises but decently and without offence when there was need of it, and for some weightier end. But Cicero's immeasurable boasting of himself in his orations argues him guilty of an uncontrollable appetite for distinction, his cry being evermore that "Arms should give place to the gown, and the soldier's laurel to the tongue." And at last we find him extolling not only his deeds and actions, but his orations, as well those that were only spoken, as those that were published. It is necessary for a political leader to be an able speaker; but it is an ignoble thing for any man to admire the glory of his own eloquence. And, in this matter, Demosthenes had a more than ordinary gravity and magnificence of mind, for he considered his talent in speaking nothing more than a mere accomplishment and matter of practice, the success of which must depend greatly on the good-will and candor of his hearers, and regarded those who pride themselves on such accounts to be men of a low and petty disposition. The power of persuading and governing the people did, indeed, equally belong to both, so that those who had armies and camps at command stood in need of their assistance; as Chares, Diopithes, and Leosthenes did that of Demosthenes, and Pompey and young Caesar of Cicero's, as the latter himself admits in his Memoirs addressed to Agrippa and Maecenas. But what are thought and commonly said most to demonstrate and try the tempers of men, namely, authority and place, by moving every passion, and discovering every frailty, these are things which Demosthenes never received; nor was he ever in a position to give such proof of himself, having never obtained any eminent office, nor led any of those armies into the field against Philip which he raised by his eloquence. Cicero, on the other hand, was sent quaestor into Sicily, and proconsul into Cilicia and Cappadocia, at a time when avarice was at the height, and the commanders and governors who were employed abroad, as though they thought it a mean thing to steal, set themselves to seize by open force; so that it seemed no heinous matter to take bribes, but he that did it most moderately was in good esteem. And yet he, at this time, gave the most abundant proofs alike of his contempt of riches and of his humanity and good-nature. And at Rome, when he was created consul in name, but indeed received sovereign and dictatorial authority against Catiline and his conspirators, he attested the truth of Plato's prediction, that then only would the miseries of states be at an end, when by a happy fortune supreme power, wisdom, and justice should be united in one. It is said, to the reproach of Demosthenes, that his eloquence was mercenary; that he privately made orations for Phormion and Apollodorus, though adversaries in the same cause; that he was charged with moneys received from the king of Persia, and condemned for bribes from Harpalus. And should we grant that all those (and they are not few) who have made these statements against him have spoken what is untrue, yet we cannot assert that Demosthenes was not the character to look without desire on the presents offered him out of respect and gratitude by royal persons. But that Cicero refused, from the Sicilians when he was quaestor, from the king of Cappadocia when he was proconsul, and from his friends at Rome when he was in exile, many presents, though urged to receive them, has been said already. Moreover, Demosthenes's banishment was infamous, upon conviction for bribery; Cicero's very honorable, for ridding his country of a set of villains. Therefore, when Demosthenes fled from his country, no man regarded it; for Cicero's sake the senate changed their habit, and put on mourning, and would not be persuaded to make any act before Cicero's return was decreed. Cicero, however, passed his exile idly in Macedonia. But the very exile of Demosthenes made up a great part of the services he did for his country; for he went through the cities of Greece, and everywhere, as we have said, joined in the conflict on behalf of the Greeks, driving out the Macedonian ambassadors, and approving himself a much better citizen than Themistocles and Alcibiades did in a similar fortune. And, after his return, he again devoted himself to the same public service, and continued firm in his opposition to Antipater and the Macedonians. Whereas Laelius reproached Cicero in the senate for sitting silent when Caesar, a beardless youth, asked leave to come forward, contrary to the law, as a candidate for the consulship; and Brutus, in his epistles, charges him with nursing and rearing a greater and more heavy tyranny than that they had removed. Finally, Cicero's death excites our pity; for an old man to be miserably carried up and down by his servants, flying and hiding himself from that death which was, in the course of nature, so near at hand; and yet at last to be murdered. Demosthenes, though he seemed to supplicate a little at first, yet, by his preparing and keeping the poison by him, demands our admiration; and still more admirable was his using it. When the temple of the god no longer afforded him a sanctuary, he took refuge, as it were, at a mightier altar, freeing himself from arms and soldiers, and laughing to scorn the cruelty of Antipater. ALCIBAIDES Alcibiades, it is supposed, was descended from Ajax, by his father's side; and by his mother's side from Alcmaeon. Dinomache, his mother, was the daughter of Megacles. His father (Clinias) having fitted out a galley at his own expense, gained great honor in the seafight at Artemisium, and was afterwards slain in the battle of Coronea, fighting against the Boeotians. The friendship which Socrates felt for him has much contributed to his fame; and though we have no account from any writer concerning the mother of Nicias or Demosthenes, of Lamachus or Phormion, of Thrasybulus or Theramenes, notwithstanding these were all illustrious men of the same period, yet we know even the nurse of Alcibiades, that her country was Lacedaemon, and her name Amycla; and that Zopyrus was his teacher and attendant; the one being recorded by Antisthenes, and the other by Plato. It is not, perhaps, material to say anything of the beauty of Alcibiades, only that it bloomed with him in all the ages of his life, in his infancy, in his youth, and in his manhood; and, in the peculiar character becoming to each of these periods, gave him, in every one of them a grace and a charm. What Euripides says, that "Of all fair things the autumn, too, is fair," is by no means universally true. But it happened so with Alcibiades, amongst few others, by reason of his happy constitution and natural vigor of body. It is said that his lisping, when he spoke, became him well, and gave a grace and persuasiveness to his rapid speech. Aristophanes takes notice of it in the verses in which he jests at Theorus: "How like a colax he is," says Alcibiades, meaning a corax*; on which it is remarked, "How very happily he lisped the truth," (*This fashionable Attic lisp, or careless articulation, turned the sound r into l. Colax, a flatterer; corax, a crow.) His conduct displayed many inconsistencies, not unnaturally, in accordance with the many wonderful vicissitudes of his fortunes; but, among the many strong passions of his real character, the most powerful of all was his ambition for superiority, which appears in several anecdotes told of him while he was a child. Once being hard pressed in wrestling, and fearing to be thrown, he got the hand of his antagonist to his mouth, and bit it with all his force; and when the other loosed his hold presently, and said, "You bite, Alcibiades, like a woman." "No," replied he, "like a lion." Another time, when playing at dice in the street, being then only a child, a loaded cart came that way, just as it was his turn to throw; at first he called to the driver to stop, because he was about to throw in the way over which the cart would pass; but when the man paid him no attention, and was driving on, the rest of the boys divided and sprang away; but Alcibiades threw himself on his face before the cart, and, stretching himself out, bade the carter pass on now if we would. The man was so startled that he put back his horses, while all that saw it were terrified, and, crying out, ran to assist Alcibiades. When he began to study, he obeyed all his other masters fairly well, but refused to learn upon the flute, as a thing unbecoming a free citizen; saying that to play upon the lute or the harp does not in any way disfigure a man's body or face, but one is hardly to be known by his most intimate friends, when playing on the flute. Besides, one who plays on the harp may speak or sing at the same time; but the use of the flute stops the mouth, intercepts the voice, and prevents all articulation. "Therefore," said he, "let the Theban youths pipe, who do not know how to speak, but we Athenians, as our ancestors have told us, have Athena for our patroness, and Apollo for our protector, one of whom threw away the flute, and the other stripped the Flute-player of his skin." Thus, between raillery and good earnest, Alcibiades kept not only himself but others from learning, as it presently became the talk of the young boys, how Alcibiades despised playing on the flute, and ridiculed those who studied it. In consequence of which, it ceased to be reckoned amongst the liberal accomplishments, and became generally neglected. It was manifest that the many well-born persons who were continually seeking his company, and making court to him, were attracted and captivated by his extraordinary beauty only. But the affection which Socrates entertained for him is a great evidence of the natural noble qualities and good disposition of the boy, which Socrates, detected under his personal beauty; and fearing that his wealth and station, and the great number both of strangers and Athenians who flattered and caressed him, might at last corrupt him, resolved, if possible, to interpose, and preserve so hopeful a plant from perishing in the flower, before its fruit came to perfection. For never did fortune surround a man with so many of those things which we vulgarly call goods, or so protect him from every weapon of philosophy, and fence him from every access of free and searching words, as she did Alcibiades; who, from the beginning, was exposed to the flatteries of those who sought merely his gratification, such as might well unnerve him, and indispose him to listen to any real adviser or instructor. Yet such was the happiness of his genius, that he selected Socrates from the rest, and admitted him, while he drove away the wealthy and the noble who made court to him. In a little time, they grew intimate and Alcibiades, listening now to language entirely free from every thought of unmanly fondness and silly displays of affection, found himself with one who sought to la open to him the deficiencies of his mind and repress his vain and foolish arrogance, and "Dropped like the craven cock his conquered wing." He esteemed these endeavors of Socrates as most truly a means which the gods made use of for the care and preservation of youth, and it was a matter of general wonder, when people saw him joining Socrates in his meals and his exercises, living with him in the same tent, while he was reserved and rough to all others who made their addresses to him. He behaved in the same manner to all others who courted him, except one stranger, who, as the story is told, having but a small estate, sold it all for about a hundred staters, which he presented to Alcibiades, and besought him to accept. Alcibiades, smiling and well pleased at the thing, invited him to supper, and, after a very kind entertainment, gave him his gold again, requiring him, moreover, not to fail to be present the next day, when the public revenue was offered to farm, and to outbid all others. The man would have excused himself, because the contract was so large, and would cost many talents; but Alcibiades, who at that time a private pique against the existing farmers of the revenue threatened to have him beaten if he refused. The next morning, the stranger, coming to the market-place, offered a talent more that the existing rate; upon which the farmers, enraged and consulting together, called upon him to name his sureties, concluding that he could find none. The poor man, being startled at the proposal, began to retire; but ALCIBAIDES, standing at a distance, cried out to the magistrates, "Set my name down, he is a friend of mine; I will be security for him." When the other bidders heard this, they perceived that all their contrivance was defeated; for their way was, with the profits for the second year to pay the rent for the year preceding; so that, not seeing any other way to extricate themselves out of the difficulty, they began to treat with the stranger, and offered him a sum of money. Alcibiades would not suffer him to accept of less than a talent; but when that was paid down, he commanded him to relinquish the bargain, having by this device relieved his necessity. Though Socrates had many power rivals, yet the natural good qualities of Alcibiades gave his affection the mastery. His words overcame him so much, as to draw tears from his eyes, and to disturb his very soul. Yet sometimes he would abandon himself to flatteries, when they proposed to him varieties of pleasure, and would desert Socrates; who, then, would pursue him, as if he had been a fugitive slave. He despised every one else, and had no reverence or awe for any but him. But as iron which is softened by the fire grows hard with the cold, and all its parts are closed again; so, as often as Socrates observed Alcibiades to be misled by luxury or pride he reduced and corrected him by his addresses, and made him humble and modest, by showing him in how many things he was deficient, and how very far from perfection in virtue. When he was past his childhood, he went once to a grammar-school, and asked the master for one of Homer's books; and when he made answer that he had nothing of Homer's, Alcibiades gave him a blow with his fist, and went away. Another schoolmaster telling him that he had a copy of Homer corrected by himself; "Why?" said Alcibiades, "do you employ your time in teaching children to read? You, who are able to amend Homer, may well undertake to instruct men." When he was very young, he was a soldier in the expedition against Potidaea, where Socrates lodged in the same tent with him, and stood next to him in battle. Once there happened a sharp skirmish, in which they both behaved with signal bravery; but Alcibiades receiving a wound, Socrates threw himself before him to defend him, and beyond any question saved him and his arms from the enemy, and so in all justice might have challenged the prize of valor. But the generals appearing eager to adjudge the honor to Alcibiades, because of his rank, Socrates, who desired to increase his thirst after glory of a noble kind, was the first to give evidence for him, and pressed them to crown, and to decree to him the complete suit of armor. Afterwards, in the battle of Delium, when the Athenians were routed and Socrates with a few others was retreating on foot, Alcibiades, who was on horseback, observed it, and would not pass on, but stayed to shelter him from the danger, and brought him safely off, though the enemy pressed hard upon them, and cut off many. He gave a box on the ear to Hipponicus, the father of Callias, whose birth and wealth made him a person of great influence and repute. And this he did unprovoked by any passion or quarrel between them, but only because, in a frolic, he had agreed with his companions to do it. People were justly offended at this insolence, when it became known through the city; but early the next morning, Alcibiades went to his house and knocked at the door, and, being admitted to him, took off his outer garment, and presenting his naked body, desired him to scourge and chastise him as he pleased. Upon this Hipponicus forgot all his resentment, and not only pardoned him, but soon after gave him his daughter Hipparete in marriage. Alcibiades had a dog which cost him seventy minas, and was very large and handsome. His tail, which was his principal ornament, he caused to be cut off, and an acquaintance exclaiming at him for it, and telling him that all Athens was sorry for the dog, and cried out against him for this action, he laughed and said, "Just what I wanted has happened, then, I wished the Athenians to talk about this, that they might not say something worse of me." It is said that the first time he came into the assembly was upon occasion of a largess of money which he made to the people. This was not done by design, but as he passed along he heard a shout, and inquired the cause; and having learned that there was a gift-making to the people, he went in among them and gave money also. The multitude thereupon applauding him, and shouting, he was so transported at it, that he forgot a quail which he had under his robe, and the bird, being frightened at the noise, flew off; upon which the people made louder acclamations than before, and many of them started up to pursue the bird; and Antiochus, a pilot, caught it and restored it to him, for which he was ever after a favorite with Alcibiades. He had great advantages for entering public life; his noble birth, his riches, the personal courage he had shown in divers battles, and the multitude of his friends and dependents, threw open, so to say, folding doors for his admittance. But he did not consent to let his power with the people rest on any thing, rather than on his own gift of eloquence. That he was a master in the art of speaking, the comic poets bear him witness; and the most eloquent of public speakers, in his oration against Midias, allows that Alcibiades, among other perfections, was a most accomplished orator. His expenses in horses kept for the public games, and in the number of his chariots, were matters of great observation; never did any one but he, either private person king, send seven chariots to the Olympic games. And to have carried away at once the first, the second, and the fourth prize, as Thucydides says, or the third, as Euripides relates it, outdoes every distinction that was ever thought of in that kind. The emulation displayed by the deputations of various states, in the presents which they made to him, rendered this success yet more illustrious. The Ephesians erected a tent for him, adorned magnificently; the city of Chios furnished him with provender for his horses and with great numbers of beasts for sacrifice; and the Lesbians sent him wine and other provisions for the many entertainments which he made. As soon as he began to intermeddle in the government, which was when he was very young, he quickly lessened the credit of all who aspired to the confidence of the people, except Phaeax and Nicias, who alone could contest with him. Nicias was arrived at a mature age, and was esteemed their first general. Phaeax was but a rising statesman like Alcibiades; he was descended from noble ancestors, but was his inferior in many other things, but principally in eloquence. Alcibiades was not less disturbed at the distinction which Nicias gained among the enemies of Athens, than at the honors which the Athenians themselves paid to him. It was commonly said in Greece, that the war in the Peloponnesus was begun by Pericles, and that Nicias made an end of it, and the peace was generally called the peace of Nicias. Alcibiades was extremely annoyed at this, and being full of envy, set himself to break the league. First, therefore observing that the Argives as well out of fear as hatred to the Lacedaemonians, sought for protection against them, he gave them a secret assurance of alliance with Athens. He exclaimed fiercely against Nicias, and accused him of many things, which seemed probable enough: as that, when he was general, he made no attempt himself to capture their enemies that were shut up in the isle of Sphacteria, but, when they were afterwards made prisoners by others, he procured their release and sent them back to the Lacedaemonians, only to get favor with them. It happened, at the very time when Nicias was by these arts brought into disgrace with the people, that ambassadors arrived from Lacedaemon, who, at their first coming, said what seemed very satisfactory, declaring that they had full powers to arrange all matters in dispute upon fair and equal terms. The council received their propositions, and the people was to assemble on the morrow to give them audience. Alcibiades grew very apprehensive of this, and contrived to gain a secret conference with the ambassadors. When they were met, he said: "What is it you intend, you men of Sparta? If you expect to obtain equal terms from the Athenians, and would not have things extorted from you contrary to your inclinations, begin to treat with he people upon some reasonable articles, not avowing yourselves plenipotentiaries; and I will be ready to assist you, out of good-will to the Lacedaemonians." When he had said this, he gave them his oath for the performance of what he promised, and by this way drew them from Nicias to rely entirely upon himself, and left them full of admiration of the discernment and sagacity they had seen in him. The next day, when the people were assembled and the ambassadors introduced, Alcibiades, with great apparent courtesy, demanded of them: With what powers they had come? They made answer that they had not come as plenipotentiaries. Instantly upon that, Alcibiades, with a loud voice, as though he had received and not done the wrong, began to call them dishonest prevaricators, and to urge that such men could not possibly come with a purpose to say or do anything that was sincere. The council was incensed, the people were in a rage, and Nicias, who knew nothing of the deceit and the imposture, was in the greatest confusion, equally surprised and ashamed at such a change in the men. So thus the Lacedaemonian ambassadors were utterly rejected, and Alcibiades was declared general, who presently united the Argives, the Eleans, and the people of Mantinea, into a confederacy with the Athenians. No man commended the method by which Alcibiades effected all this, yet it was a great political feat thus to divide and shake almost all Peloponnesus, and to combine so many men in arms against the Lacedaemonians in one day before Mantinea; and, moreover, to remove the war and the danger so far from the frontier of the Athenians, that even success would profit the enemy but little, should they be conquerors, whereas, if they were defeated, Sparta itself was hardly safe. But with all these words and deeds, and with all this sagacity and eloquence, he intermingled exorbitant luxury and wantonness in his eating and drinking and dissolute living; wore long purple robes like a woman, which dragged after him as he went through the market-place; caused the planks of his galley to be cut away, that so he might lie the softer, his bed not being placed on the boards, but hanging upon girths. His shield, again, which was richly gilded, had not the usual ensigns of the Athenians, but a Cupid, holding a thunderbolt in his hand, was painted upon it. The sight of all this made the people of good repute in the city feel disgust and abhorrence and apprehension also, at his free-living, and his contempt of law, as things monstrous in themselves, and indicating designs of usurpation. Aristophanes has well expressed the people's feeling towards him:-- "They love, and hate, and cannot do without him." And still more strongly, under a figurative expression, "Best rear no lion in your state, 't is true; But treat him like a lion if you do." The truth is, his liberalities, his public shows, and other munificence to the people, which were such as nothing could exceed, the glory of his ancestors, the force of his eloquence, the grace of his person, his strength of body, joined with his great courage and knowledge in military affairs, prevailed upon the Athenians to endure patiently his excesses, to indulge him in many things, and, according to their habit, to give the softest names to his faults, attributing them to youth and good nature. As, for example, he kept Agatharcus, the painter, a prisoner till he had painted his whole house, but then dismissed him with a reward. He publicly struck Taureas, who exhibited certain shows in opposition to him, and contended with him for the prize. When Aristophon, the artist, had drawn Nemea sitting and holding Alcibiades in her arms, the multitude seemed pleased with the piece, and thronged to see it, but elder people did not relish it, but looked on these things as enormities, and movements toward tyranny. So that it was not said amiss by Archestratus, that Greece could not support a second Alcibiades. Once, when Alcibiades succeeded well in an oration which he made, and the whole assembly attended upon him to do him honor, Timon, the misanthrope, did not pass slightly by him, nor avoid him, as he did others, but purposely met him, and, taking him by the hand, said, "Go on boldly, my son, and increase in credit with the people, for thou wilt one day bring them calamities enough." Some that were present laughed at the saying, and some reviled Timon; but there were others upon whom it made a deep impression. The Athenians, even in the lifetime of Pericles, had already cast a longing eye upon Sicily; but did not attempt any thing till after his death. Then, under pretence of aiding their confederates, they sent succor upon all occasions to those who were oppressed by the Syracusans, preparing the way for sending over a greater force. But Alcibiades was the person who inflamed this desire of theirs to the height, and prevailed with them no longer to proceed secretly, and little by little, in their design, but to sail out with a great fleet, and undertake at once to make themselves masters of the island. He possessed the people with great hopes, and he himself entertained yet greater; and the conquest of Sicily, which was the utmost bound of their ambition, was but the mere outset of his expectation. Nicias endeavored to divert the people from the expedition, by representing to them that the taking of Syracuse would be a work of great difficulty; but Alcibiades dreamed of nothing less than the conquest of Carthage and Libya and by the accession of these conceiving himself at once made master of Italy and of Peloponnesus, seemed to look upon Sicily as little more than a magazine for the war. The young men were soon elevated with these hopes, and listened gladly to those of riper years, who talked wonders of the countries they were going to; so that you might see great numbers sitting in the wrestling grounds and public places, drawing on the ground the figure of the island and the situation of Libya and Carthage. Together with Alcibiades, Nicias, much against his will, was appointed general: and he endeavored to avoid the command, not the less on account of his colleague. But the Athenians thought the war would proceed more prosperously, if they did not send Alcibiades free from all restraint, but tempered his heat with the caution of Nicias. This they chose the rather to do, because Lamachus, the third general, though he was of mature years, yet in several battles had appeared no less hot and rash than Alcibiades himself. When all things were fitted for the voyage, many unlucky omens appeared. The mutilation of the images of Mercury, most of which, in one night, had their faces all disfigured, terrified many persons who were wont to despise most things of that nature. Alike enraged and terrified at the thing, looking upon it to proceed from a conspiracy of persons who designed some commotions in the state, the council, as well as the assembly of the people, which was held frequently in a few days' space, examined diligently every thing that might administer ground for suspicion. During this examination, Androcles, one of the demagogues, produced slaves and strangers before them, who accused Alcibiades and some of his friends of defacing other images in the same manner, and of having profanely acted the sacred mysteries at a drunken meeting. The people were highly exasperated and incensed against Alcibiades upon this accusation. But when they perceived that all the seamen designed for Sicily were for him, and the soldiers declared that they had undertaken this distant maritime expedition for the sake of Alcibiades, and that, if he was ill-used, they would all go home; they let him set sail at once, and decided that when the war should be at an end, he might then in person make his defence according to the laws. Alcibiades perceived the malice of this postponement, and, appearing in the assembly, represented that it was monstrous for him to be sent with the command of so large an army, when he lay under such accusations and calumnies. But he could not prevail with the people, who commanded him to sail immediately. So he departed, together with the other generals, having with them near 140 galleys, 5,100 men at arms, and about 1,300 archers, slingers, and light-armed men, and all the other provisions corresponding. Arriving on the coast of Italy, he landed at Rhegium, and there stated his views of the manner in which they ought to conduct the war. He was opposed by Nicias; but Lamachus being of his opinion, they sailed for Sicily forthwith, and took Catana. This was all that was done while he was there, for he was soon after recalled by the Athenians to abide his trial. At first, as we before said, there were only some slight suspicions advanced against Alcibiades. But afterwards, in his absence, his enemies attacked him more violently, and confounded together the breaking the images with the profanation of the mysteries, as though both had been committed in pursuance of the same conspiracy for changing the government. The truth is, his accusers alleged nothing against him which could be positively proved. One of them, being asked how he knew the men who defaced the images, replied, that he saw them by the light of the moon, making a palpable misstatement, for it was just new moon when the act was committed. This made all men of understanding cry out upon the thing; but the people were as eager as ever to receive further accusations. And, in conclusion, they sent the galley named the Salaminian to recall Alcibiades. But they expressly commanded those that were sent, to use no violence, nor seize upon his person, but address themselves to him in the mildest terms, requiring him to follow them to Athens in order to abide his trial, and clear himself before the people. For they feared mutiny and sedition in the army in an enemy's country, which indeed it would have been easy for Alcibiades to effect, if he had wished it. For the soldiers were dispirited upon his departure, expecting for the future tedious delays, and that the war would be drawn out into a lazy length by Nicias, when Alcibiades, who was the spur to action, was taken away. For though Lamachus was a soldier, and a man of courage, poverty deprived him of authority and respect in the army. Alcibiades, just upon his departure, prevented Messena from falling into the hands of the Athenians. There were some in that city who were upon the point of delivering it up, but he, knowing the persons, gave information to some friends of the Syracusans, and so defeated the whole contrivance. When he arrived at Thurii, he went on shore, and concealing himself there, escaped those who searched after him. But to one who knew him, and asked him if he durst not trust his own native country, he made answer, "In every thing else, yes; but in a matter that touches my life, I would not even my own mother, lest she might by mistake throw in the black ball instead of the white." When, afterwards, he was told that the assembly had pronounced judgment of death against him, all he said was "I will make them feel that I am alive." The information against him was framed in this form:--"Thessalus lays information that Alcibiades has committed a crime against the goddesses Ceres and Proserpine, by representing in derision the holy mysteries, and showing them to his companions in his own house." He was condemned as contumacious upon his not appearing, his property confiscated, and it was decreed that all the priests and priestesses should solemnly curse him. Alcibiades, lying under these heavy decrees and sentences, when he fled from Thurii, passed over into Peloponnesus, and remained some time at Argos. But being there in fear of his enemies and seeing himself utterly hopeless of return to his native country, he sent to Sparta, desiring safe conduct, and assuring them that he would make them amends by his future services for all the mischief he had done them while he was their enemy. The Spartans giving him the security he desired, he went eagerly, was well received, and, at his very first coming, succeeded in inducing them, without any further caution or delay, to send aid to the Syracusans; and so roused and excited them, that they forthwith despatched Gylippus into Sicily, to crush the forces which the Athenians had in Sicily. A second point was, to renew the war upon the Athenians at home. But the third thing, and the most important of all, was to make them fortify Decelea, which above everything reduced and wasted the resources of the Athenians. The renown which he earned by these public services was equaled by the admiration he attracted to his private life; he captivated and won over everybody by his conformity to Spartan habits. People who saw him wearing his hair close cut, bathing in cold water, eating coarse meal, and dining on black broth, doubted, or rather could not believe, that he ever had a cook in his house, or had ever seen a perfumer, or had worn a mantle of Milesian purple. For he had, as it was observed, this peculiar talent for gaining men's affections, that he could at once comply with and really enter into their habits and ways of life, and change faster than the chameleon. One color, indeed, they say the chameleon cannot assume; it cannot make itself appear white; but Alcibiades, whether with good men or with bad, could adapt himself to his company, and equally wear the appearance of virtue or vice. At Sparta, he was devoted to athletic exercises, was frugal and reserved; in Ionia, luxurious, gay, and indolent; in Thrace, always drinking; in Thessaly, ever on horseback; and when he lived with Tissaphernes, the Persian satrap, he exceeded the Persians, themselves in magnificence and pomp. Not that his natural disposition changed so easily, nor that his real character was so very variable, but whenever he was sensible that by pursuing his own inclinations he might give offence to those with whom he had occasion to converse, he transformed himself into any shape and adopted any fashion, that he observed to be most agreeable to them. So that to have seen him at Lacedaemon, a man, judging by the outward appearance, would have said, "'T is not Achilles' son, but he himself, the very man" that Lycurgus designed to form. After the defeat which the Athenians received in Sicily, ambassadors were despatched to Sparta at once from Chios and Lesbos and Cyzicus, to signify their purpose of revolting from the Athenians. But the Lacedaemonians, at the persuasion of Alcibiades, chose to assist Chios before all others. He himself, also, went instantly to sea, procured the immediate revolt of almost all Ionia, and, co-operating with the Lacedaemonian generals, did great mischief to the Athenians. But King Agis was his enemy, and impatient of his glory, as almost every enterprise and every success was ascribed to Alcibiades. Others, also, of the most powerful and ambitious amongst the Spartans, were possessed with jealousy of him, and, at last, prevailed with the magistrates in the city to send orders into Ionia that he should be killed. Alcibiades, however, had secret intelligence of this, and, in apprehension of the result, while he communicated all affairs to the Lacedaemonians, yet took care not to put himself into their power. At last he retired to Tissaphernes, the satrap of the king of Persia, for his security, and immediately became the first and most influential person about him. For this barbarian, not being himself sincere, but a lover of guile and wickedness, admired his address and wonderful subtlety. And, indeed, the charm of daily intercourse with him was more than any character could resist or any disposition escape. Even those who feared and envied him could not but have a sort of kindness for him, when they saw him and were in his company. So that Tissaphernes, otherwise a cruel character, and, above all other Persians, a hater of the Greeks, was yet so won by the flatteries of Alcibiades, that he set himself even to exceed him in responding to them. The most beautiful of his parks, containing salubrious streams and meadows, where he had built pavilions, and places of retirement royally and exquisitely adorned, received by his direction the name of Alcibiades, and was always so called and so spoken of. Thus Alcibiades, quitting the interests of the Spartans, whom he could no longer trust, because he stood in fear of Agis, endeavored to do them ill offices, and render them odious to Tissaphernes, who, by his means, was hindered from assisting them vigorously, and from finally ruining the Athenians. For his advice was to furnish them but sparingly with money, and so wear them out, and consume them insensibly; when they had wasted their strength upon one another, they would both become ready to submit to the king. At that time the whole strength of the Athenians was in Samos. Their fleet maintained itself here, and issued from these head-quarters to reduce such as had revolted, and protect the rest of their territories; in one way or other still contriving to be a match for their enemies at sea. What they stood in fear of, was Tissaphernes and the Phoenician fleet of one hundred and fifty galleys, which was said to be already under sail; if those came, there remained then no hopes for the commonwealth of Athens. Understanding this, Alcibiades sent secretly to the chief men of the Athenians, who were then at Samos, giving them hopes, that he would make Tissaphernes their friend; he was willing, he implied, to do some favor, not to the people, nor in reliance upon them, but to the better citizens, if only, like brave men, they would make the attempt to put down the insolence of the people, and, by taking upon them the government, would endeavor to save the city from ruin. All of them gave a ready ear to the proposal made by Alcibiades, except Phrynichus of the township of Dirades, despatched Pisander to Athens to attempt a change of government, and to encourage the aristocratical citizens to take upon themselves the government, and overthrow the democracy, representing to them, that, upon these terms, Alcibiades would procure them the friendship and alliance of Tissaphernes. Those who were at Samos set sail for the Piraeus; and, sending for Alcibiades declared him general. He, however, in that juncture did not, as it might have been thought a man would, on being suddenly exalted by the favor of a multitude, think himself under an obligation to gratify and submit to all the wishes of those who, from a fugitive and an exile, had created him general of so great an army and given him the command of such a fleet. But, as became a great captain, he opposed himself to the precipitate resolutions which their rage led them to, and, by restraining them from the great error they were about to commit, unequivocally saved the commonwealth. For if they had then sailed to Athens, all Ionia and the islands and the Hellespont would have fallen into the enemies' hands without opposition, while the Athenians, involved in civil war, would have been fighting with one another within the circuit of their own walls. It was Alcibiades alone, or, at least, principally, who prevented all this mischief; for he not only used persuasion to the whole army, and showed them the danger, but applied himself to them, one by one, entreating some, and constraining others. He was much assisted, however, by Thrasybulus of Stiria, who, having the loudest voice, as we are told, of all the Athenians, went along with him and cried out to those who were ready to go. A second great service which Alcibiades did for them was his undertaking that the Phoenician fleet, which the Lacedaemonians expected to be sent to them by the king of Persia, should either come in aid of the Athenians, or otherwise should not come at all. And now the people in the city not only desired, but commanded Alcibiades to return home from his exile. He, however, desired not to owe his return to the mere grace and commiseration of the people, and resolved to come back, not with empty hands, but with glory and after some service done. To this end, he sailed from Samos with a few ships, and cruised on the sea of Cnidos and about the isle of Cos; but receiving intelligence there that Mindarus, the Spartan admiral, had sailed with his whole army into the Hellespont, and that the Athenians had followed him, he hurried back to succor the Athenian commanders, and, by good fortune, arrived with eighteen galleys at a critical time. For both the fleets having engaged near Abydos, the fight between them had lasted till night, the one side having the advantage on one quarter, and the other on another. Upon his first appearance, both sides formed a false impression; the enemy was encouraged, and the Athenians terrified. But Alcibiades suddenly raised the Athenian ensign in the admiral ship, and fell upon those galleys of the Peloponnesians which had the advantage and were in pursuit. He soon put these to flight, and followed them so close that he forced them on shore, and broke the ships in pieces, the sailors abandoning them and swimming away, in spite of all the efforts of Pharnabazus, who had come down to their assistance by land, and did what he could to protect them from the shore. In fine, the Athenians, having taken thirty of the enemy's ships, and recovered all their own, erected a trophy. After the gaining of so glorious a victory his vanity made him eager to show himself to Tissaphernes, and, having furnished himself with gifts and presents, and an equipage suitable to his dignity, he set out to visit him. But the thing did not succeed as he had imagined, for Tissaphernes had long been suspected by the Lacedaemonians, and was afraid to fall into disgrace with his king upon that account, therefore thinking that Alcibiades had arrived very opportunely, he immediately caused him to be seized and sent away prisoner to Sardis; fancying, by this act of injustice, to clear himself from all former imputations. But about thirty days after, Alcibiades escaped from his keepers, and, having got a horse, fled to Clazomenae, where he procured Tissaphernes additional disgrace by professing that he was a party to his escape. From there he sailed to the Athenian camp, and, being informed that Mindarus and Pharnabazus were together at Cyzicus, he made a speech to the soldiers, telling them that sea-fighting, land-fighting, and, by the gods, fighting against fortified cities too, must be all one for them, as, unless they conquered everywhere, there was no money for them. As soon as he got them on ship-board, he hastened to Proconnesus and gave command to seize all the small vessels they met, and guard them safely in the interior of the fleet, that the enemy might have no notice of his coming; and a great storm of rain, accompanied with thunder and darkness, which happened at the same time, contributed much to the concealment of his enterprise. Indeed, it was not only undiscovered by the enemy, but the Athenians themselves were ignorant of it, for he commanded them suddenly on board, and set sail when they had abandoned all intention of it. As the darkness presently passed away, the Peloponnesian fleet were seen riding out at sea in front of the harbor of Cyzicus. Fearing, if they discovered the number of his ships, they might endeavor to save themselves by land, he commanded the rest of the captains to slacken, and follow him slowly, whilst he, advancing with forty ships, showed himself to the enemy and provoked them to fight. The enemy, being deceived as to their numbers, despised them, and, supposing they were to contend with those only, made ready and began the fight. But as soon as they were engaged, they perceived the other part of the fleet coming down upon them, at which they were so terrified that they fled immediately. Upon that, Alcibiades, breaking through the midst of them with twenty of his best ships, hastened to the shore, disembarked, and pursued those who abandoned their ships and fled to land, and made a great slaughter of them. Mindarus and Pharnabazus, coming to their succor were utterly defeated. Mindarus was slain fighting valiantly; Pharnabazus saved himself by flight. The Athenians slew great numbers of their enemies, won much spoil, and took all their ships. They also made themselves masters of Cyzicus, which was deserted by Pharnabazus, and destroyed its Peloponnesian garrison, and thereby not only secured to themselves the Hellespont, but by force drove the Lacedaemonians out of all the rest of the sea. They intercepted some letters written to the ephors, which gave an account of this fatal overthrow, after their short, Iaconic manner. "Our hopes are at an end. Mindarus is slain. The men are starving. We know not what to do." And now Alcibiades began to desire to see his native country again, or rather to show his fellow-citizens a person who had gained so many victories for them. He set sail for Athens, the ships that accompanied him being adorned with great numbers of shields and other spoils, and towing after them many galleys taken from the enemy, and the ensigns and ornaments of many others which he had sunk and destroyed; all of them together amounting to two hundred. Little credit, perhaps, can be given to what Duris the Samian, who professed to be descended from Alcibiades, adds, that Chrysogonus, who had gained a victory at the Pythian games, played upon his flute for the galleys, whilst the oars kept time with the music; and that Callippides, the tragedian, attired in his buskins, his purple robes, and other ornaments used in the theatre, gave the word to the rowers, and that the admiral's galley entered into the port with a purple sail. It is not credible, that one who had returned from so long an exile, and such a variety of misfortunes, should come to his countrymen in the style of revelers breaking up from a drinking-party. On the contrary, he entered the harbor full of fear, nor would he venture to go on shore, till, standing on the deck, he saw Euryptolemus, his cousin, and others of his friends and acquaintance, who were ready to receive him, and invited him to land. As soon as he was landed, the multitude who came out to meet him scarcely appeared to see any of the other captains, but came in throngs about Alcibiades, and saluted him with loud acclamations, and followed him; those who could press near him crowned him with garlands, and they who could not come up so close yet stayed to behold him afar off, and the old men pointed him out to the young ones. Nevertheless, this public joy was mixed with some tears, and the present happiness was diminished by the remembrance of the miseries they had endured. They made reflections, that they could not have so unfortunately miscarried in Sicily, if they had left the management of their affairs and the command of their forces, to Alcibiades, since, upon his undertaking the administration, when they were absolutely driven from the sea, and could scarcely defend the suburbs of their city by land, and at the same time, were miserably distracted with intestine factions, he had raised them up from this low and deplorable condition, and had not only restored them to their ancient dominion of the sea, but had also made them everywhere victorious over their enemies on land. The people being summoned to an assembly, Alcibiades came in among them, and first bewailed and lamented his own sufferings, and, in general terms complaining of the usage he had received, imputed all to his hard fortune, and some ill genius that attended him: then he spoke at large of their prospects, and exhorted them to courage and good hope. The people crowned him with crowns of gold, and created him general, both at land and sea, with absolute power. They also made a decree that his estate should be restored to him, and that the Eumolpiadae and the holy heralds should absolve him from the curses which they had solemnly pronounced against him by the sentence of the people. All the rest obeyed, but Theodorus, the high-priest, excused himself, "For," said he, "if he is innocent, I never cursed him." Certainly, if ever man was ruined by his own glory, it was Alcibiades. For his continual success had produced such an idea of his courage and conduct, that, if he failed in anything he undertook, it was imputed to his neglect, and no one would believe it was through want of power. For they thought nothing was too hard for him, if he went about it in good earnest. Now, having departed with a fleet of one hundred ships for the reduction of Chios, and of the rest of Ionia, the people grew impatient that things were not effected as fast and as rapidly as they could wish for them. They never considered how extremely money was wanting, and that, having to carry on war with an enemy who had supplies of all things from a great king, he was often forced to quit his armament, in order to procure money and provisions for the subsistence of his soldiers. This very thing gave occasion for the last accusation which was made against him. For Lysander, being sent from Lacedaemon with a commission to be admiral of their fleet, and being furnished by Cyrus with a great sum of money, gave every sailor four obols a day, whereas before thy had but three. Alcibiades could hardly allow his men three obols, and therefore was obliged to go into Caria to furnish himself with money. He left the care of the fleet, in his absence, to Antiochus, an experienced seaman, but rash and inconsiderate, who had express orders from Alcibiades not to engage, though the enemy provoked him. But he slighted and disregarded these directions to such a degree that, having made ready his own galley and another, he stood for Ephesus, where the enemy lay, and, as he sailed before the heads of their galleys, used every provocation possible, both in words and deeds. Lysander manned out a few ships and pursued him. But all the Athenian ships coming in to his assistance, Lysander, also, brought up his whole fleet, which gained an entire victory. He slew Antiochus himself, took many men and ships, and erected a trophy. As soon as Alcibiades heard this news, he returned to Samos, and loosing from thence with his whole fleet, came and offered battle to Lysander. But Lysander, content with the victory he had gained, would not stir. Amongst others in the army who hated Alcibiades, Thrasybulus, the son of Thrason, was his particular enemy, and went purposely to Athens to accuse him, and to exasperate his enemies in the city against him. Addressing the people, he represented that Alcibiades had ruined their affairs and lost their ships by mere self-conceited neglect of his duties, committing the government of the army, in his absence, to men who gained his favor by drinking and scurrilous talking, whilst he wandered up and down at pleasure to raise money, giving himself up to every sort of luxury in Abydos and Ionia, at a time when the enemy's navy were on the watch close at hand. It was also objected to him, that he had fortified a castle near Bisanthe in Thrace, for a safe retreat for himself, as one that either could not, or would not, live in his own country. The Athenians gave credit to these informations, and showed the resentment and displeasure which they had conceived against him, by choosing other generals. As soon as Alcibiades heard of this, he immediately forsook the army, afraid of what might follow; and, collecting a body of mercenary soldiers, made war upon his own account against those Thracians who called themselves free, and acknowledged no king. By this means he amassed for himself considerable treasure, and, at the same time, secured the bordering Greeks from the incursions of the barbarians. Tydeus, Menander, and Adimantus, the newly made generals, were at that time posted at Aegospotami, with all the ships which the Athenians had left. Whence they used to go out every morning, offer battle to Lysander, who lay near Lampsacus, and, returning back again, lie all the rest of the day, carelessly and without order, in contempt of the enemy. Alcibiades, who was not far off, did not think so lightly of their danger, nor neglect to let them know it, but, mounting his horse, came to the generals, and represented to them that they had chosen a very inconvenient station, where there was no safe harbor, and where they were distant from any town; so that they were constrained to send for their necessary provisions as far as Sestos. He also pointed out to them their carelessness in suffering the soldiers, when they went ashore, disperse and wander up and down at their pleasure, while the enemy's fleet under the command of one general, and strictly obedient to discipline, lay so very near them. He advised them to remove the fleet to Sestos. But the admirals not only disregarded what he said, but Tydeus, with insulting expressions, commanded him to be gone saying, that now not he, but others, had the command of the forces. The event, soon made it evident how rightly he had judged of the errors which the Athenians were committing. For Lysander fell upon them on a sudden, when they least suspected it, with such fury that Conon alone, with eight galleys, escaped him; all the rest, about two hundred, he took and carried away, together with three thousand prisoners, whom he put to death. And within a short time after, he took Athens itself, burnt all the ships which he found there, demolished their long walls, and established the rule of the Thirty Tyrants. After this, Alcibiades, standing in dread of the Lacedaemonians, who were now masters both at sea and land, retired into Bithynia. He sent there great treasure before him, took much with him, but left much more in the castle where he had before resided. But he lost a great part of his wealth in Bithynia, being robbed by some Thracians who lived in those parts, and thereupon determined to go to the court of Artaxerxes, not doubting but that the king, if he would make trial of his abilities, would find him not inferior to Themistocles, besides being recommended by a more honorable cause. For he went, not as Themistocles did, to offer his service against his fellow-citizens, but against their enemies, and to implore the king's aid for the defence of his country. The Athenians, in the meantime, miserably afflicted at their loss of empire and liberty, acknowledged and bewailed their former errors and follies, and judged this second ill-usage of Alcibiades to be of all the most inexcusable. For he was rejected, without any fault committed by himself; and only because they were incensed against his subordinate for having shamefully lost a few ships, they were much more shamefully deprived the commonwealth of its most valiant and accomplished general. Critias finally represented to Lysander that the Lacedaemonians could never securely enjoy the dominion of Greece, till the Athenian democracy was absolutely destroyed; and though now the people of Athens seemed quietly and patiently to submit to so small a number of governors, yet so long as Alcibiades lived, the knowledge of this fact would never suffer them to acquiesce in their present circumstances. Yet Lysander could not be prevailed upon by these representation, till at last he received secret orders from the magistrates of Lacedaemon, expressly requiring him to get Alcibiades despatched: whether it was that they feared his energy and boldness in undertaking what was hazardous, or that it was done to gratify king Agis. Upon receipt of this order, Lysander sent a messenger away to Pharnabazus, desiring him to put it in execution. Alcibiades resided at that time in a small village in Phrygia. Those who were sent to assassinate him had not courage enough to enter the house, but surrounded it first, and set it on fire. Alcibiades, as soon as he perceived it, wrapped his cloak about his left arm, and holding his naked sword in his right, cast himself into the middle of the fire, and escaped securely through it, before his clothes were burnt. The barbarians, as soon as they saw him, retreated, and none of them durst engage with him, but standing at a distance, they slew him with their darts and arrows. CORIOLANUS The patrician house of the Marcii in Rome produced many men of distinction, and among the rest, Ancus Marcius, grandson to Numa by his daughter, and king after Tulus Hostillus. Of the same family were also Publius and Quintus Marcius, which two conveyed into the city the best and most abundant supply of water they have at Rome. But Caius Marcius, of whom I now write, being left an orphan, and brought up under the widowhood of his mother, has shown us by experience, that, although the early loss of a father may be attended with other disadvantages, yet it can hinder none from being either virtuous or eminent in the world, and that it is no obstacle to true goodness and excellence. Those who saw with admiration how proof his nature was against pleasure, hardships, and the allurements of gain, while allowing to that universal firmness of his the respective names of temperance, fortitude, and justice, yet, in the life of the citizen and the statesman, could not but be offended at the severity and ruggedness of his deportment, and with his overbearing, haughty, and imperious temper. Those were times at Rome in which that kind of worth was most esteemed which displayed itself in military achievements; one evidence of which we find in the Latin word for virtue, which is properly equivalent to many courage. But Marcius, having a more passionate inclination than any of that age for feats of war, began from his very childhood to handle arms; and feeling that adventitious implements and artificial arms would be of small use to such as have not their natural weapons well prepared for services, he so exercised and inured his body to all sorts of activity and accouter, that, besides the lightness of a racer, he had a weight in close seizures and wrestlings with an enemy, from which it was hard for anybody to disengage himself; so that his competitors at home in displays of bravery, loath to own themselves inferior in that respect, were wont to ascribe their deficiencies to his strength of body, which they said no resistance and no fatigue could exhaust. The first time he went out to the wards, being yet a stripling, was when Tarquinius Superbus, who had been king of Rome and was afterwards expelled, after many unsuccessful attempts now entered upon his last effort, and proceeded to hazard all as it were upon a single throw. A great number of the Latins and other people of Italy joined their forces, and were marching with him toward the city, to procure his restoration; not, however, so much out of a desire to serve and oblige Tarquin, as to gratify their own fear and envy at the increase of the Roman greatness, which they were anxious to check. The armies met and engaged in a decisive battle, in the vicissitudes of which, Marcius, while fighting bravely in the dictator's presence, saw a Roman soldier struck down at a little distance, and immediately stepped in before him, and slew his assailant. The general, after having gained the victory, crowned him for this act with a garland of oak branches; it being the Roman custom thus to adorn those who had saved the life of a citizen; whether the law intended some special honor to the oak, in memory of the Arcadians, a people the oracle had made famous by the name of acorn-eaters; or, the oak wreath, being sacred to Jupiter, the guardian of the city, might, therefore be thought a proper ornament for one who preserved a citizen. And the oak, in truth, is the tree which bears the most and the prettiest of any that grow wild, and is the strongest of all that are under cultivation; its acorns were the principal diet of the first mortals, and the honey found in it gave them drink. In this battle it is stated that Castor and Pollux appeared, and, immediately after the battle, were seen at Rome just by the fountain where their temple now stands, with their horses foaming with sweat, and told the news of the victory of the people in the Forum. The fifteenth of July, being the day of this conquest, became consequently a solemn holiday sacred to the Twin Brothers. It may be observed, in general, that when young men arrive early at fame and repute, if they are of a nature but slightly touched with emulation, this early attainment is apt to extinguish their thirst and satiate their small appetite; whereas the first distinctions of more solid and weighty characters only stimulate and quicken them, and take them away, like a wind, in the pursuit of honor; they look upon these marks and testimonies to their virtue not as a recompense received for what they have already done, but as a pledge given by themselves of what they will perform hereafter, ashamed now to forsake or underlive the credit they have won, or, rather, not to exceed and obscure all that is gone before by the lustre of their following actions. Marcius, having a spirit of this noble make, was ambitious always to surpass himself, and did nothing, how extraordinary soever, but he thought he was bound to outdo it at the next occasion; and ever desiring to give continual fresh instances of his prowess, he added one exploit to another, and heaped up trophies upon trophies, so as to make it a matter of contest also among his commanders, the latter still vying with the earlier, which should pay him the greatest honor and speak highest in his commendation. Of all the numerous wars and conflicts in those days, there was not one from which he returned without laurels and rewards. And, whereas others made glory the end of their daring, the end of his glory was his mother's gladness; the delight we took to hear him praised and to see him crowned, and her weeping for joy in his embraces, rendered him, in his own thoughts, the most honored and most happy person in the world. Epaminondas is similarly said to have acknowledged his feeling, that it was the greatest felicity of his whole life that his father and mother survived to hear of his successful generalship and his victory at Leuctra. And he had the advantage, indeed, to have both his parents partake with him, and enjoy the pleasure of his good fortune. But Marcius, believing himself bound to pay his mother Volumnia all that gratitude and duty which would have belonged to his father, had he also been alive, could never satiate himself in his tenderness and respect to her. He took a wife, also, at her request and wish, and continued, even after he had children, to live with his mother, without parting families. The repute of his integrity and courage had, by this time, gained him considerable influence and authority in Rome, when the senate, favoring the wealthier citizens, began to be at variance with the common people, who made sad complaints of the rigorous and inhuman usage they received from the money-lenders. There had been frequent assemblies of the whole senate within a small compass of time about this difficulty, but without any definite result; the poor commonality, therefore, perceiving there was likely to be no redress of their grievances, collected in a body, and, encouraging each other in their resolution, forsook the city with one accord, and seizing the hill which is now called the Holy Mount, sat down by the river Anio, without committing any sort of violence or seditious outrage, but merely exclaiming, as they went along, that they had this long time past been expelled from the city by the cruelty of the rich; that Italy would everywhere afford them the benefit of air and water and a place of burial, which was all they could expect in the city, unless it were perhaps, the privilege of being wounded and killed in time of war for the defence of their creditors. The senate apprehending the consequences, sent the most moderate and popular men of their own order to treat with them. Menenius Agrippa, their chief spokesman, after much entreaty to the people, concluded, at length, with this celebrated fable: "It once happened, that all the other members of a man mutinied against the stomach, which they accused as the only idle, uncontributing part in the whole body, while the rest were put to hardships and the expense of much labor to minister to its appetites. The stomach, however, merely ridiculed the silliness of the members, who appeared not to be aware that the stomach certainly does receive the general nourishment, but only to return it again, and redistribute it amongst the rest. Such is the case," he said, "citizens, between you and the senate. The counsels and plans that are there duly digested, secure to all of you, your proper benefit and support." A reconciliation ensued, the senate acceding to the request of the people for the annual election of five protectors for those in need of succor, the same that are now called the tribunes of the people; and the first two they pitched upon were Junius Brutus and Sicinnius Vellutus, their leaders in the secession. The city being thus united, the commons stood presently to their arms, and followed their commanders. The Romans were now at war with the Volscian nation, whose principal city was Corioli; when, therefore, Cominius the consul had invested this important place, the rest of the Volscians, fearing it would be taken, mustered up whatever force they could from all parts, to relieve it, designing to give the Romans battle before the city, and so attack them on both sides. Cominius, to avoid this inconvenience, divided his army, marching himself with one body to encounter the Volscians on their approach from without, and leaving Titus Lartius, one of the bravest Romans of his time, to command the other and continue the siege. Those within Corioli, despising now the smallness of their number, made a sally upon them, and prevailed at first, and pursued the Romans into their trenches. Here it was that Marcius, flying out with a slender company, and cutting those in pieces that first enraged him, obliged the other assailants to slacken their speed; and then, with loud cries, called upon the Romans to renew the battle. For he had, what Cato thought a great point in a soldier, not only strength of hand and stroke, but also a voice and look that of themselves were a terror to an enemy. Some of his own party now rallying and making up to him, the enemies soon retreated; but Marcius, not content to see them draw off and retire, pressed hard upon the rear, and drove them, as they fled away in haste, to the very gates of their city; where, perceiving the Romans to fall back from their pursuit, beaten off by the multitude of darts poured in upon them from the walls, and that none of his followers had the hardiness to think of falling in pell-mell among the fugitives and so entering a city full of enemies in arms, he, nevertheless, stood and urged them to the attempt, crying out, that fortune had not opened Corioli, not so much to shelter the vanquished, as to receive the conquerors. Seconded by a few that were willing to venture with him, he bore along through the crowd, made good his passage, and thrust himself into the gate through the midst of them, nobody at first daring to resist him. But when the citizens, on looking about, saw that a very small number had entered, they now took courage, and came up and attacked them. A combat ensued of the most extraordinary description, in which Marcius, by strength of hand, swiftness of foot, and daring of soul, overpowered every one that he assailed, succeeded in driving the enemy to seek refuge, for the most part, in the interior of the town, while the remainder submitted, and threw down their arms; thus affording Lartius abundant opportunity to bring in the rest of the Romans with ease and safety. Corioli being thus surprised and taken, the greater part of the soldiers employed themselves in spoiling and pillaging it, while Marcius indignantly reproached them, and exclaimed that it was a dishonorable and unworthy thing, when the consul and their fellow-citizens had now perhaps encountered the other Volscians, and were hazarding their lives in battle, basely to mis-spend the time in running up and down for booty, and, under a pretence of enriching themselves, keep out of danger. Few paid him any attention, but, putting himself at the head of these, he took the road by which the consul's army had marched before him, encouraging his companions, and beseeching them, as they went along, not to give up, and praying often to the gods, too, that he might be so happy as to arrive before the fight was over, and come seasonably up to assist Cominius, and partake in the peril of the action. It was customary with the Romans of that age, when they were moving into battle array, and were on the point of taking up their bucklers, and girding their coats about them, to make at the same time an unwritten will, or verbal testament, and to name who should be their heirs, in the hearing of three or four witnesses. In this precise posture Marcius found them at his arrival, the enemy having advanced within view. They were not a little disturbed by his first appearance, seeing him covered with blood and sweat, and attended with a small train; but when he hastily made up to the consul with gladness in his looks, giving him his hand, and recounting to him how the city had been taken, and when they saw Cominius also embrace and salute him, every one took fresh heart; those that were near enough hearing, and those that were at a distance guessing, what had happened; and all cried out to be led to battle. First, however, Marcius desired to know of him how the Volscians had arrayed their army, and where they had placed their best men, and on his answering that he took the troops of the Activates in the centre to be their prime warriors, than would yield to none in bravery, "Let me then demand and obtain of you," said Marcius, "that we may be posted against them." The consul granted the request, with much admiration of his gallantry. And when the conflict began by the soldiers darting at each other, and Marcius sallied out before the rest the Volscians opposed to him were not able to make head against him; wherever he fell in, he broke their ranks, and made a lane through them; but the parties turning again, and enclosing him on each side with their weapons, the consul, who observed the danger he was in, despatched some of the choicest men he had for his rescue. The conflict then growing warm and sharp about Marcius, and many falling dead in a little space, the Romans bore so hard upon the enemies, and pressed them with such violence, that they forced them at length to abandon their ground, and to quit the field. And, going now to prosecute the victory, they besought Marcius, tired out with his toils, and faint and heavy through the loss of blood, that he would retire to the camp. He replied, however, that weariness was not for conquerors, and joined with them in the pursuit. The rest of the Volscian army was in like manner defeated, great numbers killed, and no less taken captive. The day after, when Marcius, with the rest of the army, presented themselves at the consul's tent, Cominius rose, and having rendered all due acknowledgment to the gods for the success of that enterprise, turned next to Marcius, and first of all delivered the strongest encomium upon his rare exploits, of which he had partly been an eye-witness himself, in the late battle, and had partly learned from the testimony of Lartius. And then he required him to choose a tenth part of all the treasure and horses and captives that had fallen into their hands, before any division should be made to others; besides which, he made him the special present of a horse with trappings and ornaments, in honor of his actions. The whole army applauded; Marcius, however, stepped forth, and declaring his thankful acceptance of the horse and his gratification at the praises of his general, said, that all other things which he could only regard rather as mercenary advantages than any significations of honor, he must waive, and should be content with the ordinary proportion of such rewards. "I have only," said he "one special grace to beg, and this I hope you will not deny me. There was a certain hospitable friend of mine among the Volscians, a man of probity and virtue, who is become a prisoner, and from former wealth and freedom is now reduced to servitude. Among his many misfortunes let my intercession redeem him from the one of being sold as a common slave." Such a refusal and such a request on the part of Marcius were followed with yet louder acclamations; and he had many more admirers of this generous superiority to avarice, than of the bravery he had shown in battle. The very persons who conceived some envy and despite to see him so specially honored, could not but acknowledge, that one who so nobly could refuse reward, was beyond others worth to receive it; and were more charmed with that virtue which made him despise advantage, than with any of those former actions that had gained him his title to it. It is a higher accomplishment to use money well than to use arms; but not to need it is more noble than to use it. When the noise of approbation and applause ceased, Cominius, resuming, said, "It is idle, fellow-soldiers, to force those other gifts of ours on one who is unwilling to accept them; let us, therefore, give him one of such a kind that he cannot well reject it; let us pass a vote, I mean, that he shall hereafter be called Coriolanus, unless you think that his performance at Corioli has itself anticipated any such resolution." Hence, therefore, he had his third name of Coriolanus, making it all the plainer that Gaius was a personal proper name, and the second, or surname, Marcius, one common to his house and family; the third being a subsequent addition which used to be imposed either from particular act or fortune, bodily characteristic, or good quality of the bearer. Not long after Marcius stood for the consulship. It was usual for candidates for office to solicit personally the citizens, presenting themselves in the forum with the toga on alone, and no tunic under it; either to promote their supplications by the humility of their dress, or that such as had received wounds might more readily display those marks of their fortitude. Marcius, therefore, as the fashion of candidates was, showing the scars and gashes that were still visible on his body, from the many conflicts in which he had signalized himself during a service of seventeen years together, the people were affected at this display of merit, and told one another that they ought in common modesty to create him consul. But when the day of election had come, and Marcius appeared in the forum with a pompous train of senators attending him, and the patricians all seemed to be exerting greater effort than they had ever done before on a similar occasion, the commons then fell off again from the kindness they had conceived for him, and in the place of their late benevolence, began to feel something of indignation and envy; passions assisted by the fear they entertained, that if a man of such aristocratic temper, and so influential among the patricians, should be invested with the power which that office would give him, he might employ it to deprive the people of all that liberty which was yet left them. In conclusion, they rejected Marcius. Two other names were announced, to the great mortification of the senators, who felt as if the indignity reflected rather upon themselves than on Marcius. He, for his part, could not bear the affront with any patience. He had always indulged his temper, and had regarded the proud and contentious element of human nature as a sort of nobleness and magnanimity; reason and discipline had not imbued him with that solidity and equanimity which enter so largely into the virtues for the statesman. He had never learned how essential it is for any one who undertakes public business, and desires to deal with mankind, to avoid above all things that self-will, which, as Plato says, belongs to the family of solitude; and to pursue, above all things, that capacity so generally ridiculed, of submission to ill-treatment. Marcius, straightforward and direct, stand together, and come in to their assistance. The assembly met, and soon became tumultuous. The sum of what Marcius had spoken, having been reported to the people, excited them to such fury, that they were ready to break in upon the senate. The tribunes prevented this, by laying all the blame on Coriolanus, and they accordingly cited him to come before them, and defend himself. He came, therefore, as it were, to make his apology, and clear himself; in which belief the people kept silence, and gave him a quiet hearing. But when instead of the submissive and deprecatory language expected from him, he began to use not only an offensive kind of freedom, seeming rather to accuse than apologize, but as well by the tone of his voice as the expression of his countenance, displayed a security that was not far from disdain and contempt of them, the whole multitude then became angry, and gave evident signs of impatience and disgust; and Sicinnius, the most violent of the tribunes, after a little private conference with his colleagues, proceeded solemnly to pronounce before them all, that Marcius was condemned to die by the tribunes of the people, and bid the Aediles take him to the Tarpeian rock, and without delay throw him headlong from the precipice. When they, however, in compliance with the order, came to seize upon his body, many, even of the plebeian party, felt it to be a horrible and extravagant act; the patricians, meantime, wholly beside themselves with distress and horror, hurried with cries to the rescue; and persuaded them not to despatch him by any sudden violence, but refer the cause to the general suffrage of the people. But when the people met together, the tribunes, contrary to all former practice, extorted first, that votes should be taken, not by centuries, but tribes; a change, by which the rabble, that had no respect for honesty and justice, would be sure to carry it against those who were rich and well known, and accustomed to serve the state in war. In the next place, whereas they had engaged to prosecute Marcius upon no other head but that of tyranny, which could never be made out against him, they relinquished this plea, and urged instead, his language in the senate against an abatement of the price of corn, and for the overthrow of the tribunician power; adding further, as a new impeachment, the distribution that was made by him of the spoil and booty he had taken from the Antiates, when he overran their country, which he had divided among those that had followed him, whereas it ought rather to have been brought into the public treasure; which last accusation did, they say, more discompose Marcius than all the rest, as he had not anticipated he should ever be questioned on that subject, and, therefore, was less provided with any satisfactory answer to it on the sudden. And when, by way of excuse, he began to magnify the merits of those who had been partakers with him in the action, those that had stayed at home, being more numerous than the other, interrupted him with the outcries. In conclusion, when they came to vote, a majority of three tribes condemned him; the penalty being perpetual banishment. Marcius himself, was neither stunned nor humiliated. In mien, carriage, and countenance, he bore the appearance of entire composure, and while all his friends were full of distress, seemed the only man that was not touched with his misfortune. On his return home, after saluting his mother and his wife, who were in tears and full of loud lamentations, and exhorting them to moderate the sense they had of his calamity, he proceeded at once to the city gates, whither all the nobility came to attend him; and not taking anything with him, or making any request to the company, he departed from them, having only three or four clients with him. He continued solitary for a few days in a place in the country, distracted with a variety of counsels, such as rage and indignation suggested to him; and proposing to himself no honorable or useful end, but only how he might best satisfy his revenge on the Romans, he resolved at length to arouse a heavy war against them from their nearest neighbors. He determined, first to make trial of the Volscians, whom he knew to be still vigorous and flourishing, both in men and treasure, and he imagined their force and power was not so much abated, as their spite and anger increased, by the late overthrows they had received from the Romans. There was a man of Antium, called Tullus Aufidius, who, for his wealth and bravery and the splendor of his family, had the respect and privilege of a king among the Volscians, but whom Marcius knew to have a particular hostility to himself, above all other Romans. Frequent menaces and challenges had passed in battle between them, and those exchanges of defiance to which their hot and eager emulation is apt to prompt young soldiers had added private animosity to their national feelings of opposition. Yet for all this, considering Tullus to have a certain generosity of temper, and knowing that no Volscian, so much as he, desired an occasion to requite upon the Romans the evils they had done, he put on a dress which completely disguised him and thus, like Ulysses,-- He entered the town of his mortal foes. His arrival at Antium was about evening, and though several met him in the streets, yet he passed along without recognition, and went directly to the house of Tullus, and entering undiscovered, went up to the fire-hearth, and seated himself there without speaking a work, covering up his head. Those of the family could not but wonder, and yet they were afraid either to raise or question him, for there was a certain air of majesty both in his posture and silence, but they recounted to Tullus, then at supper, the strangeness of this accident. He immediately rose from table and came in, and asked him who he was, and for what business he came there; and then Marcius, unmuffling himself, and pausing awhile said, "If you cannot yet call me to mind, Tullus, or do not believe your eyes concerning me, I must of necessity be my own accuser. I am Gaius Marcius, the author of so much mischief to the Volscians; of which, were I seeking to deny it, the surname of Coriolanus I now bear would be a sufficient evidence against me. The one recompense I received for all the hardships and perils I have gone through, was the title that proclaims my enmity to your nation, and this is the only thing which is still left me. Of all other advantages, I have been stripped and deprived by the envy of the Roman people, and the cowardice and treachery of the magistrates and those of my own order. I am driven out as an exile, and become an humble suppliant at your hearth, not so much for safety and protection (should I have come hither, had I been afraid to die?), as to seek vengeance against those that expelled me; which, methinks, I have already obtained, by putting myself into your hands. If, therefore, you have really a mind to attack your enemies, make use of that affliction you see me in to assist the enterprise, and convert my personal infelicity into a common blessing to the Volscians; as I am likely to be more serviceable in fighting for than against you, with the advantage, which I now possess, of knowing all the secrets of the enemy that I am attacking." Tullus, on hearing this, was extremely rejoiced, and giving him his right hand, exclaimed, "rise, Marcius, and be of good courage; it is a great happiness you bring to Antium, in the present you make us of yourself; expect everything that is good from the Volscians." he then proceeded to feast and entertain him with every display of kindness, and for several days after they were in close deliberation together on the prospects of a war. Although the Volscians had sworn to a truce of arms for the space of two years, the Romans themselves soon furnished them with a pretence, by making proclamation, out of some jealousy or slanderous report, at an exhibition of games, that all the Volscians who had come to see them should depart from the city before sunset. Some affirm that this was a contrivance of Marcius, who sent a man privately to the consuls, falsely to accuse the Volscians of intending to fall upon the Romans during the games, and to set the city on fire. This public affront aroused their hostility to the Romans; and Tullus, perceiving it, took advantage of it, aggravating the fact, and working on their indignation, till he persuaded them, at last, to despatch ambassadors to Rome, requiring the Romans to restore that part of their country and those towns which they had taken from the Volscian in the late war. When the Romans heard the message, they indignantly replied, that the Volscians were the first that took up arms, but the Romans would be the last to lay them down. This answer being brought back, Tullus called a general assembly of the Volscians; and the voted passing for a war, he then proposed that they should call in Marcius, laying aside the remembrance of former grudges, and assuring themselves that the services they should now receive from him as friend and associate, would abundantly outweigh any harm or damage he had done them when he was their enemy. Marcius was accordingly summoned, and having made his entrance, and spoken tot he people, won their good opinion of his capacity, his skill, counsel, and boldness, not less by his present words than by his past actions. They joined him in commission with Tullus, to have full power as general of their forces in all that related to the war. And he, fearing lest the time that would be requisite to bring all the Volscians together in full preparation might be so long as to lose him the opportunity of action, left order with the chief persons and magistrates for the city to provide other things, while he himself, prevailing upon the readiest to assemble and march out with him as volunteers without staying to be enrolled, made a sudden inroad into the Roman confines, when nobody expected him, and possessed himself of so much booty, that the Volscians found they had more than they could either carry away or use in the camp. The abundance of provision which he gained, and the waste and havoc of the country which he made, were, however, the smallest results of that invasion; the great mischief he intended, and his special object in all, was to increase at Rome the suspicions entertained of the patricians, and to make them upon worse terms with the people. With this view, while despoiling all the fields and destroying the property of other men, he took special care to preserve their farms and lands untouched, and would not allow his soldiers to ravage there, or seize upon any thing which belonged to them. Hence the quarrels broke out afresh, and rose to a greater height than ever; the senators reproaching those of the commonalty with their late injustice to Marcius; while the plebeians, on their side, did not hesitate to accuse them of having, out of spite and revenge, solicited him to this enterprise, and thus, when others were involved in the miseries of a war by their means, they sat like unconcerned spectators furnished with a guardian abroad of their fortunes, in the very person of the public enemy. After this incursion and exploit, which was of great advantage to the Volscians, since they learned by it to be more courageous and to despise their enemy, Marcius drew them off, and returned in safety. But when the whole strength of the Volscians was brought together into the field, with great expedition, it appeared so considerable a body, that they agreed to leave part in garrison, for the security of their towns, and with the other part to march against the Romans. Marcius now desired Tullus to choose which of the two charges would be most agreeable to him. Tullus answered, that since he knew Marcius to be equally valiant with himself, and far more fortunate, he would have him take the command of those that were going out to the war, while he made it his care to defend their cities at home, and provide all conveniences for the army abroad. Marcius thus reinforced, and much stronger than before, moved first towards the city called Circaeum, a Roman colony. He received its surrender, and did the inhabitants no injury; passing thence, he entered and laid waste the country of the Latins, where he expected the Romans would meet him, as the Latins were their confederates and allies, and had often sent to demand succor from them. the people, however, on their part, showing little inclination for the service, and the consuls themselves being unwilling to run the hazard of a battle, when the time of their office was almost ready to expire, they dismissed the Latin ambassadors without any effect; so that Marcius, finding no army to oppose him, marched up to their cities, and, having taken by force Toleria, Lavici, Peda, and Bols, all of which offered resistance, not only plundered their houses, but made a prey likewise of their persons. Meantime, he showed particular regard for all such as came over to his party, and, for fear they might sustain any damage against his will, encamped them at the greatest distance he could, and wholly abstained from their property. After, however, he had made himself master of Bols, a town not above ten miles from Rome, where he found great treasure, and put almost all the adults to the sword; the other Volscians that were ordered to stay behind and protect their cities, hearing of his achievements and success, had not patience to remain any longer at home, but came hastening in their arms to Marcius, saying that he alone was their general and the sole commander they would own; with all this, his name and renown spread throughout all Italy, and universal wonder prevailed at the sudden and mighty revolution in the fortunes for two nations which the loss and the accession of a single man had effected. All at Rome was in great disorder; they were utterly averse from fighting, and spent their whole time in cabals and disputes and reproaches against each other; until news was brought that the enemy had laid close siege to Lavinium, where were the images and sacred things of their tutelar gods, and whence they derived the origin of their nations, that being the first city which Aeneas built in Italy. These tidings produced a change as universal as it was extraordinary in the thoughts and inclinations of the people, but occasioned a yet stranger revulsion of feeling among the patricians. The people now were for repealing the sentence against Marcius, and calling him back into the city; whereas the senate, being assembled to consider the decree, opposed and finally rejected the proposal, either out of the mere humor of opposing the people in whatever they should desire, or because they were unwilling, perhaps, that he should owe his restoration to their kindness. When Marcius heard of this, he was more exasperated than ever, and, quitting the siege of Lavinium, marched furiously towards Rome, and encamped at a place called the Cluilian ditches, about five miles from the city. The nearness of his approach did, indeed, create much terror and disturbance, yet it also ended their dissensions for the present; as nobody now, whether consul or senator, durst any longer contradict the people in their design of recalling Marcius. It was therefore, unanimously agreed by all parties, that ambassadors should be despatched, offering him return to his country, and desiring him to free them from the terrors and distresses of the war. The persons sent by the senate with this message were chosen out of his kindred and acquaintance, who naturally expected a very kind reception at their first interview; in which, however, they were much mistaken. Being led through the enemy's camp, they found him sitting in state amid the chief men of the Volscians, looking insupportably proud and arrogant. He bade them declare the cause of their coming, which they did in the most gently terms, and with a behavior suitable to their language. When they had made an end of speaking, he returned them a sharp answer, full of bitterness and angry resentment, as to what concerned himself, and the ill usage he had received from them; but as general of the Volscians, he demanded restitution of the cities and the lands which had been seized upon during the late war, and that the same rights and franchises should be granted them at Rome, which had been before accorded to the Latins; since there could be no assurance that a peace would be firm and lasting without just conditions on both sides. He allowed them thirty days to consider and resolve. The ambassadors having departed; he withdrew his forces from the Roman territory. Those of the Volscians who had long envied his reputation, and could not endure to see the influence he had with the people, laid hold of this as a matter of complaint against him. Among them was Tullus himself, not for any wrong done him personally by Marcius, but through the weakness incident to human nature. He could not help feeling mortified to find his own glory totally obscured, and himself overlooked and neglected now by the Volscians, who had so great an opinion of their new leader. Yet Marcius spent no part of the time idly, but attacked the confederates of the enemy, ravaged their land, and took from them seven great and populous cities in that interval. The Romans, in the meanwhile, durst not venture out to their relief; but were utterly fearful, and showed no more disposition or capacity for action, than if their bodies had been struck with a palsy, and become destitute of sense and motion. But when the thirty days were expired, and Marcius appeared again with his whole army, they sent another embassy to beseech him that he would moderate his displeasure, and would withdraw the Volscian army, and then make any proposals he thought best for both parties, but if it were his opinion that the Volscians ought to have any favor shown them, upon laying down their arms they might obtain all they could in reason desire. The reply of Marcius was, that he should make no answer to this as a general of the Volscians, but in the quality still for a roman citizen, he would advise them to return to him before three days were at an end, with a ratification of his previous demands. When the ambassadors came back, and acquainted the senate with the answer, seeing the whole state now threatened as it were by a tempest, a decree was made, that the whole order of their priests should go in full procession to Marcius with their pontifical array, and the dress and habit which they respectively used in their several functions, and should urge him, as before, to withdraw his forces, and then treat with his countrymen in favor of the Volscians. He granted nothing at all, nor so much as expressed himself more mildly; but without capitulating or receding, bade them once for all choose whether they would yield or fight, since the old terms were the only terms of peace. In this great perplexity, the roman women went, some to other temples, but the greater part, and the ladies of highest rank, tot he altar of Jupiter Capitolinus. Among these suppliants was Valeria, sister to the great Poplicola, who happily lighting, not without divine guidance, on the right expedient, rose, and bade the others rise, and went directly with them to the house of Volumnia, the mother of Marcius. And coming in and finding her sitting with her daughter-in-law, and with her little grandchildren on her lap, Valeria, then surrounded by her companions, spoke in the name of them all:-- "We, O Volumnia, and Vergilia, are come as women to women, to request a thing on which our own and the common safety depends, and which, if you consent to it, will raise our glory above that of the daughters of the Sabines, who won over their fathers and their husbands from mortal enmity to peace and friendship. Arise and come with us to Marcius; join in our supplication, for your country's sake." The words of Valeria were seconded by the acclamations of the other women, to which Volumnia made answer:--"I and Vergilia, my countrywomen, have an equal share with you all in the common miseries, and we have the additional sorrow, which is wholly ours, that we have lost the merit and good fame of Marcius, and see his person confined, rather than protected by the arms of the enemy. Make use, however, of our service; and lead us, if you please, to him; we are able, if nothing more, at least to spend our last breath in making suit to him for our country." Having spoken thus, she took Vergilia by the hand, and the young children, and so accompanied them to the Volscian camp. So lamentable a sight much affected the enemies themselves, who viewed them in respectful silence. Marcius, seeing the party of women advance, came down hastily to meet them, saluting his mother first, and embracing her a long time, and then his wife and children, sparing neither tears nor cares, but suffering himself to be borne away and carried headlong, as it were, but the impetuous violence of his passion. when he had satisfied himself, and observed that his mother Volumnia was desirous to say something, the Volscian council being first called in, he heard her to the following effect: "Our dress and our very persons, my son, might tell you, though we should say nothing ourselves, in how forlorn a condition we have lived at home since your banishment and absence from us; and now consider with yourself, whether we may not pass for the most unfortunate of all women, to have that sight, which should be the sweetest that we could see, converted, through I know not what fatality, to one of all others the most formidable and dreadful,--Volumnia to behold her son, and Vergilia her husband, in arms against the walls of Rome. As for myself, if I cannot prevail with you to prefer amity and concord to quarrel and hostility, and to be the benefactor to both parties, rather than the destroyer of one of them, be assured of this, that you shall not be able to reach your country, unless you trample first upon the corpse of her that brought you into life. For it will be ill in me to loiter in the world till the day com wherein I shall see a child of mine, either led in triumph by his own countrymen, or triumphing over them." Marcius listened to his mother while she spoke, without answering her a word; and Volumnia, seeing him stand mute also for a long time after she had ceased, resumed: "O my son, what is the meaning of this silence? Is it wrong to gratify a mother in a request like this? You have punished your country already; you have not yet paid your debt to me." Having said this, she threw herself down at his feet, as did also his wife and children; upon which Marcius, crying out, "O mother! what is it you have done to me?" raised her from the ground, and pressing her right hand with more than ordinary vehemence said, "You have gained a victory, fortunate enough for the Romans, but destructive to your son; whom you, though none else, have defeated." And after a little private conference with his mother and his wife, he went them back again to Rome, as they desired of him. the next morning, he broke up his camp, and led the Volscians homeward, variously affected with what he had done. None, however, opposed his commands; they all obediently followed him, though rather from admiration of his virtue, than any regard they now had to his authority. The Roman people, meantime began to crown themselves with garlands and prepare for sacrifice, as they were wont to do upon tidings brought of an signal victory. But the joy and transport of the whole city was chiefly remarkable in the honors and marks of affection paid to the women, as well by the senate as the people in general; every one declaring that they were, beyond all question, the instruments of the public safety. And the senate having passed a decree that whatsoever they would ask in the way of an a favor or honor should be allowed and done for them by the magistrates, they demanded simply that a temple might be erected to the Goddess Fortuna, the expense of which they offered to defray out of their own contributions, if the city would be at the cost of sacrifices, and other matters pertaining to the due honor of the gods, out of the common treasury. The senate, much commending their public spirit, caused the temple to be built and a statue set up in it at the public charge; they however, made up a sum among themselves, for a second image of Fortune, which the Romans say utter these words as they were putt it up "Blessed of the gods, O women, is your gift." When Marcius came back to Antium, Tullus, who thoroughly hated and greatly feared him, proceeded at once to contrive how he might immediately despatch him; as, if he escaped now, he was never likely to give him such another advantage. Having, therefore, got together and suborned several partisans against him, he required Marcius to resign his charge, and give the Volscians an account of his administration. An assembly was called, and popular speakers, as had been concerted, came forward to exasperate and incense the multitude; but when Marcius stood up to answer, even the most tumultuous part of the people became quiet on a sudden, and out of reverence allowed him to speak without the least disturbance; while all the better people, and such as were satisfied with a peace, made it evident by their whole behavior, that they would give him a favorable hearing, and judge and pronounce according to equity. For these reasons, the conspirators judged it prudent not to test the general feeling; but the boldest of their faction fell upon Marcius in a body, and slew him there, none of those that were present offering to defend him. But it quickly appeared that the action was in nowise approved of by the majority of the Volscians, who hurried out of their several cities to show respect to his corpse; to which they gave honorable interment, adorning his sepulchre with arms and trophies, as the monument of a noble hero and a famous general. When the Romans heard tidings of his death, they gave no other signification either of honor or of anger toward him, but simply granted the request of the women, that they might put themselves into mourning and bewail him for ten months, as the usage was upon the loss of a father or a son or a brother; that being the period fixed for the longest lamentation by the laws of Numa Pompilius. Marcius was no sooner deceased, than the Volscians felt the need of his assistance. They quarreled first with the Aequians, their confederates and friends, about the appointment of the general of their joint forces, and carried their dispute to the length of bloodshed and slaughter; and were then defeated by the Romans in a pitched battle, where not only Tullus lost his life, but the flower of their whole army was cut to pieces; so that they were forced to submit and accept of peace upon very dishonorable terms, becoming subjects of Rome, and pledging themselves to submission. COMPARISON OF ALCIBIADES AND CORIOLANUS Having described all their actions that seem to deserve commemoration, their military ones, we may say, incline the balance very decidedly upon neither side. They both, in pretty equal measure, displayed on numerous occasions the daring and courage of the soldier, and the skill and foresight of the general; unless, indeed, the fact that Alcibiades was victorious and successful in many contests both by sea and land, ought to gain him the title of a more complete commander. That so long as they remained and held command in their respective countries, they eminently sustained, and when they were driven into exile, yet more eminently damaged the fortunes of those countries, is common to both. All the sober citizens felt disgust at the petulance, the low flattery, and base seductions which Alcibiades, in his public life, allowed himself to employ with the view of winning the people's favor; and the ungraciousness, pride, and oligarchical haughtiness which Marcius, on the other hand, displayed in his, were the abhorrence of the Roman populace. Marcius, according to our common conceptions of his character, was undoubtedly simple and straightforward; Alcibiades, unscrupulous as a public man, and false. He is more especially blamed for the dishonorable and treacherous way in which, as Thucydides relates, he imposed upon the Lacedaemonian ambassadors, and disturbed the continuance of the peace. yet this policy, which engaged the city again in way, nevertheless placed it in a powerful and formidable position, by the accession, which Alcibiades obtained for it, of the alliance of Argos and Mantinea. And Coriolanus also, Dionysius relates, used unfair means to excite war between the Romans and the Volscians, in the false report which he spread about the visitors at the Games; and the motive of this action seems to make it the worse for the two; since it was not done, like the other, out of ordinary political jealousy, strife and competition. simply to gratify anger, from which as Ion says, no one ever yet got any return, he threw whole districts of Italy into confusion, and sacrificed to his passion against his country numerous innocent cities. It is true, indeed, that Alcibiades, by his resentment, was the occasion of great disasters to his country, but he relented as soon as he found their feelings to be changed; and after he was driven out a second time, so far from taking pleasure in the errors and inadvertencies of their commanders, or being indifferent to the danger they were thus incurring, he did the very thing that Aristides is so highly commended for doing to Themistocles: he came to the generals who were his enemies, and pointed out to them what they ought to do. Coriolanus, on the other hand, first all attacked the whole body of his countrymen, though only one portion of them had done him any wrong, while the other, the better and nobler portion, had actually suffered, as well as sympathized, with him. And, secondly, by the obduracy with which he resisted numerous embassies and supplications, addressed in propitiation of his person anger, he showed that it had been to destroy and overthrow, not to recover and regain his country, that he had excited bitter and implacable hostilities against. There is, indeed, one distinction that may be drawn. Alcibiades, it may be said, was not safe among the Spartans, and had the inducements at once of fear and of hatred to lead him again to Athens; whereas Marcius could not honorably have left the Volscians, when they were behaving so well to him: he, in the command of their forces and the enjoyment of their entire confidence, was in a very different position from Alcibiades, whom the Lacedaemonians did not so much wish to adopt into their service, as to use, and then abandon. Driven about from house to house in the city, and from general to general in the camp, the latter had no resort but to place himself in the hands of Tissaphernes; unless we are to suppose that his object in courting favor with him was to avert the entire destruction of his native city, whither he wished himself to return. As regards money, Alcibiades, we are told, was often guilty of procuring it by accepting bribes, and spent it in luxury and dissipation. Coriolanus declined to receive it, even when pressed upon him by his commanders as an honor; and one great reason for the odium he incurred with the populace in the discussions about their debts was, that he trampled upon the poor, not for money's sake, but out of pride and insolence. Antipater, in a letter written upon the death of Aristotle the philosopher, observes, "Amongst his other gifts he had that of persuasiveness," and the absence of this in the character of Marcius made all his great actions and noble qualities unacceptable to those whom they benefited: pride, and self-will, the consort, as Plato calls it, of solitude, made him insufferable. With the skill which Alcibiades, on the contrary, professed to treat every one in the way most agreeable to him, we cannot wonder that all his successes were attended with the most exuberant favor and honor; his very errors, at times, being accompanied by something of grace and felicity. And so, in spite of great and frequent hurt that he had done the city, he was repeatedly appointed to office and command; while Coriolanus stood in vain for a place which his great services had made his due. Alcibiades never professed to deny that it was pleasant to him to be honored and distasteful to him to be overlooked; and, accordingly, he always tried to place himself upon good terms with all that he met; Coriolanus' pride forbade him to pay attentions to those who could have promoted his advancement, and yet his love of distinction made him feel hurt and angry when he was disregarded. Such are the faulty parts of his character, which in all other respects was a noble one. For his temperance, continence, and probity, he might claim to be compared with the best and purest of the Greeks; not in any sort of kind with Alcibiades, the least scrupulous and most entirely careless of human beings in all these points. ARISTIDES Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, was of the tribe Antiochis, and township of Alopece. Being the friend and supporter of that Clisthenes, who settled the government after the expulsion of the tyrants, and emulating and admiring Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian above all politicians, he adhered to the aristocratical principles of government; and had Themistocles, son to Neocles, his adversary on the side of the populace. Some say that, when boys together, they were always at variance in all their words and actions, serious as well as playful. One was ready, venturesome, and subtle, engaging readily and eagerly in everything; the other of a staid and settled temper, intent on the exercise of justice, not admitting any degree of falsity, indecorum, or trickery, even at his play. Ariston of Ceos says that the first origin of enmity which rose to so great a height, was a love affair; they were rivals for the affection of the beautiful Stesilaus of Ceos, and were passionate beyond moderation, and did not lay aside their animosity when the beauty that had excited it passed away; but carried their heats and differences into public business. Themistocles joined an association of partisans, and fortified himself with considerable strength; so that when some one told him that if he were impartial, he would make a good magistrate, "I wish," replied he, "I may never sit on that tribunal where my friends shall not plead a greater privilege than strangers." But Aristides walked alone on his path in politics being unwilling to go with associates in ill doing, or to cause them vexation by not gratifying their wishes. When he had once opposed Themistocles in some measures that were expedient, and had got the better of him, he could not refrain from saying, when he left the assembly, that unless they sent Themistocles and himself to the barathrum,(a pit into which the dead bodies of malefactors were thrown) there could be no safety for Athens. Another time, when urging some proposal upon the people, although there was much opposition to it, yet he was gaining the day; but just as the president of the assembly was about to put it to the vote, perceiving by what had been said in debate the inexpediency of his advice, he let it fall. He often brought in his bills by other persons, lest Themistocles, thought party spirit against him, should be any hindrance to the good of the public. In all the vicissitudes of public affairs, the constancy he showed was admirable, not being elated with honors, and demeaning himself sedately in adversity. Once, at the recital of these verses of Aeshcylus in the theatre, relating to Amphiaraus, For not at seeming just, but being so He aims; and from his depth of soil below, Harvest of wise and prudent counsels grow, the eyes of all the spectators were turned upon Aristides, as if this virtue in an especial manner belonged to him. He was a most determined champion of justice, not only against feelings of friendship and favor, but wrath and malice. Thus it is reported of him that prosecuting one who was his enemy, when the judges after accusation refused to hear the criminal, and were proceeding immediately to pass sentence upon him, he rose in haste from his seat and joined in petition with him for a hearing, and that he might enjoy the privilege of the law. Another time, judging between two private persons, when the one declared his adversary had very much injured Aristides; "Tell me rather, good friend," he said, "what wrong he has done you: for it is your cause, not my own, which I now sit judge of." Being chosen to the charge of the public revenue, he made it appear, that not only those of his time, but the preceding officers, had alienated much treasure, and especially Themistocles: Well known he was an able man to be, But with his fingers apt to be too free. Therefore, Themistocles associating several persons against Aristides, and impeaching him when he gave in his accounts, caused him to be condemned of robbing of the public; so Idomeneus states; but the best and chief men of the city much resented it, so that he was not only exempted from the fine imposed upon him, but again called to the same employment. Pretending now to repent of his former practice, and carrying himself with more remissness, he became acceptable to such as pillaged the treasury, by not detecting or calling them to an exact account. So that those who had their fill of the public money began highly to applaud Aristides, and sued to the people, to have him once more chosen treasurer. But when they were upon the point of election, he reproved the Athenians in these words: "When I discharged my office well and faithfully, I was insulted and abused; but now that I have countenanced the public thieves in a variety of malpractices, I am considered an admirable patriot. I am more ashamed, therefore, of this present honor than of the former sentence; and I pity your condition, with whom is more praiseworthy to oblige bad men than to preserve the revenue of public." When Datis was sent by Darius under pretense of punishing the Athenians for their burning of Sardis, but in reality to reduce the Greeks under his dominion, and had landed at Marathon and laid waste the country, among the ten commanders appointed by the Athenians for the war, Miltiades was of the greatest name; but the second place, both for reputation and power, was possessed by Aristides: and when his opinion to join battle was added to that of Miltiades, it did much to incline the balance. Every leader by his day having the command in chief, when it came to Aristides' turn, he delivered it into the hands of Miltiades, showing his fellow officers, that it is not dishonorable to obey and follow wise and able men, but, on the contrary, noble and prudent. So appeasing their rivalry, and bringing them to acquiesce in the best advice, he confirmed Miltiades in the strength of undivided and unmolested authority. And now every one, yielding his day of command, looked for orders only to him. During the fight the main body of the Athenians being the hardest pressed, the barbarians, for a long time, making opposition there against the tribes Leontis and Antiochis, Themistocles and Aristides being ranged together, fought valiantly; the one being of the tribe Leontis, the other of the Antiochis. But, after they had beaten the barbarians back to their ships, and perceived that they did sail for the isles, but were driven in by the force of sea and wind towards the country of Attica, fearing lest they should take the city, they hurried away thither with nine tribes, and reached it the same day. Of all the virtues of Aristides, the common people were most affected with his justice, because of its continual and common use; and thus, although of mean fortune and ordinary birth, he possessed himself of the most kingly and divine appellation of Just; which kings, however, and tyrants have never sought after; but have taken delight to be surnamed besiegers of cities, thunderers, conquerors, eagles and hawks; affecting, it seems, the reputation which proceeds from power and violence, rather than that of virtue. Aristides, therefore, had at first the fortune to be beloved for this surname, but at length envied. Especially when Themistocles spread a rumor amongst the people, that, by determining and judging all matters privately, he had destroyed the courts of judicature, and was secretly making way for a monarchy in his own person, without the assistance of guards. Moreover, the spirit of the people, now grown high, and confident with their late victory, naturally entertained feelings of dislike to all of more than common fame and reputation. Coming together, therefore, from all parts into the city, they banished Aristides by the ostracism, giving their jealousy of his reputation the name of fear of tyranny. For ostracism was not the punishment of any criminal act, but was speciously said to be the mere depression and humiliation of excessive greatness and power; and was in fact a gentle relief and mitigation of envious feeling, which was thus allowed to vent itself in inflicting no intolerable injury, only a ten years' banishment. But after it came be exercised upon base and villainous fellows, they desisted from it; Hyperbolus, being the last whom they banished by the ostracism. The cause of Hyperbolus's banishment is said to have been this. Alcibiades and Nicias, men that bore the greatest sway in the city, were of different factions. As the people, therefore, were about to vote the ostracism, and obviously to decree it against one of them, consulting together and uniting their parties, they contrived the banishment of Hyperbolus. Upon which the people, being offended, as if some contempt or affront was put upon the thing, left off and quite abolished it. It was performed, to be short, in this manner. Every one taking an ostracon, that is, a sherd, a piece of earthenware, wrote upon it the citizen's he would have banished, and carried it to a certain part of the market-place surrounded with wooden rails. First, the magistrates numbered all the sherds in gross (for if there were less than six thousand, the ostracism was imperfect); then, laying every name by itself, they pronounced him whose name was written by the largest number, banished for ten years, with the enjoyment of his estate. As, therefore, they were writing the names on the sherds, it is reported that an illiterate clownish fellow, giving Aristides his sherd, supposing him a common citizen, begged him write Aristides upon it; and he being surprised and asking if Aristides had ever done him any injury, "None at all," said he, "neither know I the man; but I am tired of hearing him everywhere called the Just." Aristides, hearing this, is said to have made no reply, but returned the sherd with his own name inscribed. At his departure from the city, lifting up his hands to heaven, he made a prayer (the reverse, it would seem, of that of Achilles), that the Athenians might never have any occasion which should constrain them to remember Aristides. But three years afterwards, when Xerxes was marching through Thessaly and Boeotia into the country of Attica, they repealed the law, and decreed the return of the banished: chiefly fearing lest Aristides might join himself to the enemy, and bring over many of his fellow-citizens to the party of the barbarians; much mistaking the man, who, already before the decree, was exerting himself to excite and encourage the Greeks to the defense of their liberty. After the battle of Salamis, Xerxes, much terrified, immediately hastened to the Hellespont. But Mardonius was left with the most serviceable part of the army, about three hundred thousand men, and was a formidable enemy, confident in his infantry, and writing messages of defiance to the Greeks: "You have overcome by sea men accustomed to fight on land and unskilled at the oar; but there lies now the open country of Thessaly; and the plains of Boeotia offer a broad and worthy field for brave men, either horse or foot, to contend in." But he sent privately to the Athenians, both by letter and word of mouth from the king, promising to rebuild their city, to give them a vast sum of money, and constitute them lords of all Greece on condition they would not engage in the war. The Lacedaemonians receiving news of this, and fearing, dispatched an embassy to the Athenians, entreating that they would send their wives and children to Sparta, and receive support from them for their superannuated. For, being despoiled both of their city and country, the people were suffering extreme distress. Having given audience to the ambassadors, they returned an answer, upon the motion of Aristides, worthy of the highest admiration; declaring, that they forgave their enemies if they thought all things purchasable by wealth, than which they knew nothing of greater value; but that they felt offended at the Lacaemonians, for looking only to their present poverty, without any remembrance of their valor and magnanimity, and offering them their victuals, to fight in the cause of Greece. Aristides made this proposal, brought back the ambassadors into the assembly, and charged them to tell the Lacaemonians that all the treasure on earth or under it was of less value with the people of Athens than the liberty of Greece. And, showing the sun to those who came from Mardonius, "as long as that retains the same course, so long," said he, "shall the citizens of Athens wage war with the Persians for the country which has been wasted, and the temples that have been profaned and burnt by them." Moreover, he proposed a decree, that the priests should anathematize him who sent any herald to the Medes, or deserted the alliance of Greece. When Mardonius made a second incursion into the country of Attica, the people passed over again into the isle of Salamis. Aristides himself went to Lacedaemon, and reproved them for the delay and neglect in abandoning Athens once more to the barbarians; and demanded their assistance for that part of Greece which was not yet lost. The Ephori, hearing this, made show of sporting all day, and of carelessly keeping holy day (for they were then celebrating the Hyacinthian festival), but in the night, selecting five thousand Spartans, each of whom was attended by seven Helots, they sent them forth unknown to those from Athens. And when Aristides again reprehended them, they told him in derision that he either doted or dreamed, for the army was already at Oresteum, in their march towards the strangers; as they called the Persians. Aristides answered that they jested unreasonably, deluding their friends, instead of their enemies. Being chosen general for the war, he repaired to Plataea, with eight thousand Athenians, where Pausanias, generalissimo of all Greece, joined him with the Spartans; and the forces of the other Greeks came in to them. The encampment of the barbarians extended all along the bank of the river Asopus, their numbers being so great, there was no enclosing them all, but their baggage and most valuable things were surrounded with a square bulwark, each side of which was the length of ten furlongs. The Tegeatans, contesting the post of honor with the Athenians, demanded, that according to custom, the Lacedaemonians being ranged on the right wing of the battle, they might have the left, alleging several matters in commendation of their ancestors. The Athenians being indignant at the claim, Aristides came forward and said: "To contend with the Tegeatans for noble descent and valor, the present time permits not: but this we say to you, O you Spartans, and you the rest of the Greeks, that place neither takes away nor contributes courage: we shall endeavor by maintaining the post you assign us, to reflect no dishonor on our former performances. For we are come, not to differ with our friends, but to fight our enemies; not to extol our ancestors, but to behave as valiant men. This battle will manifest how much each city, captain, and private soldier is worth to Greece." The council of war, upon this address, decided for the Athenians, and gave them the other wing of the battle. At this juncture, Mardonius made trial of the Grecian courage, by sending his whole number of horse, in which he thought himself much the stronger, against them, while they were all, except the Megarians, encamped at the foot of Mount Cithaeron, in strong and rocky places. They being three thousand in number, had pitched their tents on the plain, where the cavalry charged and made inroads upon them from all sides. They sent, therefore, in haste to Pausanias, demanding relief, not being able alone to sustain the great numbers of the barbarians. Pausanias, hearing this, and perceiving the tents of the Megarians almost hidden by the multitude of darts and arrows, and themselves driven together into a narrow space, was at a loss how to aid them with his battalions of heavy-armed Lacedaemonians. He asked, therefore, as a test of emulation and love of distinction, to the commanders and captains who were around him, if any would voluntarily take upon the defense and succor of the Megarians. The rest being backward, Aristides undertook the enterprise for the Athenians, and sent Olympiodorus, the most valiant of his inferior officers, with three hundred chosen men and some archers under his command. These were soon in readiness, and running upon the enemy, as soon as it was perceived by Masistius, who commanded the cavalry of the barbarians, a man of wonderful courage and of extraordinary bulk and comeliness of person, he turned his steed and made towards them. They sustained the shock and joined battle with him, as though by this encounter they were to try the success of the whole war. But after Masistius's horse received a wound, and flung him, and he falling, could hardly raise himself through the weight of his armor, the Athenians pressed upon him with blows, but could not easily get at his person, armed as he was, breast, head, and limbs all over, with gold and brass and iron; but one of them at last, running a javelin under the visor of his helmet, slew him; and the rest of the Persians, leaving the body, fled. The greatness of the Greek success was known, not by the multitude of the slain, (for an inconsiderable number were killed), but by the sorrow the barbarians expressed. For they shaved themselves, their horses, and mules for the death of Masistius, and filled the plain with howling and lamentation; having lost a person, who, next to Mardonius himself, was by far the chief among them, both for valor and authority. After this skirmish of the horse, they kept from fighting a long time; for the soothsayers, by the sacrifices, foretold the victory both to Greeks and Persians, if they stood upon the defensive part only, but if they became aggressors, the contrary. At length Mardonious, when he had but a few days' provision, and the Greek forces were increasing continually, impatient of delay, determined to lie still no longer, but passing Asopus by daybreak, to fall unexpectedly upon the Greeks. This he signified the night before to the captains of his host. But about midnight, a certain horseman stole into the Greek camp, and coming to the watch, desired them to summon Aristides, the Athenian, to him. He came speedily, and the stranger said: "I am Alexander, king of the Macedonians, and have come here through the greatest danger in the world for the goodwill I bear you, lest a sudden onset should dismay you, so as to behave in the fight worse than usual. For to-morrow Mardonius will give you battle, urged, not by any hope of success or courage, but by want of victuals: for the prophets prohibit him from the battle, the sacrifices and oracles being unfavorable; but the army is in despondency and consternation; and necessity forces him to try his fortune, or sit still and endure the last extremity of want." Alexander, thus saying, entreated Aristides to take notice and remember him, but not tell any other. But he replied that it was not fair conceal to the matter from Pausanias (because he was general); as for any others he would keep it secret from them till the battle was fought; but if the Greeks obtained the victory, that then no one should be ignorant of Alexander's goodwill and kindness towards them. After this, the king of the Macedonians rode back again, and Aristides went to Pausanias's tent and told him; and they sent for the rest of the captains and gave orders that the army should be in battle array. Meantime, day came upon them; and Mardonious having his army in array, fell upon the Lacedaemonians with great shouting and noise of barbarous people, as if they were not about to join battle, but crush the Greeks in their flight--a thing which very nearly came to pass. For Pausanius, perceiving what was done, made a halt, and commanded every one to put themselves in order for the battle; but through the disturbance he was in, on account of the sudden approach of the enemy, he forgot to give the signal to the Greeks in general. Whence it was, that they did not come immediately, or in a body, to their assistance, but by small companies and straggling, when the fight was already begun. Pausanias, offering sacrifice, could not procure favorable omens, and so commanded the Lacedaemonians to set down their shields at their feet and wait quietly await for his directions, making no resistance to any of their enemies. At this time, Callicrates, who, we are told, was the most comely man in the army, being shot with an arrow and upon the point of expiring, said that he did not lament his death (for he came from home to lay down his life in defense of Greece) but that he died without action. While Pausanias was thus in the act of supplication, the sacrifices appeared propitious, and the soothsayers foretold victory. The word being given, the Lacedaemonian battalion of foot seemed, on the sudden, like some fierce animal, setting up his bristles, and betaking himself to the combat; and the barbarians perceived that they encountered with men who would fight to the death. Therefore, holding their wicker shields before them, they shot their arrows amongst the Lacedaemonians. But they, keeping together in the order of a phalanx, and falling upon their enemies forced their shields out of their hands, and, striking with their pikes at the breasts and faces of the Persians, overthrew many of them; they, however, fell neither unrevenged nor without courage. For taking hold of the spears with their bare hands, they broke many of them, and betook themselves with effect to the sword; and making use of their falchions and scimitars, and wresting the Lacedaemonians' shields from them, and grappling with them, for a long time stood their ground. Meanwhile, the Athenians were standing still, waiting for the Lacedaemonians to come up. But when they heard a great noise as of men engaged in fight, and a messenger came from Pausanias to inform them of what was going on, they made haste to their assistance. And as they passed through the plain to the place where the noise was, the recreant Greeks, who took part with the enemy, came upon them. Aristides, as soon as he saw them, going a considerable space before the rest, cried out to them, by the guardian gods of Greece, not to enter the fight, and be no impediment to those who were going to succor the defenders of Greece. But when he perceived that they gave no attention to him, and had prepared themselves for the battle, then turning from the present relief of the Lacedaemonians, he engaged with them, being five thousand in number. But the greatest part soon gave way and retreated, as the barbarians were also put to flight. The battle being thus divided, the Lacedaemonians first beat off the Persians; and a Spartan, named Arimnestus, slew Mardonius by a blow on the head with a stone, as the oracle in the temple of Amphiaraus had foretold to him. For Mardonius sent a Lydian thither, and another person, a Carian, to the cave of Trophonius. The latter, the priest of the oracle answered in his own language. But to the Lydian sleeping in the temple of Amphiaraus, it seemed that a minister of the divinity stood before him and commanded him to be gone; and on his refusing to do it, flung a great stone at his head, so that he thought himself slain with the blow. Such is the story. Of three hundred thousand of the enemy, forty thousand only are said to have escaped with Artabazus; while on the Greeks' side there perished in all thirteen hundred and sixty; of whom fifty-two were Athenians, all of the tribe Aeantis, that fought, says Clidemus, with the greatest courage of all; and for this reason the men of this tribe used to offer sacrifice for the victory, as enjoined by the oracle, at the public expense; ninety-one were Lacedaemonians, and sixteen Tegeatans. They engraved upon the altar this inscription: The Greeks, when by their courage and their might, They had repelled the Persian in the fight, The common altar of freed Greece to be, Reared this to Jupiter who guards the free. The battle of Plataea was fought on the fourth day of the month Boedromion, on which day there is still a convention of the Greeks at Plataea, and the Plateans still offer sacrifice for the victory to "Jupiter of freedom." After this, the Athenians, not yielding the honor of the day to the Lacedaemonians, nor consenting that they should erect a trophy, peace was well-nigh destroyed by a dissension among the armed Greeks; but Aristides, by soothing and counseling the commanders, especially Leocrates and Myronides, pacified and persuaded them to leave the thing to the decision of the Greeks. Cleocritus of Corinth rising up, made people think he would ask the palm for the Corinthians (for next to Sparta and Athens, Corinth was in greatest estimation); but he delivered his opinion, to the general admiration, in favor of the Plataeans; and counseled to take away all contention by giving them the reward and the glory of the victory, whose being honored could be distasteful to neither party. This being said, first Aristides gave consent in the name of the Athenians, and Pausanias then, for the Lacedaemonians. So, being reconciled, they set apart eighty talents for the Plateans, with which they built the temple and dedicated the image to Minerva, and adorned the temple with pictures, which even to this very day retain their lustre. But the Lacedaemonians and Athenians each erected a trophy apart by themselves. On their consulting the oracle about offering sacrifice, Apollo answered that they should dedicate an altar to Jupiter of freedom, but should not sacrifice till they had extinguished the fires throughout the country, as having been defiled by the barbarians, and had kindled unpolluted fire at the common altar at Delphi. The magistrates of Greece, therefore, went forthwith and compelled such as had fire to put it out; and Euchidas, a Plataean, promising to fetch fire with all possible speed, from the altar of the god, ran to Delphi, and having sprinkled and purified his body, crowned himself with laurel; and taking the fire from the altar ran back to Plataea, arriving before sunset, and performing in one day a journey of a thousand furlongs; and saluting his fellow-citizens and delivering them the fire, he immediately fell down and a short time after expired. Then the Plataeans, taking him up, interred him in the temple of Diana Euclia, setting this inscription over him: "Euchidas ran to Delphi and back again in one day." A general assembly of all the Greeks being called, Aristides proposed a decree, that the deputies and religious representatives of the Greek states should assemble annually at Plataea, and every fifth year celebrate the Eleutheria, or games of freedom. And that there should be a levy upon all Greece, for the war against the barbarians, of ten thousand spearmen, one thousand horse, and a hundred sail of ships; but the Plateans to be exempt, and sacred to the service of the gods, offering sacrifice for the welfare of Greece. These things being ratified, the Plateans undertook the performance of annual sacrifice to such as were slain and buried in that place; which they still perform in the following manner. On the sixteenth day of Maemacterion they make their procession, which, beginning by break of day, is led by a trumpeter sounding for onset; then follow chariots loaded with myrrh and garlands; and then a black bull; then come the young men of free birth carrying libations of wine and milk in large two-handed vessels, and jars of oil and precious ointments, none of servile condition being permitted to have any hand in this ministration, because the men died in defense of freedom; after all comes the chief magistrate of Plataea (for whom it is unlawful at other times for him either to touch iron, or wear any other colored garment but white), at that time appareled in a purple robe; and taking a water-pot out of the city record-office, he proceeds, bearing a sword in his hand, through the middle of the town to the sepulchres. Then drawing water out of a spring, he washes and anoints the monuments, and sacrificing the bull upon a pile of wood, and making supplication to Jupiter and Mercury of the earth, invites those valiant men who perished in the defense of Greece, to the banquet and the libations of blood. After this, mixing a bowl of wine, and pouring out for himself, he says, "I drink to those who lost their lives for the liberty of Greece." These solemnities the Plataeans observe to this day. Theophrastus tells us that Aristides was, in his own private affairs, and those of his own fellow-citizens, rigorously just, but that in public matters he acted often in accordance with his country's policy, which demanded, sometimes, not a little injustice. It is reported of him that he said in a debate, upon the motion of the Samians for removing the treasure from Delos to Athens, contrary to the league, that the thing indeed was not just, but was expedient. In fine, having established the dominion of his city over so many people, he himself remained indigent; and always delighted as much in the glory of being poor, as in that of his trophies; as is evident from the following story. Callias, the torch-bearer was related to him: and was prosecuted by his enemies in a capital cause, in which, after they had slightly argued the matters on which they indicted him, they proceeded, beside the point, to address the judges: "You know," said they, "Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, who is the admiration of all Greece. In what a condition do you think his family is at his house, when you see him appear in public in such a threadbare cloak? Is it not probable that one, who, out of doors, goes thus exposed to the cold, must want food and other necessaries at home? Callias, the wealthiest of the Athenians, does nothing to relieve either him or his wife and children in their poverty, though he is his own cousin, and has made use of him in many cases, and often reaped advantage by his interest with you." But Callias, perceiving that the judges were particularly moved by this, and were exasperated against him, called in Aristides, who testified that when Callias offered him divers presents, and entreated him to accept them, he had refused, answering, that it became him better to be proud of his poverty than Callias of his wealth. On Aristides deposing these facts in favor of Callias, there was not one who heard them that went way desirous rather to be poor like Aristides, than rich as Callias. Thus Aeschines, the scholar of Socrates, writes. But Plato declares, that of all the great and renowned men in the city of Athens, he was the only one worthy of consideration; for while Themistocles, Cimon, and Pericles filled the city with porticoes, treasure, and many other vain things, Aristides guided his public life by the rule of justice. He showed his moderation very plainly in his conduct toward Themistocles himself. For though Themistocles had been his adversary in all his undertakings, and was the cause of his banishment, yet when he afforded a similar opportunity of revenge, being accused by the city, Aristides bore him no malice; but while Alcmaeon, Cimon, and many others were prosecuting and impeaching him, Aristides alone, neither did, nor said any evil against him, and no more triumphed over his enemy in his adversity, than he had envied him his prosperity. Some say Aristides died in Pontus, during a voyage upon the affairs of the public. Others say that he died of old age at Athens, being in great honor and veneration among his fellow-citizens. His monument is to be seen at Phalerum, which they say was built for him by the city, he not having left enough even to defray funeral charges. And it is stated, that his two daughters were publicly married out of the prytaneum, or state-house, by the city, which decreed each of them three thousand drachmas for her portion; and that upon his son Lysimachus, the people bestowed a hundred minas of money, and as many acres of planted land, and ordered him besides, upon the motion of Alcibiades, four drachmas a day. CIMON Cimon was the son of Miltiades and Hegesipyle, who was by birth a Thracian, and daughter to the king Olorus. By this means the historian Thucydides was his kinsman by the mother's side; for his father's name also, in remembrance of this common ancestor, was Olorus, and he was the owner of the gold mines in Thrace, and met his death, it is said, by violence, in Scapte Hyle, a district of Thrace. Cimon was left an orphan very young, with his sister Elpinice, who was also young and unmarried. And at first he had but an indifferent reputation, being looked upon as disorderly in his habits, fond of drinking, and resembling his grandfather, also called Cimon, in character, whose simplicity got him the surname of Coalemus the simpleton. Stesimbrotus of Thasos, who lived about the same time with Cimon, reports of him that he had little acquaintance either with music, or any of the other liberal studies and accomplishments, then common among the Greeks; that he had nothing whatever of the quickness and the ready speech of his countrymen in Attica; that he had great nobleness and candor in his disposition, and in his character in general, resembled rather a native of Peloponnesus, than of Athens; as Euripides describes Hercules:-- ----Rude And unrefined, for great things, well-endued; for this may fairly be added to the character which Stesimbrotus has given of him. Almost all the points of Cimon's character were noble and good. He was as daring as Miltiades, and not inferior to Themistocles in judgment, and was incomparably more just and honest than either of them. Fully their equal in all military virtues, in the ordinary duties of a citizen at home he was immeasurably their superior. And this, too, when he was very young, his years not strengthened by any experience. For when Themistocles, upon the Median invasion, advised the Athenians to forsake their city and their country, and to carry all their arms on shipboard, and fight the enemy by sea, in the straits of Salamis; when all the people stood amazed at the confidence and rashness of this advice, Cimon was seen, the first of all men, passing with a cheerful countenance through the Ceramics, on his way with his companions to the citadel, carrying a bridle in his hand to offer to the goddess, intimating that there was no more need of horsemen now, but of mariners. There, after he had paid his devotions to the goddess, and offered up the bridle, he took down one of the bucklers that hung upon the walls of the temple, and went down to the port; by this example giving confidence to many of the citizens. He was also of a fairly handsome person, according to the poet Ion, tall and large, and let his thick and curly hair grow long. After he had acquitted himself gallantly in this battle of Salamis, he obtained great repute among the Athenians, and was regarded with affection, as well as admiration. He had many who followed after him, and bade him aspire to actions not less famous than his father's battle of Marathon. And when he came forward in political life, the people welcomed him gladly, being now weary of Themistocles; in opposition to whom, and because of the frankness and easiness of his temper, which was agreeable to every one, they advanced Cimon to the highest employments in the government. The man that contributed most to his promotion was Aristides, who early discerned in his character his natural capacity, and purposely raised him, that he might be a counterpoise to the craft and boldness of Themistocles. After the Medes had been driven out of Greece, Cimon was sent out as admiral, when the Athenians had not yet attained their dominion by sea, but still followed Pausanias and the Lacedaemonians; and his fellow-citizens under his command were highly distinguished, both for the excellence of their discipline, and for their extraordinary zeal and readiness. And further, perceiving that Pausanias was carrying on secret communications with the barbarians, and writing letters to the king of Persia to betray Greece, and, puffed up with authority and success, was treating the allies haughtily, and committing many wanton injustices, Cimon, taking advantage, by acts of kindness to those who were suffering wrong, and by his general humane bearing, robbed him of the command of the Greeks, before he was aware, not by arms, but by his mere language and character. Cimon, strengthened with the accession of the allies, went as general into Thrace. For he was told that some great men among the Persians, of the king's kindred, being in possession of Eion, a city situated upon the river Strymon, infested the neighboring Greeks. First he defeated these Persians in battle, and shut them up within the walls of their town. Then he fell upon the Thracians of the country beyond the Strymon, because they supplied Eion with victuals, and driving them entirely out of the country, took possession of it as conqueror, by which means he reduced the besieged to such straits, that Butes, who commanded there for the king, in desperation set fire to the town, and burned himself, his goods, and all his relations, in one common flame. By this means, Cimon got the town, but no great booty; as the barbarians had not only consumed themselves in the fire, but the richest of their effects. However, he put the country into the hands of the Athenians, a most advantageous and desirable situation for a settlement. For this action, the people permitted him to erect the stone Mercuries, upon the first of which was this inscription:-- Of bold and patient spirit, too, were those Who, where the Strymon under Eion flows, With famine and the sword, to utmost need Reduced at last the children of the Mede. Upon the second stood this:-- The Athenians to their leaders this reward For great and useful service did accord; Others hereafter, shall, from their applause, Learn to be valiant in their country's cause. And upon the third, the following:-- With Atreus' sons, this city sent of yore Divine Menestheus to the Trojan shore; Of all the Greeks, so Homer's verses say, The ablest man an army to array; So old the title of her sons the name Of chiefs and champions in the field to claim. Though the name of Cimon is not mentioned in these inscriptions, yet his contemporaries considered them to be the very highest honors to him; as neither Miltiades nor Themistocles ever received the like. When Miltiades claimed a garland, Sochares of Decelea stood up in the midst of the assembly and opposed it, using words which, though ungracious, were received with applause by the people. "When you have gained a victory by yourself, Miltiades, then you may ask to triumph so too." One mark of Cimon's great favor with the people, was the judgment, afterwards so famous upon the tragic poets. Sophocles, still a young man, had just brought forward his first plays; opinions were much divided, and the spectators had taken sides with some heat. So, to determine the case, Apsephion, who was at that time Archon, would not cast lots who should be judges; but when Cimon, and his brother commanders with him, came into the theatre, after they had performed the usual rites to the god of the festival, he would not allow them to retire, but came forward and made them swear, being ten in all, one from each tribe, the usual oath; and so being sworn judges, he made them sit down to give sentence. The eagerness for victory grew all the warmer, from the ambition to get the suffrages of such honorable judges. And the victory was at last adjudged to Sophocles, which Aeschylus is said to have taken so ill, that he left Athens shortly after, and went in anger to Sicily, where he died, and was buried near the city of Gela. Ion relates that when he was a young man, and had recently come from Chios to Athens, he chanced to sup with Cimon, at Laomedon's house. After supper, when they had, according to custom, poured out wine to the honor of the gods, Cimon was desired by the company to give them a song, which he did with sufficient success, and received the commendations of the company, who remarked on his superiority to Themistocles, who, on a like occasion, had declared he had never learnt to sing, or to play, and only knew how to make a city rich and powerful. After talking of things incident to such entertainments, they entered upon the particulars of the several actions for which Cimon had been famous. And when they were mentioning the most signal, he told them they had omitted one, upon which he valued himself most for address and good contrivance. He gave this account of it. When the allies had taken a great number of the barbarians prisoners in Sestos and Byzantium, they gave him the preference to divide the booty; he accordingly put the prisoners in one lot, and the spoils of their rich attire and jewels in the other. This the allies complained of as an unequal division; but he gave them their choice to take which lot they would, saying that the Athenians should be content with that which they refused. Herophytus of Samos advised them to take the ornaments for their share, and leave the slaves to the Athenians; and Cimon went away, and was much laughed at for his ridiculous division. For the allies carried away the golden bracelets, and armlets, and collars, and purple robes, and the Athenians had only the naked bodies of the captives, which they could make no advantage of, being unused to labor. But a little while after, the friends and kinsmen of the prisoners coming from Lydia and Phrygia, redeemed every one his relations at a high ransom; so that by this means Cimon got so much treasure that he maintained his whole fleet of galleys with the money for four months; and yet there was some left to lay up in the treasury at Athens. Cimon now grew rich, and what he gained from the barbarians with honor, he spent yet more honorably upon the citizens. For he pulled down all the enclosures of his gardens and grounds, that strangers, and the needy of his fellow-citizens, might gather of its fruits freely. At home, he kept a table, plain, but sufficient for a considerable number, to which any poor townsman had free access, and so might support himself without labor, with his whole time left free for public duties. Aristotle states, however, that this reception did not extend to all the Athenians, but only to his own fellow townsmen, the Laciadae.* Besides this, he always went attended by two or three young companions, very well clad; and if he met with an elderly citizen in a poor habit, one of these would change clothes with the decayed citizen, which was looked upon as very nobly done. He enjoined them, likewise, to carry a considerable quantity of coin about them, which they were to convey silently into the hands of the better class of poor men, as they stood by them in the market-place. This, Cratinus, the poet, speaks of in one of his comedies, the Archilochi:-- For I, Metrobius too, the scrivener poor, Of ease and comfort in my age secure, By Greece's noblest son in life's decline, Cimon, the generous-hearted, the divine, Well-fed and feasted hoped till death to be, Death which, alas! has taken him ere me. Gorgias the Leontine gives him this character, that he got riches that he might use them, and used them that he might get honor by them. And Critias, one of the thirty tyrants, makes it, in his elegies, his wish to have The Scopads' wealth, and Cimon's nobleness, And king Agesilaus's success. Lichas, we know, became famous in Greece, only because on the days of the sports, when the young boys ran naked, he used to entertain the strangers that came to see these diversions. But Cimon's generosity outdid all the old Athenian hospitality and good-nature. For though it is the city's just boast that their forefathers taught the rest of Greece to sow corn, and how to use springs of water, and to kindle fire, yet Cimon, by keeping open house for his fellow-citizens, and giving travelers liberty to eat the fruits which the several seasons produced in his land, seemed to restore to the world that community of goods, which mythology says existed in the reign of Saturn. Those who object to him that he did this to be popular, and gain the applause of the vulgar, are confuted by the constant tenor of the rest of his actions, which all ended to uphold the interests of the nobility and the Spartan policy, of which he gave instances, when, together with Aristides, he opposed Themistocles, who was advancing the authority of the people beyond its just limits, and resisted Ephialtes, who to please the multitude, was for abolishing the jurisdiction of the court of Areopagus. And when all the men of his time, except Aristides and Ephialtes, enriched themselves out of the public money, he still kept his hands clean and untainted, and to his last day never acted or spoke for his own private gain or emolument. They tell us that Rhoesaces, a Persian, who had traitorously revolted from the king his master, fled to Athens, and there, being harassed by sycophants who were still accusing him to the people, he applied himself to Cimon for redress, and to gain his favor, laid down in his doorway two cups, the one full of gold, and the other of silver Darics. Cimon smiled and asked him whether he wished to have Cimon's hired service or his friendship. He replied, his friendship. "If so," said he, "take away these pieces, for being your friend, when I shall have occasion for them, I will send and ask for them." The allies of the Athenians began now to be weary of war and military service, willing to have repose, and to look after their husbandry and traffic. For they saw their enemies driven out of the country, and did not fear any new vexations from them. They still paid the tax they were assessed at, but did not send men and galleys, as they had done before. This the other Athenian generals wished to constrain them to, and by judicial proceedings against defaulters, and penalties which they inflicted on them, made the government uneasy, and even odious. But Cimon practiced a contrary method; he forced no man to go that was not willing, but of those that desired to be excused from service he took money and vessels unmanned, and let them yield to the temptation of staying at home, to attend to their private business. Thus they lost their military habits, and luxury and their own folly quickly changed them into unwarlike husbandmen and traders; while Cimon, continually embarking large numbers of Athenians on board his galleys, thoroughly disciplined them in his expeditions, and ere long made them the lords of their own paymasters. The allies, whose indolence maintained them, while they thus went sailing about everywhere, and incessantly bearing arms and acquiring skill, began to fear and flatter them, and found themselves after a while allies no longer, but unwittingly become tributaries and slaves. Nor did any man ever do more than Cimon did to humble the pride of the Persian king. He was not content with ridding Greece of him; but following close at his heels, before the barbarians could take breath and recover themselves, what with his devastations, and his forcible reduction of some places and the revolts and voluntary accession of others, in the end, from Ionia to Pamphylia, all Asia was clear of Persian soldiers. Word being brought him that the royal commanders were lying in wait upon the coast of Pamphylia, with a numerous land army, and a large fleet, he determined to make the whole sea on this side the Chelidonian islands so formidable to them that they should never dare to show themselves in it; and setting off from Cnidos and the Triopian headland, with two hundred galleys, which had been originally built with particular care by Themistocles, for speed and rapid evolutions, and to which he now gave greater width and roomier decks along the sides to move to and fro upon, so as to allow a great number of full-armed soldiers to take part in the engagements and fight from them, he shaped his course first of all against the town of Phaselis, which, though inhabited by Greeks, yet would not quit the interests of Persia, but denied his galleys entrance into their port. Upon this he wasted the country, and drew up his army to their very walls; but the soldiers of Chios, who were then serving under him, being ancient friends to the Phaselites, endeavoring to propitiate the general in their behalf, at the same time shot arrows into the town, to which were fastened letters conveying intelligence. At length he concluded peace with them, upon the conditions that they should pay down ten talents, and follow him against the barbarians. The Persian admiral lay waiting for him with the whole fleet at the mouth of the river Eurymedon, with no design to fight, but expecting a reinforcement of eighty Phoenician ships on their way from Cyprus. Cimon, aware of this, put out to sea, resolved, if they would not fight a battle willingly, to force them to it. The barbarians, seeing this, retired within the mouth of the river to avoid being attacked; but when they saw the Athenians come upon them, notwithstanding their retreat, they met them with six hundred ships, as Phanodemus relates, but according to Ephorus, with three hundred and fifty. However, they did nothing worthy such mighty forces, but immediately turned the prows of their galleys toward the shore, where those that came first threw themselves upon the land, and fled to their army drawn up thereabout, while the rest perished with their vessels, or were taken. By this, one may guess at their number, for though a great many escaped out of the fight, and a great many others were sunk, yet two hundred galleys were taken by the Athenians. When their land army drew toward the seaside, Cimon was in suspense whether he should venture to try and force his way on shore; as he should thus expose his Greeks, wearied with slaughter in the first engagement, to the swords of the barbarians, who were all fresh men, and many times their number. But seeing his men resolute, and flushed with victory, he bade them land, though they were not yet cool from their first battle. As soon as they touched ground, they set up a shout and ran upon the enemy, who stood firm and sustained the first shock with great courage, so that the fight was a hard one, and some of the principal men of the Athenians in rank and courage were slain. At length, though with much ado, they routed the barbarians, and killing some, took others prisoners, and plundered all their tents and pavilions, which were full of rich spoil. Cimon, liked a skilled athlete at the games, having in one day carried off two victories, wherein he surpassed that of Salamis by sea, and that of Plataea by land, was encouraged to try for yet another success. News being brought that the Phoenician succors, in number eighty sail, had come in sight at Hydrum, he set off with all speed to find them, while they as yet had not received any certain account of the larger fleet, and were in doubt what to think; so that thus surprised, they lost all their vessels, and most of their men with them. This success of Cimon so daunted the king of Persia, that he presently made that celebrated peace, by which he engaged that his armies should come no nearer the Grecian sea than the length of a horse's course; and that none of his galleys or vessels of war should appear between the Cyanean and Chelidonian isles. In the collection which Craterus made of the public acts of the people, there is a draft of this treaty given. The people of Athens raised so much money from the spoils of this war, which were publicly sold, that, besides other expenses, and raising the south wall of the citadel, they laid the foundation of the long walls, not, indeed, finished till at a later time, which were called the Legs. And the place where they built them being soft and marshy ground, they were forced to sink great weights of stone and rubble to secure the foundation, and did all this out of the money Cimon supplied them with. It was he, likewise, who first embellished the upper city with those fine and ornamental places of exercise and resort, which they afterward so much frequented and delighted in. He set the market-place with plane trees; and the Academy, which was before a bare, dry, and dirty spot, he converted into a well-watered grove, with shady alleys to walk in, and open courses for races. When the Persians who had made themselves masters of the Chersonese, so far from quitting it, called in the people of the interior of Thrace to help them against Cimon, whom they despised for the smallness of his forces, he set upon them with only four galleys, and took thirteen of theirs; and having driven out the Persians, and subdued the Thracians, he made the hole Chersonese the property of Athens. Next, he attacked the people of Thasos, who had revolted from the Athenians; and, having defeated them in a fight at sea, where he captured thirty-three of their vessels, he took their own by siege, and acquired for the Athenians all the mines of gold on the opposite coast, and the territory dependent on Thasos. This opened him a fair passage into Macedon, so that he might, it was thought, have acquired a good portion of that country, and because he neglected the opportunity, he was suspected of corruption, and of having been bribed off by king Alexander. So, by the combination of his adversaries, he was accused of being false to his country. In his defence he told the judges, that he had always shown himself in his public life the friend, not, like other men, of rich Ionians and Thessalonians, to be courted, and to receive presents, but of the Lacedaemonians; for as he admired, so he wished to imitate, the plainness of their habits, their temperance, and simplicity of living, which he preferred to any sort of riches; but that he always had been, and still was proud to enrich his country with the spoils of her enemies. Pericles proved the mildest of his prosecutors, and rose up but once all the while, almost as a matter of form, to plead against him. Cimon was acquitted. In his public life after this, he continued, while at home, to control the common people, who would have trampled upon the nobility, and drawn all the power and sovereignty to themselves. But when he afterwards was sent out to war, the multitude broke loose, as it were, and overthrew all the ancient laws and customs they had hitherto observed, and, chiefly at the instigation of Ephialtes, withdrew the cognizance of almost all causes from the Areopagus; so that all jurisdiction now being transferred to them, the government was reduced to a perfect democracy, and this by the help of Pericles, who was already powerful, and had pronounced in favor of the common people. He was indeed a favorer of the Lacedaemonians even from his youth, and gave the names of Lacedaemonius and Eleus to his two sons, twins. Cimon was countenanced by the Lacedaemonians in opposition to Themistocles, whom they disliked; and while he was yet very young, they endeavored to raise and increase his credit in Athens. This the Athenians perceived at first with pleasure, and the favor the Lacedaemonians showed him was in various ways advantageous to them and their affairs; as at that time they were just rising to power, and were occupied in winning the allies to their side. So they seemed not at all offended with the honor and kindness showed to Cimon, who then had the chief management of all the affairs of Greece, and was acceptable to the Lacedaemonians, and courteous to the allies. But afterwards the Athenians, grown more powerful, when they saw Cimon so entirely devoted to the Lacedaemonians, began to be angry, for he would always in speeches prefer them to the Athenians, and upon every occasion, when he would reprimand them for a fault, or incite them to emulation, he would exclaim, "The Lacedaemonians would not do thus." This raised the discontent, and got him in some degree the hatred of the citizens; but that which ministered chiefly to the accusation against him fell out upon the following occasion. In the fourth year of the reign of Archidamus, the son of Zeuxidamus, king of Sparta, there happened in the country of Lacedaemon, the greatest earthquake that was known in the memory of ma; the earth opened into chasms, and the mountain Taygetus was so shaken that some of the rocky points of it fell down, and except five houses, all the town of Sparta was shattered to pieces. They say that a little before any motion was perceived, as the young men and the boys just grown up were exercising themselves together in the middle of the portico, a hare, of a sudden, started out just by them, which the young men, though all naked and daubed with oil, ran after for sport. No sooner were they gone from the place, than the gymnasium fell down upon the boys who had stayed behind, and killed them all. Their tomb is to this day called Sismatias.* Archidamus, by the present danger made apprehensive of what might follow, and seeing the citizens intent upon removing the most valuable of their goods out of their houses, commanded an alarm to be sounded, as if an enemy were coming upon them, in order that they should collect about him in a body, with arms. It was this alone that saved Sparta at that time, for the Helots had come together from the country about, with design of surprising the Spartans, and overpowering those whom the earthquake had spared. But finding them armed and well prepared, they retired into the towns and openly made war with them, gaining over a number of the Laconians of the country districts; while at the same time the Messenians, also, made an attack upon the Spartans, who therefore despatched Periclidas to Athens to solicit succor, of whom Aristophanes says in mockery that he came and In a red jacket, at the altars seated, With a white face, for men and arms entreated. This Ephialtes opposed, protesting that they ought not to raise up or assist a city that was a rival to Athens; but that being down, it were best to keep her so, and let the pride and arrogance of Sparta be trodden under. But Cimon, as Critias says, preferring the safety of Lacedaemon to the aggrandizement of his own country, so persuaded the people, that he soon marched out with a large army to their relief. Ion records, also, the most successful expression which he used to move the Athenians. "They ought not to suffer Greece to be lamed, nor their own city to be deprived of her yoke fellow." In his return from aiding the Lacedaemonians, he passed with his army through the territory of Corinth; whereupon Lachartus reproached him for bringing his army into the country, without first asking leave of the people. For he that knocks at another man's door ought not to enter the house till the master gives him leave. "But you, Corinthians, O Lachartus," said Cimon, "did not knock at the gates of the Cleonaeans and Megarians, but broke them down and entered by force, thinking that all places should be open to the stronger." And having thus rallied the Corinthian, he passed on with his army. Some time after this, the Lacedaemonians sent a second time to desire succor of the Athenians against the Messenians and Helots, who had seized upon Ithome. But when they came, fearing their boldness and gallantry, of all that came to their assistance, they sent them only back, alleging that they were designing innovations. The Athenians returned home, enraged at this usage, and vented their anger upon all those who were favorers of the Lacedaemonians; and seizing some slight occasion, they banished Cimon for ten years, which is the time prescribed to those that are banished by the ostracism. In the mean time, the Lacedaemonians, on their return after freeing Delphi from the Phocians, encamped their army at Tanagra, whither the Athenians presently marched with design to fight them. Cimon also, came thither armed and ranged himself among those of his own tribe, which was the Oeneis, desirous of fighting with the rest against the Spartans; but the council of five hundred being informed of this, and frightened at it, his adversaries crying out that he would disorder the army, and bring the Lacedaemonians to Athens, commanded the officers not to receive him. Wherefore Cimon left the army, conjuring Euthippus, the Anaphylstian, and the rest of his companions, who were most suspected as favoring the Lacedaemonians, to behave themselves bravely against their enemies, and by their actions make their innocence evident to their countrymen. These, being in all a hundred, took the arms of Cimon, and followed his advice; and making a body by themselves, fought so desperately with the enemy, that they were all cut off, leaving the Athenians deep regret for the loss of such brave men, and repentance for having so unjustly suspected them. Accordingly, they did not long retain their severity toward Cimon, partly upon remembrance of his former services, and partly, perhaps, induced by the juncture of the times. For being defeated at Tanagra in a great battle, and fearing the Peloponnesians would come upon them at the opening of the spring, they recalled Cimon by a decree, of which Pericles himself was author. So reasonable were men's resentments in those times, and so moderate their anger, that it always gave way to the public good. Even ambition, the least governable of all human passions, could then yield to the necessities of the State. Cimon, as soon as he returned, put an end to the war, and reconciled the two cities. Peace thus established, seeing the Athenians impatient of being idle, and eager for the honor and aggrandizement of war, lest they should set upon the Greeks themselves, or with so many ships cruising about the isles and Peloponnesus, they should give occasions for intestine wars, or complaints of their allies against them, he equipped two hundred galleys, with design to make an attempt upon Egypt and Cyprus; purposing, by this means, to accustom the Athenians to fight against the barbarians, and enrich themselves honestly by despoiling those who were the natural enemies to Greece. But when all things were prepared, and the army ready to embark, Cimon had this dream. It seemed to him that there was a furious female dog barking at him, and, mixed with the barking, a kind of human voice uttered these words: Come on, for thou shalt shortly be A pleasure to my whelps and me. This dream was hard to interpret, yet Astyphilus of Posidonia, a man skilled in divinations, and intimate with Cimon, told him that his death was presaged by this vision, which he thus explained. A dog is enemy to him he barks at; and one is always most a pleasure to one's enemies, when one is dead; the mixture of human voice with barking signifies the Medes, for the army of the Medes is mixed up of Greeks and barbarians. After this dream, as he was sacrificing to Bacchus, and the priest cutting up the victim, a number of ants, taking up the congealed particles of the blood, laid them about Cimon's great toes. This was not observed for a good while, but at the very time when Cimon spied it, the priest came and showed him the liver of the sacrifice imperfect, wanting that part of it called the head. But he could not then recede from the enterprise, so he set sail. Sixty of his ships he sent toward Egypt; with the rest he went and fought the king of Persia's fleet, composed of Phoenician and Cilician galleys, recovered all the cities thereabout, and threatened Egypt; designing no less than the entire ruin of the Persian empire. And the more because he was informed that Themistocles was in great repute among the barbarians, having promised the king to lead his army, whenever he should make war upon Greece. But Themistocles, it is said, abandoning all hopes of compassing his designs, very much out of the despair of overcoming the valor and good-fortune of Cimon, died a voluntary death. Cimon, intent on great designs, which he was now to enter upon, keeping his navy about the isle of Cyprus, sent messengers to consult the oracle of Jupiter Ammon upon some secret matter. For it is not known about what they were sent, and the god would give them no answer, but commanded them to return again, for Cimon was already with him. Hearing this, they returned to sea, and as soon as they came to the Grecian army, which was then about Egypt, they understood that Cimon was dead; and computing the time of the oracle, they found that his death had been signified, he being then already with the gods. He died, some say, of sickness, while besieging Citium, in Cyprus; according to others, of a wound he received in a skirmish with the barbarians. When he perceived that he was going to die, he commanded those under his charge to return, and by no means to let the news of his death be known by the way; this they did with such secrecy that they all came home safe, and neither their enemies nor the allies knew what had happened. Thus, as Phanodemus relates, the Grecian army was, as it were, conducted by Cimon thirty days after he was dead. But after his death there was not one commander among the Greeks that did any thing considerable against the barbarians, and instead of uniting against their common enemies, the popular leaders and partisans of war animated them against one another to such a degree, that none could interpose their good offices to reconcile them. And while, by their mutual discord, they ruined the power of Greece, they gave the Persians time to recover breath, and repair all their losses. It is true, indeed, Agesilaus carried the arms of Greece into Asia, but it was a long time afterwards; there were some brief appearances of a war against the king's lieutenants in the maritime provinces, but they all quickly vanished; before he could perform any thing of moment, he was recalled by fresh civil dissensions and disturbances at home. So that he was forced to leave the Persian king's officers to impose what tribute they pleased on the Greek cities in Asia, the confederates and allies of the Lacedaemonians. Whereas, in the time of Cimon, not so much as a letter-carrier, or a single horseman, was ever seen to come within four hundred furlongs of the sea. The monuments, called Cimonian to this day, in Athens, show that his remains were conveyed home, yet the inhabitants of the city Citium pay particular honor to a certain tomb which they call the tomb of Cimon, according to Nausicrates the rhetorician, who states that in a time of famine, when the crops of their land all failed, they sent to the oracle, which commanded them not to forget Cimon, but give him the honors of a superior being. POMPEY The people of Rome appear, from the first, to have been affected towards Pompey, much in the same manner as Prometheus, in Aeschylus, was towards Hercules, when after that hero had delivered him from his chains, he says-- The sire I hated, but the son I loved. For never did the Romans entertain a stronger and more rancorous hatred for any general than for Strabo, the father of Pompey. While he lived, indeed, they were afraid of his abilities as a soldier, for he had great talents for war; but upon his death, which happened by a stroke of lightning, they dragged his corpse from the bier, on the way to the funeral pile, and treated it with the greatest indignity. On the other hand, no man ever experienced from the same Romans an attachment more early begun, more disinterested in all the stages of his prosperity, or more constant and faithful in the decline of his fortune, than Pompey. The sole cause of their aversion to the father was his insatiable avarice; but there were many causes of their affection for the son; his temperate way of living, his application to martial exercises, his eloquent and persuasive address, his strict honor and fidelity, and the easiness of access to him upon all occasions; for no man was ever less importunate in asking favors, or more gracious in conferring them. When he gave, it was without arrogance; and when he received, it was with dignity. In his youth he had a very engaging countenance, which spoke for him before he opened his lips. Yet that grace of aspect was not attended with dignity, and amidst his youthful bloom there was a venerable and princely air. His hair naturally curled a little before; which, together with the shining moisture and quick turn of his eye, produced a stronger likeness to Alexander the Great than that which appeared in the statues of that prince. As to the simplicity of his diet, there is a remarkable saying of his upon record. In a great illness, when his appetite was almost gone, the physician ordered him a thrush. His servants, upon inquiry, found there was not one to be had for money, for the season was passed. They were informed, however, that Lucullus had them all the year in his menageries. This being reported to Pompey, he said, "Does Pompey's life depend upon the luxury of Lucullus?" Then, without any regard to the physician, he ate something that was easy to be had. After the death of Cinna, Carbo, a tyrant still more savage, took the reins of government. It was not long, however, before Sylla returned to Italy, to the great satisfaction of most of the Romans, who, in their present unhappy circumstances, thought the change of their master no small advantage. Pompey, at the age of twenty-three, without a commission from any superior authority, erected himself into a general; and having placed his tribunal in the most public part of the great city of Auximum, enlisted soldiers and appointed tribunes, centurions, and other officers, according to the established custom. He did the same in all the neighboring cities; for the partisans of Carbo retired and gave place to him; and the rest were glad to range themselves under his banners. So that in a little time he raised three complete legions, and furnished himself with provisions, beasts of burden, carriages; in short, with the whole apparatus of war. In this form he moved towards Sylla, not by hasty marches, nor as if he wanted to conceal himself; for he stopped by the way to harass the enemy; and attempted to draw off from Carbo all the parts of Italy through which he passed. At last, three generals of the opposite party, Carinna, Caelius, and Brutus, came against him all at once, not in front, or in one body, but they hemmed him in with their three armies, in hopes to demolish him entirely. Pompey, far from being terrified, assembled all his forces, and charged the army of Brutus at the head of his cavalry. The Gaulish horse on the enemy's side sustained the first shock; but Pompey attacked the foremost of them, who was a man of prodigious strength, and brought him down with a push of his spear. The rest immediately fled and threw the infantry into such disorder that the whole was soon put to flight. This produced so great a quarrel among the three generals, that they parted and took separate routes. In consequence of which, the cities, concluding that the fears of the enemy had made them part, adopted the interest of Pompey. Not long after, Scipio the consul advanced to engage him. But before the infantry were near enough to discharge their lances, Scipio's soldiers saluted those of Pompey, and came over to them. Scipio, therefore, was forced to fly. At last, Carbo sent a large body of cavalry against Pompey, near the river Arsis. He gave them so warm a reception, that they were soon broken, and in the pursuit drove them upon impracticable ground; so that finding it impossible to escape, they surrendered themselves with their arms and horses. Sylla had not yet been informed of these transactions; but upon the first news of Pompey's being engaged with so many adversaries, and such respectable generals, he dreaded the consequence, and marched with all expedition to his assistance. Pompey, having intelligence of his approach, ordered his officers to see that the troops were armed and drawn up in such a manner as to make the handsomest and most gallant appearance before the commander-in-chief. For he expected great honours from him, and he obtained greater. Sylla no sooner saw Pompey advancing to meet him, with an army in excellent condition, both as to age and size of the men, and the spirits which success had given them, than he alighted; and upon being saluted of course by Pompey as Imperator, he returned his salutation with the same title: though no one imagined that he would have honoured a young man not yet admitted into the senate with a title for which he was contending with the Scipios and the Marii. The rest of his behavior was as respectable as that in the first interview. He used to rise up and uncover his head, whenever Pompey came to him; which he was rarely observed to do for any other, though he had a number of persons of distinction about him. While Pompey was in Sicily, he received a decree of the senate, and letters from Sylla, in which he was commanded to cross over to Africa and to carry on the war with the utmost vigor against Domitius, who had assembled a much more powerful army than that which Marius carried not long before from Africa to Italy, when he made himself master of Rome, and from a fugitive became a tyrant. Pompey soon finished his preparation for this expedition; and leaving the command in Sicily to Memmius, his sister's husband, he set sail with one hundred and twenty armed vessels, and eight hundred store-ships, laden with provisions, arms, money, and machines of war. Part of his fleet landed at Utica, and part at Carthage: immediately after which seven thousand of the enemy came over to him; and he had brought with him six legions complete. On his arrival he met with a whimsical adventure. Some of his soldiers, it seems, found a treasure, and rest of the troops concluded that the place was full of money, which the Carthaginians had hid there in some time of public distress. Pompey, therefore could make no use of them for several days, as they were searching for treasures; and he had nothing to do but walk about and amuse himself with the sight of so many thousands digging and turning up the ground. At last, they gave up the point, and bade him lead them wherever be pleased, for they were sufficiently punished for their folly. Domitius advanced to meet him, and put his troops in order of battle. There happened to be a channel between them, craggy and difficult to pass. Moreover, in the morning it began to rain, and the wind blew violently; insomuch that Domitius, not imagining there would be any action that day, ordered his army to retire. But Pompey looked upon this as his opportunity, and he passed the defile with the utmost expedition. The enemy stood upon their defence, but it was in a disorderly and tumultuous manner, and the resistance they made was neither general nor uniform. Besides the wind and rain beat in their faces. The storm incommoded the Romans, too, for they could not well distinguish each other. Nay, Pompey himself was in danger of being killed by a soldier, who asked him the pass-word, and did not receive a speedy answer. At length, however, he routed the enemy with great slaughter; not above three thousand of them escaping out of twenty thousand. The soldiers then saluted Pompey, Imperator, but he said he would not accept that title while the enemy's camp stood untouched; therefore, if they chose to confer such an honor upon him, they must first make themselves masters of the intrenchments. At that instant they advanced with great fury against them. Pompey fought without his helmet, for fear of such an accident as he had just escaped. The camp was taken, and Domitius slain; in consequence of which most of the cities immediately submitted, and rest were taken by assault. He took Iarbas, one of the confederates of Domitius, prisoner, and bestowed his crown on Hiempsal. Advancing with the same tide of fortune, and while his army had all the spirits inspired by success, he entered Numidia, in which he continued his march for several days, and subdued all that came in his way. Thus he revived the terror of the Roman name, which the barbarians had begun to disregard. Nay, he chose not to leave the savage beasts in the deserts without giving them a specimen of the Roman valor and success. Accordingly he spent a few days in hunting lions and elephants. The whole time he passed in Africa, they tell us, was not above forty days; in which he defeated the enemy, reduced the whole country, and brought the affairs of its kings under proper regulations, though he was only in his twenty-fourth year. Upon his return to Utica, he received letters from Sylla, in which he was ordered to send home the rest of his army, and to wait there with one legion only for a successor. This gave him a great deal of uneasiness, which he kept to himself, but the army expressed their indignation aloud; insomuch that when he entreated them to return to Italy, they launched out into abusive terms against Sylla, and declared they would never abandon Pompey, or suffer him to trust a tyrant. At first, he endeavored to pacify them with mild representations; and when he found those had no effect, he descended from the tribunal, and retired to his tent in tears. However, they went and took him thence, and paced him again upon the tribunal, where they spent a great part of the day; they insisting that he should stay and keep the command, and he in persuading them to obey Sylla's orders, and to form no new faction. At last, seeing no end of their clamors and importunity, he assured them, with an oath, that he would kill himself, if they attempted to force him. And even this hardly brought them to desist. The first news that Sylla heard was, that Pompey had revolted; upon which he said to his friends, "Then it is my fate to have to contend with boys in my old age." This he said, because Marius, who was very young, had brought him into so much trouble and danger. But when he received true information of the affair, and observed that all the people flocked out to receive Pompey to conduct him home with marks of great regard, he resolved to exceed them in his regards, if possible. He, therefore, hastened to meet him, and embracing him in the most affectionate manner, saluted him aloud by the surname of Magnus, or The Great; at the same time he ordered all about him to give him the same appellation. Others say, it was given him by the whole army in Africa, but did not generally obtain till it was authorized by Sylla. It is certain, he was the last to take it himself, and he did not make use of it till a long time after, when he was sent into Spain with the dignity of pro-consul against Sertorius. Then he began to write himself in his letters in all his edicts, Pompey the Great; for the world was accustomed to the name, and it was no longer invidious. In this respect we may justly admire the wisdom of the ancient Romans, who bestowed on their great men such honorable names and titles, not only for military achievements, but for the great qualities and arts which adorn civil life. When Pompey arrived at Rome, he demanded a triumph, in which he was opposed by Sylla. The latter alleged that the laws did not allow that honor to any person who was not either consul or praetor. Hence it was that the first Scipio, when he returned victorious from greater wars and conflicts with the Carthaginians in Spain, did not demand a triumph; for he was neither consul nor praetor. He added, that if Pompey, who was yet little better than a beardless youth, and who was not of age to be admitted into the senate, should enter the city in triumph, it would bring an odium both upon the dictator's power, and those honors of his friend. These arguments Sylla insisted on, to show him that he would not allow of his triumph, and that, in case he persisted, he would chastise his obstinacy. Pompey, not in the least intimidated, bade him consider, that more worshiped the rising than the setting sun; intimating that his power was increasing, and Sylla's upon the decline. Sylla did not hear well what he said, but perceiving by the looks and gestures of the company that they were struck with the expression, he asked what it was. When he was told it, he admired the spirit of Pompey and cried, "Let him triumph! Let him triumph!" There is no doubt that he might then have been easily admitted a senator, if he had desired it; but his ambition was to pursue honor in a more uncommon track. It would have been nothing strange, if Pompey had been a senator before the age fixed for it; but it was a very extraordinary instance of honor to lead up a triumph before he was a senator. And it contributed not a little to gain him the affections of the multitude; the people were delighted to see him, after his triumph, class with the equestrian order. The power of the pirates had its foundation in Cilicia. Their progress was the more dangerous, because at first it was little taken notice of. In the Mithridatic war they assumed new confidence and courage, on account of some services they had rendered the king. After this, the Romans being engaged in civil wars at the very gates of their capital, the sea was left unguarded, and the pirates by degrees attempted higher things; they not only attacked ships, but islands, and maritime towns. Many persons, distinguished for their wealth, their birth, and their capacity, embarked with them, and assisted in the depredations, as if their employment had been worthy the ambition of men of honor. They had in various places arsenals, ports, and watch-towers, all strongly fortified. Their fleets were not only extremely well manned, supplied with skillful pilots, and fitted for their business by their lightness and celerity; but there was a parade of vanity about them more mortifying than their strength, in gilded sterns, purpose canopies, and plated oars; as if they took a pride and triumphed in their villainy. Music resounded, and drunken revels were exhibited on every coast. Here generals were made prisoners; there the cities the pirates had taken were paying their ransom; all to the great disgrace of the Roman power. The number of their galleys amounted to one thousand, and the cities they were masters of to four hundred. Temples which had stood inviolably sacred till that time, they plundered. They ruined the temple of Apollo at Claros, that of the Cabiri in Samothrace, of Ceres at Hermione, of Aesculapius at Epidaurus, those of Neptune in the Isthmus, at Taenarus and in Calauria, those of Apollo at Actium and in the isle of Leucas, those of Juno at Samos, Argos, and the promontory of Lacinium. They likewise offered strange sacrifices; those of Olympus I mean; and they celebrated certain secret mysteries, among which those of Mithra continue to this day, being originally instituted by them. They not only insulted the Romans at sea but infested the great roads, and plundered the villas near the coast; they carried off Sextilius and Bellinus, two praetors, in their purple robes, which all their servants and lictors. They seized the daughter of Antony, a man who had been honored with a triumph, as she was going to her country house, and he was forced to pay a large ransom for her. But the most contemptible circumstance of all was, that when they had taken a prisoner, and he cried out that he was a Roman, and told them his name, they pretended to be struck with terror, smote their thighs, and fell upon their knees to ask him pardon. The poor man, seeing them thus humble themselves before him, thought them in earnest, and said he would forgive them; for some were so officious as to put on his shoes, and others to help him on with his gown, that his quality might no more be mistaken. When they had carried on this farce, and enjoyed it for some time, they let a ladder down into the sea, and bade him go in peace; and if he refused to do it, they pushed him off the deck, and drowned him. Their power extended over the whole Tuscan sea, so that the Romans found their trade and navigation entirely cut off. The consequence of which was, that their markets were not supplied, and they had reason to apprehend a famine. This at last led them to send Pompey to clear the sea of pirates. Gabinius, one of Pompey's intimate friends, proposed the decree, which created him not admiral, but monarch, and invested him with absolute power. The decree gave him the empire of the sea as far as the Pillars of Hercules, and of the land for 400 furlongs from the coasts. There were few parts of the Roman empire which this commission did not take in; and the most considerable of the barbarous nations, and most powerful kings, were moreover comprehended in it. Besides this he was empowered to choose out of the senators fifteen lieutenants, to act under him in such districts, and with such authority as he should appoint. He was to take from the quaestors, and other public receivers, what money he pleased, and equip a fleet of two hundred sail. The number of marine forces, of mariners and rowers, was left entirely to his discretion. When this decree was read in the assembly, the people received it with inconceivable pleasure. The most respectable part of the senate saw, indeed, that such an absolute and unlimited power was above envy, but they considered it as a real object of fear. They therefore all, except Caesar, opposed its passing into a law. He was for it, not out of regard for Pompey, but to insinuate himself into the good graces of the people, which he had long been courting. The rest were very severe in the expressions against Pompey; and one of the consuls venturing to say, "If he imitates Romulus, he will not escape his fate," was in danger of being pulled in pieces by the populace. It is true, when Catulus rose up to speak against the law, out of reverence for his person they listened to him with great attention. After he had freely given Pompey the honor that was his due, and said much in his praise, he advised them to spare him, and not to expose such a man to so many dangers; "for where will you find another," said he, "if you lose him?" They answered with one voice, "Yourself." Finding his arguments had no effect, he retired. Then Roscius mounted the rostrum, but not a man would give ear to him. However he made signs to them with his fingers, that they should not appoint Pompey alone, but give him a colleague. Incensed at the proposal, they set up such a shout, that a crow, which was flying over the forum, was stunned with the force of it, and fell down among the crowd. Hence we may conclude, that when birds fall on such occasions, it is not because the air is so divided with the shock as to leave a vacuum, but rather because the sound strikes them like a blow, when it ascends with force, and produces so violent an agitation. The assembly broke up that day without coming to any resolution. When the day came that they were to give their suffrages, Pompey retired into the country; and, on receiving information that the decree was passed, he returned to the city by night, to prevent the envy which the multitudes of people coming to meet him would have excited. Next morning at break of day he made his appearance, and attended the sacrifice. After which, he summoned an assembly, and obtained a grant of almost as much more as the first decree had given him. He was empowered to fit out 500 galleys, and to raise an army of 120,000 foot, and 5,000 horse. Twenty-four senators were selected, who had all been generals or praetors, and were appointed his lieutenants; and he had two quaestors given him. As the price of provisions fell immediately, the people were greatly pleased, and it gave them occasion to say that the very name of Pompey had terminated the war. However, in pursuance of his charge, he divided the whole Mediterranean into thirteen parts, appointing a lieutenant for each, and assigning him a squadron. By thus stationing his fleet in all quarters, he enclosed the pirates as it were in a net, took great numbers of them, and brought them into harbor. Such of their vessels as had dispersed and made off in time, or could escape the general chase, retired to Cilicia, like so many bees into a hive. Against these he proposed to go himself, with sixty of his best galleys; but first he resolved to clear the Tuscan sea, and the coasts of Africa, Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily, of all piratical adventurers; which he effected in forty days, by his own indefatigable endeavors and those of his lieutenants. But, as the consul Piso was indulging his malignity at home, in wasting his stores and discharging his seamen, he sent his fleet round to Brundusium, and went himself by land through Tuscany to Rome. As soon as the people were informed of his approach, they went in crowds to receive him, in the same manner as they had done a few days before, to conduct him on his way. Their extraordinary joy was owing to the speed with which he had executed his commission, so far beyond all expectation, and to the superabundant plenty which reigned in the markets. For this reason Piso was in danger of being deposed from the consulship, and Gabinius had a decree ready drawn up for that purpose; but Pompey would not suffer him to propose it. On the contrary, his speech to the people was full of candor and moderation; and when he had provided such things as he wanted, he went to Brundusium, and put to sea again. Though he was straightened for time, and in his haste sailed by many cities without calling, yet he stopped at Athens. He entered the town and sacrificed to the gods; after which he addressed the people, and then prepared to reembark immediately. As he went out of the gate he observed two inscriptions, each comprised in one line. That within the gate was: But know thyself a man, and be a god. That without: We wish'd, we saw; we loved, and we adored. Some of the pirates, who yet traversed the seas, made their submission; and as he treated them in a humane manner, when he had them and their ships in his power, others entertained hope of mercy, and avoiding the other officers, surrendered themselves to Pompey, together with their wives and children. He spared them all; and it was principally by their means that he found out and took a number who were guilty of unpardonable crimes, and therefore had concealed themselves. Still, however, there remained a great number, and indeed the most powerful part of these corsairs, who sent their families, treasures, and all useless hands, into castles and fortified towns upon Mount Taurus. Then they manned their ships, and waited for Pompey at Coracesium, in Cilicia. A battle ensued, and the pirates were defeated; after which they retired into the fort. But they had not been long besieged before they capitulated, and surrendered themselves, together with the cities and islands which they had conquered and fortified, and which by their works as well as situation were almost impregnable. Thus the war was finished, and whole force of the pirates destroyed, within three months at the farthest. Besides the other vessels, Pompey took ninety ships with beaks of brass; and the prisoners amounted to 20,000. He did not choose to put them to death, and at the same time he thought it wrong to suffer them to disperse, because they were not only numerous, but warlike and necessitous, and therefore would probably knit again and give future trouble. He reflected, that man by nature is neither a savage nor an unsocial creature; and when he becomes so, it is by vices contrary to nature; yet even then he may be humanized by changing his place of abode, and accustoming him to a new manner of life; as beasts that are naturally wild put off their fierceness when they are kept in a domestic way. For this reason he determined to remove the pirates to a great distance from the sea, and bring them to taste the sweets of civil life, by living in cities, and by the culture of the ground. He placed some of them in the little towns of Cilicia, which were almost desolate, and which received them with pleasure, because at the same time he gave them an additional proportion of lands. He repaired the city of Soli, which had lately been dismantled and deprived of its inhabitants by Tigranes, king of Armenia, and peopled it with a number of these corsairs. The remainder, which was a considerable body, he planted in Dyma, a city of Achaia, which, though it had a large and fruitful territory, was in want of inhabitants. Pompey, having secured the sea from Phoenicia to the Bosphorus, marched in quest of Mithridates, who had an army of 30,000 foot and 2,000 horse, but durst not stand an engagement. That prince was in possession of a strong and secure post upon a mountain, which he quitted upon Pompey's approach, because it was destitute of water. Pompey encamped in the same place; and conjecturing, from the nature of the plants and the crevices in the mountain, that springs might be found, he ordered a number of wells to be dug, and the camp was in a short time plentifully supplied with water. He was not a little surprised that this did not occur to Mithridates during the whole time of his encampment there. After this, Pompey followed him to his new camp, and drew a line of circumvallation round him. Mithridates stood a siege of forty-five days, after which he found means to steal off with his best troops, having first killed all the sick, and such as could be of no service. Pompey overtook him near the Euphrates, and encamped over against him; but fearing he might pass the river unperceived, he drew out his troops at midnight. At that time Mithridates is said to have had a dream prefigurative of what was to befall him. He thought he was upon the Pontic Sea, sailing with a favorable wind, and in sight of the Bosphorus; so that he felicitated his friends in the ship, like a man perfectly safe, and already in harbor. But suddenly he beheld himself in the most destitute condition, swimming upon a piece of wreck. While he was in all the agitation which this dream produced, his friends awaked him, and told him that Pompey was at hand. He was now under a necessity of fighting for his camp, and his generals drew up the forces with all possible expedition. Pompey, seeing them prepared, was loth to risk a battle in the dark. He thought it sufficient to surround them, so as to prevent their flight; and what inclined him still more to wait for daylight, was the consideration that his troops were much better than the enemy's. However, the oldest of his officers entreated him to proceed immediately to the attack, and at last prevailed. It was not indeed very dark; for the moon, though near her setting, gave light enough to distinguish objects. But it was a great disadvantage to the king's troops, that the moon was so low, and on the backs of the Romans; because she projected their shadows so far before them, that the enemy could form no just estimate of the distances, but thinking them at hand, threw their javelins before they could do the least execution. The Romans, perceiving their mistake, advanced to the charge with all the alarm of voices. The enemy were in such a consternation, that they made not the least stand, and, in their flight, vast numbers were slain. They lost above 10,000 men, and their camp was taken. As for Mithridates, he broke through the Romans with 800 horses, in the beginning of the engagement. That corps, however, did not follow him far before they dispersed, and left him with only three of his people. The pursuit of Mithridates was attended with great difficulties; for he concealed himself among the nations settled about the Bosphorus and the Palus Maeotis. Besides, news was brought to Pompey that the Albanians had revolted, and taken up arms again. The desire of revenge determined him to march back, and chastise them. But it was with infinite trouble and danger that he passed the Cyrnus again, the barbarians having fenced it on their side with palisades all along the banks. And when he was over, he had a large country to traverse, which afforded no water. This last difficulty he provided against by filling 10,000 bottles; and pursuing his march, he found the enemy drawn up on the banks of the river Abas, to the number of 60,000 foot and 12,000 horse, but many of them ill-armed, and provided with nothing of the defensive kind but skins of beasts. They were commanded by the king's brother, named Cosis; who, at the beginning of the battle, singled out Pompey, and rushing in upon him, struck his javelin into the joints of his breastplate. Pompey in return run him through with his spear, and laid him dead on the spot. It is said that the Amazons came to the assistance of the barbarians from the mountains near the river Thermodon, and fought in this battle. The Romans, among the plunder of the field, did, indeed, meet with bucklers in the form of a half-moon, and such buskins as the Amazons wore; but there was not the body of a woman found among the dead. They inhabit that part of Mount Caucasus which stretches toward the Hyrcanian Sea, and are not next neighbors to the Albanians; for Gelae and Leges lie between; but they meet that people, and spend two months with them every year on the banks of the Thermodon; after which they retire to their own country. Pompey had advanced near to Petra, and encamped, and was taking some exercise on horseback without the trenches, when messengers arrived from Pontus; and it was plain they brought good news, because the points of their spears were crowned with laurel. The soldiers seeing this, gathered about Pompey, who was inclined to finish his exercise before he opened the packet; but they were so earnest in their entreaties, that they prevailed upon him to alight and take it. He entered the camp with it in his hand; and as there was no tribunal ready, and the soldiers were too impatient to raise one of turf, which the common method, they piled a number of pack-saddles one upon the other, upon which Pompey mounted, and gave them this information: "Mithridates is dead. He killed himself upon the revolt of his son Pharnaces. And Pharnaces has seized all that belonged to his father; which he declares he has done for himself and Romans." At this news the army, as might be expected, gave a loose rein to their joy, which they expressed in sacrifices to the gods, and in reciprocal entertainments, as if 10,000 of their enemies had been slain in Mithridates. Pompey having thus brought the campaign and the whole war to a conclusion so happy, and so far beyond his hopes, immediately quitted Arabia, traverses the provinces between that and Galatia with great rapidity, and soon arrived at Amisus. There he found many presents from Pharnaces, and several corpses of the royal family, among which was that of Mithridates. As for Pompey, he would not see the body, but to propitiate the avenging Nemesis, sent it to Sinope. However, he looked upon and admired the magnificence of his habit, and the size and beauty of his arms. The scabbard of his sword cost four hundred talents, and the diadem was of most exquisite workmanship. Pompey having thoroughly settled the affairs of Asia, hoped to return to Italy the greatest and happiest of men. People talked variously at Rome concerning his intentions. Many disturbed themselves at the thought that he would march with his army immediately to Rome and make himself sole and absolute master there. Crassus took his children and money, and withdrew; whether it was that he had some real apprehensions, or rather that he chose to countenance the calumny, and add force to the sting of envy; the latter seems the more probable. But Pompey had no sooner set foot in Italy, than he called an assembly of his soldiers, and, after a kind and suitable address, ordered them to disperse in their respective cities, and attend to their own affairs till his triumph, on which occasion they were to repair to him again. Pompey's triumph was so great, that though it was divided into two days, the time was far from being sufficient for displaying what was prepared to be carried in procession; there remained still enough to adorn another triumph. At the head of the show appeared the titles of the conquered nations: Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Media, Colchis, the Iberians, the Albanians, Syria, Cilicia, Mesopotamia, Phoenicia, Palestine, Judaea, Arabia, the pirates subdued both by sea and land. In these countries, it was mentioned that there were not less than 1,000 castles and 900 cities captured, 800 galleys taken from the pirates, and 39 desolate cities repeopled. On the face of the tablets it appeared besides, that whereas the revenues of the Roman empire before these conquests amounted but to 50,000,000 drachmas, by the new acquisitions they were advanced to 85,000,000; and that Pompey had brought into the public treasury in money, and in gold and silver vessels, the value of 20,000 talents; besides what he had distributed among the soldiers, of whom he that received least had 1,500 drachmas to his share. The captives who walked in the procession (not the mention the chiefs of the pirates) were the son of Tigranes, king of Armenia, together with his wife and daughter; Zosima, the wife of Tigranes himself; Aristobulus, king of Judaea; the sister of Mithridates, with her five sons, and some Scythian women. The hostages of the Albanians and Iberians, and of the king of Commagene also appeared in the train; and as many trophies were exhibited as Pompey had gained victories, either in person or by his lieutenants, the number of which was not small. But the most honorable circumstance, and what no other Roman could boast, was that his third triumph was over the third quarter of the world, after his former triumphs had been over the other two. Others before him had been honored with three triumphs; but his first triumph was over Africa, his second over Europe, and his third over Asia; so that the three seemed to declare him conqueror of the world. Those who desire to make the parallel between him and Alexander agree in all respects, tell us he was at this time not quite thirty-four, whereas, in fact, he was entering upon his fortieth year. (It should be the forty-sixth year. Pompey was born in the beginning of the month of August, in the year of Rome 647, and his triumph was in the same month in the year of Rome 692.) Happy it had been for him, if he had ended his days while he was blessed with Alexander's good fortune! The rest of his life, every instance of success brought its proportion of envy, and every misfortune was irretrievable. In the meantime the wars in Gaul lifted Caesar to the first sphere of greatness. The scene of action was at a great distance from Rome, and he seemed to be wholly engaged with the Belgae, the Suevi, and the Britons; but his genius all the while was privately at work among the people of Rome, and he was undermining Pompey in his most essential interests. His war with the barbarians was not his principal object. He exercised his army, indeed, in those expeditions, as he would have done his own body, in hunting and other diversions of the field, by which he prepared them for higher conflicts, and rendered them not only formidable but invincible. The gold and silver, and other rich spoils which he took from the enemy in great abundance, he sent to Rome; and by distributing them freely among the aediles, praetors, consuls, and their wives, he gained a great party. Consequently when he passed the Alps and wintered at Lucca, among the crowd of men and women, who hastened to pay their respects to him, there were two hundred senators, Pompey and Crassus of the number; and there were no fewer than one hundred and twenty proconsuls and praetors, whose faces were to be seen at the gates of Caesar. He made it his business in general to give them hopes of great things, and his money was at their devotion; but he entered into a treaty with Crassus and Pompey, by which it was agreed that they should apply for the consulship, and that Caesar should assist them, by sending a great number of his soldiers to vote at the election. As soon as they were chosen, they were to share the provinces, and take the command of armies, according to their pleasure, only confirming Caesar in the possession of what he had for five years more. Crassus, upon the expiration of his consulship, repaired to his province. Pompey remaining at Rome, opened his theatre; and to make the dedication more magnificent, exhibited a variety of gymnastic games, entertainments of music, and battles with wild beasts, in which were killed 500 lions; but the battle of elephants afforded the most astonishing spectacle. (Dio says the elephants fought with armed men. There were no less than eighteen of them; and he adds, that some of them seemed to appeal, with piteous cries to the people; who, in compassion, saved their lives. If we may believe him, an oath had been taken before they left Africa, that no injury should be done them.) These things gained him the love and admiration of the public; but he incurred their displeasure again, by leaving his provinces and armies entirely to his friends and lieutenants, and roving about Italy with his wife from one villa to another. The strong attachment of Julia appeared on the occasion of an election of aediles. The people came to blows, and some were killed so near Pompey that he was covered with blood, and forced to change his clothes. There was a great crowd and tumult about his door, when his servants went home with a bloody robe; and Julia, happening to see it, fainted away and was with difficulty restored. Shortly after Julia died, and the alliance which had rather covered than restrained the ambition of the two great competitors for power was now no more. To add to the misfortune, news was brought soon after that Crassus was slain by the Parthians; and in him another great obstacle to a civil war was removed. Out of fear of him, they had both kept some measures with each other. But when fortune had carried off the champion who could take up the conqueror, we may say with the comic poet-- High spirits of emprise Elates each chief; they oil their brawny limbs, and dip their hands in dust. So little able is fortune to fill the capacities of the human mind; when such a weight of power, and extent of command, could not satisfy the ambition of two men. They had heard and read that the gods had divided the universe into three shares, (Plutarch alludes here to a passage in the fifteenth book of the Iliad, where Neptune says to Iris-- Assign'd by lot our triple rule we know; Infernal Pluto sways the shades below; O'er the wide clouds, and o'er the starry plain, Ethereal Jove extends his high domain; My court beneath the hoary waves I keep, And hush the roarings of the sacred deep.) and each was content with that which fell to his lot, and yet these men could not think the Roman empire sufficient for two of them. Such anarchy and confusion took place that numbers began to talk boldly of setting up a dictator. Cato, now fearing he should be overborne, was of opinion that it were better to give Pompey some office whose authority was limited by law, than to intrust him with absolute power. Bibulus, though Pompey's declared enemy, moved in full senate, that he should be appointed sole consul. "For by that means," said he, "the commonwealth will either recover from her disorder, or, if she must serve, will serve a man of the greatest merit." The whole house was surprised at the motion; and when Cato rose up, it was expected he would oppose it. A profound silence ensued, and he said, he should never have been the first to propose such an expedient, but as it was proposed by another, he thought it advisable to embrace it; for he thought any kind of government better than anarchy, and knew no man fitter to rule than Pompey, in a time of so much trouble. The senate came into his opinion, and a decree was issued, that Pompey should be appointed sole consul, and that if he should have need of a colleague, he might choose one himself, provided it were not before the expiration of two months. Pompey being declared sole consul by the Interrex Sulpitius, made his compliments to Cato, acknowledged himself much indebted to his support, and desired his advice and assistance in the cabinet, as to the measures to be pursued in his administration. Cato made answer, that Pompey was not under the least obligation to him; for what he had said was not out of regard to him, but to his country. "If you apply to me," continued he, "I shall give you my advice in private; if not, I shall inform you of my sentiments in public." Such was Cato, and the same on all occasions. Pompey then went into the city, and married Cornelia, the daughter of Metellus Scipio. She was a widow, having been married, when very young, to Publius the son of Crassus, who was lately killed in the Parthian expedition. This woman had many charms beside her beauty. She was well versed in polite literature; she played upon the lyre, and understood geometry; and she had made considerable improvements by the precepts of philosophy. What is more, she had nothing of that petulance and affectation which such studies are apt to produce in women of her age. And her father's family and reputation were unexceptionable. Pompey's confidence made him so extremely negligent, that he laughed at those who seemed to fear the war. And when they said if Caesar should advance in a hostile manner to Rome, they did not see what forces they had to oppose him, he bade them, with an open and smiling countenance, give themselves no pain: "For, if in Italy," said he, "I do but stamp upon the ground, an army will appear." Meantime Caesar was exerting himself greatly. He was now at no great distance from Italy, and not only sent his soldiers to vote in the elections, but by private pecuniary applications, corrupted many of the magistrates. Paulus the consul was of the number, and he had one thousand five hundred talents for changing sides. So also was Curio, one of the tribunes of the people, for whom he paid off an immense debt, and Mark Antony, who, out of friendship for Curio, had stood engaged with him for the debt. It is said, that when one of Caesar's officers, who stood before the senate-house, waiting the issue of the debates, was informed that they would not give Caesar a longer term in his command, he laid his hand on his sword, and said, "But this shall give it." Indeed, all the preparations of his general tended that way; though Curio's demands in behalf of Caesar seemed more plausible. He proposed, that either Pompey should likewise be obliged to dismiss his forces, or Caesar suffered to keep his. "If they are both reduced to a private station," said he, "they will agree upon reasonable terms; or, if each retains his respective power, they will be satisfied. But he who weakens the one, without doing the same by the other, must double that force which he fears will subvert the government." But now news was brought that Caesar was marching directly towards Rome with all his forces. The last circumstance, indeed, was not true. He advanced with only three hundred horse and five thousand foot; the rest of his forces were on the other side of the Alps, and he would not wait for them, choosing rather to put his adversaries in confusion by a sudden and unexpected attack, than to fight them when better prepared. When he came to the river Rubicon, which was the boundary of his province, he stood silent a long time, weighing with himself the greatness of his enterprise. At last, like one who plunges down from the top of a precipice into a gulf of immense depth, he silenced his reason, and shut his eyes against the danger; and crying out in the Greek language, "The die is cast," he marched over with his army. Upon the first report of this at Rome, the city was in greater disorder and astonishment than had ever been known. All Italy was in motion, with the stir of the coming storm. Those who lived out of Rome fled to it from all quarters, and those who lived in it abandoned it as fast. These saw, that in such a tempestuous and disorderly state of affairs, the well disposed part of the city wanted strength, and that the ill disposed were so refractory that they could not be managed by the magistrates. The terrors of the people could not be removed, and no one would suffer Pompey to lay a plan of action for himself. According to the passion wherewith each was actuated, whether fear, sorrow, or doubt, they endeavored to inspire him with the same; insomuch that he adopted different measures the same day. He could gain no certain intelligence of the enemy's motions, because every man brought him the report he happened to take up, and was angry if it did not meet with credit. Pompey at last caused it to be declared by a formal edict, that the commonwealth was in danger, and no peace was to be expected. After which, he signified that he should look upon those who remained in the city as the partisans of Caesar; and then quitted it in the dusk of the evening. The consuls also fled, without offering the sacrifices which their customs required before a war. However, in this great extremity, Pompey could not but be considered as happy in the affections of his countrymen. Though many blamed the war, there was not a man who hated the general. Nay, the number of those who followed him, out of attachment to his person, was greater than that of the adventurers in the cause of liberty. A few days after, Caesar arrived at Rome. When he was in possession of the city, he behaved with great moderation in many respects, and composed in a good measure the minds of its remaining inhabitants. Pompey, who was the master of Brundusium, and had a sufficient number of transports, desired the consuls to embark without loss of time, and sent them before him with thirty cohorts to Dyrrhachium. But at the same time he sent his father-in-law Scipio and his son Cnaeus into Syria, to provide ships of war. He had well secured the gates of the city, and planted the lightest of his slingers and archers upon the walls; and having now ordered the Brundusians to keep within doors, he caused a number of trenches to be cut, and sharp stakes to be driven into them, and then covered with earth, in all the streets, except two which led down to the sea. In three days all his other troops were embarked without interruption; and then he suddenly gave the signal to those who guarded the walls; in consequence of which, they ran swiftly down to the harbor, and got on board. Thus having his whole complement, he set sail, and crossed the sea to Dyrrhachium. When Caesar came and saw the walls left destitute of defence, he concluded that Pompey had taken to flight, and in his eagerness to pursue, would certainly have fallen upon the sharp stakes in the trenches, had not the Brundusians informed him of them. He then avoided the streets, and took a circuit round the town, by which he discovered that all the vessels had weighed anchor, except two that had not many soldiers aboard. This manoeuvre of Pompey was commonly reckoned among the greatest act of generalship. Caesar, however, could not help wondering, that his adversary, who was in possession of a fortified town, and expected his forces from Spain, and at the same time was master of them, should give up Italy in such a manner. Caesar thus made himself master of all Italy in sixty days without the least bloodshed, and he would have been glad to have gone immediately in pursuit of Pompey. But as he was in want of shipping, he gave up that design for the present, and marched to Spain, with an intent to gain Pompey's forces there. In the meantime Pompey assembled a great army; and at sea he was altogether invincible. For he had five hundred ships of war, and the number of his lighter vessels was still greater. As for his land forces, he had seven thousand horse, the flower of Rome and Italy, all men of family, fortune, and courage. His infantry, though numerous, was a mixture of raw, undisciplined soldiers; he therefore exercised them during his stay at Beroea, where he was by no means idle, but went through the exercises of a soldier, as if he had been in the flower of his age. It inspired his troops with new courage, when they saw Pompey the Great, at the age of fifty-eight, going through the whole military discipline, in heavy armor, on foot; and then mounting his horse, drawing his sword with ease when at full speed, and as dexterously sheathing it again. As to the javelin, he threw it not only with great exactness, but with such force that few of the young men could dart it to a greater distance. Many kings and princes repaired to his camp; and the number of Roman officers who had commanded armies was so great, that it was sufficient to make up a complete senate. Labienus, who had been honored with Caesar's friendship, and served under him in Gaul, now joined Pompey. Caesar had now made himself master of Pompey's forces in Spain, and though it was not without a battle, he dismissed the officers, and incorporated the troops with his own. After this, he passed the Alps again, and marched through Italy to Brundusium, where he arrived at the time of the winter solstice. There he crossed the sea, and landed at Oricum; from whence he dispatched Vibullius, one of Pompey's friends, whom he had brought prisoner thither, with proposals of a conference between him and Pompey, in which they should agree to disband their armies within three days, renew their friendship, confirm it with solemn oath, and then both return to Italy. Pompey took this overture for another snare, and therefore drew down in haste to the sea, and secured all the forts and places of strength for land forces, as well as all the ports and other commodious stations for shipping; so that there was not a wind that blew, which did not bring him either provisions, or troops, or money. On the other hand, Caesar was reduced to such straits, both by sea and land, that he was under the necessity of seeking a battle. Accordingly, he attacked Pompey's intrenchments, and bade him defiance daily. In most of these attacks and skirmishes he had the advantage; but one day was in danger of losing his whole army. Pompey fought with so much valor, that he put Caesar's whole detachment to flight, after having killed two thousand men upon the spot; but was either unable or afraid to pursue his blow, and enter their camp with them. Caesar said to his friends on this occasion, "This day the victory had been the enemy's had their general known how to conquer." Pompey's troops, elated with this success, were in great haste to come to a decisive battle. Nay, Pompey himself seemed to give in to their opinions by writing to the kings, the generals, and cities, in his interest, in the style of a conqueror. Yet all this while he dreaded the issue of a general action, believing it much better, by length of time, by famine and fatigue, to tire out men who had been ever invincible in arms, and long accustomed to conquer when they fought together. Besides, he knew the infirmities of age had made them unfit for the other operations of war, for long marches and countermarches, for digging trenches and building forts, and that, therefore, they wished for nothing so much as a battle. Pompey, with all these arguments, found it no easy matter to keep his army quiet. After this last engagement, Caesar was in such want of provisions, that he was forced to decamp, and he took his way through Athamania into Thessaly. This added so much to the high opinion Pompey's soldiers had of themselves, that it was impossible to keep them within bounds. They cried out with one voice, "Caesar is fled." Some called upon the general to pursue; some to pass over into Italy. Others sent their friends and servants to Rome, to engage homes near the forum, for the convenience of soliciting the great offices of state. And not a few went of their own accord to Cornelia, who had been privately lodged in Lesbos, to congratulate her upon the conclusion of the war. While he thus softly followed the enemy's steps, a complaint was raised against him, and urged with much clamor, that he was not exercising his generalship upon Caesar, but upon the Senate and the whole commonwealth, in order that he might forever keep the command in his hands, and have those for his guards and servants who had a right to govern the world. Domitius Aenobarbus, to increase the odium, always called him Agamemnon, or king of kings. Favonius piqued him no less with a jest, than others by their unseasonable severity; he went about crying, "My friends, we shall eat no figs in Tusculum this year." These and many other like sallies of ridicule had such an effect upon Pompey, who was ambitious of being spoken well of by the world, and had too much deference for the opinions of his friends, that he gave up his own better judgment, to follow them in the career of their false hopes and prospects. A thing which would have been unpardonable in the pilot or master of a ship, much more in the commander-in-chief of so many nations and such numerous armies. He had often commended the physician who gives no indulgence to the whimsical longings of his patients, and yet he humored the sickly cravings of his army, and was afraid to give them pain, though necessary for the preservation of their life and being. For who can say that army was in a sound and healthy state, when some of the officers went about the camp canvassing for the offices of consul and praetor; and others, namely, Spinther, Domitius, and Scipio, were engaged in quarrels and cabals about Caesar's high-priesthood, as if their adversary had been only a Tigranes, a king of Armenia, or a prince of the Nabathaeans; and not that Caesar and that army who had stormed one thousand cities, subdued above three hundred nations, gained numberless battles of the Germans and Gauls, taken one million prisoners, and killed as many fairly in the field. Notwithstanding all this, they continued loud and tumultuous in their demands of a battle; and when they came to the plains of Pharsalia, forced Pompey to call a council of war. Lebienus, who had the command of the cavalry, rose up first, and took an oath, that he would not return from the battle, till he had put the enemy to flight. All the other officers swore the same. The night following, Pompey had this dream. He thought he entered his own theatre, and was received with loud plaudits; after which, he adorned the temple of Venus the Victorious with many spoils. This vision, on one side, encouraged him, and on the other alarmed him. He was afraid that Caesar, who was a descendant of Venus, would be aggrandized at his expense. Besides, a panic (A Panic was so called, from the terror which the god Pan is said to have struck the enemies of Greece with, at the battle of Marathon.) fear ran through the camp, the noise of which awakened him. And about the morning watch, over Caesar's camp, where everything was perfectly quiet, there suddenly appeared a great light, from which a stream of fire issued in the form of a torch, and fell upon that of Pompey. Caesar himself says he saw it as he was going his rounds. Caesar was preparing, at break of day, to march to Scotusa; his soldiers were striking their tents, and the servants and beasts of burden were already in motion, when his scouts brought intelligence that they had seen arms handed about in the enemy's camp, and perceived a noise and bustle, which indicated an approaching battle. After these, others came and assured him that the first ranks were drawn up. Upon this Caesar said: "The long-wished day is come, on which we shall fight with men, and not with want and famine." Then he immediately ordered the red mantle to be put up before his pavilion, which, among the Romans, is the signal of a battle. The soldiers no sooner beheld it, than they left their tents as they were, and ran to arms with loud shouts, and every expression of joy. And when the officers began to put them in order of battle, each man fell into his proper rank as quietly, and with as much skill and ease, as a chorus in a tragedy. Pompey placed himself in his right wing over against Antony, and his father-in-law, Scipio, in the centre, opposite Domitius Calvinus. His left wing was commanded by Lucius Domitius, and supported by the cavalry; for they were almost all ranged on that side, in order to break in upon Caesar, and cut off the tenth legion, which was accounted the bravest in his army, and in which he used to fight in person. Caesar, seeing the enemy's left wing so well guarded with horse, and fearing the excellence of their armor, sent for a detachment of six cohorts from the body of the reserve, and placed them behind the tenth legion, with orders not to stir before the attack, lest they should be discovered by the enemy; but when the enemy's cavalry had charged, to make up through the foremost ranks, and then not to discharge their javelins at a distance, as brave men generally do in their eagerness to come to sword in hand, but to reserve them till they came to close fighting, and to push them forward into the eyes and faces of the enemy. "For those fair young dancers," said he, "will never stand the steel aimed at their eyes, but will fly to save their handsome faces." While Caesar was thus employed, Pompey took a view on horseback of the order of both armies; and finding that they enemy kept their ranks with the utmost exactness, and quietly waited for the signal of battle, while his own men, for want of experience, were fluctuating and unsteady, he was afraid they would be broken up on the first onset. He therefore commanded the vanguard to stand firm in their ranks, and in that close order to receive the enemy's charge. Caesar condemned this measure, as not only tending to lessen the vigor of the blows, which is always greatest in the assailants, but also to damp the fire and spirit of the men; whereas those who advance with impetuosity, and animate each other with shouts, are filled with an enthusiastic valor and superior ardor. Caesar's army consisted of twenty-two thousand men, and Pompey's was something more than twice that number. When the signal was given on both sides, and the trumpets sounded a charge, each common man attended only to his own concern. But some of the principal Romans and Greeks, who only stood and looked on, when the dreadful moment of action approached, could not help considering to what the avarice and ambition of two men had brought the Roman Empire. The same arms on both sides, the troops marshalled in the same manner, the same standards; in short, the strength and flower of one and the same city turned upon itself! What could be a stronger proof of the blindness and infatuation of human nature, when carried away by its passions? Had they been willing to enjoy the fruits of their labors in peace and tranquillity, the greatest and best part of the world was their own. Or, if they must have indulged their thirst of victories and triumphs, the Parthians and Germans were yet to be subdued. Scythia and India yet remained; together with a very plausible color for their lust of new acquisitions, the pretence of civilizing barbarians. And what Scythian horse, what Parthian arrows, what Indian treasures, could have resisted seventy thousand Romans, led on by Pompey and Caesar, with whose names those nations had long been acquainted! Into such a variety of wild and savage countries had these two generals carried their victorious arms! Whereas now they stood threatening each other with destruction; not sparing even their own glory, though to it they sacrificed their country, but prepared, one of them, to lose the reputation of being invincible, which hitherto they had both maintained. So that the alliance which they had contracted by Pompey's marriage to Julia, was from the first only an artful expedient; and her charms were to form a self-interested compact, instead of being the pledge of a sincere friendship. The plain of Pharsalia was now covered with men, and horses and arms; and the signal of battle being given on both sides, the first on Caesar's side who advanced to the charge was Caius Crastinus, who commanded a corps of one hundred and twenty men, and was determined to make good his promise to his general. He was the first man Caesar saw when he went out of the trenches in the morning; and upon Caesar's asking him what he thought of the battle, he stretched out his hand, and answered in a cheerful tone, "You will gain a glorious victory, and I shall have your praise this day, either alive or dead." In pursuance of this promise, he advanced the foremost, and many following to support him, he charged into the midst of the enemy. They soon took to their swords, and numbers were slain; but as Crastinus was making his way forward, and cutting down all before him, one of Pompey's men stood to receive him, and pushed his sword in at his mouth with such force, that it went through the nape of his neck. Crastinus thus killed, the fight was maintained with equal advantage on both sides. Pompey did not immediately lead on his right wing, but often directed his eyes to the left, and lost time in waiting to see what execution his cavalry would do there. Meanwhile they had extended their squadrons to surround Caesar, and prepared to drive the few horse he had placed in front, back upon the foot. At that instant Caesar gave the signal; upon which his cavalry retreated a little; and the six cohorts, which consisted of 3000 men, and had been placed behind the tenth legion, advanced to surround Pompey's cavalry; and coming close up to them, raised the points of their javelins, as they had been taught, and aimed them at the face. Their adversaries, who were not experienced in any kind of fighting, and had not the least previous idea of this, could not parry or endure the blows upon their faces, but turned their backs, or covered their eyes with their hands, and soon fled with great dishonor. Caesar's men took no care to pursue them, but turned their force upon the enemy's infantry, particularly upon that wing, which, now stripped of its horse, lay open to the attack on all sides. The six cohorts, therefore, took them in flank, while the tenth legion charged them in front; and they, who had hoped to surround the enemy, and now, instead of that, saw themselves surrounded, made but a short resistance, and then took to a precipitate flight. By the great dust that was raised, Pompey conjectured the fate of his cavalry; and it is hard to say what passed in his mind at that moment. He appeared like a man moonstruck and distracted; and without considering that he was Pompey the Great, or speaking to any one, he quitted the ranks, and retired step by step toward his camp--a scene which cannot be better painted than in these verses of Homer: (In the eleventh book of the Iliad, where he is speaking of the flight of Ajax before Hector.) But partial Jove, espousing Hector's part, Shot heaven-bred horror through the Grecian's heart; Confused, unnerv'd in Hector's presence grown, Amazed he stood with terrors not his own. O'er his broad back his moony shield he threw, And, glaring round, by tardy steps withdrew. In this condition he entered his tent, where he sat down, and uttered not a word, till at last, upon finding that some of the enemy entered the camp with the fugitives, he said, "What! Into my camp, too!" After this short exclamation, he rose up, and dressing himself in a manner suitable to his fortune, privately withdrew. All the other legions fled; and a great slaughter was made in the camp, of the servants and others who had the care of the tents. But Asinius Pollio, who then fought on Caesar's side, assures us, that of the regular troops there were not above six thousand men killed. (Caesar says, that in all there were fifteen thousand killed, and twenty-four thousand taken prisoners.) Upon the taking of the camp, there was a spectacle which showed, in strong colors, the vanity and folly of Pompey's troops. All the tents were crowned with myrtle; the beds were strewn with flowers; the tables covered with cups, and bowls of wine set out. In short, everything had the appearance of preparations for feasts and sacrifices, rather than for men going out to battle. To such a degree had their vain hopes corrupted them, and with such a senseless confidence they took to the field! When Pompey had got at a little distance from the camp, he quitted his horse. He had very few people about him; and, as he saw he was not pursued, he went softly on, wrapped up in such thoughts as we may suppose a man to have, who had been used for thirty-four years to conquer and carry all before him, and now in his old age first came to know what it was to be defeated and to fly. We may easily conjecture what his thoughts must be, when in one short hour he had lost the glory and the power which had been growing up amidst so many wars and conflicts; and he who was lately guarded with such armies of horse and foot, and such great and powerful fleets, was reduced to so mean and contemptible an equipage, that his enemies, who were in search of him, could not know him. He passed by Larissa, and came to Tempe, where, burning with thirst, he threw himself upon his face, and drank out of the river; after which, he passed through the valley, and went down to the sea-coast. There he spent the remainder of the night in a poor fisherman's cabin. Next morning, about break of day, he went on board a small river-boat, taking with him such of his company as were freemen. The slaves he dismissed, bidding them go to Caesar, and fear nothing. As he was coasting along, he saw a whip of burden just ready to sail; the master of which was Peticius, a Roman citizen, who, though not acquainted with Pompey, knew him by sight. Therefore, without waiting for any further application, he took him up, and such of his companions as he thought proper, and then hoisted sail. The persons Pompey took with him, were the two Lentuli and Favonius; and a little after, they saw king Deiotarus beckoning to them with great earnestness from the shore, and took him up likewise. The master of the ship provided them with the best supper he could, and when it was almost ready, Pompey, for want of a servant, was going to wash himself, but Favonius, seeing it, stepped up, and both washed and anointed him. All the time he was on board, he continued to wait upon him in all the offices of a servant, even to the washing of his feet and providing his supper; insomuch, that one who saw the unaffected simplicity and sincere attachment with which Favonius performed these offices, cried out-- The generous mind adds dignity To every act, and nothing misbecomes it. Pompey, in the course of his voyage, sailed by Amphipolis, and from thence steered for Mitylene, to take up Cornelia and his son. As soon as he reached the island, he sent a messenger to the town with news far different from what Cornelia expected. For, by the flattering accounts which many officious persons had given her, she understood that the dispute was decided at Dyrrhachium, and that nothing but the pursuit of Caesar remained to be attended to. The messenger, finding her possessed with such hopes, had not power to make the usual salutations; but expressing the greatness of Pompey's misfortunes by his tears rather than words, only told her she must make haste if she had a mind to see Pompey with one ship only, and that not his own. At this news Cornelia threw herself upon the ground, where she lay a long time insensible and speechless. At last, coming to herself, she perceived there was no time to be lost in tears and lamentations, and therefore hastened through the town to the sea. Pompey ran to meet her, and received her to his arms as she was just going to fall. While she hung upon his neck, she thus addressed him: "I see, my dear husband, your present unhappy condition is the effect of my ill fortune, and not yours. Alas! how are you reduced to one poor vessel, who, before your marriage with Cornelia, traversed the sea with 500 galleys! Why did you come to see me, and not rather leave me to my evil destiny, who have loaded you, too, with such a weight of calamities? How happy had it been for me to have died before I heard that Publius, my first husband, was killed by the Parthians! How wise, had I followed him to the grave, as I once intended! What have I lived for since, but to bring misfortunes upon Pompey the Great?" Such, we are assured, was the speech of Cornelia; and Pompey answered: "Till this moment, Cornelia, you have experienced nothing but the smiles of fortune; and it was she who deceived you, because she stayed with me longer than she commonly does with her favorites. But, fated as we are, we must bear this reverse, and make another trial of her. For it is no more improbable that we may emerge from this poor condition and rise to great things again, than it was that we should fall from great things into this poor condition." Cornelia then sent to the city for her most valuable movables and her servants. As soon as his wife and his friends were embarked, he set sail, and continued his course without touching at any port, except for water and provisions, till he came to Attalia, a city of Pamphylia. There he was joined by some Cilician galleys; and beside picking up a number of soldiers, he found in a little time sixty senators about him. When he was informed that his fleet was still entire, and that Cato was gone to Africa with a considerable body of men which he had collected after their flight, he lamented to his friends his great error, in suffering himself to be forced into an engagement on land, and making no use of those forces, in which he was confessedly stronger; nor even taking care to fight near his fleet, that, in case of his meeting with a check on land, he might have been supplied from the sea with another army, capable of making head against the enemy. Indeed, we find no greater mistake in Pompey's whole conduct, nor a more remarkable instance of Caesar's generalship, than in removing the scene of action to such a distance from the naval force. However, as it was necessary to undertake something with the small means he had left, he sent to some cities, and sailed to others himself, to raise money, and to get a supply of men for his ships. But knowing the extraordinary celerity of the enemy's motions, he was afraid he might be beforehand with him, and seize all that he was preparing. He, therefore, began to think of retiring to some asylum, and proposed the matter in council. They could not think of any province in the Roman empire that would afford a safe retreat; and when they cast their eyes on the foreign kingdoms, Pompey mentioned Parthia as the most likely to receive and protect them in their present weak condition, and afterwards to send them back with a force sufficient to retrieve their affairs. Others were of opinion it was proper to apply to Africa, and to Juba in particular. But Theophanes of Lesbos observed it was madness to leave Egypt, which was distant but three days' sail. Besides, Ptolemy, who was growing towards manhood, had particular obligations to Pompey on his father's account. As so it was determined that they should seek for refuge in Egypt. Being informed that Ptolemy was with his army at Pelusium, where he was engaged in war with his sister, he proceeded thither, and sent a messenger before him to announce his arrival, and to entreat the king's protection. Ptolemy was very young, fourteen years of age, and Photinus, his prime minister, called a council of his ablest officers; though their advice had no more weight than he was pleased to allow it. He ordered each, however, to give his opinion. But who can, without indignation, consider that the fate of Pompey the Great was to be determined by the wretch Photinus, by Theodotus, a man of Chios, who was hired to teach the prince rhetoric, and by Achillas, an Egyptian? For among the king's chamberlains and tutors these had the greatest influence over him and were the persons he most consulted. Pompey lay at anchor at some distance from the place waiting the determination of this respectable board; while he thought it beneath him to be indebted to Caesar for his safety. The council were divided in their opinions, some advising the prince to give him an honorable reception, and others to send him an order to depart. But Theodotus, to display his eloquence, insisted that both were wrong. "If you receive him," said he, "you will have Caesar for your enemy, and Pompey for your master. If you order him off, Pompey may one day revenge the affront and Caesar resent your not having put him in his hands: the best method, therefore, is to send for him and put him to death. By this means you will do Caesar a favor, and have nothing to fear from Pompey." He added with a smile, "Dead men do not bite." This advice being approved of, the execution of it was committed to Achillas. In consequence of which he took with him Septimius, who had formerly been one of Pompey's officers, and Salvius, who had also acted under him as a centurion, with three or four assistants, and made up to Pompey's ship, where his principal friends and officers had assembled to see how the affair went on. When they perceived there was nothing magnificent in their reception, nor suitable to the hopes which Theophanes had conceived, but that a few men only in a fishing-boat came to wait upon them, such want of respect appeared a suspicious circumstance, and they advised Pompey, while he was out of the reach of missive weapons, to get out to the main sea. Meantime, the boat approaching, Septimius spoke first, addressing Pompey in Latin by the title of Imperator. Then Achillas saluted him in Greek, and desired him to come into the boat, because the water was very shallow towards the shore, and a galley must strike upon the sands. At the same time they saw several of the king's ships getting ready, and the shore covered with troops, so that if they would have changed their minds it was then too late; besides, their distrust would have furnished the assassins with a pretence for their injustice. He therefore embraced Cornelia, who lamented his sad exit before it happened; and ordered two centurions, one of his enfranchised slaves, named Philip, and a servant called Scenes, to get into the boat before him. When Achillas had hold of his hand, and he was going to step in himself, he turned to his wife and son, and repeated that verse of Sophocles-- Seek'st thou a tyrant's door? Then farewell freedom! Though FREE as air before. These were the last words he spoke to them. As there was a considerable distance between the galley and the shore, and he observed that not a man in the boat showed him the least civility, or even spoke to him, he looked at Septimius, and said, "Methinks, I remember you to have been my fellow-soldier;" but he answered only with a nod, without testifying any regard or friendship. A profound silence again taking place, Pompey took out a paper, in which he had written a speech in Greek that he designed to make to Ptolemy, and amused himself with reading it. When they approached the shore, Cornelia, with her friends in the galley, watched the event with great anxiety. She was a little encouraged, when she saw a number of the king's great officers coming down to the strand, in all appearance to receive her husband and do him honor. But the moment Pompey was taking hold of Philip's hand, to raise him with more ease, Septimius came behind, and ran him through the body; after which Salvius and Achillas also drew their swords. Pompey took his robe in both hands and covered his face, and without saying or doing the least thing unworthy of him, submitted to his fate, only uttering a groan, while they despatched him with many blows. He was then just fifty-nine years old, for he was killed the day after his birthday. Cornelia, and her friends in the galley, upon seeing him murdered, gave a shriek that was heard to the shore, and weighed anchor immediately. Their flight was assisted by a brisk gale, as they got out more to sea; so that the Egyptians gave up their design of pursuing them. The murderers having cut off Pompey's head, threw the body out of the boat naked, and left it exposed to all who were desirous of such a sight. Philip stayed till their curiosity was satisfied, and then washed the body with sea-water, and wrapped it in one of his own garments, because he had nothing else at hand. The next thing was to look out for wood for the funeral pile; and casting his eyes over the shore, he spied the old remains of a fishing-boat; which, though not large, would make a sufficient pile for a poor naked body that was not quite entire. While he was collecting the pieces of plank and putting them together, an old Roman, who had made some of his first campaigns under Pompey, came up and said to Philip, "Who are you that are preparing the funeral of Pompey the Great?" Philip answered, "I am his freedman." "But you shall not," said the old Roman, "have this honor entirely to yourself. As a work of piety offers itself, let me have a share in it; that I may not absolutely repent my having passed so many years in a foreign country; but, to compensate many misfortunes, may have the consolation of doing some of the last honors to the greatest general Rome ever produced." In this manner was the funeral of Pompey conducted. Such was the end of Pompey the Great. As for Caesar, he arrived not long after in Egypt, which he found in great disorder. When they came to present the head, he turned from it, and the person that brought it, as a sight of horror. He received the seal, but it was with tears. The device was a lion holding a sword. The two assassins, Achillas and Photinus, he put to death; and the king, being defeated in battle, perished in the river. Theodotus, the rhetorician, escaped the vengeance of Caesar, by leaving Egypt; but he wandered about a miserable fugitive, and was hated wherever he went. At last, Marcus Brutus, who killed Caesar, found the wretch, in his province of Asia, and put him to death, after having made him suffer the most exquisite tortures. The ashes of Pompey were carried to Cornelia, who buried them in his lands near Alba. (Langhorne has well remarked that Pompey has, in all appearance, and in all consideration of his character, had less justice done him by historians than any other man of his time. His popular humanity, his military and political skills, his prudence (which he sometimes unfortunately gave up), his natural bravery and generosity, his conjugal virtues, which (though sometimes impeached) were both naturally and morally great; his cause, which was certainly, in its original interests, the cause of Rome; all these circumstances entitled him to a more distinguished and more respectable character than any of his historians have thought proper to afford him.) THE ENGINES OF ARCHIMEDES FROM THE LIFE OF MARCELLUS Marcellus now moved with his whole army to Syracuse, and, camping near the wall, proceeded to attack the city both by land and by sea. The land forces were conducted by Appius: Marcellus, with sixty galleys, each with five rows of oars, furnished with all sorts of arms and missiles, and a huge bridge of planks laid upon eight ships chained together, upon which was carried the engine to cast stones and darts, assaulted the walls, relying on the abundance and magnificence of his preparations, and on his own previous glory; all which, however, were, it would seem, but trifles for Archimedes and his machines. These machines he had designed and contrived, not as matters of any importance, but as mere amusements in geometry; in compliance with King Hiero's desire and request, some little time before, that he should reduce to practice some part of his admirable speculations in science, and by accommodating the theoretical truth to sensation and ordinary use, bring it more within the appreciation of people in general. Eudoxus and Archytas had been the originators of this far-famed and highly prized art of mechanics, which they employed as an elegant illustration of geometrical truths, and as a means of sustaining experimentally, to the satisfaction of the senses, conclusions too intricate for proof by words and diagrams. As, for example, to solve the problem, so often required in constructing geometrical figures, given the two extreme, to find the two mean lines of a proportion, both these mathematicians had recourse to the aid of instruments, adapting to their purpose certain curves and sections of lines. (The 'mesolabes or mesalabium, was the name by which this instrument was commonly known.) But what with Plato's indignation at it, and his invectives against it as the mere corruption and annihilation of the one good of geometry,--which was thus shamefully turning its back upon the unembodied objects of pure intelligence to recur to sensation, and to ask help (not to be obtained without haste subservience and depravation) from matter; so it was that mechanics came to be separated from geometry, and, being repudiated and neglected by philosophers, took its place as a military art. Archimedes, however, in writing to King Hiero, whose friend and near relation he was, had stated, that given the force, any weight might be moved, and even boasted, we are told, relying on the strength of demonstration, that if there were another earth, by going into it he could remove this. Hiero being struck with amazement at this, and entreating him to make good this problem by actual experiment, and show some great weight moved by a small engine, he fixed accordingly upon a ship of burden out of the king's arsenal, which could not be drawn out of the dock without great labor and many men; and, loading her with many passengers and a full freight, sitting himself the while far off, with no great endeavor, but only holding the head of the pulley in his hand and drawing the cord by degrees, he drew the ship in a straight line, as smoothly and evenly as if she had been in the sea. The king, astonished at this, and convinced of the power of the art, prevailed upon Archimedes to make him engines accommodated to all the purposes, offensive and defensive, of a siege. These the king himself never made use of, because he spent almost all his life in a profound quiet, and the highest influence. But the apparatus was, in a most opportune time, ready at hand for the Syracusans, and with it also the engineer himself. When, therefore, the Romans assaulted the walls in two places at once, fear and consternation stupefied the Syracusans, believing that nothing was able to resist that violence and those forces. But when Archimedes began to ply his engines, he at once shot against the land forces all sorts of missile weapons, and immense masses of stone that came down with incredible noise and violence, against which no man could stand; for they knocked down those upon whom they fell, in heaps, breaking all their ranks and files. In the mean time huge poles thrust out from the walls over the ships, sunk some by the great weights which they let down from on high upon them; others they lifted up into the air by an iron hand or beak like a crane's beak, and, when they had drawn them up by the prow, and set them on end upon the poop, they plunged them to the bottom of the sea; or else the ships, drawn by engines within, and whirled about, were dashed against steep rocks that stood jutting out under the walls, with great destruction of the soldiers that were aboard them. A ship was frequently lifted up to a great height in the air (a dreadful thing to behold), and was rolled to and fro, and kept swinging, until the mariners were all thrown out, when at length it was dashed against the rocks, or let fall. In the meantime, Marcellus himself brought up his engine upon the bridge of ships, which was called "Sambuca," from some resemblance it had to an instrument of music, but while it was as yet approaching the wall, there was discharged at it a piece of rock of ten talents' weight, then a second and a third, which, striking upon it with immense force and with a noise like thunder, broke all its foundations to pieces, shook out all its fastenings, and completely dislodged it from the bridge. So Marcellus, doubtful what counsel to pursue, drew off his ships to a safer distance, and sounded a retreat to his forces on land. They then took a resolution of coming up under the walls, if it were possible, in the night; thinking that as Archimedes used ropes stretched at length in playing his engines, the soldiers would now be under the shot, and the darts would, for want of sufficient distance to throw them, fly over their heads without effect. But he, it appeared, had long before framed for such occasion engines accommodated to any distance, and shorter weapons; and had made numerous small openings in the walls, through which, with engines of a shorter range, unexpected blows were inflicted on the assailants. Thus, when they who thought to deceive the defenders came close up to the walls, instantly a shower of darts and other missile weapons was again cast upon them. And when stones came tumbling down perpendicularly upon their heads, and, as it were, the whole wall shot out arrows at them, they retired. And now, again, as they were going off, arrows and darts of a longer range inflicted a great slaughter among them, and their ships were driven one against another; while they themselves were not able to retaliate in any way; for Archimedes had fixed most of his engines immediately under the wall. The Romans, seeing that infinite mischiefs overwhelmed them from no visible means, began to think they were fighting with the gods. Yet Marcellus escaped unhurt, and, deriding his own artificers and engineers, exclaimed "What! Must we give up fighting with this geometrical Briareus, who plays pitch and toss with our ships, and, with the multitude of darts which he showers at a single moment upon us, really outdoes the hundred-handed giants of mythology?" The rest of the Syracusans were but the body of Archimedes' designs, one soul moving and governing all; for, laying aside all other arms, with his alone they infested the Romans, and protected themselves. In fine, when such terror had seized upon the Romans, that, if they did but see a little rope or a piece of wood from the wall, they instantly cried out, "There it is again! Archimedes is about to let fly another engine at us," and turned their backs and fled, Marcellus desisted from conflicts and assaults, putting all his hope in a long siege. Yet Archimedes possessed so high a spirit, so profound a soul, and such treasures of scientific knowledge, that though these inventions had now obtained him the renown of more than human sagacity, he yet would not deign to leave behind him any commentary or writing on such subjects; but, repudiating as sordid and ignoble the whole trade of engineering, and every sort of art that lends itself to mere use and profit, he placed his whole affection and ambition in those purer speculations where there can be no reference to the vulgar needs of life; studies, the superiority of which to all others is unquestioned, and in which the only doubt can be, whether the beauty and grandeur of the subjects examined, or the precision and cogency of the methods and means of proof, most deserve our admiration. It is not possible to find in all geometry more difficult and intricate questions, or more simple and lucid explanations. Some ascribe this to his natural genius; while others think that incredible effort and toil produced these apparently easy and unlabored results. No amount of investigation of yours would succeed in attaining the proof, and yet, once seen, you immediately believe you would have discovered it; by so smooth and so rapid a path he leads you to the conclusion required. And thus it ceases to be incredible that (as is commonly told of him), the charm of his familiar and domestic Siren made him forget his food and neglect his person, to such a degree that when he was occasionally carried by absolute violence to bathe, or have his body anointed, he used to trace geometrical figures in the ashes of the fire, and diagrams in the oil on his body, being in a state of entire preoccupation, and, in the truest sense, divinely possessed with his love and delight in science. His discoveries were numerous and admirable; and he is said to have requested his friends and relations that when he was dead, they would place over his tomb a cylinder containing a sphere, inscribing it with the ratio of three to two which the containing solid bears to the contained. DESCRIPTION OF CLEOPATRA FROM THE LIFE OF ANTONY When Antony was making preparation for the Parthian war, he sent to command Cleopatra to make her personal appearance in Cilicia, to answer the accusation, that she had given great assistance, in the late wars, to Cassius. Dellius, who was sent on this message, had no sooner seen her face, and remarked her adroitness and subtlety in speech, than he felt convinced that Antony would not so much as think of giving any molestation to a woman like this; on the contrary, she would be the first in favor with him. So he set himself at once to pay his court to the Egyptia, and gave her his advice, "to go," in the Homeric style, to Cilicia, "in her best attire," and bade her fear nothing from Antony, the gentlest and the kindest of soldiers. She had some faith in the words of Dellius, but more in her own attractions, which, having formerly recommended her to Caesar and the young Gnaeus Pompey, she did not doubt might prove yet more successful with Antony. Their acquaintance was with her when a girl, young, and ignorant of the world, but she was to meet Antony in the time of life when women's beauty is most splendid, and their intellects are in full maturity, for she was now about twenty-eight years of age. She made great preparation for her journey, of money, gifts, and ornaments of value, such as so wealthy a kingdom might afford, but she brought with her her surest hopes in her own magic arts and charms. She received several letters, both from Antony and from his friends, to summon her, but she paid no attention to these orders; and at last, as if in mockery of them, she came sailing up the river Cydnus, in a barge with gilded stern and outspread sails of purple, while oars of silver beat time to the music of flutes and fifes and harps. She herself lay stretched along under a canopy of cloth of gold, dressed as Venus in a picture, and beautiful young boys, like painted Cupids, stood on each side to fan her. Her maids were dressed like Sea Nymphs and Graces, some steering at the rudder, some working at the ropes. The perfumes diffused themselves from the vessel to the shore, which was covered with multitudes, part following the galley up the river on either bank, part running out of the city to see the sight. The market-place was quite emptied, and Antony at last was left alone sitting upon the tribunal; while the word went through all the multitude, that Venus had come to feast with Bacchus, for the common good of Asia. On her arrival, Antony sent to invite her to supper. She thought it fitter he should come to her; so, willing to show his good-humor and courtesy, he complied, and went. He found the preparations to receive him magnificent beyond expression, but nothing so admirable as the great number of lights; for on a sudden there were let down all together so great numbers of branches with lights in them so ingeniously disposed, some in squares, and some in circles, that the whole thing was a spectacle that has seldom been equaled for beauty. The next day, Antony invited her to supper, and was very desirous to outdo her as well in magnificence as contrivance; but he found he was altogether beaten in both, and was so well convinced of it, that he was himself the first to jest and mock at his poverty of wit, and his rustic awkwardness. She, perceiving that his raillery was broad and gross, and savored more of the soldier than the courtier, rejoined in the same taste, and fell into it at once, without any sort of reluctance or reserve. For her actual beauty, it is said, was not in itself so remarkable that none could be compared with her, or that no one could see her without being struck by it, but the contact of her presence, if you lived with her, was irresistible; the attraction of her person, joining with the charm of her conversation, and the character that attended all she said or did, was something bewitching. It was a pleasure merely to hear the sound of her voice, with which, like an instrument of many strings, she could pass from one language to another; so that there were few of the barbarian nations that she answered by an interpreter; to most of them she spoke herself, as to the Aethiopians, Troglodytes, Hebrews, Arabians, Syrians, Medes, Parthians, and many others, whose language she had learnt; which was all the more surprising, because most of the kings her predecessors scarcely gave themselves the trouble to acquire the Egyptian tongue, and several of them quite abandoned the Macedonian. Antony was so captivated by her that, leaving his troops assembled in Mesopotamia, and ready to enter Syria, he suffered himself to be carried away by her to Alexandria, there to keep holiday, like a boy, in play and diversion, squandering and fooling away in enjoyments that most costly, as Antiphon says, of all valuable, time. They had a sort of company, to which they gave a particular name, calling it that of the "Inimitable Livers." The members entertained one another daily in turn, with an extravagance of expenditure beyond measure or belief. Philotas, a physician of Amphissa, who was at that time a student of medicine in Alexandria, used to tell my grandfather, Lamprias, that, having some acquaintance with one of the royal cooks, he was invited by him, being a young man, to come and see the sumptuous preparations for supper. So he was taken into the kitchen, where he admired the prodigious variety of all things; but particularly, seeing eight wild boars roasting whole, he exclaimed, "Surely you have a great number of guests." The cook laughed at his simplicity, and told him there were not more than twelve to sup, but that every dish was to be served up just roasted to a turn, and if anything was but one minute ill-timed, it was spoiled; "And," said he, "maybe Antony will sup just now, maybe not this hour, maybe he will call for wine, or begin to talk, and will put it off. So that," he continued, "not one, but many suppers must be had in readiness, as it impossible to guess at his hour." Plato admits four sorts of flattery, but Cleopatra had a thousand. Were Antony serious or disposed to mirth, she had at any moment some new delight or charm to meet his wishes. She played at dice with him, drank with him, hunted with him; and when he exercised in arms, she was there to see. At night she would go rambling with him to disturb and torment people at their doors and windows, dressed like a servant-woman, for Antony also went in servant's disguise, and from these expeditions he often came home very scurvily answered, and sometimes even beaten severely, though most people guessed who it was. It would be trifling without end to be particular in his follies, but his fishing must not be forgotten. He went out one day to angle with Cleopatra, and, being so unfortunate as to catch nothing in the presence of the queen, he gave secret orders to the fishermen to dive under water, and put fishes that had been already taken upon his hooks; and these he drew so fast that the Egyptian perceived it. But, feigning great admiration, she told everybody how dexterous Antony was, and invited them next day to come and see him again. So, when a number of them had come on board the fishing boats, as soon as he had let down his hook, one of her servants was beforehand with his divers, and fixed upon his hook a salted fish from Pontus. Antony, feeling his line give, drew up the prey, and when, as may be imagined, great laughter ensued, Cleopatra said, "Leave the fishing-rod, general, to us poor sovereigns of Pharos and Canopus; your game is cities, provinces, and kingdoms." ANECDOTES FROM THE LIFE OF AGESILAUS, KING OF SPARTA Agesilaus is said to have been a little man, of a contemptible presence; but the goodness of his humor, and his constant cheerfulness and playfulness of temper, always free from anything of moroseness or haughtiness, made him more attractive, even to his old age, than the most beautiful and youthful men of the nation. Theophrastus writes, that the Ephors laid a fine upon Archidamus for marrying a little wife, "For," said they, "she will bring us a race of kinglets, instead of kings." Agesilaus was excessively fond of his children; and it is to him the story belongs, that when they were little ones, he used to make a horse of a stick, and ride with them; and being caught at this sport by a friend, he desired him not to mention it, till he himself should be the father of children. When the Mantineans revolted from Thebes to Sparta, and Epaminondas understood that Agesilaus had come to their assistance with a powerful army, he privately in the night quitted his quarters at Tegea, and unknown to the Mantineans, passing by Agesilaus, marched toward Sparta, insomuch that he failed very little of taking it empty and unarmed. Agesilaus had intelligence sent him by Euthynus, the Thespian, as Callisthenes says, but Xenophon says by a Cretan, and immediately despatched a horseman to Lacedaemon, to apprise them of it, and to let them know that he was hastening to them. Shortly after his arrival the Thebans crossed the Eurotas. They made an assault upon the town, and were received by Agesilaus with great courage, and with exertions beyond what was to be expected at his years. For he did not now fight with that caution and cunning which he formerly made use of, but put all upon a desperate push; which, though not his usual method, succeeded so well, that he rescued the city out of the very hands of Epaminondas, and forced him to retire, and, at the erection of a trophy, was able, in the presence of their wives and children, to declare that the Lacedaemonians had nobly paid their debt to their country, and particularly his son Archidamus, who had that day made himself illustrious, both by his courage and agility of body, rapidly passing about by the short lanes to every endangered point, and everywhere maintaining the town against the enemy with but few to help him. Isadas, too, the son of Phoebidas, must have been, I think, the admiration of the enemy as well as of his friends. He was a youth of remarkable beauty and stature, in the very flower of the most attractive time of life, when the boy is just rising into the man. He had no arms upon him, and scarcely clothes; he had just anointed himself at home, when, upon the alarm, without further waiting, in that undress, he snatched a spear in one hand, and a sword in the other, and broke his way through the combatants to the enemies, striking at all he met. He received no wound, whether it were that a special divine care rewarded his valor with an extraordinary protection, or whether his shape being so large and beautiful, and his dress so unusual, they thought him more than a man. The Ephors gave him a garland; but as soon as they had done so, they fined him a thousand drachma, for going out to battle unarmed. THE BROTHERS FROM THE LIFE OF TIMOLEON Timoleon had an older brother, whose name was Timophanes, who was every way unlike him, being indiscreet and rash and infected by the suggestions of some friends and foreign soldiers, whom he kept always about him, with a passion for absolute power. He seemed to have a certain force and vehemence in all military service, and even to delight in dangers, and thus he took much with the people, and was advanced to the highest charges as a vigorous and effective warrior; in the obtaining of which offices and promotions Timoleon much assisted him, helping to conceal or at least to extenuate his errors, embellishing by his praise whatever was commendable in him, and setting off his good qualities to the best advantage. It happened once in the battle fought by the Corinthians against the forces of Argos and Cleonae, that Timoleon served among the infantry, when Timophanes, commanding their cavalry, was brought into extreme danger; for his horse being wounded fell forward, and threw him headlong amidst the enemies, while part of his companions dispersed at once in a panic, and the small number that remained, bearing up against a great multitude, had much ado to maintain any resistance. As soon, therefore, as Timoleon was aware of the accident, he ran hastily to his brother's rescue, and covering the fallen Timophanes with his buckler, after having received an abundance of darts and several strokes by the sword upon his body and his armor, he at length with much difficulty obliged the enemies to retire, and brought off his brother alive and safe. But when the Corinthians, for fear of losing their city a second time, as they had once before, by admitting their allies, made a decree to maintain four hundred mercenaries for its security, and gave Timophanes the command over them, he, abandoning all regard for honor and equity, at once proceeded to put into execution his plans for making himself absolute, and bringing the place under his own power; and having cut off many principal citizens, uncondemned and without trial, who were most likely to hinder his design, he declared himself tyrant of Corinth; a procedure that infinitely afflicted Timoleon, to whom the wickedness of such a brother appeared to be his own reproach and calamity. He undertook to persuade him by reasoning to desist from that wild and unhappy ambition, and bethink himself how he could make the Corinthians some amends, and find out an expedient to remedy the evils he had done them. When his single admonition was rejected and contemned by him, he made a second attempt, taking with him Aeschylus his kinsman, brother to the wife of Timophanes, and a certain diviner, that was his friend, whom Theopompus in his history calls Satyrus. This company coming to his brother, all three of them surrounded and earnestly importuned him upon the same subject, that now at length he would listen to reason and be of another mind. But when Timophanes began first to laugh at the men's simplicity, and presently broke out into rage and indignation against them, Timoleon stepped aside from him and stood weeping with his face covered, while the other two, drawing out their swords, despatched him in a moment. When the rumor of this act was spread about, the better and more generous of the Corinthians highly applauded Timoleon for the hatred of wrong and the greatness of soul that had made him, though of a gentle disposition and full of love and kindness for his family, think the obligations to his country stronger than the ties of consanguinity, and prefer that which is good and just before gain and interest and his own particular advantage. For the same brother, who with so much bravery had been saved by him when he fought valiantly in the cause of Corinth, he had now as nobly sacrificed for enslaving her afterward by a base and treacherous usurpation. But when he came to understand how heavily his mother took it, and that she likewise uttered the saddest complaints and most terrible imprecations against him, he went to satisfy and comfort her, but he found that she would not endure so much as to look upon him, but caused her doors to be shut that he might have no admission into her presence, and with grief at this he grew so disordered in mind and disconsolate, that he determined to put an end to his perplexity with his life, by abstaining from all manner of sustenance. But through the care and diligence of his friends, who were very persistent with him, and added force to their entreaties, he promised at last that he would endure living, provided it might be in solitude, and remote from company; so that, quitting all civil transactions and commerce with the world, for a long while after his first retirement he never came into Corinth, but wandered up and down the fields, full of anxious and tormenting thoughts, and for almost twenty years did not offer to concern himself in any honorable or public action. THE WOUND OF PHILOPOEMEN Cleomenes, king of the Lacedaemonians, surprised Megalopolis by night, forced the guards, broke in, and seized the market-place. Awhile after, king Antigonus coming down to succor the Achaeans, they marched with their united forces against Cleomenes; who, having seized the avenues, lay advantageously posted on the hills of Sellasia. Antigonus drew up close by him, with a resolution to force him in his strength. Philopoemen, with his citizens, was that day placed among the horse, next to the Illyrian foot, a numerous body of bold fighters, who completed the line of battle, forming, together with the Achaeans, the reserve. Their orders were to keep their ground, and not engage till they should see a red coat lifted up on the point of a spear from the other wing, where the king fought in person. The Achaeans obeyed their order and stood fast; but the Illyrians were led on by their commanders to the attack. Euclidas, the brother of Cleomenes; seeing the foot thus severed from the horse, detached the best of his light-armed men, commanding them to wheel about and charge the unprotected Illyrians in the rear. This charge put things into confusion, and Philopoemen, considering that those light-armed men could be easily repelled, went first to the king's officers to make them sensible of what the occasion required. But when they did not mind what he said, slighting him as a hare-brained fellow (as indeed he was not yet of any repute sufficient to give credit to a proposal of such importance). he charged with his own citizens, and at the first encounter disordered, and soon after put the troops to flight with great slaughter. Then, to encourage the king's army further, to bring them all upon the enemy while he was in confusion, he quitted his horse, and fighting with extreme difficulty in his heavy horseman's dress, in rough, uneven ground, full of water-courses and hollows, had both his thighs struck through with a thonged javelin. It was thrown with great force, so that the head came out on the other side, and made a severe though not a mortal wound. There he stood awhile, as if he had been shackled, unable to move. The fastening which joined the thong to the javelin made it difficult to get it drawn out, nor would anybody about him venture to do it. But the fight being now at the hottest, and likely to be quickly decided, he was transported with the desire of partaking in it, and struggled and strained so violently, setting one leg forward, the other back, that at last he broke the shaft in two, and thus got the pieces pulled out. Being in this manner set at liberty he caught up his sword, and running through the midst of those who were fighting in the first ranks, animated his men, and set them afire with emulation. Antigonus, after the victory, asked the Macedonians, to try them, how it happened that the cavalry had charged without orders before the signal? and when they answered that they were forced to it against their wills by a young man of Megalopolis, who had fallen in before it was time, Antigonus replied, smiling, "That young man acted like an experienced commander." A ROMAN TRIUMPH FROM THE LIFE OF PAULUS AEMILIUS Paulus Aemilius, advanced in years, being nearly threescore, yet vigorous in his own person, and rich in valiant sons and sons-in-law, besides a great number of influential relations and friends, all of whom joined in urging him to yield to the desires of the people, who called him to the consulship. He at first manifested some shyness of the people, and withdrew himself from their importunity, professing reluctance to hold office; but, when they daily came to his doors, urging him to come forth to the place of election, and pressing him with noise and clamor, he acceded to their request. When he appeared amongst the candidates, it did not look as if it were to sue for the consulship, but to bring victory and success, that he came down into the Campus; with such hopes and such gladness did they all receive him there, unanimously choosing him a second time consul; nor would they suffer the lots to be cast, as was usual, to determine which province should fall to his share, but immediately decreed him the command of the Macedonian war. It is told, that when he had been proclaimed general against Perseus, and was honorably accompanied home by great numbers of people, he found his daughter Tertia, a very little girl, weeping, and taking her to him asked her why she was crying. She, catching him about the neck and kissing him, said, "O father, do you not know that Perseus is dead?" meaning a little dog of that name who had been brought up in the house with her; to which Aemilius replied, "Good fortune, my daughter; I embrace the omen." Thus Cicero, the orator, relates in his book on divination. * * * * * The triumph of Aemilius over Perseus was performed in this manner. The people erected scaffolds in the Forum, in the circuses, as they call their buildings, for horse-races, and in all other parts of the city where they could best behold the show. The spectators were clad in white garments; all the temples were open, and full of garlands and perfumes; the ways were cleared and kept open by numerous officers, who drove back all who crowded into or ran across the main avenue. This triumph lasted three days. On the first, which was scarcely long enough for the sight, were to be seen the statues, pictures, and colossal images, which were taken from the enemy, drawn upon two hundred and fifty chariots. On the second, was carried in a great many wagons the finest and richest armor of the Macedonians, both of brass and steel, all newly polished and glittering; the pieces of which were piled up and arranged purposely with the greatest art, so as to seem to be tumbled in heaps carelessly and by chance; helmets were thrown upon shields, coats of mail upon greaves; Cretan targets, and Thracian bucklers and quivers of arrows, lay huddled amongst horses' bits, and through these there appeared the points of naked swords, intermixed with long Macedonian sarissas. All these arms were fastened together with just so much looseness that they struck against one another as they were drawn along, and made a harsh and alarming noise, so that, even as spoils of a conquered enemy, they could not be beheld without dread. After these wagons loaded with armor, there followed three thousand men who carried the silver that was coined, in seven hundred and fifty vessels, each of which weighed three talents, and was carried by four men. Others brought silver bowls and goblets and cups, all disposed in such order as to make the best show, and all curious as well for their size as the solidity of their embossed work. On the third day, early in the morning, first came the trumpeters, who did not sound as they were wont in a procession or solemn entry, but such a charge as the Romans use when they encourage the soldiers to fight. Next followed young men wearing frocks with ornamented borders, who led to the sacrifice a hundred and twenty stalled oxen, with their horns gilded, and their heads adorned with ribbons and garlands; and with these were boys that carried basins for libation, of silver and gold. After this was brought the gold coin, which was divided into vessels that weighed three talents, like those that contained the silver; they were in number seventy-seven. These were followed by those that brought the consecrated bowl which Aemilius had caused to be made, that weighed ten talents, and was set with precious stones. Then were exposed to view the cups of Antigonus and Seleucus, and those of the Thericlean make (Thericles, according to the more probable supposition, was a Corinthian potter: the first maker of a particular kind of cup, which long continued to bear his name.) and all the gold plate that was used at Perseus' table. Next to these came Perseus' chariot, in which his armor was placed, and on that his diadem. And, after a little intermission, the king's children were led captives, and with them a train of their attendants, masters, and teachers, all shedding tears, and stretching out their hands to the spectators, and making the children themselves also beg and entreat their compassion. There were two sons and a daughter whose tender age made them but little sensible of the greatness of their misery, which very insensibility of their condition rendered it the more deplorable; insomuch that Perseus himself was scarcely regarded as he went along, whilst pity fixed the eyes of the Romans upon the infants; many of them could not forbear tears, and all beheld the sight with a mixture of sorrow and pleasure, until the children had passed. After his children and their attendants came Perseus himself, clad all in black, and wearing the boots of his country; and looking like one altogether stunned and deprived of reason, through the greatness of his misfortunes. Next followed a great company of his friends and familiars, whose countenances were disfigured with grief, and who let the spectators see, by their tears and their continual looking upon Perseus, that it was his fortune they so much lamented, and that they were regardless of their own. Perseus sent to Aemilius to entreat that he might not be led in pomp, but be left out of the triumph; who, deriding, as was but just, his cowardice and fondness of life, sent him this answer, that as for that, it had been before, and was now, in his own power; giving him to understand that the disgrace could be avoided by death; which the faint-hearted man not having the spirit for, and made effeminate by I know not what hopes, allowed himself to appear as a part of his own spoils. After these were carried four hundred crowns, all made of gold, sent from the cities by their respective deputations to Aemilius, in honor of his victory. Then he himself came, seated on a chariot magnificently adorned (a man well worthy to be looked at, even without these ensigns of power), dressed in a robe of purple, interwoven with gold, and holding a laurel branch in his right hand. All the army, in like manner, with boughs of laurel in their hands, divided into their bands and companies, followed the chariot of their commander; some singing verses, according to the usual custom, mingled with raillery; others, songs of triumph, and the praise of Aemilius's deeds; who, indeed, was admired and accounted happy by all men, and unenvied by every one that was good; except so far as it seems the province of some god to lessen that happiness which is too great and inordinate, and so to mingle the affairs of human life that no one should be entirely free from calamities; but, as we read in Homer*, only those should think themselves truly blessed to whom fortune has given an equal share of good and evil. * "Grief is useless; cease to lament," Achilles to Priam, his suppliant for the body of Hecor. "For thus have the gods appointed for mortal men; that they should live in vexation, while the gods themselves are untroubled. Two vessels are set upon the threshold of Zeus, of the gifts that he dispenses; one of evil things, the other of good; he who receives from both at the hand of thundering Zeus, meets at one time with evil, and at another with good; he who receives from only one, is a miserable wretch." THE NOBLE CHARACTER OF CAIUS FABRICIUS FROM THE LIFE OF PYRRHUS Caius Fabricius, a man of highest consideration among the Romans as an honest man and a good soldier, but extremely poor, went upon an embassy to Pyrrhus to treat about prisoners that had been taken. Pyrrhus received him with much kindness, and privately would have persuaded him to accept of his gold, not for any evil purpose, but as a mark of respect and hospitable kindness. Upon Fabricius's refusal, he pressed him no further, but the next day, having a mind to discompose him, as he had never seen an elephant before, he commanded one of the largest, completely armed, to be placed behind the hangings, as they were talking together. This being done, at a given signal the hanging was drawn aside, and the elephant, raising his trunk over the head of Fabricius, made a horrid and ugly noise. He gently turned about and, smiling, said to Pyrrhus, "neither your money yesterday, nor this beast today make any impression upon me." At supper, amongst all sorts of things that were discoursed of, but more particularly Greece and the philosophers there, Cineas, by accident, had occasion to speak of Epicurus, and explained the opinions his followers hold about the gods and the commonwealth, and the object of life, who place the chief happiness of man in pleasure, and decline public affairs as an injury and disturbance of a happy life, and remove the gods afar off both from kindness or anger, or any concern for us at all, to a life wholly without business and flowing in pleasures. Before he had done speaking, Fabricius cried out to Pyrrhus, "O Hercules! may Pyrrhus and the Samnites entertain themselves with this sort of opinions as long as they are at war with us." Pyrrhus, admiring the wisdom and gravity of the man, was the more transported with desire to make friendship instead of war with the city, and entreated him, personally, after the peace should be concluded, to accept of living with him as the chief of his ministers and generals. Fabricius answered quietly, "Sir, this will not be for your advantage, for they who now honor and admire you, when they have had experience of me, will rather choose to be governed by me, than by you." And Pyrrhus received his answer without any resentment or tyrannic passion; nay, among his friends he highly commended the great mind of Fabricius, and intrusted the prisoners to him alone, on condition that if the senate should not vote a peace, after they had conversed with their friends and celebrated the festival of Saturn, they should be remanded. And, accordingly, they were sent back after the holidays; death being decreed for any that stayed behind. After this, when Fabricius had taken the consulate, a person came with a letter to the camp written by the king's principal physician, offering to take Pyrrhus off by poison, and so end the war without further hazard to the Romans, if he might have a reward proportional to his service. Fabricius, despising the villany of the man, and disposing the other consul to the same opinion, sent despatches immediately to Pyrrhus to caution him against the treason. His letter was to this effect: "Caius Fabricius and Quintus Aemilius, consuls of the Romans, to Pyrrhus the king, health. You seem to have made a bad judgement both of your friends and your enemies; you will understand by reading this letter sent to us, that you are at war with honest men, and trust villains and knaves. Nor do we disclose this out of any favor to you, but lest your ruin might bring a reproach upon us, as if we had ended the war by treachery because not able to do it by force." When Pyrrhus had read the letter, and made inquiry into the treason, he punished the physician, and as an acknowledgement to the Romans sent to Rome the prisoners without ransom. But they, regarding it as at once too great a kindness from an enemy, and too great a reward for not doing a mean act to accept their prisoners so, released in return an equal number of the Tarentines and Samnites, but would admit of no debate of alliance or peace until Pyrrhus had removed his arms and forces out of Italy, and sailed back to Epirus with the same ships that brought him over. FROM THE LIFE OF QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS Hannibal was within five miles of Tarentum, when he was informed that the town had been taken by Fabius. He said openly, "Rome, then, has also got a Hannibal; as we won Tarentum, so have we lost it." And, in private with some of his confidants, he told them, for the first time, that he always thought it difficult, but now he held it impossible, with the forces he then had, to master Italy. Upon this success, Fabius had a triumph decreed him at Rome, much more splendid than his first; they looked upon him now as a champion who had learned to cope with his antagonist, and could now easily foil his arts and prove his best skill ineffectual. And, indeed the army of Hannibal was at this time partly worn out with continual action, and partly weakened and become dissolute with over abundance and luxury. Marcus Livius, who was governor of Tarentum when it was betrayed to Hannibal, and had then retired into the citadel, which he kept till the town was retaken, was annoyed at these honors and distinctions, and, on one occasion, openly declared in the senate, that by his resistance, more than by any actions of Fabius, Tarentum had been recovered; on which Fabius laughingly replied: "What you say is very true, for if Marcus Livius had not lost Tarentum, Fabius Maximus had never recovered it." The people, among other marks of gratitude, gave his son the consulship of the next year; shortly after whose entrance upon his office, there being some business on foot about provision for the war, his father, either on account of age and infirmity, or perhaps out of design to try his son, came up to him on horseback. While he was still at a distance, the young consul observed it, and bade one of his lictors command his father to alight, and tell him that, if he had any business with the consul, he should come on foot. The bystanders seemed offended at the imperiousness of the son towards a father so venerable for his age and his authority, and turned their eyes in silence towards Fabius. He, however, instantly alighted from his horse, and with open arms came up, almost running, and embracing him said, "Yes, my son, you do well, and understand what authority you have received, and over whom you are to use it. This was the way by which we and our forefathers advanced the dignity of Rome, preferring ever her honor and service to our own fathers and children." And, in fact, it is told that the great-grandfather of Fabius, who was undoubtedly the greatest man of Rome in his time, both in reputation and authority, who had been five times consul, and had been honored with several triumphs for victories obtained by him, took pleasure in serving as lieutenant under his own son, when he went as consul to his command. And when afterwards his son had a triumph bestowed upon him for his good service, the old man followed his triumphant chariot, on horseback, as one of his attendants; and made it his glory, that while he really was, and was acknowledged to be, the greatest man in Rome, and held a father's full power over his son, he yet submitted himself to the law and the magistrate. THE CRUELTY OF LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA Sylla's general personal appearance may be known by his statues; only his blue eyes, of themselves extremely keen and glaring, were rendered all the more forbidding and terrible by the complexion of his face, in which white was mixed with rough blotches of fiery red. Hence, it is said, he was surnamed Sylla, and in allusion to it one of the scurrilous jesters at Athens made the verse upon him, Sylla is a mulberry sprinkled o'er with meal. Sylla being wholly bent upon slaughter, filled the city with executions without number or limit, many wholly uninterested persons falling a sacrifice to private enmity, through his permission and indulgence to his friends. At last Caius Metellus, one of the younger men, made bold in the senate to ask him what end there was of these evils, and at what point he might be expected to stop? "We do ask you," said he, "to pardon any whom you have resolved to destroy, but to free from doubt those whom you are pleased to save." Sylla answering, that he knew not as yet whom to spare, he asked: "Will you then tell us whom you will punish?" This Sylla said he would do. These last words, some authors say, were spoken not by Metellus, but by Afidius, one of Sylla's fawning companions. Immediately upon this, without communicating with any magistrates, Sylla proscribed eighty persons, and notwithstanding the general indignation, after one day's respite, he posted two hundred and twenty more, and on the third again, as many. In an address to the people on this occasion, he told them he had put up as many names as he could think of; those which had escaped his memory, he would publish at a future time. He issued an edict likewise, making death the punishment of humanity, proscribing any who should dare to receive and cherish a proscribed person, without exception to brother, son, or parents. And to him who should slay any one proscribed person, he ordained two talents' reward, even were it a slave who had killed his master, or a son his father. And what was thought most unjust of all, he caused the attainder to pass upon their sons, and sons' sons, and made open sale of all their property. Nor did the proscription prevail only at Rome, but throughout all the cities of Italy the effusion of blood was such that neither sanctuary of the gods nor hearth of hospitality nor ancestral home escaped. Men were butchered in the embraces of their wives, children in the arms of their mothers. Those who perished through public animosity, or private enmity, were nothing in comparison to the numbers of those who suffered for their riches. Even the murderers began to say, that "his fine house killed this man, a garden that, a third, his hot baths." Quintus Aurelius, a quiet, peaceable man, and one who thought all his part in the common calamity consisted in condoling with the misfortunes of others, coming into the forum to read the list, and finding himself among the proscribed, cried out, "Woe is me, my Alban farm has informed against me." He had not gone far, before he was despatched by a ruffian, sent on that errand. In the meantime, Marius, on the point of being taken, killed himself; and Sylla, coming to Praeneste, at first proceeded judicially against each particular person, till at last, finding it a work of too much time, he cooped them up together in one place, to the number of twelve thousand men, and gave order for the execution of them all, save his own host (The friend, that is, with whom he always stayed when he happened to be at Praeneste, his 'xenos;' a relationship much regarded to the Greek and Roman world) alone excepted. But he, brave man, telling him he could not accept the obligation of life from the hands of one who had been the ruin of his country, went in among the rest, and submitted willingly to the stroke. THE LUXURY OF LUCULLUS Lucullus' life, like the Old comedy, presents us at the commencement with acts of policy and of war, and at the end offers nothing but good eating and drinking, feastings, and revelings, and mere play. For I give no higher name to his sumptuous buildings, porticos and baths, still less to his paintings and sculptures, and all his industry about these curiosities, which he collected with vast expense, lavishly bestowing all the wealth and treasure which he got in the war upon them, insomuch that even now, with all the advance of luxury, the Lucullean gardens are counted the noblest the emperor has. Tubero, the stoic, when he saw his buildings at Naples, where he suspended the hills upon vast tunnels, brought in the sea for moats and fish-ponds round his house, and pleasure-houses in the waters, called him Xerxes in a gown. He had also fine seats in Tusculum, belvederes, and large open balconies for men's apartments, and porticos to walk in, where Pompey coming to see him, blamed him for making a house which would be pleasant in summer, but uninhabitable in winter; whom he answered with a smile, "You think me, then, less provident than cranes and storks, not to change my home with the season." When a praetor, with great expense and pains, was preparing a spectacle for the people, and asked him to lend him some purple robes for the performers in a chorus, he told him he would go home and see, and if he had any, would let him take them; and the next day asking how many he wanted, and being told that a hundred would suffice, bade him take twice as many: on which the poet Horace observes, that a house is indeed a poor one, where the valuables unseen and unthought of do not exceed all those that meet the eye. Lucullus' daily entertainments were ostentatiously extravagant, not only in purple coverlets, and plate adorned with precious stones, and dancings, and interludes, but with the greatest diversity of dishes and the most elaborate cookery, for the vulgar to admire and envy. It was a happy thought of Pompey in his sickness, when his physician prescribed a thrush for his dinner, and his servants told him that in summer time thrushes were not to be found anywhere but in Lucullus' fattening coops, that he would not suffer them to fetch one thence, but observed to his physician, "So if Lucullus had not been an epicure, Pompey had not lived," and ordered something else that could easily be got to be prepared for him. Cato was his friend and connection, but, nevertheless, so hated his life and habits, that when a young man in the senate made a long and tedious speech in praise of frugality and temperance, Cato got up and said, "How long do you mean to go making money like Crassus, living like Lucullus, and talking like Cato?" It is plain from the anecdotes on record of him, that Lucullus was not only pleased with, but even gloried in his way of living. For he is said to have feasted several Greeks upon their coming to Rome day after day, who, out of a true Grecian principle, being ashamed, and declining the invitation, where so great an expense was every day incurred for them, he with a smile said to them, "Some of this, indeed, my Grecian friends, is for your sakes, but more for that of Lucullus." Once when he supped alone, there being only one course, and that but moderately furnished, he called his steward and reproved him, who, professing to have supposed that there would be no need of any great entertainment, when nobody was invited, was answered, "What, did you not know, then, that today Lucullus was to dine with Lucullus?" This being much spoken of about the city, Cicero and Pompey one day met him loitering in the forum, the former his intimate friend and familiar, and, though there had been some ill-will between Pompey and him about the command in the war, still they used to see each other and converse on easy terms together. Cicero accordingly saluted him, and asked him whether today was a good time for asking a favor of him, and on his answering, "Very much so," and begging to hear what it was, Cicero said, "then we should like to dine with you today, just on the dinner that is prepared for yourself." Lucullus being surprised, and requesting a day's time, they refused to grant it, and would not allow him to talk with his servants, for fear he should give orders for more than was appointed before. But this they consented to, that before their faces he might tell his servant, that today he would sup in "the Apollo" (for so one of his best dining-rooms was called), and by this evasion he outwitted his guests. For every room, as it seems, had its own assessment of expenditure, dinner at such a price, and all else in accordance; so that the servants, on knowing where he would dine, knew also how much was to be expended, and in what style and form dinner was to be served. The expense for the Apollo was fifty thousand drachmas, and such a sum being that day laid out, the greatness of the cost did not so much amaze Pompey and Cicero, as the rapidity of the outlay. One might believe that Lucullus thought his money really captive and barbarian, so wantonly and contumeliously did he treat it. His furnishing of a library, however, deserves praise and record, for he collected very many choice manuscripts; and the use they were put to was even more magnificent than the purchase, the library being always open, and the walks and reading rooms about it free to all Greeks, whose delight it was to leave their other occupations and hasten thither as to the habitation of the Muses, there walking about, and diverting one another. He himself often passed his hours there, disputing with the learned in the walks, and giving his advice to statesmen who required it, insomuch that his house was altogether a home, and in a manner, a Greek prytaneum for those that visited Rome. FROM THE LIFE OF SERTORIUS (The Roman who endeavored to establish a separate government for himself in Spain.) Sertorius was highly honored for his introducing discipline and good order among the Spaniards, for he altered their furious and savage manner of fighting, and brought them to make use of the Roman armor, taught them to keep their ranks, and observe signals and watchwords; and out of a confused horde of thieves and robbers, he constituted a regular, well-disciplined army. He bestowed silver and gold upon them liberally to gild and adorn their helmets, he had their shields worked with various figures and designs, he brought them into the mode of wearing flowered and embroidered cloaks and coats, and by supplying money for these purposes, and joining with them in all improvements, he won the hearts of all. That, however, which delighted them most, was the care that he took of their children. He sent for all the boys of noblest parentage out of all their tribes, and placed them in the great city of Osca, where he appointed masters to instruct them in the Grecian and Roman learning, that when they came to be men, they might, as he professed, be fitted to share with him in authority, and in conducting the government, although under this pretext he really made them hostages. However, their fathers were wonderfully pleased to see their children going daily to the schools in good order, handsomely dressed in gowns edged with purple, and that Sertorius paid for their lessons, examined them often, distributed rewards to the most deserving, and gave them the golden bosses to hang around their necks, which the Romans called "bullae." All the cities on this side of the river Ebro finally united their forces under his command, and his army grew very great, for they flocked together and flowed in upon him from all quarters. But when they continually cried out to attack the enemy, and were impatient of delay, their inexperienced, disorderly rashness caused Sertorius much trouble, who at first strove to restrain them with reason and good counsel, but when he perceived them refractory and unseasonably violent, he gave way to their impetuous desires, and permitted them to engage with the enemy, in such a way that they might be repulsed, yet not totally routed, and so become more obedient to his commands for the future. This happening as he had anticipated, he soon rescued them, and brought them safe into his camp. And after a few days, being willing to encourage them again, when he had called all his army together, he caused two horses to be brought into the field, one an old, feeble, lean animal, the other a lusty, strong horse, with a remarkably thick and long tail. Near the lean one he placed a tall, strong man, and near the strong, young horse a weak, despicable-looking fellow; and at a given signal the strong man took hold of the weak horse's tail with both his hands, and drew it to him with his whole force, as if he would pull it off; the other, the weak man, in the meantime, set to work to pluck off hair by hair the great horse's tail. And when the strong man had given trouble enough to himself in vain, and sufficient diversion to the company, and had abandoned his attempt, whilst the weak, pitiful fellow in a short time and with little pains had left not a hair on the great horse's tail, Sertorius arose and said to his army, "You see, fellow-soldiers, that perseverance is more prevailing than violence, and that many things which cannot be overcome when they are together, yield readily when taken little by little. Assiduity and persistence are irresistible, and in time overthrow and destroy the greatest powers. Time being the favorable friend and assistant of those who use their judgment to await his occasions, and the destructive enemy of those who are unseasonably urging and pressing forward." Of all his remarkable exploits, none raised greater admiration than that which he put in practice against the Characitanians. These are a people beyond the river Tagus, who inhabit neither cities nor towns, but live in a vast, high hill, within the deep dens and caves of the rocks, the mouths of which all open towards the north. The country below is of a soil resembling a light clay, so loose as easily to break into powder, and is not firm enough to bear any one that treads upon it, and if you touch it in the least, it flies about like ashes or unslaked lime. In any danger of war, these people enter their caves, and carrying in their booty and prey along with them, stay quietly within, secure from every attack. And when Sertorius, leaving Metellus some distance off, had placed his camp near this hill, they slighted and despised him, imagining that he retired into these parts to escape being overthrown by the Romans. And whether out of anger and resentment, or out of his unwillingness to be thought to fly from his enemies, early in the morning he rode up to view the situation of the place. But finding there was no way to come at it, as he rode about, threatening them in vain and disconcerted, he took notice that the wind raised the dust and carried it up towards the caves of the Characitanians, and the northerly wind, which some call Caecias, prevailing most in those parts, coming up out of moist plains or mountains covered with snow, at this particular time, in the heat of summer, being further supplied and increased by the melting of the ice in the northern regions, blew a delightful, fresh gale, cooling and refreshing the Characitanians and their cattle all the day long. Sertorius, considering well all circumstances in which either the information of the inhabitants, or his own experience had instructed him, commanded his soldiers to shovel up a great quantity of this light, dusty earth, to heap it together, and make a mound of it over against the hill in which these barbarous people lived, who, imagining that all this preparation was for raising a mound to get at them, only mocked and laughed at it. However, he continued the work till the evening, and brought his soldiers back into their camp. The next morning a gentle breeze at first arose, and moved the lightest parts of the earth, and dispersed it about as the chaff before the wind; but when the sun got higher, and the strong, northerly wind had covered the hills with the dust, the soldiers came and turned this mound of earth over and over, and broke the hard clods in pieces, whilst others on horseback rode through it backward and forward, and raised a cloud of dust into the air; then with the wind the whole of it was carried away and blown into the dwellings of the Characitanians, all lying open to the north. And there being no other vent or breathing-place than that through which the Caecias rushed in upon them, it quickly blinded their eyes, and filled their lungs, and all but choked them, whilst they strove to draw in the rough air mingled with dust and powdered earth. Nor were they able, with all they could do, to hold out more than two days, but surrendered on the third, adding, by their defeat, not so much to the power of Sertorius, as to his renown, in proving that he was able to conquer places by art, which were impregnable by the force of arms. THE SCROLL-FROM THE LIFE OF LYSANDER The scroll is made up thus: when the Ephors send an admiral or general on his way, they take two round pieces of wood, both exactly of a length and thickness, and cut even to one another; they keep one themselves, and the other the give to the person they send forth; and these pieces of wood they call Scytales. When, therefore, they have occasion to communicate any secret or important matter, making a scroll of parchment long and narrow like a leathern thong, they roll it about their own staff of wood, leaving no space void between, but covering the surface of the staff with the scroll all over. When they have done this, they write what they please on the scroll, as it is wrapped about the staff; and when they have written, they take off the scroll, and send it to the general without the wood. He, when he has received it, can read nothing of the writing, because the words and letters are not connected, but all broken up; but taking his own staff, he winds the slip of the scroll about it, so that this folding, restoring all the parts into the same order that they were in before, and putting what comes first into connection with what follows, brings the whole consecutive contents to view round the outside. And this scroll is called a _staff_, after the name of the wood, as a thing measured is by the name of the measure. THE CHARACTER OF MARCUS CATO Marcus Cato grew so powerful by his eloquence that he was commonly called the Roman Demosthenes; but his manner of life was yet more famous and talked of. For oratorical skill was, as an accomplishment, commonly studied and sought after by all young men; but he was a rare man who would cultivate the old habits of bodily labor, or prefer a light supper, and a breakfast which never saw the fire; or be in love with poor clothes and a homely lodging, or could set his ambition rather on doing without luxuries than on possessing them. For now the state, unable to keep its purity by reason of its greatness, and having so many affairs, and people from all parts under its government, was fain to admit many mixed customs, and new examples of living. With reason, therefore, everybody admired Cato, when they saw others sink under labors, and grow effeminate by pleasures, but beheld him unconquered by either; and that, too, not only when he was young and desirous of honor, but also when old and gray-headed, after a consulship and triumph; like some famous victor in the games, persevering in his exercise and maintaining his character to the very last. He himself says, that he never wore a suit of clothes which cost more than a hundred drachmas; and that, when he was general and consul, he drank the same wine which his workmen did; and that the meat or fish which was bought in the market for his dinner, did not cost above thirty 'asses.' All which was for the sake of the commonwealth, that his body might be the hardier for the war. Having a piece of embroidered Babylonian tapestry left him, he sold it; because none of his farm-houses were so much as plastered. Nor did he ever buy a slave for above fifteen hundred drachmas; as he did not seek for effeminate and handsome ones, but able, sturdy workmen, horse-keepers, and cow-herds; and these he thought ought to be sold again, when they grew old, and no useless servants fed in a house. In short, he reckoned nothing a good bargain, which was superfluous; but whatever it was, though sold for a farthing, he would think it a great price, if you had no need of it. Yet, in my judgment, it marks an over-rigid temper for a man to take the work out of his servants as out of brute beasts, turning them off and selling them in their old age. A kind-natured man will keep even worn-out horses and dogs, and not only take care of them when they are foals and whelps, but also when they are grown old. The Athenians, when they built their Hecatompedon,* (*The Parthenon; built on the site of an older temple which had borne the name of Hecatompedon, or a "hundred feet long." The name was retained for the new building.) turned those mules loose to feed freely, which they had observed to have done the hardest labor. One of these came once of itself to offer its service, and ran along with, nay, went before, the teams which drew the wagons up to the Acropolis, as if it would incite and encourage them to draw more stoutly; upon which a vote was passed that the creature should be kept at the public charge till it died. The graves of Cimon's horses, which thrice won the Olympian races, are yet to be seen close by his own monument. Old Xanthippus, too, the father of Pericles, entombed his dogs which swam after his galley to Salamis, when the people fled from Athens, on the top of a cliff, which they call the dogs' tomb to this day. For his general temperance, however, and self-control, Cato really deserves the highest admiration. For when he commanded the army, he never took for himself, and those that belonged to him, more than three bushels of wheat for a month, and somewhat less than a bushel and a half a day of barley for his baggage-cattle. And when he entered upon the government of Sardinia, where his predecessors had been used to require tents, bedding, and clothes upon the public account, and to charge the state heavily with the cost of provisions and entertainments for a great train of servants and friends, the difference he showed in his economy was something incredible. There was nothing of any sort for which he put the public to expense; he would walk, instead of taking a carriage to visit the cities, with only one of the common town officers, who carried his dress, and a cup to offer libation with. Yet on the other hand, he showed most inflexible severity and strictness, in what related to public justice, and was rigorous, and precise in what concerned the ordinances of the commonwealth; so that the Roman government never seemed more terrible, nor yet more mild, than under his administration. His very manner of speaking seemed to have such a kind of idea with it; for it was courteous, and yet forcible; pleasant, yet overwhelming; facetious, yet austere; sententious, and yet vehement: like Socrates, in the description of Plato, who seemed outwardly to those about him to be but a simple, talkative, blunt fellow; whilst at the bottom he was full of such gravity and matter, as would even move tears, and touch the very hearts of his auditors. Reproving on one occasion the sumptuous habits of the Romans, he said: "It is hard to preserve a city, where a fish is sold for more than an ox." He had a saying, also, that the Roman people were like sheep; for they, when single, do not obey, but when altogether in a flock, they follow their leaders: "So you," said he, "when you have got together in a body let yourselves be guided by those whom singly you would never think of being advised by." The Romans having sent three ambassadors to Bithnia, of whom one was gouty, another had his skull trepanned, and the other seemed little better than a fool; Cato, laughing, gave out that the Romans had sent an embassy, which had neither feet, head, nor heart.* (*Both the Romans and the Greeks conceived of the region of the heart, the chest, as the seat not of emotion, nor of will and courage merely, but more especially of judgment, deliberation, and practical sense. Thus the Greeks derived their word for moral wisdom from Phren, the diaphragm, and the Romans by 'egregie cordatus homo' meant a wise statesman.) Cato also said that in his whole life he most repented of three things; one was, that he had trusted a secret to a woman; another that he went by water when he might have gone by land; the third, that he had remained one whole day without doing any business of moment. He was a good father, an excellent husband to his wife, and an extraordinary economist; and as he did not manage his affairs of this kind carelessly, and as things of little moment, I think I ought to record a little further whatever was commendable in him in these points. He married a wife more noble than rich; being of opinion that the rich and the high-born are equally haughty and proud; but that those of noble blood would be more ashamed of base things, and consequently more obedient to their husbands in all that was fit and right. A man who beat his wife or child, laid violent hands, he said, on what was most sacred; and a good husband he reckoned worthy of more praise than a great senator; and he admired the ancient Socrates for nothing so much, as for having lived a temperate and contented life with a wife who was a scold, and children who were half-witted. When his son began to come to years of discretion, Cato himself would teach him to read, although he had a servant, a very good grammarian, called Chilo, who taught many others; but he thought not fit, as he himself said, to have his son reprimanded by a slave, or pulled, it may be, by the ears when found tardy in his lesson: nor would he have him owe to a servant the obligation of so great a thing as his learning; he himself, therefore, taught him his grammar, his law, and his gymnastic exercises. Nor did he only show him, too, how to throw a dart, to fight in armor, and to ride, but to box also and to endure both heat and cold, and to swim over the most rapid and rough rivers. He says, likewise, that he wrote histories, in large characters, with his own hand, that so his son, without stirring out of the house, might learn to know about his countrymen and forefathers: nor did he less abstain from speaking any thing improper before his son, than if it had been in the presence of the sacred virgins, called vestals. Nor would he ever go into the bath with him; which seems indeed to have been the common custom of the Romans. Thus, like an excellent work, Cato formed and fashioned his son to virtue. THE SACRED THEBAN BAND FROM THE LIFE OF PELOPIDAS. Gorgidas, according to some, first formed the Sacred Band of three hundred chosen men, to whom, as being a guard for the citadel, the State allowed provision, and all things necessary for exercise: and hence they were called the city band, as citadels of old were usually called cities. Others say that it was composed of young men attached to each other by personal affection, and a pleasant saying of Pammenes is current, that Homer's Nestor was not well skilled in ordering an army, when he advised the Greeks to rank tribe and tribe, and family and family together, that "So tribe might tribe, and kinsmen kinsmen aid," but that he should have joined lovers and their beloved. For men of the same tribe or family little value one another when dangers press; but a band cemented by friendship grounded upon love, is never to be broken, and invincible; since all, ashamed to be base in sight of their beloved, willingly rush into danger for the relief of one another. Nor can that be wondered at; since they have more regard for their absent loving friends than for others present; as in the instance of the man who, when his enemy was going to kill him, earnestly requested him to run him through the breast, that his lover might not blush to see him wounded in the back. It is a tradition likewise, that Iolaus, who assisted Hercules in his labors and fought at his side, was beloved of him; and Aristotle observes, that even in his time, lovers plighted their faith at Iolaus' tomb. It is likely, therefore, that this band was called sacred on this account; as Plato calls a lover a divine friend. It is stated that it was never beaten till the battle at Chaeronea: and when Philip, after the fight, took a view of the slain, and came to the place where the three hundred that fought his phalanx lay dead together, he was filled with wonder, and understanding that it was the band of lovers, he shed tears and said, "Perish any man who suspects that these men either did or suffered any thing that was base." FROM THE LIFE OF TITUS FLAMININUS, THE CONQUEROR OF PHILIP Among the songs written after the battle of Cynos Cephalas (the Dog-heads), was the following epigram, composed by Alcaeus in mockery of Philip, exaggerating the number of the slain: Naked and tombless see, O passer-by The thirty thousand men of Thessaly, Slain by the Aetolians and the Latin band, That came with Titus from Italia's land: Alas for mighty Macedon! that day, Swift as a roe, king Philip fled away. Titus himself thought more highly of his liberation of Greece than of any other of his actions, as appears by the inscription upon some silver targets, dedicated together with his own shield, to Apollo at Delphi: Ye Spartan Tyndarids, twin sons of Jove, Who in swift horsemanship have placed your love, Titus, of great Aeneas' race, leaves this In honor of the liberty of Greece. And a golden crown, also offered to Apollo, bore this inscription: This golden crown upon thy locks divine, O blest Latona's son, was set to shine By the great captain of the Aenean name O Phoebus, grant the noble Titus fame! When the ambassadors of Antiochus were recounting to those of Achaea, the various multitudes composing their royal master's forces, and ran over a long catalogue of hard names, "I supped once," said Titus, "with a friend, and could not forbear expostulating with him at the number of dishes he had provided, and said I wondered where he had furnished himself with such a variety; 'Sir,' replied he, 'to confess the truth, it is all hog's flesh differently cooked.' And so, men of Achaea, when you are told of Antiochus' lancers, and pikemen, and foot-guards, I advise you not to be surprised; since in fact they are all Syrians differently armed." The Chalcidians, who owed their lives to Titus, dedicated to him all the best and most magnificent of their sacred buildings, inscriptions upon which, like the following, may be seen to this day: THE PEOPLE DEDICATE THIS GYMNASIUM TO TITUS AND TO HERCULES; so again: THE PEOPLE CONSECRATE THE DELPHINIUM TO TITUS AND TO HERCULES; and what is yet more remarkable, even in our time, a priest of Titus was formally elected and declared; and after sacrifice and libation, they sang a set song, of which these are the closing verses:-- The Roman Faith, whose aid of yore, Our vows were offered to implore, We worship now and evermore. To Rome, to Titus, and to Jove, O maidens, in the dances move. Dances and Io-Paeans too Unto the Roman Faith are due O Savior Titus, and to you. ALEXANDER THE GREAT It must be borne in mind that my design has been not to write histories, but lives. And the most glorious exploits do not always furnish us with the clearest discoveries of virtue or vice in men; sometimes a matter of less moment, an expression or a jest, informs us better of their characters and inclinations, than the most famous sieges, the greatest armaments, or the bloodiest battles whatsoever. Therefore as portrait-painters are more exact in the lines and features of the face, in which the character is seen, than in the other parts of the body, so I must be allowed to give my more particular attention to the marks and indications of the souls of men, in my portrayal of their lives. It is agreed on by all hands, that on the father's side, Alexander descended from Hercules by Caranus, and from Aeacus by Neoptolemus on the mother's side. His father Philip, being in Samothrace, when he was quite young, fell in love there with Olympias, in company with whom he was initiated in the religious ceremonies of the country, and her father and mother being both dead, soon after, with the consent of her brother Arymbas, he married her. Alexander was born on the sixth of Hecatombaeon, the same day that the temple of Diana at Ephesus was burnt. The statues that gave the best representation of Alexander's person, were those of Lysippus, those peculiarities which many of his successors afterwards and his friends used to affect to imitate,--the inclination of his head a little on one side towards his left shoulder, and his melting eye,--having been expressed by this artist with great exactness. But Apelles, who drew him with thunderbolts in his hand, made his complexion browner and darker than it was naturally; for he was fair and of a light color, passing into ruddiness in his face and upon his breast. His temperance, as to all pleasures, was apparent in him in his very childhood, as he was with much difficulty incited to them, and always used them with great moderation; though in other things he was extremely eager and vehement, and in his love of glory and the pursuit of it, he showed a solidity of high spirit and magnanimity far above his age. For he neither sought nor valued it upon every occasion, as his father Philip did (who affected to show his eloquence almost to a degree of pedantry, and took care to have the victories of his racing chariots at the Olympic games engraved on his coin), but when he was asked by some about him, whether he would run a race in the Olympic games, as he was very swift-footed, he answered, that he would, if he might have kings to run with him. While he was yet very young, he entertained the ambassadors from the king of Persia, in the absence of his father, and entering much into conversation with them, gained so much upon them by his affability, and the questions he asked them, which were far from being childish or trifling (for he inquired of them the length of the ways, the nature of the road into inner Asia, the character of their king, how he carried himself toward his enemies, and what forces he was able to bring into the field), that they were struck with admiration of him, and looked upon the ability so much famed of Philip, to be nothing in comparison with the forwardness and high purpose that appeared thus early in his son. Whenever he heard that Philip had taken any town of importance, or won any signal victory, instead of rejoicing at it altogether, he would tell his companions that his father would anticipate every thing, and leave him and them no opportunities of performing great and illustrious actions. For being more bent upon action and glory than upon either pleasure or riches, he esteemed all that he should receive from his father as a diminution of his own future achievements; and would have chosen rather to succeed to a kingdom involved in troubles and wars, which would have afforded him frequent exercise of his courage, and a large field of honor, than to one already flourishing and settled, where his inheritance would be an inactive life, and the mere enjoyment of wealth and luxury. The care of his education, as it might be presumed, was committed to a great many attendants, preceptors, and teachers, over the whole of whom Leonidas, a near kinsman of Olympias, a man of an austere temper, presided, who did not indeed himself decline the name of what in reality is a noble and honorable office, but in general his dignity, and his near relationship, obtained him from other people the title of Alexander's fosterfather and governor. But he who took upon him the actual place and style of his "pedagogue," was Lysimachus the Acarnanian. Philonicus the Thessalian brought the horse Bucephalas to Philip, offering to sell him for thirteen talents; but when they went into the field to try him, they found him so very vicious and unmanageable, that he reared up when they endeavored to mount him, and would not so much as endure the voice of any of Philip's attendants. Upon which, as they were leading him away as wholly useless and untractable, Alexander, who stood by, said, "What a magnificent horse they lose, for want of address and boldness to manage him!" Philip at first took no notice of what he said, but when he heard him repeat the same thing several times, and perceived that he was much vexed to see the horse sent away, he said to him, "Do you reproach those who are older than yourself, as if you knew more, and were better able to manage him than they?" "I could manage this horse," replied he, "better than others do." "And if you fail," said Philip, "what will you forfeit for your rashness?" "I will pay," answered Alexander, "the whole price of the horse." At this the whole company fell to laughing; and as soon as the wager was settled amongst them, he immediately ran to the horse, and taking hold of the bridle, turned him directly towards the sun, having, it seems, observed that he was disturbed at and afraid of the motion of his own shadow; then letting him go forward a little, still keeping the reins in his hand, and stroking him gently when he found him beginning to grow eager and fiery, he let fall his upper garment softly, and with one nimble leap securely mounted him, and when he was seated, little by little drew in the bridle, and curbed him without either striking or spurring him. Presently, when he found him free from all rebelliousness, and only impatient for the course, he let him go at full speed, inciting him now with a commanding voice, and urging him also with his heel. Philip and his friends looked on at first in silence and anxiety for the result, till seeing him turn at the end of his career, and come back rejoicing and triumphing for what he had performed, they all burst out into acclamations of applause; and his father, shedding tears, it is said, for joy, kissed him as he came down from his horse, and in his transport, said, "O my son, seek out a kingdom worthy of thyself, for Macedonia is too little for thee." After this, considering him to be of a temper easy to be led to his duty by reason, but by no means to be compelled, he always endeavored to persuade rather than to command or force him to any thing; and now looking upon the instruction and tuition of his youth to be of greater difficulty and importance, than to be wholly trusted to the ordinary masters in music and poetry, and the common school subjects, and to require, as Sophocles says, The bridle and the rudder too, he sent for Aristotle, the most learned and most celebrated philosopher of his time, and rewarded him with a munificence proportionable to and becoming the care he took to instruct his son. For he repeopled his native city Stagira, which he had caused to be demolished a little before, and restored all the citizens who were in exile or slavery, to their habitations. As a place for the pursuit of their studies and exercises, he assigned the temple of the Nymphs, near Mieza, where, to this very day, they show you Aristotle's stone seats, and the shady walks which he was wont to frequent. It would appear that Alexander received from him not only his doctrines of Morals, and of Politics, but also something of those more abstruse and profound theories which these philosophers, by the very names they gave them, professed to reserve for oral communication to the initiated, and did not allow many to become acquainted with. For when he was in Asia, and heard Aristotle had published some treatises of that kind, he wrote to him, using very plain language to him in behalf of philosophy, the following letter: "Alexander to Aristotle greeting. You have not done well to publish your books of oral doctrine, for what is there now that we excel others in, if those things which we have been particularly instructed in be laid open to all? For my part, I assure you, I had rather excel others in the knowledge of what is excellent, than in the extent of my power and dominion. Farewell." And Aristotle, soothing this passion for pre-eminence, speaks, in his excuse for himself, of these doctrines, as in fact both published and not published. To tell the truth, his books on metaphysics are written in a style which makes them useless for ordinary teaching, and instructive only in the way of memoranda, for those who have been already conversant with that sort of learning. Doubtless also it was to Aristotle, that he owed the inclination he had, not to the theory only, but also to the practice of the art of medicine. For when any of his friends were sick, he would often prescribe for them their course of diet, and medicines proper to their disease, as we may find in his epistles. He was naturally a great lover of all kinds of learning and reading; and Onesicritus informs us, that he constantly laid Homer's Iliads, according to the copy corrected by Aristotle, called "The casket copy," with his dagger under his pillow, declaring that he esteemed it a perfect portable treasure of all military virtue and knowledge. When he was in the upper Asia, being destitute of other books, he ordered Harpalus to send him some; who furnished him with Philistus's History, a great many of the plays of Euripides, Sophocles, and Aeschylus, and some dithyrambic odes, composed by Telestes and Philoxenus. While Philip went on his expedition against the Byzantines, he left Alexander, then sixteen years old, his lieutenant in Macedonia, committing the charge of his seal to him; who, not to sit idle, reduced the rebellious Maedi, and having taken their chief town by storm, drove out the barbarous inhabitants, and planting a colony of several nations in their room, called the place after his own name, Alexandropolis. At the battle of Chaeronea, which his father fought against the Greeks, he is said to have been the first man that charged the Thebans' sacred band. And even in my remembrance, there stood an old oak near the river Cephisus, which people called Alexander's oak, because his tent was pitched under it. And not far off are to be seen the graves of the Macedonians who fell in that battle. This early bravery made Philip so fond of him, that nothing pleased him more than to hear his subjects call himself their general and Alexander their king. But later on, through an unfortunate marriage of Philip with Cleopatra, the niece of Attalus, an estrangement grew up between them. And not long after the brother of Alexander, Pausanias, having had an insult done to him at the instance of Attalus and Cleopatra, when he found he could get no reparation for his disgrace at Philip's hands, watched his opportunity and murdered him. Alexander was but twenty years old when his father was murdered, and succeeded to a kingdom beset on all sides with great dangers, and rancorous enemies. Hearing the Thebans were in revolt, and the Athenians in correspondence with them, he immediately marched through the pass of Thermopylae, saying that to Demosthenes, who had called him a child while he was in Illyria, and a youth when he was in Thessaly, he would appear a man before the walls of Athens. When he came to Thebes, to show how willing he was to accept of their repentance for what was past, he only demanded of them Phoenix and Prothytes, the authors of the rebellion, and proclaimed a general pardon to those who would come over to him. But when the Thebans merely retorted by demanding Philotas and Antipater to be delivered into their hands, he applied himself to make them feel the last extremities of war. The Thebans defended themselves with a zeal and courage beyond their strength, being much outnumbered by their enemies. But when the Macedonian garrison sallied out upon them from the citadel, they were so hemmed in on all sides, that the greater part of them fell in the battle; the city itself being taken by storm, was sacked and razed, Alexander's hope being that so severe an example might terrify the rest of Greece into obedience. So that, except the priests, and a few who had heretofore been the friends and connections of the Macedonians, the family of the poet Pindar, and those who were known to have opposed the public vote for the war, all the rest, to the number of thirty thousand, were publicly sold for slaves; and it is computed that upwards of six thousand were put to the sword. Among the other calamities that befell the city, it happened that some Thracian soldiers having broken into the house of a matron of high character and repute named Timoclea, their captain, to satisfy his avarice, asked her if she knew of any money concealed; to which she readily answered that she did, and bade him follow her into a garden, where she showed him a well, into which, she told him, upon the taking of the city she had thrown what she had of most value. The greedy Thracian presently stooping down to view the place where he thought the treasure lay, she came behind him, and pushed him into the well, and then flung great stones in upon him, till she had killed him. After which, when the soldiers led her away bound to Alexander, her very mien and gait showed her to be a woman of dignity and high mind, not betraying the least sign of fear or astonishment. And when the king asked her who she was, she said, "I am the sister of Theagenes, who fought at the battle of Chaeronea with your father, Philip, and fell there in command for the liberty of Greece." Alexander was so surprised, both at what she had done, and what she said, that he could not chose but give her and her children their freedom to go whither they pleased. After this he received the Athenians into favor. Whether it were, like the lion, that his passion was now satisfied, or that after an example of extreme cruelty, he had a mind to appear merciful, it happened well for the Athenians. Certain it is, too, that in after-time he often repented of his severity to the Thebans, and his remorse had such influence on his temper as to make him ever after less rigorous to all others. And it was observed that whatsoever any Theban, who had the good fortune to survive this victory, asked of him, he was sure to grant without the least difficulty. Soon after, the Greeks being assembled at the Isthmus, declared their resolution of joining with Alexander in the war against the Persians, and proclaimed him their general. While he stayed here, many public ministers and philosophers came from all parts to visit him, and congratulated him on his election, but contrary to his expectation, Diogenes of Sinope, who then was living at Corinth, thought so little of him, that instead of coming to compliment him, he never so much as stirred out of the suburb called the Cranium, where Alexander ran across him lying at full length in the sun. When he saw so much company near him, he raised himself a little, and vouchsafed to look upon Alexander; and when he kindly asked him whether he wanted any thing, "Yes," said he, "I would have you stand from between me and the sun." Alexander was so struck at this answer, and surprised at the greatness of the man, who had taken so little notice of him, that as he went away, he told his followers who were laughing at the moroseness of the philosopher, that if he were not Alexander, he would choose to be Diogenes. His army consisted of about thirty thousand foot, and four thousand horse; and Aristobulus says, he had not a fund of over seventy talents for their pay, nor more than thirty days' provision, if we may believe Duris. However narrow the beginnings of so vast an undertaking might seem to be, yet he would not embark his army until he had informed himself particularly what means his friends had to enable them to follow him, and supplied what they wanted, by giving good farms to some, a village to one, and the revenue of some hamlet or harbor town to another. So that at last he had portioned out or engaged almost all the royal property; which giving Perdiccas an occasion to ask him what he would leave himself, he answered, "My hopes." "Your soldiers," replied Perdiccas, "will be your partners in those," and refused to accept of the estate he had assigned him. With such vigorous resolutions, and his mind thus disposed, he passed the Hellespont, and at Troy sacrificed to Minerva, and honored the memory of the heroes who were buried there, with solemn libations; especially Achilles, whose gravestone he anointed, and with his friends, as the ancient custom is, ran naked about his sepulchre, and crowned it with garlands, declaring how happy he esteemed him, in having, while he lived, so faithful a friend, and when he was dead, so famous a poet to proclaim his actions. While he was viewing the rest of the antiquities and curiosities of the place, being told he might see Paris's harp, if he pleased, he said, he thought it not worth looking at, but he should be glad to see that of Achilles, to which he used to sing the glories and great actions of brave men. In the meantime Darius's captains having collected large forces, were encamped on the further bank of the river Granicus, and it was necessary to fight, as it were, in the gate of Asia for an entrance into it. And when Parmenio advised him not to attempt anything that day, because it was late, he told him that he should disgrace the Hellespont, should he fear the Granicus. And so without saying more, he immediately took the river with thirteen troops of horse, and advanced against whole showers of darts thrown from the steep opposite side, which was covered with armed multitudes of the enemy's horse and foot, notwithstanding the disadvantage of the ground and the rapidity of the stream; so that the action seemed to have more of frenzy and desperation in it, than of prudent conduct. However, he persisted obstinately to gain the passage, and at last with much ado making his way up the banks, which were extremely muddy and slippery, he had instantly to join in a mere confused hand-to-hand combat with the enemy, before he could draw up his men, who were still passing over, into any order. For the enemy pressed upon him with loud and warlike outcries; and charging horse against horse, with their lances, after they had broken and spent these, they fell to it with their swords. And Alexander, being easily known by his buckler, and a large plume of white feathers on each side of his helmet, was attacked on all sides, yet escaped without a wound, though his cuirass was pierced by a javelin in one of the joinings. And Rhoesaces and Spithridates, two Persian commanders, falling upon him at once, he avoided one of them, and struck at Rhoesaces, who had a good cuirass on, with such force, that his spear breaking in his hand, he was glad to betake himself to his dagger. While they were thus engaged, Spithridates came up on the other side of him, and raising himself upon his horse, gave him such a blow with his battle-axe on the helmet, that he cut off the crest of it, with one of his plumes, and the helmet was only just so far strong enough to save him, that the edge of the weapon touched the hair of his head. But as he was about to repeat his stroke, Clitus, called the black Clitus, prevented him, by running him through the body with his spear. At the same time Alexander despatched Rhoesaces with his sword. While the horse were thus dangerously engaged, the Macedonian phalanx passed the river, and the foot on each side advanced to fight. But the enemy hardly sustaining the first onset, soon gave ground and fled, all but the mercenary Greeks, who, making a stand upon a rising ground, desired quarter, which Alexander, guided rather by passion than judgment, refused to grant, and charging them himself first, had his horse (not Bucephalas, but another) killed under him. And this obstinacy of his to cut off these experienced, desperate men, cost him the lives of more of his own soldiers than all the battle before, besides those who were wounded. The Persians lost in this battle twenty thousand foot, and two thousand five hundred horse. On Alexander's side, Aristobulus says there were not over four and thirty missing, of whom nine were foot-soldiers; and in memory of them he caused as many statues of brass, of Lysippus's making, to be erected. And that the Greeks might participate in the honor of his victory, he sent a portion of the spoils home to them, particularly to the Athenians three hundred bucklers, and upon all the rest he ordered this inscription to be set: "Alexander the son of Philip, and the Greeks, except the Lacedaemonians, won these from the barbarians who inhabit Asia." All the plate and purple garments, and other things of the same kind that he took from the Persians, except a very small quantity which he reserved for himself, he sent as a present to his mother. This battle presently made a great change of affairs to Alexander's advantage. For Sardis itself, the chief seat of the barbarians' power in the maritime provinces, and many other considerable places, were surrendered to him; only Halicarnassus and Miletus stood out, which he took by force, together with the territory about them. After which he was a little unsettled in his opinion how to proceed. Sometimes he thought it best to find out Darius as soon as he could, and put all to the hazard of a battle; at another time he looked upon it as a more prudent course to make an entire reduction of the sea-coast, and not to seek the enemy till he had first exercised his power here and made himself secure of the resources of these provinces. While he was thus deliberating what to do, it happened that a spring of water near the city of Xanthus in Lycia, of its own accord swelled over its banks, and threw up a copper plate upon the margin, in which was engraven in ancient characters, that the time would come, when the Persian empire should be destroyed by the Greeks. Encouraged by this incident, he proceeded to reduce the maritime parts of Cilicia and Phoenicia, and passed his army along the sea-coasts of Pamphylia with such expedition that many historians have described and extolled it with a height of admiration, as if it were no less than a miracle, and an extraordinary effect of divine favor, that the waves which usually come rolling in violently from the main, and hardly ever leave so much as a narrow beach under the steep, broken cliffs at any time uncovered, should on a sudden retire to afford him passage. Menander, in one of his comedies, alludes to this marvel when he says, Was Alexander ever favored more? Each man I wish for meets me at the door, And should I ask for passage through the sea, The sea, I doubt not, would retire for me. Then he subdued the Pisidians who made head against him, and conquered the Phrygians, at whose chief city Gordium, which is said to be the seat of the ancient Midas, he saw the famous chariot fastened with cords made of the rind of the cornel-tree, about which the inhabitants had a tradition, that for him who should untie it, was reserved the empire of the world. Most authors tell the story of Alexander, finding himself unable to untie the knot, the ends of which were secretly twisted round and folded up within it, cut it asunder with his sword. But Aristobulus tells us it was easy for him to undo it, by only pulling the pin out of the pole, to which the yoke was tied, and afterwards drawing off the yoke itself from below. Darius was by this time upon his march from Susa, very confident, in the number of his men, which amounted to six hundred thousand. But Alexander was detained in Cilicia by a sickness, which some say he contracted from his fatigues, others from bathing in the river Cydnus, whose waters were exceedingly cold. None of his physicians would venture to give him any remedies, they thought his case so desperate, and were so afraid of the suspicions and ill-will of the Macedonians if they should fail in the cure; till Philip, the Acarnanian, seeing how critical his case was, but relying on his own well-known friendship for him, resolved to try the last efforts of his art, and rather hazard his own credit and life, than suffer him to perish for want of physic, which he confidently administered to him, encouraging him to take it boldly, if he desired a speedy recovery, in order to prosecute the war. At this very time, Parmenio wrote to Alexander from the camp, bidding him have a care of Philip, as one who was bribed by Darius to kill him, with great sums of money, and a promise of his daughter in marriage. When he had perused the letter, he put it under his pillow, without so much as showing it to any of his most intimate friends, and when Philip came in with the potion, he took it with great cheerfulness and assurance, giving him meantime the letter to read. This was a spectacle well worth being present at, to see Alexander take the draught, and Philip read the letter at the same time, and then turn and look upon one another, but with different sentiments; for Alexander's looks were cheerful and open, to show his kindness to and confidence in his physician, while the other was full of surprise and alarm at the accusation, appealing to the gods to witness his innocence, sometimes lifting up his hands to heaven, and then throwing himself down by the bedside, and beseeching Alexander to lay aside all fear, and follow his directions without apprehension. For the medicine at first worked so strongly as to drive, as it were, the vital forces into the interior; he lost his speech, and falling into a swoon, had scarcely any sense or pulse left. However, in a very short time, by Philip's means, his health and strength returned, and he showed himself in public to the Macedonians, who were in continual fear and dejection until they saw him abroad again. Darius, in the meantime marched into Cilicia, at the same time that Alexander advanced into Syria to meet him; and missing one another in the night, they both turned back again. Alexander, greatly pleased with the event, made all the haste he could to fight in the defiles, and Darius to recover his former ground, and draw his army out of so disadvantageous a place. For now he began to see his error in engaging himself too far in a country in which the sea, the mountains, and the river Pinarus running through the midst of it, would force him to divide his forces, render his horse almost unserviceable, and only cover and support the weakness of the enemy. Fortune was not kinder to Alexander in the choice of the ground, than he was careful to improve it to his advantage. For being much inferior in numbers, so far from allowing himself to be outflanked, he stretched his right wing much further out than the left wing of his enemies, and fighting there himself in the very foremost ranks, put the barbarians to flight. In this battle he was wounded in the thigh, Chares says by Darius, with whom he fought hand to hand. But in the account which he gave Antipater of the battle, though he owns he was wounded in the thigh with a sword, though not dangerously, he does not mention who it was that wounded him. Nothing was wanting to complete this victory, in which he overthrew above a hundred and ten thousand of his enemies, but the taking of the person of Darius, who escaped very narrowly by flight. However, having captured his chariot and his bow, he returned from pursuing him, and found his own men busy in pillaging the barbarians' camp, which (though to disburden themselves, they had left most of their baggage at Damascus) was exceedingly rich. But Darius's tent, which was full of splendid furniture, and quantities of gold and silver, they reserved for Alexander himself, who after he had put off his arms, went to bathe himself, saying, "Let us now cleanse ourselves from the toils of war in the bath of Darius." "Not so," replied one of his followers, "but in Alexander's rather; for the property of the conquered is, and should be called, the conqueror's." Here, when he beheld the bathing vessels, the water-pots, the pans, and the ointment boxes, all of gold, curiously wrought, and smelt the fragrant odors with which the whole place was exquisitely perfumed, and from thence passed into a pavilion of great size and height, where the couches and tables and preparations for an entertainment were perfectly magnificent, he turned to those about him and said, "This, it seems, is royalty." But as he was going to supper, word was brought him that Darius's mother and wife and two unmarried daughters, being taken among the rest of the prisoners, were all in mourning and sorrow upon the sight of his chariot and bow, imagining him to be dead. After a little he sent Leonnatus to them, to let them know Darius was not dead, and that they need not fear any harm from Alexander, who made war upon him only for dominion. But the noblest and most royal part of their usage was, that he treated these illustrious prisoners according to their virtue and character, not suffering them to hear, or receive, or so much as to apprehend any thing that was unbecoming. So that they seemed rather lodged in some temple, or some holy chambers, where they enjoyed their privacy sacred and uninterrupted, than in the camp of an enemy. Yet Darius's wife was accounted the most beautiful princess then living, as her husband the tallest and handsomest man of his time, and the daughters were not unworthy of their parents. In his diet Alexander was most temperate, as appears, omitting many other circumstances, by what he said to Ada, whom he adopted, with the title of mother, and afterwards created queen of Caria. For when she out of kindness sent him every day many curious dishes, and sweetmeats, and would have furnished him with some cooks and pastry-men, who were thought to have great skill, he told her he wanted none of them, his preceptor, Leonidas, having already given him the best, which were "a night march to prepare for breakfast, and a moderate breakfast to create an appetite for supper." Leonidas also, he added, used to open and search the furniture of his chamber, and his wardrobe, to see if his mother had left him any thing that was delicate or superfluous. He was much less addicted to wine than was generally believed; that which gave people occasion to think so of him was, that when he had nothing else to do, he loved to sit long and talk, rather than drink, and over every cup hold a long conversation. For when his affairs called upon him, he would not be detained, as other generals often were, either by wine, or sleep, nuptial solemnities, spectacles, or any other diversion whatsoever; a convincing argument of which is, that in the short time he lived, he accomplished so many and so great actions. When he was free from employment, after he was up, and had sacrificed to the gods, he used to sit down to breakfast, and then spend the rest of the day in hunting, or writing memoirs, giving decisions on some military questions, or reading. In marches that required no great haste, he would practice shooting as he went along, or to mount a chariot, and alight from it in full speed. Sometimes, for sport's sake, as his journals tell us, he would hunt foxes and go fowling. When he came in for the evening, after he had bathed and was anointed, he would call for his bakers and chief cooks, to know if they had his dinner ready. He never cared to dine till it was pretty late and beginning to be dark, and as wonderfully circumspect at meals that every one who sat with him should be served alike and with proper attention; and his love of talking, as was said before, made him delight to sit long at his wine. And no prince's conversation was ever so agreeable, yet he would at times fall into a temper of ostentation and soldierly boasting, which gave his flatterers a great advantage to ride him, and made his better friends very uneasy. After such an entertainment, he was wont to bathe, and then perhaps he would sleep till noon, and sometimes all day long. He was so very temperate in his eating, that when any rare fish or fruits were sent him, he would distribute them among his friends, and often reserve nothing for himself. His table, however, was always magnificent, the expense of it still increasing with his good fortune, till it amounted to ten thousand drachmas a day, to which sum he limited it, and beyond this he would suffer none to lay out in any entertainment where he himself was the guest. Among the treasures and other booty that was taken from Darius, there was a very precious casket, which being brought to Alexander for a great rarity, he asked those about him what they thought fittest to be laid up in it; and when they had delivered their various opinions, he told them he should keep Homer's Iliad in it. Nor did Homer prove an unprofitable companion to him in his expeditions. For, after he had become master of Egypt he determined to found a great and populous city, and give to it his own name. And when he had measured and staked out the ground with the advice of the best architects, he chanced one night in his sleep to see a wonderful vision; a gray-headed old man, of a venerable aspect, appeared to stand by him, and pronounce these verses: An island lies, where loud the billows roar, Pharos they call it, on the Egyptian shore. Alexander upon this immediately rose up and went to Pharos, which, at that time, was an island lying a little above the Canobic mouth of the river Nile, though it has now been joined to the main land by a mole. As soon as he saw the commodious situation of the place, it being a long neck of land, stretching like an isthmus between large lagoons and shallow waters on one side, and the sea on the other, the latter at the end of it making a spacious harbor, he said, Homer, besides his other excellences, was a very good architect, and ordered the plan of a city to be drawn out answerable to the place. To do which, for want of chalk, the soil being black, they laid out their lines with flour, taking in a pretty large compass of ground in a semicircular figure, and drawing into the inside of the circumference equal straight lines from each end, thus giving it something of the form of a cloak or cape. While he was pleasing himself with his design, on a sudden an infinite number of great birds of several kinds, rising like a black cloud out of the river and the lake, came and devoured every morsel of the flour that had been used in setting out the lines; at which omen even Alexander himself was troubled, till the augurs restored his confidence again by telling him it was a sign that the city he was about to build would not only abound in all things within itself, but also be the nurse and feeder of many nations. The great battle of all that was fought with Darius, was not, as most writers tell us, at Arbela, but at Gaugamela, which, in their language, signifies the camel's house, forasmuch as one of their ancient kings having escaped the pursuit of his enemies on a swift camel, in gratitude to his beast settled him at this place, with an allowance of certain villages and rents for his maintenance. It came to pass that in the month Boedromion, about the beginning of the Feast of Mysteries at Athens, there was an eclipse of the moon, the eleventh night after which, the two armies being now in view of one another, Darius kept his men in arms, and by torchlight took a general review of them. But Alexander, while his soldiers slept, spent the night before his tent with his diviner Aristander, performing certain mysterious ceremonies, and sacrificing to the god Fear. In the meanwhile the oldest of his commanders, and chiefly Parmenio, when they beheld all the plain between Niphates and the Gordyaean mountains shining with the lights and fires which were made by the barbarians, and heard the uncertain and confused sound of voices out of their camp, like the distant roaring of a vast ocean, were so amazed at the thoughts of such a multitude, that after some conference among themselves, they concluded it an enterprise too difficult and hazardous for them to engage so numerous an enemy in the day, and therefore meeting the king as he came from sacrificing, besought him to attack Darius by night, that the darkness might conceal the danger of the ensuing battle. To this he gave them the celebrated answer, "I will not steal a victory," which, though some at the time thought it a boyish and inconsiderate speech, as if he played with danger, others regarded as an evidence that the confided in his present condition, and acted on a true judgment of the future, not wishing to leave Darius, in case he were worsted, the pretext of trying his fortune again, which he might suppose himself to have, if he could impute his overthrow to the disadvantage of the night, as he did before to the mountains, the narrow passages, and the sea. For while he had such numerous forces and large dominions still remaining, it was not any want of men or arms that could induce him to give up the war, but only the loss of all courage and hope upon the conviction of an undeniable and manifest defeat. After they were gone from him with this answer, he laid himself down in his tent and slept the rest of the night more soundly than was usual with him, to the astonishment of the commanders. Not only before the battle, but in the height of the danger, he showed himself great, and manifested the self-possession of a just foresight and confidence. For the battle for some time fluctuated and was dubious. The left wing, where Parmenio commanded, was so impetuously charged by the Bactrian horse that it was disordered and forced to give ground, at the same time that Mazaeus had sent a detachment around to fall upon those who guarded the baggage, which so disturbed Parmenio, that he sent messengers to acquaint Alexander that the camp and baggage would be all lost unless he immediately relieved the rear by a considerable reinforcement drawn out of the front. This message being brought him just as he was giving the signal to those about him for the onset, he bade them tell Parmenio that he must have surely lost the use of his reason, and had forgotten, in his alarm, that soldiers, if victorious, become masters of their enemies' baggage; and if defeated, instead of taking care of their wealth or their slaves, have nothing more to do but to fight gallantly and die with honor. When he had said this, he put on his helmet, having the rest of his arms on before he came out of his tent, which were a coat of the Sicilian make, girt close about him, and over that a breastpiece of thickly quilted linen, which was taken among other booty at the battle of Issus. The helmet, which was made by Theophilus, though of iron, was so well wrought and polished, that it was as bright as the most refined silver. To this was fitted a gorget of the same metal, set with precious stones His sword, which was the weapon he most used in fight, was given him by the king of the Citieans, and was of an admirable temper and lightness. The belt which he also wore in all engagements, was of much richer workmanship than the rest of his armor. It was the work of the ancient Helicon, and had been presented to him by the Rhodians, as a mark of their respect to him. So long as he was engaged in drawing up his men, or riding about to give orders or directions, or to view them, he spared Bucephalas, who was now growing old, and made use of another horse; but when he was actually to fight, he sent for him again, and as soon as he was mounted, commenced the attack. He made the longest address that day to the Thessalians and other Greeks, who answered him with loud shouts desiring him to lead them on against the barbarians, upon which he shifted his javelin into his left hand, and with his right lifted up towards heaven, besought the gods, as Callisthenes tells us, that if he was of a truth the son of Jupiter, they would be pleased to assist and strengthen the Grecians. At the same time the augur Aristander, who had a white mantle about him, and a crown of gold on his head, rode by and showed them an eagle that soared just over Alexander, and directed his flight towards the enemy; which so animated the beholders, that after mutual encouragements and exhortations, the cavalry charged at full speed, and were followed in a mass by the whole phalanx of the foot. But before they could well come to blows with the first ranks, the barbarians shrunk back, and were hotly pursued by Alexander, who drove those that fled before him into the middle of the battle, where Darius himself was in person, whom he saw from a distance over the foremost ranks, conspicuous in the midst of his lifeguard, a tall and fine-looking man, drawn in a lofty chariot, defended by an abundance of the best cavalry who stood close in order about it, ready to receive the enemy. But Alexander's approach was so terrible, forcing those who gave back upon those who yet maintained their ground, that he beat down and dispersed them almost all. Only a few of the bravest and valiantest opposed the pursuit, who were slain in their king's presence, falling in heaps upon one another, and in the very pangs of death striving to catch hold of the horses. Darius now seeing all was lost, that those who were placed in front to defend him were broken and beaten back upon him, that he could not turn or disengage his chariot without great difficulty, the wheels being clogged and entangled among the dead bodies, which lay in such heaps as not only stopped, but almost covered the horses, and made them rear and grow so unruly, that the frighted charioteer could govern them no longer, in this extremity was glad to quit his chariot and his arms, and mounting, it is said, upon a mare that had been taken from her foal, betook himself to flight. This battle being thus over, seemed to put a period to the Persian empire; and Alexander, who was now proclaimed king of Asia, returned thanks to the gods in magnificent sacrifices, and rewarded his friends and followers with great sums of money, and places, and governments of provinces. From here he marched through the province of Babylon, which immediately submitted to him, and was much surprised at the sight in one place where fire issues in a continuous stream, like a spring of water, out of a cleft in the earth, and the stream of naphtha, which, not far from this spot, flows out so abundantly as to form a sort of lake. This naphtha, in other respects resembling bitumen, is so subject to take fire, that before it touches the flame, it will kindle at the very light that surrounds it, and often inflame the intermediate air also. The barbarians, to show the power and nature of it, sprinkled the street that led to the king's lodgings with little drops of it, and when it was almost night, stood at the further end with torches, which being applied to the moistened places, the first at once taking fire, instantly, as quick as a man could think of it, it caught from one end to another, in such a manner that the whole street was one continuous flame. Alexander, in his own letters, has given us an account of his war with Porus. He says that two armies were separated by the river Hydaspes, on whose opposite bank Porus continually kept his elephants in order of battle, with their heads towards their enemies, to guard the passage; that he, on the other hand, made every day a great noise and clamor in his camp, to dissipate the apprehensions of the barbarians; that one stormy, dark night he passed the river, at a distance from the place where the enemy lay, into a little island, with part of his foot, and the best of his horse. Here there fell a most violent storm of rain accompanied with lightning and whirlwinds, and although he saw some of his men burnt and dying with the lightning, he nevertheless quitted the island and made over to the other side. Here, apprehending the multitude of the enemy, and to avoid the shock of their elephants, he divided his forces, and attacked their left wing himself, commanding Coenus to fall upon the right, which was performed with good success. By this means both wings being broken, the enemies fell back in their retreat upon the centre, and crowded in upon their elephants. There rallying, they fought a hand to hand battle, and it was the eighth hour of the day before they were entirely defeated. Almost all the historians agree in relating that Porus was four cubits and a span high, and that when he was upon his elephant, which was of the largest size, his stature and bulk were so answerable, that he appeared to be proportionably mounted, as a horseman on his horse. This elephant, during the whole battle, gave many singular proofs of sagacity and of particular care of the king, whom as long as he was strong and in a condition to fight, he defended with great courage, repelling those who set upon him; and as soon as he perceived him overpowered with his numerous wounds and the multitude of darts that were thrown at him, to prevent his falling off, he softly knelt down and began to draw out the darts with his proboscis. When Porus was taken prisoner, and Alexander asked him how he expected to be used, he answered, "As a king." And Alexander, accordingly, not only suffered him to govern his own kingdom as satrap under himself, but gave him also the additional territory of various independent tribes whom he subdued. Some little time after the battle with Porus, Bucephalas died, as most of the authorities state, under cure of his wounds, or as Onesicritus says, of fatigue and age, being thirty years old. Alexander was no less concerned at his death, than if he had lost an old companion or an intimate friend, and built a city, which he named Bucephalia, in memory of him, on the bank of the river Hydaspes. Aristobulus tells us that Alexander died of a raging fever, having, in a violent thirst, taken a copious draught of wine, upon which he fell into delirium, and died on the thirtieth day of the month Daesius. But the journals give the following record. On the eighteenth of the month, he slept in the bathing-room on account of his fever. The next day he bathed and removed into his chamber, and spent his time in playing at dice with Medius. In the evening he bathed and sacrificed, and ate freely, and had the fever on him through the night. On the twenty-fourth he was much worse, and was carried out of his bed to assist at the sacrifices, and gave order that the general officers should wait within the court, whilst the inferior officers kept watch without doors. On the twenty-fifth he was removed to his palace on the other side the river, where he slept a little, but his fever did not abate, and when the generals came into his chamber, he was speechless, and continued so the following day. The Macedonians, therefore, supposing he was dead, came with great clamors to the gates, and menaced his friends so that they were forced to admit them, and let them all pass through unarmed along by his bedside. The same day Python and Seleucus were despatched to the temple of Serapis to inquire if they should bring Alexander thither, and were answered by the god, that they should not remove him. On the twenty-eighth, in the evening, he died. THE DEATH OF CAESAR The place destined for the scene of this murder, in which the senate met that day, was the same in which Pompey's statue stood, and was one of the edifices which Pompey had raised and dedicated with his theatre to the use of the public, plainly showing that there was something of a supernatural influence which guided the action, and ordered it to that particular place. Cassius, just before the act, is said to have looked towards Pompey's statue, and silently implored his assistance, though he had been inclined to the doctrines of Epicurus. But this occasion and the instant danger, carried him away out of all his reasonings, and filled him for the time with a sort of inspiration. As for Antony, who was firm to Caesar, and a strong man, Brutus Albinus kept him outside the house, and delayed him with a long conversation contrived on purpose. When Caesar entered, the senate stood up to show their respect to him, and of Brutus's confederates, some came about his chair and stood behind it, others met him, pretending to add their petitions to those of Tillius Cimber, in behalf of his brother, who was in exile; and they followed him with their joint supplications till he came to his seat. When he had sat down, he refused to comply with their requests, and upon their urging him further, began to reproach them severally for their importunities, when Tillius, laying hold of his robe with both his hands, pulled it down from his neck, which was the signal for the assault. Casca gave him the first cut, in the neck, which was not mortal nor dangerous, coming, as it did, from one who at the beginning of such a bold action was probably very much disturbed. Caesar immediately turned about, and laid his hand upon the dagger and kept hold of it. And both of them at the same time cried out, he that received the blow, in Latin, "Vile Casca, what does this mean?" and he that gave it, in Greek, to his brother, "Brother, help!" Upon this first onset, those who were not privy to the design were astounded, and their horror and amazement at what they saw were so great, that they durst not fly nor assist Caesar, nor so much as speak a word. But those who came prepared for the business inclosed him on every side, with their naked daggers in their hands. Which way soever he turned, he met with blows, and saw their swords leveled at his face and eyes, and was encompassed, like a wild beast in the toils, on every side. For it had been agreed that they should each make a thrust at him, and flesh themselves with his blood; for which reason Brutus also gave him one stab in the groin. Some say that he fought and resisted all the rest, shifting his body to avoid the blows, and calling out for help, but that when he saw Brutus's sword drawn, he covered his face with his robe and submitted, letting himself fall, whether it were by chance, or that he was pushed in that direction by his murderers, at the foot of the pedestal on which Pompey's statue stood, and which was thus wet with his blood. So that Pompey himself seemed to have presided, as it were, over the revenge done upon his adversary, who lay here at his feet, and breathed out his soul through his multitude of wounds, for they say he received three and twenty. And the conspirators themselves were many of them wounded by each other, whilst they all leveled their blows at the same person. When Caesar's will was opened, and it was found that he had left a considerable legacy to each one of the Roman citizens, and when his body was seen carried through the marketplace all mangled with wounds, the multitude could no longer contain themselves within the bounds of tranquility and order, but heaped together a pile of benches, bars, and tables, upon which they placed the corpse, and setting fire to it, burnt it on them. Then they took brands from the pile, and ran some to fire the conspirators, others up and down the city, to find out the men and tear them to pieces, but met, however, with none of them, they having taken effectual care to secure themselves. Caesar died in his fifty-sixth year, not having survived Pompey above four years. That empire and power which he had pursued through the whole course of his life with so much hazard, he did at last with much difficulty compass, but reaped no other fruits from it than the empty name and invidious glory. But the great genius which attended him through his lifetime, even after his death remained as the avenger of his murder, pursuing through every sea and land all those who were concerned in it, and suffering none to escape, but reaching all who in any sort or kind were either actually engaged in the fact, or by their counsels any way promoted it. The most remarkable of mere human coincidences was that which befell Cassius, who, when he was defeated at Philippi, killed himself with the same dagger which he had made use of against Caesar. The most signal preternatural appearances were the great comet, which shone very bright for seven nights after Caesar's death, and then disappeared, and the dimness of the sun, whose orb continued pale and dull for the whole of that year, never showing its ordinary radiance at its rising, and giving but a feeble heat. The air consequently was damp and gross, for want of stronger rays to open and rarefy it. The fruits, for that reason, never properly ripened, and began to wither and fall off for want of heat, before they were fully formed. 
14033	----	Thundergnat PLUTARCH'S LIVES, VOLUME I Translated from the Greek with Notes and a Life of Plutarch by AUBREY STEWART, M.A., Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge and the late GEORGE LONG, M.A., Formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge IN FOUR VOLUMES. London George Bell & Sons, York St., Covent Garden, and New York 1894 Reprinted from Stereotype Plates by Wm. Clowes & Sons, Ltd., Stamford Street and Charing Cross PREFACE. No apologies are needed for a new edition of so favourite an author as Plutarch. From the period of the revival of classical literature in Europe down to our own times, his writings have done more than those of any other single author to familiarise us with the greatest men and the greatest events of the ancient world. The great Duke of Marlborough, it is said, confessed that his only knowledge of English history was derived from Shakespeare's historical plays, and it would not be too much to say that a very large proportion of educated men, in our own as well as in Marlborough's times, have owed much of their knowledge of classical antiquity to the study of Plutarch's Lives. Other writers may be read with profit, with admiration, and with interest; but few, like Plutarch, can gossip pleasantly while instructing solidly; can breathe life into the dry skeleton of history, and show that the life of a Greek or Roman worthy, when rightly dealt with, can prove as entertaining as a modern novel. No one is so well able as Plutarch to dispel the doubt which all schoolboys feel as to whether the names about which they read ever belonged to men who were really alive; his characters are so intensely human and lifelike in their faults and failings as well as in their virtues, that we begin to think of them as of people whom we have ourselves personally known. His biographies are numerous and short. By this, he avoids one of the greatest faults of modern biographers, that namely of identifying himself with some one particular personage, and endeavouring to prove that all his actions were equally laudable. Light and shade are as necessary to a character as to a picture, but a man who devotes his energies for years to the study of any single person's life, is insensibly led into palliating or explaining away his faults and exaggerating his excellencies until at last he represents him as an impossible monster of virtue. Another advantage which we obtain by his method is that we are not given a complete chronicle of each person's life, but only of the remarkable events in it, and such incidents as will enable us to judge of his character. This also avoids what is the dreariest part of all modern biographies, those chapters I mean which describe the slow decay of their hero's powers, his last illness, and finally his death. This subject, which so many writers of our own time seem to linger lovingly upon, is dismissed by Plutarch in a few lines, unless any circumstance of note attended the death of the person described. Without denying that Plutarch is often inaccurate and often diffuse; that his anecdotes are sometimes absurd, and his metaphysical speculations not unfrequently ridiculous, he is nevertheless generally admitted to be one of the most readable authors of antiquity, while all agree that his morality is of the purest and loftiest type. The first edition of the Greek text of Plutarch's Lives appeared at Florence in the year 1517, and two years afterwards it was republished by Aldus. Before this, however, about the year 1470, a magnificent Latin version by various hands appeared at Rome. From this, from the Greek text, and also from certain MSS. to which he had access, Amyot in the year 1559 composed his excellent translation, of which it has been well said: "Quoique en vieux Gaulois, elle a un air de fraicheur qui la fait rejeunir de jour en jour." Amyot's spirited French version was no less spiritedly translated by Sir Thomas North. His translation was much read and admired in its day; a modern reviewer even goes so far as to say that it is "still beyond comparison the best version of Parallel Lives which the English tongue affords." Be this as it may, the world will ever be deeply indebted to North's translation, for it is to Shakespeare's perusal of that work that we owe 'Coriolanus,' 'Antony and Cleopatra,' and 'Julius Caesar.' North's translation was followed by that known as Dryden's. This work, performed by many different hands, is of unequal merit. Some Lives are rendered into a racy and idiomatic, although somewhat archaic English, while others fall far short of the standard of Sir Thomas North's work. Dryden's version has during the last few years been re-edited by A.H. Clough, Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. The translation by which Plutarch is best known at the present day is that of the Langhornes. Their style is certainly dull and commonplace, and is in many instances deserving of the harsh epithets which have been lavished upon it. We must remember, however, before unsparingly condemning their translation, that the taste of the age for which they wrote differed materially from that of our own, and that people who could read the 'Letters of Theodosius and Constantia' with interest, would certainly prefer Plutarch in the translation of the Langhornes to the simpler phrases of North's or Dryden's version. All events, comic or tragic, important or commonplace, are described with the same inflated monotony which was mistaken by them for the dignity of History. Yet their work is in many cases far more correct as a translation, and the author's meaning is sometimes much more clearly expressed, than in Dryden's earlier version. Langhorne's Plutarch was re-edited by Archdeacon Wrangham in the year 1819. In 1844, thirteen Lives were translated by that eminent scholar the late Mr. George Long; and it is by way of complement to these Lives that the present version was undertaken with his consent and his approval. Those translated by Mr. Long were selected by him as illustrating a period of Roman history in which he was especially interested, and will therefore be found to be more fully annotated than the others. It has seemed to me unnecessary to give information in the notes which can at the present day be obtained in a more convenient form in Dr. Smith's Classical Dictionary and Dictionary of Antiquities, many of the articles in which are written by Mr. Long himself. The student of classical literature will naturally prefer the exhaustive essays to be found in these works to any notes appended to Plutarch's text, while to those who read merely "for the story," the notes prove both troublesome and useless. In deciding on the spelling of the Greek proper names, I have felt great hesitation. To make a Greek speak of Juno or Minerva seems as absurd as to make a Roman swear by Herakles or Ares. Yet both Greek and Roman divinities are constantly mentioned. The only course that seemed to avoid absolute absurdity appeared to me to be that which I have adopted, namely to speak of the Greek divinities by their Greek, and the Latin ones by their Latin names. In substituting a k for the more usual c, I have followed the example of Grote, who in his History spells all Greek names exactly as they are written, with the exception of those with which we are so familiar in their Latin form as to render this practically impossible; as for instance in the case of Cyprus or Corinth, or of a name like Thucydides, where a return to the Greek k would be both pedantic and unmeaning. The text, which I have followed throughout, is that of C. Sintenis, Leipsic, 1873. AUBREY STEWART. PREFACE TO THE CIVIL WARS OF ROME.[A] [Footnote A: It has been thought desirable to give here Mr. Long's preface to the lives published by him, under the title of "Civil Wars of Rome." The lives will be found in subsequent volumes.] Among the extant Lives of Plutarch there are thirteen Lives of Romans which belong to the most eventful period of Roman history. They are the lives of the brothers Tiberius and Caius Sempronius Gracchus, of Caius Marius, Lucius Cornelius Sulla, Quintus Sertorius, Marcus Licinius Crassus, Cneius Pompeius Magnus, Marcus Porcius Cato the Younger, Marcus Tullius Cicero, Lucius Licinius Lucullus, Caius Julius Caesar, Marcus Junius Brutus, and Marcus Antonius. From the year of the death of Tiberius Gracchus, B.C. 133, to the death of Marcus Antonius, B.C. 30, a period of about one hundred years, the Roman State was convulsed by revolutions which grew out of the contest between the People and the Nobility, or rather, out of the contests between the leaders of these two bodies. This period is the subject of Appian's History of the Civil Wars of the Romans, in Five Books. Appian begins with the Tribunate and legislation of Tiberius Gracchus, from which he proceeds to the Dictatorship of Sulla, and then to the quarrels between Pompeius and Caesar, and Caesar's Dictatorship and assassination. He then proceeds to the history of the Triumvirate formed after Caesar's death by his great nephew Caius Julius Caesar Octavianus, Marcus Antonius, and Lepidus, the quarrels of the Triumviri, the downfall of Lepidus, who was reduced to the condition of a private person, and the death of Sextus Pompeius, the last support of the party in whose cause his father, Cneius Pompeius, lost his life. The remainder of this History, which is lost, carried the narration down to the quarrels of Octavianus and Marcus Antonius, which ended in the defeat of Antonius in the battle of Actium, B.C. 31, and his death in Egypt, B.C. 30. The victory over Antonius placed all the power in the hands of Octavianus, who, in the year B.C. 27, received from the Roman Senate the title of Augustus, or the Sacred, by which name he is commonly known as the first of the long series of Roman Emperors. "He made himself," says Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 5), "like Caius Julius Caesar, and still more than Caesar, governor of his country and of all the nations under it, without needing either election or the popular votes, or any show of such things. After his government had subsisted for a long time, and been maintained with vigour, fortunate in all his measures, and feared, he left behind him descendants and successors who kept the power that he transmitted to them. In this way, after various civil commotions, the Roman State was restored to tranquillity, and the government became a Monarchy. And how this came about I have explained, and brought together all the events, which are well worth the study of those who wish to become acquainted with ambition of men unbounded, love of power excessive, endurance unwearied, and forms of suffering infinite." Thus, the historian's object was to trace the establishment of the Imperial power in Rome back to its origin, to show that the contests of the rival heads of parties involved the State in endless calamities, which resulted in a dissolution of all the bonds that held society together, and rendered the assumption of supreme power by one man a healing and a necessary event. As already observed, it happens that thirteen of Plutarch's extant Lives are the lives of the most distinguished of the Romans who lived during this eventful period; and though Plutarch's Lives severally are not histories of the times to which they respectively refer, nor collectively form a History of any given time, yet they are valuable as portraits of illustrious men, and help us to form a better judgment of those who make so conspicuous a figure in History. Plutarch was a native of the town of Chaeroneia, in Boeotia; the times of his birth and death are not exactly known, but we learn from his own works that he was a young student at Delphi, in the thirteenth year of the reign of the Emperor Nero, A.D. 66. He visited both Italy and Rome, and probably resided at Rome for some time. He wrote his Life of Demosthenes, at least after his return to Chaeroneia: he says (_Life of Demosthenes_, c. 2), that he had not time to exercise himself in the Latin Language during his residence at Rome, being much occupied with public business, and giving lessons in philosophy. Accordingly it was late before he began to read the Latin writers; and we may infer from his own words that he never acquired a very exact knowledge of the language. He observes that it happened in his case, that in his study of the Latin writers he did not so much learn and understand the facts from the words, as acquire the meaning of the words from the facts, of which he had already some knowledge. We may perhaps conclude from this, that Plutarch wrote all his Roman lives in Chaeroneia, after he had returned there from Rome. The statement that Plutarch was the preceptor of the Emperor Trajan, and was raised to the consular rank by him, is not supported by sufficient evidence. Plutarch addressed to Trajan his Book of Apophthegms, or Sayings of Kings and Commanders; but this is all that is satisfactorily ascertained as to the connection between the Emperor and Philosopher. Trajan died A.D. 117. "The plan of Plutarch's Biographies is briefly explained by himself in the introduction to the Life of Alexander the Great, where he makes an apology for the brevity with which he is compelled to treat of the numerous events in the Lives of Alexander and Caesar. 'For,' he says, 'I do not write Histories, but Lives; nor do the most conspicuous acts of necessity exhibit a man's virtue or his vice, but oftentimes some slight circumstance, a word, or a jest, shows a man's character better than battles with the slaughter of tens of thousands, and the greatest arrays of armies and sieges of cities. Now, as painters produce a likeness by a representation of the countenance and the expression of the eyes, without troubling themselves about the other parts of the body, so I must be allowed to look rather into the signs of a man's character, and thus give a portrait of his life, leaving others to describe great events and battles.' The object then of Plutarch in his Biographies was a moral end, and the exhibition of the principal events in a man's life was subordinate to this his main design; and though he may not always have adhered to the principle which he laid down, it cannot be denied that his view of what biography should be, is much more exact than that of most persons who have attempted this style of composition. The life of a statesman or of a general, when written with a view of giving a complete history of all the public events in which he was engaged, is not biography, but history. This extract from Plutarch will also in some measure be an apology for the want of historical order observable in many of his Lives. Though altogether deficient in that critical sagacity which discerns truth from falsehood, and distinguishes the intricacies of confused and conflicting statements, Plutarch has preserved in his Lives a vast number of facts which would otherwise have been unknown to us. He was a great reader, and must have had access to large libraries. It is said that he quotes two hundred and fifty writers, a great part of whose works are now entirely lost." (_Penny Cyclopaedia_, art. "Plutarch," by the writer of this Preface.) The lively portraitures of men drawn in Plutarch's Lives have made them favourite reading in all ages. Whether Plutarch has succeeded in drawing the portraits true, we cannot always determine, because the materials for such a judgment are sometimes wanting. But when we can compare his Lives with other extant authorities, we must admit, that though he is by no means free from error as to his facts, he has generally selected those events in a man's life which most clearly show his temper, and that on the whole, if we judge of a man by Plutarch's measure, we shall form a just estimate of him. He generally wrote without any predilections or any prejudices. He tells us of a man's good and bad acts, of his good and bad qualities; he makes no attempt to conceal the one or the other; he both praises and blames as the occasion may arise; and the reader leaves off with a mixed opinion about Plutarch's Greeks and Romans, though the favourable or the unfavourable side always predominates. The benevolent disposition of Plutarch, and his noble and elevated character, have stamped themselves on all that he has written. A man cannot read these Lives without being the better for it: his detestation of all that is mean and disingenuous will be increased; his admiration of whatever is truthful and generous will be strengthened and exalted. The translation of these Lives is difficult. Plutarch's text is occasionally corrupted; and where it is not corrupted, his meaning is sometimes obscure. Many of the sentences are long and ill-constructed; the metaphors often extravagant; and the just connection of the parts is sometimes difficult to discover. Many single words which are or ought to be pertinent in Plutarch, and which go towards a description of character in general or of some particular act, can hardly be rendered by any English equivalent; and a translator often searches in vain for something which shall convey to the reader the exact notion of the original. Yet Plutarch's narrative is lively and animated; his anecdotes are appropriately introduced and well told; and if his taste is sometimes not the purest, which in his age we could not expect it to be, he makes amends for this by the fulness and vigour of his expression. He is fond of poetical words, and they are often used with striking effect. His moral reflections, which are numerous, have the merit of not being unmeaning and tiresome, because he is always in earnest and has got something to say, and does not deal in commonplaces. When the reflection is not very profound, it is at least true; and some of his remarks show a deep insight into men's character. I have attempted to give Plutarch's meaning in plain language; to give all his meaning, and neither more nor less. If I have failed in any case, it is because I could do no better. But, though I have not always succeeded in expressing exactly what I conceive to be the meaning of the original, I have not intentionally added to it or detracted from it. It may be that there are passages in which I have mistaken the original; and those who have made the experiment of rendering from one language into another, know that this will sometimes happen even in an easy passage. A difficult passage attracts more than usual of a translator's attention, and if he fails there, it is either because the difficulty cannot be overcome, or because he cannot overcome it. Mere inadvertence or sleepiness may sometimes cause a translator to blunder, when he would not have blundered if any friend had been by to keep him awake. The best thing that a man can do to avoid these and other errors is to compare his translation, when he has finished it, with some other. The translation which I have compared with mine is the German translation of Kaltwasser, Magdeburg, 1799, which is generally correct. Kaltwasser in his Preface speaks of the way in which he used the German translations of two of his predecessors, J. Christopher Kind, Leipzig, 1745-1754, and H. v. Schirach, 1776-1780, and some others. He says, "These two translations, with the French translations above mentioned, I have duly used, for it is the duty of a translator to compare himself with his predecessors; but I lay my labour before the eyes of the public, without fearing that I shall be accused of copying or of close imitation. First of all, I carefully studied the text of my author and translated him as well as I could: then, and not before, I compared the labour of my predecessors, and where I found a more suitable expression or a happier turn, I made use of it without hesitation. In this way, every fault, every deviation of the old translators must be apparent; the most striking of them I have remarked on in the notes, but I have more frequently amended such things silently, as a comparison will show the reader." The translator has not compared his version with any English version. The translation of North, which has great merit in point of expression, is a version of Amyot's French version, from which, however, it differs in some passages, where it is decidedly wrong and Amyot's version is right. Indeed, it is surprising to find how correct this old French translation generally is. The translation of 'Plutarch's Lives from the Greek by several hands,' was published at London in 1683-86. It was dedicated by Dryden to James Butler, the first Duke of Ormond, in a fulsome panegyric. It is said that forty-one translators laboured at the work. Dryden did not translate any of the Lives; but he wrote the Life of Plutarch which is prefixed to this translation. The advertisement prefixed to the translation passes under the name and character of the bookseller (Jacob Tonson), but, as Malone observes, it may from internal evidence be safely attributed to Dryden. The bookseller says, "You have here the first volume of Plutarch's Lives turned from the Greek into English; and give me leave to say, the first attempt of doing it from the _originals_." This is aimed at North's version, of which Dryden remarks in his Life of Plutarch: "As that translation was only from the French, so it suffered this double disadvantage; first, that it was but a copy of a copy, and that too but lamely taken from the Greek original; secondly, that the English language was then unpolished, and far from the perfection which it has since attained; so that the first version is not only ungrammatical and ungraceful, but in many places almost unintelligible." There is another English version, by the Langhornes, which has often been reprinted; there is an edition of it with notes by Wrangham. I have compared my translation carefully with the German of Kaltwasser, and sometimes with the French of Amyot, and I have thus avoided some errors into which I should have fallen. There are errors both in the versions of Amyot and Kaltwasser which I have avoided; but I may have fallen into others. The translation of Kaltwasser contains some useful notes. Those which I have added to this translation are intended to explain so much as needs explanation to a person who is not much acquainted with Roman history and Roman usages; but they will also be useful to others. The notes of Kaltwasser have often reminded me of the passages where some note would be useful, and have occasionally furnished materials also. But as I have always referred to the original authorities, I do not consider it necessary to make more than this general acknowledgment. The notes added to this translation are all my own, and contain my own opinions and observations. This translation has been made from the edition of C. Sintenis, Leipzig, 1839, and I have compared the text of Sintenis with that of G.H. Schaefer, Leipzig, 1826, which has been severely criticized: this edition contains, however, some useful notes. I have very seldom made any remarks on the Greek text, as such kind of remark would not have suited the plan and design of this version, which is not intended for verbal critics. I shall explain by two brief extracts what is my main design in this version and in the notes, which must be my apology for not affecting a learned commentary, and my excuse to those who shall not find here the kind of remarks that are suitable to a critical edition of an ancient author. I have had another object than to discuss the niceties of words and the forms of phrases, a labour which is well in its place, if it be done well, but is not what needs to be done to such an author as Plutarch to render him useful. A man who was a great reader of Plutarch, a just and solid thinker above the measure of his age, and not surpassed in his way by any writer in our own, Montaigne, observes in his 'Essay of the Education of Children'--"Let him enquire into the manners, revenues, and alliances of princes, things in themselves very pleasant to learn, and very useful to know. In this conversing with men, I mean, and principally those who only live in the records of history, he shall by reading those books, converse with those great and heroic souls of former and better ages. 'Tis an idle and vain study, I confess, to those who make it so, by doing it after a negligent manner, but to those who do it with care and observation, 'tis a study of inestimable fruit and value; and the only one, as Plato reports, the Lacedaemonians reserved to themselves. What profit shall he not reap as to the business of men, by reading the Lives of Plutarch? But withal, let my governor remember to what end his instructions are principally directed, and that he do not so much imprint in his pupil's memory the date of the ruin of Carthage, as the manners of Hannibal and Scipio; not so much where Marcellus died, as why it was unworthy of his duty that he died there. That he do not teach him so much the narrative part, as the business of history. The reading of which, in my opinion, is a thing that of all others we apply ourselves unto with the most differing and uncertain measures."[A] North, in his address to the Reader, says: "The profit of stories, and the praise of the Author, are sufficiently declared by Amiot, in his Epistle to the Reader: so that I shall not need to make many words thereof. And indeed if you will supply the defects of this translation, with your own diligence and good understanding: you shall not need to trust him, you may prove yourselves, that there is no prophane study better than Plutarch. All other learning is private, fitter for Universities than Cities, fuller of contemplation than experience, more commendable in students themselves, than profitable unto others. Whereas stories are fit for every place, reach to all persons, serve for all times, teach the living, revive the dead, so far excelling all other books, as it is better to see learning in Noblemen's lives, than to read it in Philosophers' writings." GEORGE LONG. [Footnote A: Cotton's Translation.] CONTENTS. LIFE OF PLUTARCH xxiii LIFE OF THESEUS 1 LIFE OF ROMULUS 30 COMPARISON OF THESEUS AND ROMULUS 62 LIFE OF LYKURGUS 67 LIFE OF NUMA 99 COMPARISON OF NUMA WITH LYKURGUS 124 LIFE OF SOLON 130 LIFE OF POPLICOLA 161 COMPARISON OF SOLON AND POPLICOLA 181 LIFE OF THEMISTOKLES 185 LIFE OF CAMILLUS 214 LIFE OF PERIKLES 252 LIFE OF FABIUS MAXIMUS 288 COMPARISON OF PERIKLES AND FABIUS MAXIMIUS 315 LIFE OF ALKIBIADES 318 LIFE OF CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS 357 COMPARISON BETWEEN ALKIBIADES AND CORIOLANUS 390 LIFE OF TIMOLEON 395 LIFE OF AEMILIUS 428 COMPARISON OF PAULUS AEMILIUS AND TIMOLEON 461 LIFE OF PLUTARCH. Plutarch was born probably between A.D. 45 and A.D. 50, at the little town of Chaeronea in Boeotia. His family appears to have been long established in this place, the scene of the final destruction of the liberties of Greece, when Philip defeated the Athenians and Boeotian forces there in 338 B.C. It was here also that Sulla defeated Mithridates, and in the great civil wars of Rome we again hear, this time from Plutarch himself, of the sufferings of the citizens of Chaeronea. Nikarchus, Plutarch's great-grandfather, was, with all the other citizens, without any exception, ordered by a lieutenant of Marcus Antonius to transport a quantity of corn from Chaeronea to the coast opposite the island of Antikyra. They were compelled to carry the corn on their shoulders, like slaves, and were threatened with the lash if they were remiss. After they had performed one journey, and were preparing their burdens for a second, the welcome news arrived that Marcus Antonius had lost the battle of Actium, whereupon both the officers and soldiers of his party stationed in Chaeronea at once fled for their own safety, and the provisions thus collected were divided among the inhabitants of the city. When Plutarch was born, however, no such warlike scenes as these were to be expected. Nothing more than the traditions of war remained on the shores of the Mediterranean. Occasionally some faint echo of strife would make itself heard from the wild tribes on the Danube, or in the far Syrian deserts, but over nearly all the world known to the ancients was established the Pax Romana. Battles were indeed fought, and troops were marched upon Rome, but this was merely to decide who was to be the nominal head of the vast system of the Empire, and what had once been independent cities, countries, and nations submitted unhesitatingly to whoever represented that irresistible power. It might be imagined that a political system which destroyed all national individuality, and rendered patriotism in its highest sense scarcely possible, would have reacted unfavourably on the literary character of the age. Yet nothing of the kind can be urged against the times which produced Epictetus, Dio Chrysostom and Arrian; while at Rome, Pliny the Younger, Tacitus, Martial, and Juvenal were reviving the memories of the Augustan age. From several passages in Plutarch's writings we gather that he studied under a master named Ammonius, at Athens. For instance, at the end of his Life of Themistokles, he mentions a descendant of that great man who was his fellow-student at the house of Ammonius the philosopher. Again, he tells us that once Ammonius, observing at his afternoon lecture that some of his class had indulged too freely in the pleasures of the table, ordered his own son to be flogged, "because," he said, "the young gentleman cannot eat his dinner without pickles," casting his eye at the same time upon the other offenders so as to make them sensible that the reproof applied to them also. By way of completing his education he proceeded to visit Egypt. The "wisdom of the Egyptians" always seems to have had a fascination for the Greeks, and at this period Alexandria, with its famous library and its memories of the Ptolemies, of Kallimachus and of Theokritus, was an important centre of Greek intellectual activity. Plutarch's treatise on Isis and Osiris is generally supposed to be a juvenile work suggested by his Egyptian travels. In all the Graeco-Egyptian lore he certainly became well skilled, although we have no evidence as to how long he remained in Egypt. He makes mention indeed of a feast given in his honour by some of his relatives on the occasion of his return home from Alexandria, but we can gather nothing from the passage as to his age at that time. One anecdote of his early life is as follows:--"I remember," he says, "that when I was still a young man, I was sent with another person on a deputation to the Proconsul; my colleague, as it happened, was unable to proceed, and I saw the Proconsul and performed the commission alone. When I returned I was about to lay down my office and to give a public account of how I had discharged it, when my father rose in the public assembly and enjoined me not to say _I_ went, but _we_ went, nor to say that _I_ said, but _we_ said, throughout my story, giving my colleague his share." The most important event in the whole of Plutarch's pious and peaceful life is undoubtedly his journey to Italy and to Rome; but here again we know little more than that he knew but little Latin when he went thither, and was too busy when there to acquire much knowledge of that tongue. His occupation at Rome, besides antiquarian researches which were afterwards worked up into his Roman Lives, was the delivery of lectures on philosophical and other subjects, a common practice among the learned Greeks of his day. Many of these lectures, it is conjectured, were afterwards recast by him into the numerous short treatises on various subjects now included under the general name of Moralia. Plutarch's visit to Rome and business there is admirably explained in the following passage of North's 'Life of Plutarch':--"For my part, I think Plutarch was drawn to Rome by meanes of some friends he had there, especially by Sossius Senecio, that had been a Consull, who was of great estimation at that time, and namely under the Empire of Trajan. And that which maketh me think so, is because of Plutarch's own words, who saith in the beginning of his first book of his discourse at the table, that he gathered together all his reasons and discourses made here and there, as well in Rome with Senecio, as in Greece with Plutarch and others. Not being likely that he would have taken the pains to have made so long a voyage, and to have come to such a city where he understood not their vulgar tongue, if he had not been drawn thither by Senecio, and such other men; as also in acknowledgement of the good turnes and honour he had received by such men, he dedicated diverse of his bookes unto them, and among others, the Lives unto Senecio, and the nine volumes of his discourse at the table, with the treaty, How a man may know that he profiteth in vertue. Now for the time, considering what he saith in the end of his book against curiosity, I suppose that he taught in Rome in the time of Titus and of Domitian: for touching this point, he maketh mention of a nobleman called Rusticus, who being one day at his lecture, would not open a letter which was brought him from the Emperor, nor interrupt Plutarch, but attended to the end of his declamation, and until all the hearers were gone away; and addeth also, that Rusticus was afterwards put to death by the commandment of Domitian. Furthermore, about the beginning of the Life of Demosthenes, Plutarch saith, that whilst he remained in Italy and at Rome, he had no leizure to study the Latine tongue; as well for that he was busied at that time with matters he had in hand, as also to satisfie those that were his followers to learne philosophie of him."[A] [Footnote A: North's 'Plutarch,' 1631, p. 1194.] A list of all Plutarch's writings would be a very long one. Besides the Lives, which is the work on which his fame chiefly rests, he wrote a book of 'Table Talk,' which may have suggested to Athenaeus the plan of his 'Symposium.' The most remarkable of his minor works is that 'On the Malignity of Herodotus.' Grote takes this treatise as being intended seriously as an attack upon the historian, and speaks of the "honourable frankness which Plutarch calls his malignity." But it is probably merely a rhetorical exercise, in which Plutarch has endeavoured to see what could be said against so favourite and well-known a writer. He was probably known as an author before he went to Rome. Large capitals have always had a natural attraction for literary genius, as it is in them alone that it can hope to be appreciated. And if this be the case at the present day, how much more must it have been so before the invention of printing, at a time when it was more usual to listen to books read aloud than to read them oneself? Plutarch journeyed to Rome just as Herodotus went to Athens, or as he is said to have gone to the Olympian festival, in search of an intelligent audience of educated men. Whether his object was merely praise, or whether he was influenced by ideas of gain, we cannot say. No doubt his lectures were not delivered gratis, and that they were well attended seems evident from Plutarch's own notices of them, and from the names which have been preserved of the eminent men who used to frequent them. Moreover, strange though it may appear to us, the demand for books seems to have been very brisk even though they were entirely written by hand. The epigrams of Martial inform us of the existence of a class of slaves whose occupation was copying books, and innumerable allusions in Horace, Martial, &c., to the Sosii and others prove that the trade of a bookseller at Rome was both extensive and profitable. Towards the end of the Republic it became the fashion for Roman nobles to encourage literature by forming a library, and this taste was given immense encouragement by Augustus, who established a public library in the Temple of Apollo on the Mount Palatine, in imitation of that previously founded by Asinius Pollio. There were other libraries besides these, the most famous of which was the Ulpian library, founded by Trajan, who called it so from his own name, Ulpius. Now Trajan was a contemporary of our author, and this act of his clearly proves that there must have been during Plutarch's lifetime a considerable reading public, and consequent demand for books at Rome. Of Plutarch's travels in Italy we know next to nothing. He mentions incidentally that he had seen the bust or statue of Marius at Ravenna, but never gives us another hint of how far he explored the country about which he wrote so much. No doubt his ignorance of the Latin language must not be taken as a literal statement, and probably means that he was not skilled in it as a spoken tongue, for we can scarcely imagine that he was without some acquaintance with it when he first went to Rome, and he certainly afterwards became well read in the literature of Rome. In some cases he has followed Livy's narrative with a closeness which proves that he must have been acquainted with that author either in the original or in a translation, and the latter alternative is, of the two, the more improbable. It seems to be now generally thought that his stay at Rome was a short one. Clough, in his excellent Preface, says on this subject, "The fault which runs through all the earlier biographies, from that of Rualdus downwards, is the assumption, wholly untenable, that Plutarch passed many years, as many perhaps as forty, at Rome. The entire character of his life is of course altered by such an impression." He then goes on to say that in consequence of this mistaken idea, it is not worth while for him to quote Dryden's 'Life of Plutarch,' which was originally prefixed to the translations re-edited by himself. Yet I trust I may be excused if I again quote North's 'Life of Plutarch,' as the following passage seems to set vividly before us the quiet literary occupation of his later days. "For Plutarch, though he tarried a long while in Italy, and in Rome, yet that tooke not away the remembrance of the sweet aire of Greece, and of the little towne where he was borne; but being touched from time to time with a sentence of an ancient poet, who saith that, "'In whatsoever countrey men are bred (I know not by what sweetnesse of it led), They nourish in their minds a glad desire, Unto their native homes for to retire,' "he resolved to go back into Greece againe, there to end the rest of his daies in rest and honour among his citizens, of whom he was honourably welcomed home. Some judge that he left Rome after the death of Trajan, being then of great yeares, to leade a more quiet life. So being then at rest, he earnestly took in hand that which he had long thought of before, to wit, the Lives, and tooke great pains with it until he had brought his worke to perfection, as we have done at this present; although that some Lives, as those of Scipio African, of Metellus Numidicus, and some other are not to be found. Now himselfe confesseth in some place, that when he began this worke, at the first it was but to profit others; but that afterwards it was to profit himselfe, looking upon those histories, as if he had looked in a glasse, and seeking to reform his life in some sort, and to forme it in the mould of the vertues of these great men; taking this fashion of searching their manners, and writing the Lives of these noble men, to be a familiar haunting and frequenting of them. Also he thought, [said he himselfe] that he lodged these men one after another in his house, entering into consideration of their qualities, and that which was great in either of them, choosing and principally taking that which was to be noted, and most worthy to be knowne in their sayings and deeds."[A] [Footnote A: North's 'Plutarch,' 1631, p. 1198.] Of Plutarch in his domestic relations we gather much information from his own writings. The name of his father has not been preserved, but it was probably Nikarchus, from the common habit of Greek families to repeat a name in alternate generations. His brothers Timon and Lamprias are frequently mentioned in his essays and dialogues, where Timon is spoken of in the most affectionate terms. Rualdus has ingeniously recovered the name of his wife, Timoxena, from internal evidence afforded by his writings. A touching letter is still extant, addressed by Plutarch to his wife, bidding her not give way to excessive grief at the death of their only daughter, who was named Timoxena after her mother. The number of his sons we cannot exactly state. Autobulus and Plutarch are especially spoken of as his sons, since the treatise on the Timaeus of Plato is dedicated to them, and the marriage of his son Autobulus is the occasion of one of the dinner-parties recorded in the 'Table Talk.' Another person, one Soklarus, is spoken of in terms which seem to imply that he was Plutarch's son, but this is nowhere definitely stated. His treatise also on Marriage Questions, addressed to Eurydike and Pollianus, seems to speak of her as having been recently an inmate of his house, but without enabling us to form an opinion whether she was his daughter or not. A modern writer well describes his maturer years by the words: "Plutarch was well born, well taught, well conditioned; a self-respecting amiable man, who knew how to better a good education by travels, by devotion to affairs private and public; a master of ancient culture, he read books with a just criticism: eminently social, he was a king in his own house, surrounded himself with select friends, and knew the high value of good conversation; and declares in a letter written to his wife that 'he finds scarcely an erasure, as in a book well written, in the happiness of his life.'" He was an active member of the little community of Chaeronea, being archon of that town. Whether this dignity was annual or for life we do not know, but it was probably the former, and very likely he served it more than once. He speaks of his devotion to the duties of his office as causing him to incur the ridicule of some of his fellow-citizens, when they saw him engaged in the humblest duties. "But," he says, in Clough's version, "the story told about Antisthenes comes to my assistance. When some one expressed surprise at his carrying home some pickled fish from market in his own hands, _It is_, he answered, _for myself_. Conversely, when I am reproached with standing by and watching while tiles are measured out, and stone and mortar brought up, _This service_, I say, _is not for myself_, it is for my country." Plutarch was for many years a priest of Apollo at Delphi. The scene of some of his 'Table Talk' is laid there, when he in his priestly capacity gives a dinner party in honour of the victor in the poetic contest at the Pythian games. Probably this office was a source of considerable income, and as the journey from Chaeronea to Delphi, across Mount Parnassus, is a very short one, it interfered but little with his literary and municipal business. In his essay on "Whether an old man should continue to take part in public life," he says, "You know, Euphanes, that I have for many Pythiads (that is, periods of four years elapsing between the Pythian festivals), exercised the office of Priest of Apollo: yet I think you would not say to me,'Plutarch, you have sacrificed enough; you have led processions and dances enough; it is time, now that you are old, to lay aside the garland from your head, and to retire as superannuated from the oracle.'" Thus respected and loved by all, Plutarch's old age passed peacefully away. "Notwithstanding," as North says, "that he was very old, yet he made an end of the Lives.... Furthermore, Plutarch, having lived alwaies honourably even to old age, he died quietly among his children and friends in the city of Chaeronea, leaving his writings, an immortal savour of his name, unto posterity. Besides the honour his citizens did him, there was a statue set up for him by ordinance of the people of Rome, in memory of his virtues. Now furthermore, though time hath devoured some part of the writings of this great man, and minished some other: neverthelesse those which remaine, being a great number, have excellent use to this day among us." PLUTARCH'S LIVES. LIFE OF THESEUS. I. As in books on geography, Sossius Senecio, the writers crowd the countries of which they know nothing into the furthest margins of their maps, and write upon them legends such as, "In this direction lie waterless deserts full of wild beasts;" or, "Unexplored morasses;" or, "Here it is as cold as Scythia;" or, "A frozen sea;" so I, in my writings on Parallel Lives, go through that period of time where history rests on the firm basis of facts, and may truly say, "All beyond this is portentous and fabulous, inhabited by poets and mythologers, and there is nothing true or certain." When I had written the lives of Lykurgus the lawgiver and Numa the king, it appeared to me natural to go back to Romulus also, as I was engaged on the history of times so close to his. So when I was reflecting, in the words of Aeschylus, "Against this chieftain, who can best contend? Whom shall I match in fight, what trusty friend?" it occurred to me to compare the founder of the fair and famous city of Athens with him, and to contrast Theseus with the father of unconquered glorious Rome. Putting aside, then, the mythological element, let us examine his story, and wherever it obstinately defies probability, and cannot be explained by natural agency, let us beg the indulgence of our readers, who will kindly make allowance for tales of antiquity. II. Theseus appears to have several points of resemblance to Romulus. Both were unacknowledged illegitimate children, and were reputed to descend from the Gods. "Both warriors, well we all do know," and both were wise as well as powerful. The one founded Rome, while the other was the joint founder of Athens; and these are two of the most famous of cities. Both carried off women by violence, and neither of them escaped domestic misfortune and retribution, but towards the end of their lives both were at variance with their countrymen, if we may put any trust in the least extravagant writings upon the subject. III. Theseus traced his descent on the father's side from Erechtheus and the original Autochthones,[A] while on the mother's side he was descended from Pelops. For Pelops surpassed all the other princes of the Peloponnesus in the number of his children as well as in wealth; and of these he gave many of his daughters in marriage to the chief men of the country, and established many of his sons as rulers in various cities. One of these, Pittheus, the grandfather of Theseus, founded Troezen, which is indeed but a little state, though he had a greater reputation than any man of his time for eloquence and wisdom. The nature of this wisdom of his seems to have been much of the same kind as that which made the reputation of Hesiod, in the collection of maxims known as the 'Works and Days.' One of these maxims is indeed ascribed to Pittheus: "Let promised pay be truly paid to friends." At any rate, this is what Aristotle the philosopher has recorded; and also Euripides, when he speaks of Hippolytus as "child of holy Pittheus," shows the prevailing opinion about Pittheus. Now Aegeus desired to have children, and the Oracle at Delphi is said to have given him the well-known response, forbidding him to have intercourse with any woman before he reached Athens, but not appearing to explain this clearly. Consequently, on his way home, he went to Troezen, and asked the advice of Pittheus about the response of the God, which ran thus: "Great chief, the wine-skin's foot must closed remain, Till thou to Athens art returned again." Pittheus clearly perceived what the oracle must mean, and persuaded or cheated Aegeus into an intrigue with Aethra. Afterwards, when he discovered that he had conversed with the daughter of Pittheus, as he imagined that she might prove with child, he left behind him his sword and sandals hidden under a great stone, which had a hollow inside it exactly fitting them. This he told to Aethra alone, and charged her if a son of his should be born, and on growing to man's estate should be able to lift the stone and take from under it the deposit, that she should send him at once with these things to himself, in all secrecy, and as far as possible concealing his journey from observation. For he greatly feared the sons of Pallas, who plotted against him, and despised him on account of his childlessness, they themselves being fifty brothers, all the sons of Pallas. [Footnote A: Autochthones was the name by which the original citizens of Athens called themselves, meaning that they were sprung from the soil itself, not immigrants from some other country.] IV. When Aethra's child was born, some writers say that he was at once named Theseus, from the tokens placed under the stone; others say that he was afterwards so named at Athens, when Aegeus acknowledged him as his son. He was brought up by his grandfather Pittheus, and had a master and tutor, Konnidas, to whom even to the present day, the Athenians sacrifice a ram on the day before the feast of Theseus, a mark of respect which is much more justly due to him, than those which they pay to Silanion and Parrhasius, who have only made pictures and statues of Theseus. V. As it was at that period still the custom for those who were coming to man's estate to go to Delphi and offer to the god the first-fruits of their hair (which was then cut for the first time),[A] Theseus went to Delphi, and they say that a place there is even to this day named after him. But he only cut the front part of his hair, as Homer tells us the Abantes did, and this fashion of cutting the hair was called Theseus's fashion because of him. The Abantes first began to cut their hair in this manner, not having, as some say, been taught to do so by the Arabians, nor yet from any wish to imitate the Mysians, but because they were a warlike race, and met their foes in close combat, and studied above all to come to a hand-to-hand fight with their enemy, as Archilochus bears witness in his verses: "They use no slings nor bows, Euboea's martial lords, But hand to hand they close And conquer with their swords." So they cut their hair short in front, that their enemies might not grasp it. And they say that Alexander of Macedon for the same reason ordered his generals to have the beards of the Macedonians shaved, because they were a convenient handle for the enemy to grasp. [Footnote A: The first cutting of the hair was always an occasion of solemnity among the Greeks, the hair being dedicated to some god. The first instance of this is in Homer's Iliad, where Achilles speaks of having dedicated his hair to the river Spercheius. The Athenian youth offered their hair to Herakles. The Roman emperor Nero, in later times, imitated this custom.] VI. Now while he was yet a child, Aethra concealed the real parentage of Theseus, and a story was circulated by Pittheus that his father was Poseidon. For the people of Troezen have an especial reverence for Poseidon; he is their tutelar deity; to him they offer first-fruits of their harvest, and they stamp their money with the trident as their badge. But when he was grown into a youth, and proved both strong in body and of good sound sense, then Aethra led him to the stone, told him the truth about his father, and bade him take the tokens from beneath it and sail to Athens with them. He easily lifted the stone, but determined not to go to Athens by sea, though the voyage was a safe and easy one, and though his mother and his grandfather implored him to go that way. By land it was a difficult matter to reach Athens, as the whole way was infested with robbers and bandits. That time, it seems, produced men of great and unwearied strength and swiftness, who made no good use of these powers, but treated all men with overbearing insolence, taking advantage of their strength to overpower and slay all who fell into their hands, and disregarding justice and right and kindly feeling, which they said were only approved of by those who dared not do injury to others, or feared to be injured themselves, while men who could get the upper hand by force might disregard them. Of these ruffians, Herakles in his wanderings cut off a good many, but others had escaped him by concealing themselves, or had been contemptuously spared by him on account of their insignificance. But Herakles had the misfortune to kill Iphitus, and thereupon sailed to Lydia and was for a long time a slave in that country under Omphale, which condition he had imposed upon himself as a penance for the murder of his friend. During this period the country of Lydia enjoyed peace and repose; but in Greece the old plague of brigandage broke out afresh, as there was now no one to put it down. So that the journey overland to Athens from Peloponnesus was full of peril; and Pittheus, by relating to Theseus who each of these evildoers was, and how they treated strangers, tried to prevail upon him to go by sea. But it appears that Theseus had for a long time in his heart been excited by the renown of Herakles for courage: he thought more of him than of any one else, and loved above all to listen to those who talked of him, especially if they had seen and spoken to him. Now he could no longer conceal that he was in the same condition as Themistokles in later times, when he said that the trophy of Miltiades would not let him sleep. Just so did the admiration which Theseus conceived for Herakles make him dream by night of his great exploits, and by day determine to equal them by similar achievements of his own. VII. As it happened, they were connected, being second cousins; for Aethra was the daughter of Pittheus, and Alkmena the daughter of Lysidike, and Lysidike and Pittheus were brother and sister, being the children of Pelops and Hippodameia. So Theseus thought that it would be a great and unbearable disgrace to him that his cousin should go everywhere and clear the sea and land of the brigands who infested them, and he should refuse to undertake the adventures that came in his way; throwing discredit upon his reputed father by a pusillanimous flight by sea, and upon his real father by bringing him only the sandals and an unfleshed sword, and not proving his noble birth by the evidence of some brave deed accomplished by him. In this spirit he set out on his journey, with the intention of doing wrong to no one, but of avenging himself on any one who offered wrong to him. VIII. And first in Epidaurus he slew Periphetes, who used a club as his weapon, and on this account was called the club-bearer, because he laid hands upon him and forbade him to proceed farther on his way. The club took his fancy, and he adopted it as a weapon, and always used it, just as Herakles used his lion's skin; for the skin was a proof of how huge a beast the wearer had overcome, while the club, invincible in the hands of Theseus, had yet been worsted when used against him. At the Isthmus he destroyed Sinis the Pine-bender by the very device by which he had slain so many people, and that too without having ever practised the art, proving that true valour is better than practice and training. Sinis had a daughter, a tall and beautiful girl, named Perigoune. When her father fell she ran and hid herself. Theseus sought her everywhere, but she fled into a place where wild asparagus grew thick, and with a simple child-like faith besought the plants to conceal her, as if they could understand her words, promising that if they did so she never would destroy or burn them. However, when Theseus called to her, pledging himself to take care of her and do her no hurt, she came out, and afterwards bore Theseus a son, named Melanippus. She afterwards was given by Theseus in marriage to Deïoneus, the son of Eurytus of Oechalia. Ioxus, a son of Melanippus, and Theseus's grandchild, took part in Ornytus's settlement in Caria; and for this reason the descendants of Ioxus have a family custom not to burn the asparagus plant, but to reverence and worship it. IX. Now the wild sow of Krommyon, whom they called Phaia, was no ordinary beast, but a fierce creature and hard to conquer. This animal he turned out of his way to destroy, that it might not be thought that he performed his exploits of necessity. Besides, he said, a brave man need only punish wicked men when they came in his way, but that in the case of wild beasts he must himself seek them out and attack them. Some say that Phaia was a murderous and licentious woman who carried on brigandage at Krommyon, and was called a sow from her life and habits, and that Theseus put her to death. X. Before coming to Megara he slew Skeiron by flinging him down a precipice into the sea, so the story runs, because he was a robber, but some say that from arrogance he used to hold out his feet to strangers and bid them wash them, and that then he kicked the washers into the sea. But Megarian writers, in opposition to common tradition, and, as Simonides says, "warring with all antiquity," say that Skeiron was not an arrogant brigand, but repressed brigandage, loved those who were good and just, and was related to them. For, they point out, Aeakus is thought to have been the most righteous of all the Greeks, and Kychreus of Salamis was worshipped as a god, and the virtue of Peleus and Telamon is known to all. Yet Skeiron was the son-in-law of Kychreus, and father-in-law of Aeakus, and grandfather of Peleus and Telamon, who were both of them sons of Endeis, the daughter of Skeiron and his wife Chariklo. It is not then reasonable to suppose that these, the noblest men of their time, would make alliances with a malefactor, and give and receive from him what they prized most dearly. But they say that Theseus slew Skeiron, not when he first went to Athens, but that afterwards he took the town of Eleusis which belonged to the Megarians, by dealing treacherously with Diokles, who was the chief magistrate there, and that on that occasion he killed Skeiron. This is what tradition says on both sides. XI. At Eleusis Theseus overcame Kerkyon of Arcadia in wrestling and killed him, and after journeying a little farther he killed Damastes, who was surnamed Prokroustes, by compelling him to fit his own body to his bed, just as he used to fit the bodies of strangers to it. This he did in imitation of Herakles; for he used to retort upon his aggressors the same treatment which they intended for him. Thus Herakles offered up Busiris as a sacrifice, and overcame Antaeus in wrestling, and Kyknus in single combat, and killed Termerus by breaking his skull. This is, they say, the origin of the proverb, "A Termerian mischief," for Termerus, it seems, struck passers-by with his head, and so killed them. So also did Theseus sally forth and chastise evildoers, making them undergo the same cruelties which they practised on others, thus justly punishing them for their crimes in their own wicked fashion. XII. As he proceeded on his way, and reached the river Kephisus, men of the Phytalid race were the first to meet and greet him. He demanded to be purified from the guilt of bloodshed, and they purified him, made propitiatory offerings, and also entertained him in their houses, being the first persons from whom he had received any kindness on his journey. It is said to have been on the eighth day of the month Kronion, which is now called Hekatombeion, that he came to his own city. On entering it he found public affairs disturbed by factions, and the house of Aegeus in great disorder; for Medea, who had been banished from Corinth, was living with Aegeus, and had engaged by her drugs to enable Aegeus to have children. She was the first to discover who Theseus was, while Aegeus, who was an old man, and feared every one because of the disturbed state of society, did not recognise him. Consequently she advised Aegeus to invite him to a feast, that she might poison him. Theseus accordingly came to Aegeus's table. He did not wish to be the first to tell his name, but, to give his father an opportunity of recognising him, he drew his sword, as if he meant to cut some of the meat with it, and showed it to Aegeus. Aegeus at once recognised it, overset the cup of poison, looked closely at his son and embraced him. He then called a public meeting and made Theseus known as his son to the citizens, with whom he was already very popular because of his bravery. It is said that when the cup was overset the poison was spilt in the place where now there is the enclosure in the Delphinium, for there Aegeus dwelt; and the Hermes to the east of the temple there they call the one who is "at the door of Aegeus." XIII. But the sons of Pallas, who had previously to this expected that they would inherit the kingdom on the death of Aegeus without issue, now that Theseus was declared the heir, were much enraged, first that Aegeus should be king, a man who was merely an adopted child of Pandion, and had no blood relationship to Erechtheus, and next that Theseus, a stranger and a foreigner, should inherit the kingdom. They consequently declared war. Dividing themselves into two bodies, the one proceeded to march openly upon the city from Sphettus, under the command of Pallas their father, while the other lay in ambush at Gargettus, in order that they might fall upon their opponents on two sides at once. But there was a herald among them named Leos, of the township of Agnus, who betrayed the plans of the sons of Pallas to Theseus. He suddenly attacked those who were in ambush, and killed them all, hearing which the other body under Pallas dispersed. From this time forth they say that the township of Pallene has never intermarried with that of Agnus, and that it is not customary amongst them for heralds to begin a proclamation with the words "Acouete Leo," (Oyez) for they hate the name of Leo[A] because of the treachery of that man. [Footnote A: The Greek word _leos_ signifies people.] XIV. Now Theseus, who wished for employment and also to make himself popular with the people, went to attack the bull of Marathon, who had caused no little trouble to the inhabitants of Tetrapolis. He overcame the beast, and drove it alive through the city for all men to see, and then sacrificed it to Apollo of Delphi. Hekale, too, and the legend of her having entertained Theseus, does not seem altogether without foundation in fact; for the people of the neighbouring townships used to assemble and perform what was called the Hekalesian sacrifice to Zeus Hekalus, and they also used to honour Hekale, calling her by the affectionate diminutive Hekaline, because she also, when feasting Theseus, who was very young, embraced him in a motherly way, and used such like endearing diminutives. She also made a vow on Theseus's behalf, when he was going forth to battle, that if he returned safe she would sacrifice to Zeus; but as she died before he returned, she had the above-mentioned honours instituted by command of Theseus, as a grateful return for her hospitality. This is the legend as told by Philochorus. XV. Shortly after this the ship from Crete arrived for the third time to collect the customary tribute. Most writers agree that the origin of this was, that on the death of Androgeus, in Attica, which was ascribed to treachery, his father Minos went to war, and wrought much evil to the country, which at the same time was afflicted by scourges from Heaven (for the land did not bear fruit, and there was a great pestilence and the rivers sank into the earth). So that as the oracle told the Athenians that, if they propitiated Minos and came to terms with him, the anger of Heaven would cease and they should have a respite from their sufferings, they sent an embassy to Minos and prevailed on him to make peace, on the condition that every nine years they should send him a tribute of seven youths and seven maidens. The most tragic of the legends states these poor children when they reached Crete were thrown into the Labyrinth, and there either were devoured by the Minotaur or else perished with hunger, being unable to find the way out. The Minotaur, as Euripides tells us, was "A form commingled, and a monstrous birth, Half man, half bull, in twofold shape combined." XVI. Philochorus says that the Cretans do not recognise this story, but say that the Labyrinth was merely a prison, like any other, from which escape was impossible, and that Minos instituted gymnastic games in honour of Androgeus, in which the prizes for the victors were these children, who till then were kept in the Labyrinth. Also they say that the victor in the first contest was a man of great power in the state, a general of the name of Taurus, who was of harsh and savage temper, and ill-treated the Athenian children. And Aristotle himself, in his treatise on the constitution of the Bottiaeans, evidently does not believe that the children were put to death by Minos, but that they lived in Crete as slaves, until extreme old age; and that one day the Cretans, in performance of an ancient vow, sent first-fruits of their population to Delphi. Among those who were thus sent were the descendants of the Athenians, and, as they could not maintain themselves there, they first passed over to Italy, and there settled near Iapygium, and from thence again removed to Thrace, and took the name of Bottiaeans. For this reason, the Bottiaean maidens when performing a certain sacrifice sing "Let us go to Athens." Thus it seems to be a terrible thing to incur the hatred of a city powerful in speech and song; for on the Attic stage Minos is always vilified and traduced, and though he was called "Most Kingly" by Hesiod, and "Friend of Zeus" by Homer, it gained him no credit, but the playwrights overwhelmed him with abuse, styling him cruel and violent. And yet Minos is said to have been a king and a lawgiver, and Rhadamanthus to have been a judge under him, carrying out his decrees. XVII. So when the time of the third payment of the tribute arrived, and those fathers who had sons not yet grown up had to submit to draw lots, the unhappy people began to revile Aegeus, complaining that he, although the author of this calamity, yet took no share in their affliction, but endured to see them left childless, robbed of their own legitimate offspring, while he made a foreigner and a bastard the heir to his kingdom. This vexed Theseus, and determining not to hold aloof, but to share the fortunes of the people, he came forward and offered himself without being drawn by lot. The people all admired his courage and patriotism, and Aegeus finding that his prayers and entreaties had no effect on his unalterable resolution, proceeded to choose the rest by lot. Hellanikus says that the city did not select the youths and maidens by lot, but that Minos himself came thither and chose them, and that he picked out Theseus first of all, upon the usual conditions, which were that the Athenians should furnish a ship, and that the youths should embark in it and sail with him, not carrying with them any weapon of war; and that when the Minotaur was slain, the tribute should cease. Formerly, no one had any hope of safety; so they used to send out the ship with a black sail, as if it were going to a certain doom; but now Theseus so encouraged his father, and boasted that he would overcome the Minotaur, that he gave a second sail, a white one, to the steersman, and charged him on his return, if Theseus were safe, to hoist the white one, if not, the black one as a sign of mourning. But Simonides says that it was not a white sail which was given by Aegeus, but "a scarlet sail embrued in holm oak's juice," and that this was agreed on by him as the signal of safety. The ship was steered by Phereklus the son of Amarsyas, according to Simonides. But Philochorus says that Theseus had one Nausithous sent him from Skirus of Salamis, to steer the ship, and Phaeax to act as look-out, as the Athenians had not yet turned their attention to the sea. One of the youths chosen by lot was Menestheos the son of Skirus's daughter. The truth of this account is attested by the shrines of Nausithous and Phaeax, which Theseus built at Phalerum, and by the feast called the Kybernesia or pilot's festival, which is held in their honour. XVIII. When the lots were drawn Theseus brought the chosen youths from the Prytaneum, and proceeding to the temple of the Delphian Apollo, offered the suppliants' bough to Apollo on their behalf. This was a bough of the sacred olive-tree bound with fillets of white wool. And after praying he went to sea on the sixth day of the month Munychion, on which day even now they send maidens as suppliants to the temple of the Delphian Apollo. And there is a legend that the Delphian oracle told him that Aphrodite would be his guide and fellow-traveller, and that when he was sacrificing a she-goat to her by the seaside, it became a he-goat; wherefore the goddess is called Epitragia. XIX. When they reached Crete, according to most historians and poets, Ariadne fell in love with him, and from her he received the clue of string, and was taught how to thread the mazes of the Labyrinth. He slew the Minotaur, and, taking with him Ariadne and the youths, sailed away. Pherekydes also says that Theseus also knocked out the bottoms of the Cretan ships, to prevent pursuit. But Demon says that Taurus, Minos's general, was slain in a sea-fight in the harbour, when Theseus sailed away. But according to Philochorus, when Minos instituted his games, Taurus was expected to win every prize, and was grudged this honour; for his great influence and his unpopular manners made him disliked, and scandal said, that he was too intimate with Pasiphae. On this account, when Theseus offered to contend with him, Minos agreed. And, as it was the custom in Crete for women as well as men to be spectators of the games, Ariadne was present, and was struck with the appearance of Theseus, and his strength, as he conquered all competitors. Minos was especially pleased, in the wrestling match, at Taurus's defeat and shame, and, restoring the children to Theseus, remitted the tribute for the future. Kleidemus tells the story in his own fashion and at unnecessary length, beginning much farther back. There was, he says, a decree passed by all the Greeks, that no ship should sail from any post with more than five hands on board, but Jason alone, the master of the great ship Argo, should cruise about, and keep the sea free of pirates. Now when Daedalus fled to Athens, Minos, contrary to the decree, pursued him in long war galleys, and being driven to Sicily by a storm, died there. When his son Deukalion sent a warlike message to the Athenians, bidding them give up Daedalus to him, or else threatening that he would put to death the children whom Minos had taken as hostages, Theseus returned him a gentle answer, begging for the life of Daedalus, who was his own cousin and blood relation, being the son of Merope, the daughter of Erechtheus. But he busied himself with building a fleet, some of it in Attica, in the country of the Thymaitadae, far from any place of resort of strangers, and some in Troezen, under the management of Pittheus, as he did not wish his preparations to be known. But when the ships were ready to set sail, having with him as pilots, Daedalus himself and some Cretan exiles, as no one knew that he was coming, and the Cretans thought that it was a friendly fleet that was advancing, he seized the harbour, and marched at once to Knossus before his arrival was known. Then he fought a battle at the gates of the Labyrinth, and slew Deukalion and his body-guard. As Ariadne now succeeded to the throne, he made peace with her, took back the youths, and formed an alliance between the Cretans and the Athenians, in which each nation swore that it would not begin a war against the other. XX. There are many more stories about these events, and about Ariadne, none of which agree in any particulars. Some say that she hanged herself when deserted by Theseus, and some, that she was taken to Naxos by his sailors, and there dwelt with Oenarus, the priest of Dionysus, having been deserted by Theseus, who was in love with another. "For Aegle's love disturbed his breast." This line, we are told by Hereas of Megara, was struck out of Hesiod's poems by Peisistratus; and again he says that he inserted into Homer's description of the Shades, "Peirithous and Theseus, born of gods," to please the Athenians. Some writers say that Theseus had by Ariadne two sons, Staphylus and Oenopion, whom Ion of Chios follows when he speaks of his own native city as that "Which erst Oenopion stablished, Theseus' son." The pleasantest of these legends are in nearly every one's mouth. But Paeon of Amathus gives an account peculiar to himself, that Theseus was driven by a storm to Cyprus, and that Ariadne, who was pregnant, suffered much from the motion of the ship, and became so ill, that she was set on shore, but Theseus had to return to take charge of the ship, and was blown off to sea. The women of the country took care of Ariadne, and comforted her in her bereavement, even bringing forged letters to her as if from Theseus, and rendering her assistance during her confinement; and when she died in childbirth, they buried her. Theseus, on his return, grieved much, and left money to the people of the country, bidding them sacrifice to Ariadne; he also set up two little statues, one of silver, and the other of brass. And at this sacrifice, which takes place on the second day of the month Gorpiaeus, one of the young men lies down on the ground, and imitates the cries of a woman in travail; and the people of Amathus call that the grove of Ariadne Aphrodite, in which they show her tomb. But some writers of Naxos tell a different story, peculiar to themselves, that there were two Minoses and two Ariadnes, of whom one, they say, was married to Dionysus in Naxos, and was the mother of Staphylus and his brother, while the younger was carried off by Theseus, and came to Naxos after he deserted her; and a nurse called Korkyne came with her, whose tomb they point out. Then Naxians also says that this Ariadne died there, and is honoured, but not so much as the elder; for at the feast in honour of the elder, there are merriment and revelry, but at that of the younger gloomy rites are mingled with mirth. XXI. Theseus, when he sailed away from Crete, touched at Delos; here he sacrificed to the god and offered up the statue of Aphrodite, which Ariadne had given him; and besides this, he and the youths with him danced a measure which they say is still practised by the people of Delos to this day, being an imitation of the turnings and windings of the Labyrinth expressed by complicated evolutions performed in regular order. This kind of dance is called by the Delians "the crane dance," according to Dikaearchus. It was danced round the altar of the Horns, which is all formed of horns from the left side. They also say that he instituted games at Delos, and that then for the first time a palm was given by him to the victor. XXII. As he approached Attica, both he and his steersman in their delight forgot to hoist the sail which was to be a signal of their safety to Aegeus; and he in his despair flung himself down the cliffs and perished. Theseus, as soon as he reached the harbour, performed at Phalerum the sacrifices which he had vowed to the gods if he returned safe, and sent off a herald to the city with the news of his safe return. This man met with many who were lamenting the death of the king, and, as was natural, with others who were delighted at the news of their safety, and who congratulated him and wished to crown him with garlands. These he received, but placed them on his herald's staff, and when he came back to the seashore, finding that Theseus had not completed his libation, he waited outside the temple, not wishing to disturb the sacrifice. When the libation was finished he announced the death of Aegeus, and then they all hurried up to the city with loud lamentations: wherefore to this day, at the Oschophoria, they say that it is not the herald that is crowned, but his staff, and that at the libations the bystanders cry out, "Eleleu, Iou, Iou;" of which cries the first is used by men in haste, or raising the paean for battle, while the second is used by persons in surprise and trouble. Theseus, after burying his father, paid his vow to Apollo, on the seventh day of the month Pyanepsion; for on this day it was that the rescued youths went up into the city. The boiling of pulse, which is customary on this anniversary, is said to be done because the rescued youths put what remained of their pulse together into one pot, boiled it all, and merrily feasted on it together. And on this day also, the Athenians carry about the Eiresione, a bough of the olive tree garlanded with wool, just as Theseus had before carried the suppliants' bough, and covered with first-fruits of all sorts of produce, because the barrenness of the land ceased on that day; and they sing, "Eiresione, bring us figs And wheaten loaves, and oil, And wine to quaff, that we may all Host merrily from toil." However, some say that these ceremonies are performed in memory of the Herakleidae, who were thus entertained by the Athenians; but most writers tell the tale as I have told it. XXIII. Now the thirty-oared ship, in which Theseus sailed with the youths, and came back safe, was kept by the Athenians up to the time of Demetrius Phalereus. They constantly removed the decayed part of her timbers, and renewed them with sound wood, so that the ship became an illustration to philosophers of the doctrine of growth and change, as some argued that it remained the same, and others, that it did not remain the same. The feast of the Oschophoria, or of carrying boughs, which to this day the Athenians celebrate, was instituted by Theseus. For he did not take with him all the maidens who were drawn by lot, but he chose two youths, his intimate friends, who were feminine and fair to look upon, but of manly spirit; these by warm baths and avoiding the heat of the sun and careful tending of their hair and skin he completely metamorphosed, teaching them to imitate the voice and carriage and walk of maidens. These two were then substituted in the place of two of the girls, and deceived every one; and when they returned, he and these two youths walked in procession, dressed as now those who carry boughs at the Oschophoria are dressed. They carry them in honour of Dionysus and Ariadne, because of the legend, or rather because they returned home when the harvest was being gathered in. And the women called supper-carriers join in carrying them and partake of the sacrifice, in imitation of the mothers of those who were drawn by lot; for they used continually to bring their children food. Also, old tales are told, because these women used to tell their children such ones, to encourage and amuse them. These things are related by the historian Demus. Moreover, a sacred enclosure was dedicated to Theseus, and those families out of whom the tribute of the children had been gathered were bidden to contribute to sacrifices to him. These sacrifices were presided over by the Phytalidae, which post Theseus bestowed upon them as a recompense for their hospitality towards him. XXIV. After the death of Aegeus, Theseus conceived a great and important design. He gathered together all the inhabitants of Attica and made them citizens of one city, whereas before they had lived dispersed, so as to be hard to assemble together for the common weal, and at times even fighting with one another. He visited all the villages and tribes, and won their consent; the poor and lower classes gladly accepting his proposals, while he gained over the more powerful by promising that the new constitution should not include a king, but that it should be a pure commonwealth, with himself merely acting as general of its army and guardian of its laws, while in other respects it would allow perfect freedom and equality to every one. By these arguments he convinced some of them, and the rest knowing his power and courage chose rather to be persuaded than forced into compliance. He therefore destroyed the prytaneia, the senate house, and the magistracy of each individual township, built one common prytaneum and senate house for them all on the site of the present acropolis, called the city Athens, and instituted the Panathenaic festival common to all of them. He also instituted a festival for the resident aliens, on the sixteenth of the month, Hekatombeion, which is still kept up. And having, according to his promise, laid down his sovereign power, he arranged the new constitution under the auspices of the gods; for he made inquiry at Delphi as to how he should deal with the city, and received the following answer: "Thou son of Aegeus and of Pittheus' maid, My father hath within thy city laid The bounds of many cities; weigh not down Thy soul with thought; the bladder cannot drown." The same thing they say was afterwards prophesied by the Sibyl concerning the city, in these words: "The bladder may be dipped, but cannot drown." XXV. Wishing still further to increase the number of his citizens, he invited all strangers to come and share equal privileges, and they say that the words now used, "Come hither all ye peoples," was the proclamation then used by Theseus, establishing as it were a commonwealth of all nations. But he did not permit his state to fall into the disorder which this influx of all kinds of people would probably have produced, but divided the people into three classes, of Eupatridae or nobles, Geomori or farmers, Demiurgi or artisans. To the Eupatridae he assigned the care of religious rites, the supply of magistrates for the city, and the interpretation of the laws and customs sacred or profane, yet he placed them on an equality with the other citizens, thinking that the nobles would always excel in dignity, the farmers in usefulness, and the artisans in numbers. Aristotle tells us that he was the first who inclined to democracy, and gave up the title of king; and Homer seems to confirm this view by speaking of the people of the Athenians alone of all the states mentioned in his catalogue of ships. Theseus also struck money with the figure of a bull, either alluding to the bull of Marathon, or Taurus, Minos' general, or else to encourage farming among the citizens. Hence they say came the words, "worth ten," or "worth a hundred oxen." He permanently annexed Megara to Attica, and set up the famous pillar on the Isthmus, on which he wrote the distinction between the countries in two trimeter lines, of which the one looking east says, "This is not Peloponnesus, but Ionia," and the one looking west says, "This is Peloponnesus, not Ionia." And also he instituted games there, in emulation of Herakles; that, just as Herakles had ordained that the Greeks should celebrate the Olympic games in honour of Zeus, so by Theseus's appointment they should celebrate the Isthmian games in honour of Poseidon. The festival which was previously established there in honour of Melikerta used to be celebrated by night, and to be more like a religious mystery than a great spectacle and gathering. Some writers assert that the Isthmian games were established in honour of Skeiron, and that Theseus wished to make them an atonement for the murder of his kinsman; for Skeiron was the son of Kanethus and of Henioche the daughter of Pittheus. Others say that this festival was established in honour of Sinis, not of Skeiron. Be this as it may, Theseus established it, and stipulated with the Corinthians that visitors from Athens who came to the games should have a seat of honour in as large a space as could be covered by a sail of the public ship which carried them, when stretched out on the ground. This we are told by Hellanikus and Andron of Halikarnassus. XXVI. Besides this, according to Philochorus and other writers, he sailed with Herakles to the Euxine, took part in the campaign against the Amazons, and received Antiope as the reward for his valour; but most historians, among whom are Pherekydes, Hellanikus, and Herodorus, say that Theseus made an expedition of his own later than that of Herakles, and that he took the Amazon captive, which is a more reasonable story. For no one of his companions is said to have captured an Amazon; while Bion relates that he caught this one by treachery and carried her off; for the Amazons, he says, were not averse to men, and did not avoid Theseus when he touched at their coast, but even offered him presents. He invited the bearer of these on board his ship; and when she had embarked he set sail. But one, Menekrates, who has written a history of the town of Nikaea in Bithynia, states that Theseus spent a long time in that country with Antiope, and that there were three young Athenians, brothers, who were his companions in arms, by name Euneon, Thoas, and Soloeis. Soloeis fell in love with Antiope, and, without telling his brothers, confided his passion to one of his comrades. This man laid the matter before Antiope, who firmly rejected his pretensions, but treated him quietly and discreetly, telling Theseus nothing about it. Soloeis, in despair at his rejection, leaped into a river and perished; and Theseus then at length learned the cause of the young man's death. In his sorrow he remembered and applied to himself an oracle he had received from Delphi. It had been enjoined upon him by the Pythia that whenever he should be struck down with special sorrow in a foreign land, he should found a city in that place and leave some of his companions there as its chiefs. In consequence of this the city which he founded was called Pythopolis, in honour of the Pythian Apollo, and the neighbouring river was called Soloeis, after the youth who died in it. He left there the brothers of Soloeis as the chiefs and lawgivers of the new city, and together, with them one Hermus, an Athenian Eupatrid. In consequence of this, the people of Pythopolis call a certain place in their city the house of Hermes, by a mistaken accentuation transferring the honour due to their founder, to their god Hermes. XXVII. This was the origin of the war with the Amazons; and it seems to have been carried on in no feeble or womanish spirit, for they never could have encamped in the city nor have fought a battle close to the Pnyx and the Museum unless they had conquered the rest of the country, so as to be able to approach the city safely. It is hard to believe, as Hellanikus relates, that they crossed the Cimmerian Bosphorus on the ice; but that they encamped almost in the city is borne witness to by the local names, and by the tombs of the fallen. For a long time both parties held aloof, unwilling to engage; but at last Theseus, after sacrificing to Phobos (Fear), attacked them. The battle took place in the month Boedromion, on the day on which the Athenians celebrate the feast Boedromia. Kleidemus gives us accurate details, stating that the left wing of the Amazons stood at the place now called the Amazoneum, while the right reached up to the Pnyx, at the place where the gilded figure of Victory now stands. The Athenians attacked them on this side, issuing from the Museum, and the tombs of the fallen are to be seen along the street which leads to the gate near the shrine of the hero Chalkodus, which is called the Peiraeic gate. On this side the women forced them back as far as the temple of the Eumenides, but on the other side those who assailed them from the temple of Pallas, Ardettus, and the Lyceum, drove their right wing in confusion back to their camp with great slaughter. In the fourth month of the war a peace was brought about by Hippolyte; for this writer names the wife of Theseus Hippolyte, not Antiope. Some relate that she was slain fighting by the side of Theseus by a javelin hurled by one Molpadia, and that the column which stands beside the temple of Olympian Earth is sacred to her memory. It is not to be wondered at that history should be at fault when dealing with such ancient events as these, for there is another story at variance with this, to the effect that Antiope caused the wounded Amazons to be secretly transported to Chalkis, where they were taken care of, and some of them were buried there, at what is now called the Amazoneum. However, it is a proof of the war having ended in a treaty of peace, that the place near the temple of Theseus where they swore to observe it, is still called Horeomosium, and that the sacrifice to the Amazons always has taken place before the festival of Theseus. The people of Megara also show a burying-place of the Amazons, as one goes from the market-place to what they call Rhus, where the lozenge-shaped building stands. It is said that some others died at Chaeronea, and were buried by the little stream which it seems was anciently called Thermodon, but now is called Haemon, about which we have treated in the life of Demosthenes. It would appear that the Amazons did not even get across Thessaly without trouble, for graves of them are shown to this day at Skotussa and Kynoskephalae. XXVIII. The above is all that is worthy of mention about the Amazons; for, as to the story which the author of the 'Theseid' relates about this attack of the Amazons being brought about by Antiope to revenge herself upon Theseus for his marriage with Phaedra, and how she and her Amazons fought, and how Herakles slew them, all this is clearly fabulous. After the death of Antiope, Theseus married Phaedra, having a son by Antiope named Hippolytus, or Demophoon, according to Pindar. As for his misfortunes with this wife and son, as the account given by historians does not differ from that which appears in the plays of the tragic poets, we must believe them to have happened as all these writers say. XXIX. However, there are certain other legends about Theseus' marriage which have never appeared on the stage, which have neither a creditable beginning nor a prosperous termination: for it is said that he carried off one Anaxo, a Troezenian girl, and after slaying Sinis and Kerkyon he forced their daughters, and that he married Periboea the mother of Ajax and also Phereboea and Iope the daughter of Iphikles: and, as has been told already, it was on account of his love for Aegle the daughter of Panopeus that he deserted Ariadne, which was a shameful and discreditable action. And in addition to all this he is charged with carrying off Helen, which brought war upon Attica, and exile and destruction on himself; about which we shall speak presently. But, though many adventures were undertaken by the heroes of those times, Herodorus is of opinion that Theseus took no part in any of them, except with the Lapithae in their fight with the Centaurs; though other writers say that he went to Kolchis with Jason and took part with Meleager in the hunt of the Kalydonian boar. From these legends arises the proverb, "Not without Theseus;" also he by himself without any comrades performed many glorious deeds, from which the saying came into vogue, "This is another Herakles." Theseus, together with Adrastus, effected the recovery of the bodies of those who fell under the walls of the Cadmea at Thebes, not after conquering the Thebans, as Euripides puts it in his play, but by a truce and convention, according to most writers. Philochorus even states that this was the first occasion on which a truce was made for the recovery of those slain in battle. But we have shown in our 'Life of Herakles' that he was the first to restore the corpses of the slain to the enemy. The tombs of the rank and file are to be seen at Eleutherae, but those of the chiefs at Eleusis, by favour of Theseus to Adrastus. Euripides's play of the 'Suppliants' is contradicted by that of Aeschylus, the 'Eleusinians,' in which Theseus is introduced giving orders for this to be done. XXX. His friendship for Peirithous is said to have arisen in the following manner: He had a great reputation for strength and courage; Peirithous, wishing to make trial of these, drove his cattle away from the plain of Marathon, and when he learned that Theseus was pursuing them, armed, he did not retire, but turned and faced him. Each man then admiring the beauty and courage of his opponent, refrained from battle, and first Peirithous holding out his hand bade Theseus himself assess the damages of his raid upon the cattle, saying that he himself would willingly submit to whatever penalty the other might inflict. Theseus thought no more of their quarrel, and invited him to become his friend and comrade; and they ratified their compact of friendship by an oath. Hereupon, Peirithous, who was about to marry Deidameia, begged Theseus to come and visit his country and meet the Lapithae. He also had invited the Centaurs to the banquet; and as they in their drunken insolence laid hands upon the women, the Lapithae attacked them. Some of them they slew, and the rest they overcame, and afterwards, with the assistance of Theseus, banished from their country. Herodorus, however, says that this is not how these events took place, but that the war was going on, and that Theseus went to help the Lapithae and while on his way thither first beheld Herakles, whom he made a point of visiting at Trachis, where he was resting after his labours and wanderings; and that they met with many compliments and much good feeling on both sides. But one would more incline to those writers who tell us that they often met, and that Herakles was initiated by Theseus's desire, and was also purified before initiation at his instance, which ceremony was necessary because of some reckless action. XXXI. Theseus was fifty years old, according to Hellanikus, when he carried off Helen, who was a mere child. For this reason some who wish to clear him of this, the heaviest of all the charges against him, say that it was not he who carried off Helen, but that Idas and Lynkeus carried her off and deposited her in his keeping. Afterwards the Twin Brethren came and demanded her back, but he would not give her up; or even it is said that Tyndareus himself handed her over to him, because he feared that Enarsphorus the son of Hippocoon would take her by force, she being only a child at the time. But the most probable story and that which most writers agree in is the following: The two friends, Theseus and Peirithous, came to Sparta, seized the maiden, who was dancing in the temple of Artemis Orthia, and carried her off. As the pursuers followed no farther than Tegea, they felt no alarm, but leisurely travelled through Peloponnesus, and made a compact that whichever of them should win Helen by lot was to have her to wife, but must help the other to a marriage. They cast lots on this understanding, and Theseus won. As the maiden was not yet ripe for marriage he took her with him to Aphidnae, and there placing his mother with her gave her into the charge of his friend Aphidnus, bidding him watch over her and keep her presence secret. He himself in order to repay his obligation to Peirithous went on a journey with him to Epirus to obtain the daughter of Aidoneus the king of the Molossians, who called his wife Persephone, his daughter Kore, and his dog Cerberus. All the suitors of his daughter were bidden by him to fight this dog, and the victor was to receive her hand. However, as he learned that Peirithous and his friend were come, not as wooers, but as ravishers, he cast them into prison. He put an end to Peirithous at once, by means of his dog, but only guarded Theseus strictly. XXXII. Now at this period Mnestheus, the son of Peteus, who was the son of Orneus, who was the son of Erechtheus, first of all mankind they say took to the arts of a demagogue, and to currying favour with the people. This man formed a league of the nobles, who had long borne Theseus a grudge for having destroyed the local jurisdiction and privileges of each of the Eupatrids by collecting them all together into the capital, where they were no more than his subjects and slaves; and he also excited the common people by telling them that although they were enjoying a fancied freedom they really had been deprived of their ancestral privileges and sacred rites, and made to endure the rule of one foreign despot, instead of that of many good kings of their own blood. While he was thus busily employed, the invasion of Attica by the sons of Tyndareus greatly assisted his revolutionary scheme; so that some say that it was he who invited them to come. At first they abstained from violence, and confined themselves to asking that their sister Helen should be given up to them; but when they were told by the citizens that she was not in their hands, and that they knew not where she was, they proceeded to warlike measures. Akademus, who had by some means discovered that she was concealed at Aphidnae, now told them where she was; for which cause he was honoured by the sons of Tyndareus during his life, and also the Lacedaemonians, though they often invaded the country and ravaged it unsparingly, yet never touched the place called the Akademeia, for Akademus's sake. Dikaearchus says that Echemus and Marathus, two Arcadians, took part in that war with the sons of Tyndareus; and that from the first the place now called Akademeia was then named Echedemia, and that from the second the township of Marathon takes its names, because he in accordance with some oracle voluntarily offered himself as a sacrifice there in the sight of the whole army. However, the sons of Tyndareus came to Aphidnae, and took the place after a battle, in which it is said that Alykus fell, the son of Skeiron, who then was fighting on the side of the Dioskuri. In memory of this man it is said that the place in the territory of Megara where his remains lie is called Alykus. But Hereas writes that Alykus was slain by Theseus at Aphidnae, and as evidence he quotes this verse about Alykus, "Him whom Theseus slew in the spacious streets of Aphidnae, Fighting for fair-haired Helen." But it is not likely that if Theseus had been there, his mother and the town of Aphidnae would have been taken. XXXIII. After the fall of Aphidnae, the people of Athens became terrified, and were persuaded by Mnestheus to admit the sons of Tyndareus to the city, and to treat them as friends, because, he said, they were only at war with Theseus, who had been the first to use violence, and were the saviours and benefactors of the rest of mankind. These words of his were confirmed by their behaviour, for, victorious as they were, they yet demanded nothing except initiation into the mysteries, as they were, no less than Herakles, connected with the city. This was permitted them, and they were adopted by Aphidnus, as Herakles had been by Pylius. They received divine honours, being addressed as "Anakes," either because of the cessation of the war, or from the care they took, when they had such a large army within the walls of Athens, that no one should be wronged; for those who take care of or guard anything are said to do it "anakos," and perhaps for this reason kings are called "Anaktes." Some say that they were called Anakas because of the appearance of their stars in the heavens above, for the Attics called "above" "anekas." XXXIV. It is said that Aethra, the mother of Theseus, was carried off as a captive to Lacedaemon, and thence to Troy with Helen, and Homer supports this view, when he says that there followed Helen, "Aithra the daughter of Pittheus and large-eyed Klymene." Others reject this verse, and the legend about Mounychus, who is said to have been the bastard son of Laodike, by Demophoon, and to have been brought up in Troy by Aithra. But Istrus, in his thirteenth book of his 'History of Attica,' tells quite a different and peculiar story about Aithra, that he had heard that Paris was conquered by Achilles and Patroklus near the river Spercheius, in Thessaly, and that Hector took the city of Troezen by storm, and amongst the plunder carried off Aithra, who had been left there. But this seems impossible. XXXV. Now Aidoneus the Molossian king chanced to be entertaining Herakles, and related to him the story of Theseus and Peirithous, what they had intended to do, and how they had been caught in the act and punished. Herakles was much grieved at hearing how one had perished ingloriously, and the other was like to perish. He thought that nothing would be gained by reproaching the king for his conduct to Peirithous, but he begged for the life of Theseus, and pointed out that the release of his friend was a favour which he deserved. Aidoneus agreed, and Theseus, when set free, returned to Athens, where he found that his party was not yet overpowered. Whatever consecrated grounds had been set apart for him by the city, he dedicated to Herakles, and called Heraklea instead of Thesea, except four, according to Philochorus. But, as he at once wished to preside and manage the state as before, he was met by factious opposition, for he found that those who had been his enemies before, had now learned not to fear him, while the common people had become corrupted, and now required to be specially flattered instead of doing their duty in silence. He endeavoured to establish his government by force, but was overpowered by faction; and at last, despairing of success, he secretly sent his children to Euboea, to Elephenor, the son of Chalkodous; and he himself, after solemnly uttering curses on the Athenians at Gargettus, where now is the place called Araterion, or the place of curses, set sail for Skyros, where he was, he imagined, on friendly terms with the inhabitants, and possessed a paternal estate in the island. At that time Lykomedes was king of Skyros; so he proceeded to demand from him his lands, in order to live there, though some say that he asked him to assist him against the Athenians. Lykomedes, either in fear of the great reputation of Theseus, or else to gain the favour of Mnestheus, led him up to the highest mountain top in the country, on the pretext of showing him his estate from thence, and pushed him over a precipice. Some say that he stumbled and fell of himself, as he was walking after supper, according to his custom. As soon as he was dead, no one thought any more of him, but Mnestheus reigned over the Athenians, while Theseus's children were brought up as private citizens by Elephenor, and followed him to Ilium. When Mnestheus died at Ilium, they returned home and resumed their rightful sovereignty. In subsequent times, among many other things which led the Athenians to honour Theseus as a hero or demi-god, most remarkable was his appearance at the battle of Marathon, where his spirit was seen by many, clad in armour, leading the charge against the barbarians. XXXVI. After the Persian war, in the archonship of Phaedo, the Athenians were told by the Delphian Oracle to take home the bones of Theseus and keep them with the greatest care and honour. There was great difficulty in obtaining them and in discovering his tomb, on account of the wild and savage habits of the natives of the island. However, Kimon took the island, as is written in my history of his Life, and making it a point of honour to discover his tomb, he chanced to behold an eagle pecking with its beak and scratching with its talons at a small rising ground. Here he dug, imagining that the spot had been pointed out by a miracle. There was found the coffin of a man of great stature, and lying beside it a brazen lance-head and a sword. These relics were brought to Athens by Kimon, on board of his trireme, and the delighted Athenians received them with splendid processions and sacrifices, just as if the hero himself were come to the city. He is buried in the midst of the city, near where the Gymnasium now stands, and his tomb is a place of sanctuary for slaves, and all that are poor and oppressed, because Theseus, during his life, was the champion and avenger of the poor, and always kindly hearkened to their prayers. Their greatest sacrifice in his honour takes place on the eighth of the month of Pyanepsion, upon which day he and the youths came back from Crete. But besides this they hold a service in his honour on the eighth of all the other months, either because it was on the eighth day of Hekatombeion that he first arrived in Athens from Troezen, as is related by Diodorus the topographer, or else thinking that number to be especially his own, because he is said to have been the son of Poseidon, and Poseidon is honoured on the eighth day of every month. For the number eight is the first cube of an even number, and is double the first square, and therefore peculiarly represents the immovable abiding power of that god whom we address as "the steadfast," and the "earth upholder." LIFE OF ROMULUS. Historians are not agreed upon the origin and meaning of the famous name of Rome, which is so celebrated through all the world. Some relate that the Pelasgi, after wandering over the greater part of the world, and conquering most nations, settled there, and gave the city its name from their own strength in battle.[A] Others tell us that after the capture of Troy some fugitives obtained ships, were carried by the winds to the Tyrrhenian or Tuscan coast, and cast anchor in the Tiber. There the women, who had suffered much from the sea voyage, were advised by one who was accounted chief among them for wisdom and noble birth, Roma by name, to burn the ships. At first the men were angry at this, but afterwards, being compelled to settle round about the Palatine Hill, they fared better than they expected, as they found the country fertile and the neighbours hospitable; so they paid great honour to Roma, and called the city after her name. From this circumstance, they say, arose the present habit of women kissing their male relatives and connections; because those women, after they had burned the ships, thus embraced and caressed the men, trying to pacify their rage. [Footnote A: The Greek [Greek: rhômê] = strength.] II. Some say that Roma, who gave the name to the city, was the daughter of Italus and Leucaria, or of Telephus the son of Hercules, and the wife of Aeneas, while others say that she was the daughter of Ascanius the son of Aeneas. Others relate that Romanus, the son of Odysseus and Circe, founded the city, or that it was Romus, the son of Hemathion, who was sent from Troy by Diomedes; or Romis the despot of the Latins, who drove out of his kingdom the Tyrrhenians, who, starting from Thessaly, had made their way to Lydia, and thence to Italy. And even those who follow the most reasonable of these legends, and admit that it was Romulus who founded the city after his own name, do not agree about his birth; for some say that he was the son of Aeneas and Dexithea the daughter of Phorbas, and with his brother Romus was brought to Italy when a child, and that as the river was in flood, all the other boats were swamped, but that in which the children were was carried to a soft bank and miraculously preserved, from which the name of Rome was given to the place. Others say that Roma, the daughter of that Trojan lady, married Latinus the son of Telemachus and bore a son, Romulus; while others say that his mother was Aemilia the daughter of Aeneas and Lavinia, by an intrigue with Mars; while others give a completely legendary account of his birth, as follows: In the house of Tarchetius, the king of the Albani, a cruel and lawless man, a miracle took place. A male figure arose from the hearth, and remained there for many days. Now there was in Etruria an oracle of Tethys, which told Tarchetius that a virgin must be offered to the figure; for there should be born of her a son surpassing all mankind in strength, valour, and good fortune. Tarchetius hereupon explained the oracle to one of his daughters, and ordered her to give herself up to the figure; but she, not liking to do so, sent her servant-maid instead. Tarchetius, when he learned this, was greatly incensed, and cast them both into prison, meaning to put them to death. However, in a dream, Vesta appeared to him, forbidding him to slay them. In consequence of this he locked them up with a loom, telling them that when they had woven the piece of work upon it they should be married. So they wove all day, and during the night other maidens sent by Tarchetius undid their work again. Now when the servant-maid was delivered of twins, Tarchetius gave them to one Teratius, and bade him destroy them. He laid them down near the river; and there they were suckled by a she-wolf, while all sorts of birds brought them morsels of food, until one day a cowherd saw them. Filled with wonder he ventured to come up to the children and bear them off. Saved from death in this manner they grew up, and then attacked and slew Tarchetius. This is the legend given by one Promathion, the compiler of a history of Italy. III. But the most credible story, and that has most vouchers for its truth, is that which was first published in Greece by Diokles of Peparethos, a writer whom Fabius Pictor has followed in most points. There are variations in this legend also; but, generally speaking, it runs as follows: The dynasty established by Aeneas at Alba Longa, came down to two brothers, Numitor and Amulius. Amulius offered his brother the choice between the sovereign power and the royal treasure, including the gold brought from Troy. Numitor chose the sovereign power. But Amulius, possessing all the treasure, and thereby having more power than his brother, easily dethroned him, and, as he feared his brother's daughter might have children who would avenge him, he made her a priestess of Vesta, sworn to celibacy for ever. This lady is named by some Ilia, by others Rhea or Silvia. After no long time she was found to be with child, against the law of the Vestals. Her life was saved by the entreaties of Antho, the king's daughter, but she was closely imprisoned, that she might not be delivered without Amulius's knowledge. She bore two children of remarkable beauty and size, and Amulius, all the more alarmed at this, bade an attendant take them and expose them. Some say that this man's name was Faustulus, while others say that this was not his name, but that of their rescuer. However, he placed the infants in a cradle, and went down to the river with the intention of throwing them into it, but seeing it running strong and turbulently, he feared to approach it, laid down the cradle near the bank and went away. The river, which was in flood, rose, and gently floated off the cradle, and carried it down to a soft place which is now called Cermalus, but anciently, it seems, was called Germanus, because brothers are called germani. IV. Near this place was a fig-tree, which they called Ruminalius, either from Romulus, as most persons imagine, or because cattle came to ruminate in its shade, or, more probably, because of the suckling of the children there, for the ancients called the nipple _rouma_. Moreover, they call the goddess who appears to have watched over the children Roumilia, and to her they sacrifice offerings without wine, and pour milk as a libation upon her altar. It is said that while the infants were lying in this place, the she-wolf suckled them, and that a woodpecker came and helped to feed and watch over them. Now these animals are sacred to the god Mars; and the Latins have a peculiar reverence and worship for the woodpecker. These circumstances, therefore, did not a little to confirm the tale of the mother of the children, that their father was Mars, though some say that she was deceived by Amulius himself, who, after condemning her to a life of virginity, appeared before her dressed in armour, and ravished her. Others say that the twofold meaning of the name of their nurse gave rise to this legend, for the Latins use the word _lupa_ for she-wolves, and also for unchaste women, as was the wife of Faustulus, who brought up the children, Acca Laurentia by name. To her also the Romans offer sacrifice, and in the month of April the priest of Mars brings libations to her, and the feast is called Laurentia. V. The Romans also worship another Laurentia, for this reason: The priest of Hercules, weary with idleness, proposed to the god to cast the dice on the condition that, if he won, he should receive something good from the god, while if he lost, he undertook to provide the god with a bountiful feast and a fair woman to take his pleasure with. Upon these conditions he cast the dice, first for the god, and then for himself, and was beaten. Wishing to settle his wager properly, and making a point of keeping his word, he prepared a feast for the god, and hired Laurentia, then in the pride of her beauty, though not yet famous. He feasted her in the temple, where he had prepared a couch, and after supper he locked her in, that the god might possess her. And, indeed, the god is said to have appeared to the lady, and to have bidden her go early in the morning into the market-place, and to embrace the first man she met, and make him her friend. There met her a citizen far advanced in years, possessing a fair income, childless, and unmarried. His name was Tarrutius. He took Laurentia to himself, and loved her, and upon his death left her heiress to a large and valuable property, the greater part of which she left by will to the city. It is related of her, that after she had become famous, and was thought to enjoy the favour of Heaven, she vanished near the very same spot where the other Laurentia lay buried. This place is now called Velabrum, because during the frequent overflowings of the river, people used there to be ferried over to the market-place; now they call ferrying _velatura_. Some say that the road from the market-place to the circus, starting from this point, used to be covered with sails or awnings by those who treated the people to a spectacle; and in the Latin tongue a sail is called _velum_. This is why the second Laurentia is honoured by the Romans. VI. Now Faustulus, the swineherd of Amulius, kept the children concealed from every one, though some say that Numitor knew of it, and shared the expense of their education. They were sent to Gabii to learn their letters, and everything else that well-born children should know; and they were called Romulus and Remus, because they were first seen sucking the wolf. Their noble birth showed itself while they were yet children, in their size and beauty; and when they grew up they were manly and high-spirited, of invincible courage and daring. Romulus, however, was thought the wiser and more politic of the two, and in his discussions with the neighbours about pasture and hunting, gave them opportunities of noting that his disposition was one which led him to command rather than to obey. On account of these qualities they were beloved by their equals and the poor, but they despised the king's officers and bailiffs as being no braver than themselves, and cared neither for their anger nor their threats. They led the lives and followed the pursuits of nobly born men, not valuing sloth and idleness, but exercise and hunting, defending the land against brigands, capturing plunderers, and avenging those who had suffered wrong. And thus they became famous. VII. Now a quarrel arose between the herdsmen of Numitor and those of Amulius, and cattle were driven off by the former. Amulius's men, enraged at this, fought and routed the others, and recovered a great part of the booty. They cared nothing for Numitor's anger, but collected together many needy persons and slaves, and filled them with a rebellious spirit. While Romulus was absent at a sacrifice (for he was much addicted to sacrifices and divination), the herdsmen of Numitor fell in with Remus, accompanied by a small band, and fought with him. After many wounds had been received on both sides, Numitor's men conquered and took Remus alive. Remus was brought before Numitor, who did not punish him, as he feared his brother's temper, but went to his brother and begged for justice, saying that he had suffered wrong at the hands of the king his brother's servants. As all the people of Alba sympathised with Remus, and feared that he would be unjustly put to death, or worse, Amulius, alarmed at them, handed over Remus to his brother Numitor, to deal with as he pleased. Numitor took him, and as soon as he reached home, after admiring the bodily strength and stature of the youth, which surpassed all the rest, perceiving in his looks his courageous and fiery spirit, undismayed by his present circumstances, and having heard that his deeds corresponded to his appearance, and above all, as seems probable, some god being with him and watching over the first beginnings of great events, he was struck by the idea of asking him to tell the truth as to who he was, and how he was born, giving him confidence and encouragement by his kindly voice and looks. The young man boldly said, "I will conceal nothing from you, for you seem more like a king than Amulius. You hear and judge before you punish, but he gives men up to be punished without a trial. Formerly we (for we are twins) understood that we were the sons of Faustulus and Laurentia, the king's servants; but now that we are brought before you as culprits, and are falsely accused and in danger of our lives, we have heard great things about ourselves. Whether they be true or not, we must now put to the test. Our birth is said to be a secret, and our nursing and bringing up is yet stranger, for we were cast out to the beasts and the birds, and were fed by them, suckled by a she-wolf, and fed with morsels of food by a woodpecker as we lay in our cradle beside the great river. Our cradle still exists, carefully preserved, bound with brazen bands, on which is an indistinct inscription, which hereafter will serve as a means by which we may be recognised by our parents, but to no purpose if we are dead." Numitor, considering the young man's story, and reckoning up the time from his apparent age, willingly embraced the hope which was dawning on his mind, and considered how he might obtain a secret interview with his daughter and tell her of all this; for she was still kept a close prisoner. VIII. Faustulus, when he heard of Remus being captured and delivered up to Numitor, called upon Romulus to help him, and told him plainly all about his birth; although previously he had hinted so much, that any one who paid attention to his words might have known nearly all about it; and he himself with the cradle ran to Numitor full of hopes and fears, now that matters had come to a critical point. He was viewed with suspicion by the guards at the king's gate, and while they were treating him contemptuously, and confusing him by questions, they espied the cradle under his cloak. Now it chanced that one of them had been one of those who had taken the children to cast them away, and had been present when they were abandoned. This man, seeing the cradle and recognising it by its make and the inscription on it, suspected the truth, and at once told the king and brought the man in to be examined. Faustulus, in those dire straits, did not altogether remain unshaken, and yet did not quite allow his secret to be wrung from him. He admitted that the boys were alive, but said that they were living far away from Alba, and that he himself was bringing the cradle to Ilia, who had often longed to see and touch it to confirm her belief in the life of her children. Now Amulius did what men generally do when excited by fear or rage. He sent in a great hurry one who was a good man and a friend of Numitor, bidding him ask Numitor whether he had heard anything about the survival of the children. This man on arrival, finding Numitor all but embracing Remus, confirmed his belief that he was his grandson, and bade him take his measures quickly, remaining by him himself to offer assistance. Even had they wished it, there was no time for delay; for Romulus was already near, and no small number of the citizens, through hatred and fear of Amulius, were going out to join him. He himself brought no small force, arrayed in companies of a hundred each. Each of these was led by a man who carried a bundle of sticks and straw upon a pole. The Latins called these _manipla_; and from this these companies are even at the present day called _maniples_ in the Roman army. Now as Remus raised a revolt within, while Romulus assailed the palace without, the despot was captured and put to death without having been able to do anything, or take any measures for his own safety. The greater part of the above story is told by Fabius Pictor and Diokles of Peparethos, who seem to have been the first historians of the foundation of Rome. The story is doubted by many on account of its theatrical and artificial form, yet we ought not to disbelieve it when we consider what wondrous works are wrought by chance, and when, too, we reflect on the Roman Empire, which, had it not had a divine origin, never could have arrived at its present extent. IX. After the death of Amulius, and the reorganisation of the kingdom, the twins, who would not live in Alba as subjects, and did not wish to reign there during the life of their grandfather, gave up the sovereign power to him, and, having made a suitable provision for their mother, determined to dwell by themselves, and to found a city in the parts in which they themselves had been reared; at least, this is the most probable of the various reasons which are given. It may also have been necessary, as many slaves and fugitives had gathered round them, either that they should disperse these men and so lose their entire power, or else go and dwell alone amongst them. It is clear, from the rape of the Sabine women, that the citizens of Alba would not admit these outcasts into their own body, since that deed was caused, not by wanton insolence, but by necessity, as they could not obtain wives by fair means; for after carrying the women off they treated them with the greatest respect. Afterwards, when the city was once founded, they made it a sanctuary for people in distress to take refuge in, saying that it belonged to the god Asylus; and they received in it all sorts of persons, not giving up slaves to their masters, debtors to their creditors, or murderers to their judges, but saying that, in accordance with a Pythian oracle, the sanctuary was free to all; so that the city soon became full of men, for they say that at first it contained no less than a thousand hearths. Of this more hereafter. When they were proceeding to found the city, they at once quarrelled about its site. Romulus fixed upon what is now called Roma Quadrata, a square piece of ground, and wished the city to be built in that place; but Remus preferred a strong position on Mount Aventino, which, in memory of him, was called the Remonium, and now is called Rignarium. They agreed to decide their dispute by watching the flight of birds, and having taken their seats apart, it is said that six vultures appeared to Remus, and afterwards twice as many to Romulus. Some say that Remus really saw his vultures, but that Romulus only pretended to have seen them, and when Remus came to him, then the twelve appeared to Romulus; for which reason the Romans at the present day draw their auguries especially from vultures. Herodorus of Pontus says that Hercules delighted in the sight of a vulture, when about to do any great action. It is the most harmless of all creatures, for it injures neither crops, fruit, nor cattle, and lives entirely upon dead corpses. It does not kill or injure anything that has life, and even abstains from dead birds from its relationship to them. Now eagles, and owls, and falcons, peck and kill other birds, in spite of Aeschylus's line, "Bird-eating bird polluted e'er must be." Moreover, the other birds are, so to speak, ever before our eyes, and continually remind us of their presence; but the vulture is seldom seen, and it is difficult to meet with its young, which has suggested to some persons the strange idea that vultures come from some other world to pay us their rare visits, which are like those occurrences which, according to the soothsayers, do not happen naturally or spontaneously, but by the interposition of Heaven. X. When Remus discovered the deceit he was very angry, and, while Romulus was digging a trench round where the city wall was to be built, he jeered at the works, and hindered them. At last, as he jumped over it, he was struck dead either by Romulus himself, or by Celer, one of his companions. In this fight, Faustulus was slain, and also Pleistinus, who is said to have been Faustulus's brother and to have helped him in rearing Romulus and his brother. Celer retired into Tyrrhenia, and from him the Romans call quick sharp men _Celeres_; Quintus Metellus, who, when his father died, in a very few days exhibited a show of gladiators, was surnamed Celer by the Romans in their wonder at the short time he had spent in his preparations. XI. Romulus, after burying Remus and his foster-parents in the Remurium, consecrated his city, having fetched men from Etruria, who taught him how to perform it according to sacred rites and ceremonies, as though they were celebrating holy mysteries. A trench was dug in a circle round what is now the Comitium, and into it were flung first-fruits of all those things which are honourable and necessary for men. Finally each man brought a little of the earth of the country from which he came, and flung it into one heap and mixed it all together. They call this pit by the same name as the heavens, _Mundus_. Next, they drew the outline of the city in the form of a circle, with this place as its centre. And then the founder, having fitted a plough with a brazen ploughshare, and yoked to it a bull and a cow, himself ploughs a deep furrow round the boundaries. It is the duty of his attendants to throw the clods inwards, which the plough turns up, and to let none of them fall outwards. By this line they define the extent of the fortifications, and it is called by contraction, Pomoerium, which means behind the walls or beyond the walls (_post moenia_). Wherever they intend to place a gate they take off the ploughshare, and carry the plough over, leaving a space. After this ceremony they consider the entire wall sacred, except the gates; but if they were sacred also, they could not without scruple bring in and out necessaries and unclean things through them. XII. It is agreed that the foundation of the city took place on the eleventh day before the Kalends of May (the 21st of April). And on this day the Romans keep a festival which they call the birthday of the city. At this feast, originally, we are told, they sacrificed nothing that has life, but thought it right to keep the anniversary of the birth of the city pure and unpolluted by blood. However, before the foundation of the city, they used to keep a pastoral feast called Palilia. The Roman months at the present day do not in any way correspond to those of Greece; yet they (the Greeks) distinctly affirm that the day upon which Romulus founded the city was the 30th of the month. The Greeks likewise tell us that on that day an eclipse of the sun took place, which they think was that observed by Antimachus of Teos, the epic poet, which occurred in the third year of the sixth Olympiad. In the time of Varro the philosopher, who of all the Romans was most deeply versed in Roman history, there was one Taroutius, a companion of his, a philosopher and mathematician, who had especially devoted himself to the art of casting nativities, and was thought to have attained great skill therein. To this man Varro proposed the task of finding the day and hour of Romulus's birth, basing his calculations on the influence which the stars were said to have had upon his life, just as geometricians solve their problems by the analytic method; for it belongs, he argued, to the same science to predict the life of a man from the time of his birth, and to find the date of a man's birth if the incidents of his life are given. Taroutius performed his task, and after considering the things done and suffered by Romulus, the length of his life, the manner of his death, and all such like matters, he confidently and boldly asserted that Romulus was conceived by his mother in the first year of the second Olympiad, at the third hour of the twenty-third day of the month which is called in the Egyptian calendar _Choiac_, at which time there was a total eclipse of the sun. He stated that he was born on the twenty-first day of the month _Thouth_, about sunrise. Rome was founded by him on the ninth day of the month _Pharmouthi_, between the second and third hour; for it is supposed that the fortunes of cities, as well as those of men, have their certain periods which can be discovered by the position of the stars at their nativities. The quaint subtlety of these speculations may perhaps amuse the reader more than their legendary character will weary him. XIII. When the city was founded, Romulus first divided all the able-bodied males into regiments, each consisting of three thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry. These were named legions, because they consisted of men of military age selected from the population. The rest of the people were now organised. They were called Populus, and a hundred of the noblest were chosen from among them and formed into a council. These he called Patricians, and their assembly the Senate. This word Senate clearly means assembly of old men; and the members of it were named Patricians, according to some, because they were the fathers of legitimate offspring; according to others, because they were able to give an account of who their own fathers were, which few of the first colonists were able to do. Others say that it was from their _Patrocinium_, as they then called, and do at the present day call, their patronage of their clients. There is a legend that this word arose from one Patron, a companion of Evander, who was kind and helpful to his inferiors. But it is most reasonable to suppose that Romulus called them by this name because he intended the most powerful men to show kindness to their inferiors, and to show the poorer classes that they ought not to fear the great nor grudge them their honours, but be on friendly terms with them, thinking of them and addressing them as fathers (Patres). For, up to the present day, foreigners address the senators as Lords, but the Romans call them Conscript Fathers, using the most honourable and least offensive of their titles. Originally they were merely called the Fathers, but afterwards, as more were enrolled, they were called Conscript Fathers. By this more dignified title Romulus distinguished the Senate from the People; and he introduced another distinction between the powerful and the common people by naming the former patrons, which means defenders, and the latter clients, which means dependants. By this means he implanted in them a mutual good feeling which was the source of great benefits, for the patrons acted as advocates for their clients in law suits, and in all cases became their advisers and friends, while the clients not only respected their patrons but even assisted them, when they were poor, to portion their daughters or pay their creditors. No law or magistrate could compel a patron to bear witness against his client, nor a client against his patron. Moreover, in later times, although all their other rights remained unimpaired, it was thought disgraceful for a patron to receive money from a client. So much for these matters. XIV. In the fourth month after the city was founded, we are told by Fabius, the reckless deed of carrying off the women took place. Some say that Romulus himself naturally loved war, and, being persuaded by some prophecies that Rome was fated to grow by wars and so reach the greatest prosperity, attacked the Sabines without provocation; for he did not carry off many maidens, but only thirty, as though it was war that he desired more than wives for his followers. This is not probable: Romulus saw that his city was newly-filled with colonists, few of whom had wives, while most of them were a mixed multitude of poor or unknown origin, who were despised by the neighouring states, and expected by them shortly to fall to pieces. He intended his violence to lead to an alliance with the Sabines, as soon as the damsels became reconciled to their lot, and set about it as follows: First he circulated a rumour that the altar of some god had been discovered, hidden in the earth. This god was called Census, either because he was the god of counsel (for the Romans to this day call their assembly _Concilium_, and their chief magistrates _consuls_, as it were those who take counsel on behalf of the people), or else it was the equestrian Neptune. The altar stands in the greater hippodrome, and is kept concealed except during the horse-races, when it is uncovered. Some say that, as the whole plot was dark and mysterious, it was natural that the god's altar should be underground. When it was brought out, he proclaimed a splendid sacrifice in its honour, and games and shows open to all men. Many people assembled to see them, and Romulus sat among his nobles, dressed in a purple robe. The signal for the assault was that he should rise, unfold his cloak, and then again wrap it around him. Many men armed with swords stood round him, and at the signal they drew their swords, rushed forward with a shout, and snatched up the daughters of the Sabines, but allowed the others to escape unharmed. Some say that only thirty were carried off, from whom the thirty tribes were named, but Valerius of Antium says five hundred and twenty-seven, and Juba six hundred and eighty-three, all maidens. This is the best apology for Romulus; for they only carried off one married woman, Hersilia, which proved that it was not through insolence or wickedness that they carried them off, but with the intention of forcibly effecting a union between the two races. Some say that Hersilia married Hostilius, one of the noblest Romans, others that she married Romulus himself, and that he had children by her; one daughter, called Prima from her being the first-born, and one son, whom his father originally named Aollius, because of the assembling of the citizens, but whom they afterwards named Avillius. This is the story as told by Zenodotus of Troezen, but many contradict it. XV. Among the ravishers they say there were some men of low condition who had seized a remarkably tall and beautiful maiden. When any of the nobles met them and endeavoured to take her away from them, they cried out that they were taking her to Talasius, a young man of good family and reputation. Hearing this, all agreed and applauded, and some even turned and accompanied them, crying out the name of Talasius through their friendship for him. From this circumstance the Romans up to the present day call upon Talasius in their marriage-songs, as the Greeks do upon Hymen; for Talasius is said to have been fortunate in his wife. Sextius Sulla of Carthage, a man neither deficient in learning or taste, told me that this word was given by Romulus as the signal for the rape, and so that all those who carried off maidens cried "Talasio." But most authors, among whom is Juba, think that it is used to encourage brides to industry and spinning wool (talasia), as at that time Greek words had not been overpowered by Latin ones. But if this be true, and the Romans at that time really used this word "talasia" for wool-spinning, as we do, we might make another more plausible conjecture about it. When the treaty of peace was arranged between the Romans and the Sabines, a special provision was made about the women, that they were to do no work for the men except wool-spinning. And thus the custom remained for the friends of those who were married afterwards to call upon Talasius in jest, meaning to testify that the bride was to do no other work than spinning. To the present day the custom remains in force that the bride must not step over the threshold into her house, but be lifted over it and carried in, because the Sabine maidens were carried in forcibly, and did not walk in. Some add that the parting of the bride's hair with the point of a spear is done in memory of the first Roman marriage having been effected by war and battle; on which subject we have enlarged further in our treatise on Causes. The rape of the Sabines took place upon the eighteenth day of the month Sextilis, which is now called August, on which day the feast of the Consualia is kept. XVI. The Sabines were a numerous and warlike tribe, dwelling in unwalled villages, as though it was their birthright as a Lacedaemonian colony to be brave and fearless. Yet when they found themselves bound by such hostages to keep the peace, and in fear for their daughters, they sent an embassy to propose equitable and moderate terms, that Romulus should give back their daughters to them, and disavow the violence which had been used, and that afterwards the two nations should live together in amity and concord. But when Romulus refused to deliver up the maidens, but invited the Sabines to accept his alliance, while the other tribes were hesitating and considering what was to be done, Acron, the king of the Ceninetes, a man of spirit and renown in the wars, who had viewed Romulus first proceeding in founding a city with suspicion, now, after what he had done in carrying off the women, declared that he was becoming dangerous, and would not be endurable unless he were chastised. He at once began the war, and marched with a great force; and Romulus marched to meet him. When they came in sight of each other they each challenged the other to fight, the soldiers on both sides looking on. Romulus made a vow that if he should overcome and kill his enemy he would himself carry his spoils to the temple of Jupiter and offer them to him. He overcame his adversary, and slew him, routed his army and captured his city. He did not harm the inhabitants, except that he ordered them to demolish their houses and follow him to Rome, to become citizens on equal terms with the rest. This is the policy by which Rome grew so great, namely that of absorbing conquered nations into herself on terms of equality. Romulus, in order to make the fulfilment of his vow as pleasing to Jupiter, and as fine a spectacle for the citizens as he could, cut down a tall oak-tree at his camp, and fashioned it into a trophy,[A] upon which he hung or fastened all the arms of Acron, each in its proper place. Then he girded on his own clothes, placed a crown of laurel upon his long hair, and, placing the trophy upright on his right shoulder, marched along in his armour, singing a paean of victory, with all the army following him. At Rome the citizens received him with admiration and delight; and this procession was the origin of all the subsequent triumphs and the model which they imitated. The trophy itself was called an offering to Jupiter Feretrius; for the Romans call to strike, _ferire_, and Romulus prayed that he might strike down his enemy. The spoils were called _spolia opima_, according to Varro, because _opim_ means excellence. A more plausible interpretation would be from the deed itself, for work is called in Latin _opus_. This dedication of _spolia opima_ is reserved as a privilege for a general who has slain the opposing general with his own hand. It has only been enjoyed by three Roman generals, first by Romulus, who slew Acron, king of the Ceninetes, second by Cornelius Cossus, who slew the Tyrrhenian Tolumnius, and, above all, by Claudius Marcellus, who killed Britomart, the king of the Gauls. Now Cossus and Marcellus drove into the city in chariots and four, carrying the trophies in their own hands; but Dionysius is in error when he says that Romulus used a chariot and four, for the historians tell us that Tarquinius, the son of Demaratus, was the first of the kings who introduced this pomp into his triumphs. Others say that Poplicola was the first to triumph in a chariot. However, the statues of Romulus bearing the trophy, which are to be seen in Rome, are all on foot. [Footnote A: The habit of erecting trophies on a field of battle in token of victory appears to have been originally confined to the Greeks, who usually, as in the text, lopped the branches off a tree, placed it in the ground in some conspicuous place, and hung upon it the shields and other spoils taken from the enemy. In later times the Romans adopted the habit of commemorating a victory by erecting some building on the field of battle. Under the emperors, victory was commemorated by a triumphal arch at Rome, many of which now exist. The Greek trophies were always formed of perishable materials, and it was contrary to their custom to repair them, that they might not perpetuate national enmities.] XVII. After the capture of the Ceninete tribe, while the rest of the Sabines were still engaged in preparation for war, the inhabitants of Fidenae and Crustumerium and Antemna attacked the Romans. A battle took place in which they were all alike worsted, after which they permitted Romulus to take their cities, divide their lands, and incorporate them as citizens. Romulus divided all the lands among the citizens, except that which was held by the fathers of any of the maidens who had been carried off, which he allowed them to retain. The remainder of the Sabines, angry at these successes, chose Tatius as their general and marched against Rome. The city was hard to attack, as the Capitol stood as an advanced fort to defend it. Here was placed a garrison, and Tarpeius was its commander, not the maiden Tarpeia, as some write, who make out Romulus a fool; but it was this Tarpeia, the daughter of the captain of the garrison, who betrayed the capital to the Sabines, for the sake of the golden bracelets which she saw them wearing. She asked as the price of her treachery that they should give her what they wore on their left arms. After making an agreement with Tatius, she opened a gate at night and let in the Sabines. Now it appears that Antigonus was not singular when he said that he loved men when they were betraying, but hated them after they had betrayed; as also Caesar said, in the case of Rhymitalkes the Thracian, that he loved the treachery but hated the traitor; but this seems a common reflection about bad men by those who have need of them, just as we need the poison of certain venomous beasts; for they appreciate their value while they are making use of them, and loathe their wickedness when they have done with them. And that was how Tarpeia was treated by Tatius. He ordered the Sabines to remember their agreement, and not to grudge her what was on their left arms. He himself first of all took off his gold armlet, and with it flung his great oblong shield. As all the rest did the like, she perished, being pelted with the gold bracelets and crushed by the number and weight of the shields. Tarpeius also was convicted of treachery by Romulus, according to Juba's version of the history of Sulpicius Galba. The other legends about Tarpeia are improbable; amongst them that which is told by Antigonus, that she was the daughter of Tatius the Sabine leader, abducted by Romulus, and treated by her father as is related above. Simylus the poet talks utter nonsense when he says that it was not the Sabines but the Gauls to whom Tarpeia betrayed the Capitol, because she was in love with their king. His verses run as follows: "And near Tarpeia, by the Capitol That dwelt, betrayer of the walls of Rome. She loved the chieftain of the Gauls too well, To guard from treachery her father's home." And a little afterwards he speaks of her death. "Her did the Boians and the Celtic tribes Bury, but not beside the stream of Po; From off their warlike arms their shields they flung, And what the damsel longed for laid her low." XVIII. However, as Tarpeia was buried there, the hill was called the Tarpeian hill until King Tarquinius, when he dedicated the place to Jupiter, removed her remains and abolished the name of Tarpeia. But even to this day they call the rock in the Capitol the Tarpeian Rock, down which malefactors used to be flung. When the Sabines held the citadel, Romulus in fury challenged them to come down and fight. Tatius accepted his challenge with confidence, as he saw that if overpowered his men would have a strong place of refuge to retreat to. All the intermediate space, in which they were about to engage, was surrounded by hills, and so seemed to make a desperate battle necessary, as there were but narrow outlets for flight or pursuit. It chanced, also, that the river had been in flood a few days before, and had left a deep muddy pool of water upon the level ground where the Forum now stands; so that men's footing was not certain, but difficult and treacherous. Here a piece of good fortune befell the Sabines as they heedlessly pressed forward. Curtius, one of their chiefs, a man with a reputation for dashing courage, rode on horseback far before the rest. His horse plunged into this morass, and he, after trying to extricate him, at last finding it impossible, left him there and saved himself. This place, in memory of him, is still called the Gulf of Curtius. Warned of their danger, the Sabines fought a stout and indecisive battle, in which many fell, amongst them Hostilius. He is said to have been the husband of Hersilia and the grandfather of Hostilius, who became king after the reign of Numa. Many combats took place in that narrow space, as we may suppose; and especial mention is made of one, which proved the last, in which Romulus was struck on the head by a stone and like to fall, and unable to fight longer. The Romans now gave way to the Sabines, and fled to the Palatine hill, abandoning the level ground. Romulus, now recovered from the blow, endeavoured to stay the fugitives, and with loud shouts called upon them to stand firm and fight. But as the stream of fugitives poured on, and no one had the courage to face round, he lifted his hands to heaven and prayed to Jupiter to stay the army and not to allow the tottering state of Rome to fall, but to help it. After his prayer many were held back from flight by reverence for the king, and the fugitives suddenly resumed their confidence. They made their first stand where now is the temple of Jupiter Stator, which one may translate "He who makes to stand firm;" and then forming their ranks once more they drove back the Sabines as far as what is now called the Palace, and the Temple of Vesta. XIX. While they were preparing to fight as though the battle was only now just begun, they were restrained by a strange spectacle, beyond the power of words to express. The daughters of the Sabines who had been carried off were seen rushing from all quarters, with loud shrieks and wailings, through the ranks and among the dead bodies, as though possessed by some god. Some of them carried infant children in their arms, and others wore their hair loose and dishevelled. All of them kept addressing the Romans and the Sabines alternately by the most endearing names. The hearts of both armies were melted, and they fell back so as to leave a space for the women between them. A murmur of sorrow ran through all the ranks, and a strong feeling of pity was excited by the sight of the women, and by their words, which began with arguments and upbraidings, but ended in entreaties and tears. "What wrong have we done to you," said they, "that we should have suffered and should even now suffer such cruel treatment at your hands? We were violently and wrongfully torn away from our friends, and after we had been carried off we were neglected by our brothers, fathers, and relatives for so long a time, that now, bound by the closest of ties to our enemies, we tremble for our ravishers and wrongers when they fight, and weep when they fall. Ye would not come and tear us from our ravishers while we were yet maidens, but now ye would separate wives from their husbands, and mothers from their children, a worse piece of service to us than your former neglect. Even if it was not about us that you began to fight, you ought to cease now that you have become fathers-in-law, and grandfathers, and relatives one of another. But if the war is about us, then carry us off with your sons-in-law and our children, and give us our fathers and relatives, but do not take our husbands and children from us. We beseech you not to allow us to be carried off captive a second time." Hersilia spoke at length in this fashion, and as the other women added their entreaties to hers, a truce was agreed upon, and the chiefs met in conference. Hereupon the women made their husbands and children known to their fathers and brothers, fetched food and drink for such as needed it, and took the wounded into their own houses to be attended to there. Thus they let their friends see that they were mistresses of their own houses, and that their husbands attended to their wishes and treated them with every respect. In the conference it was accordingly determined that such women as chose to do so should continue to live with their husbands, free, as we have already related, from all work and duties except that of spinning wool (_talasia_); that the Romans and the Sabines should dwell together in the city, and that the city should be called Rome, after Romulus, but the Romans be called Quirites after the native city of Tatius; and that they should both reign and command the army together. The place where this compact was made is even to this day called the Comitium, for the Romans call meeting _coire_. XX. Now that the city was doubled in numbers, a hundred more senators were elected from among the Sabines, and the legions were composed of six thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry. They also established three tribes, of which they named one Rhamnenses, from Romulus, another Titienses from Tatius, and the third Lucerenses, after the name of a grove to which many had fled for refuge, requiring asylum, and had been admitted as citizens. They call a grove _lucus_. The very name of _tribe_ and tribune show that there were three tribes. Each tribe was divided into ten _centuries_, which some say were named after the women who were carried off; but this seems to be untrue, as many of them are named after places. However, many privileges were conferred upon the women, amongst which were that men should make way for them when they walked out, to say nothing disgraceful in their presence, or appear naked before them, on pain of being tried before the criminal court; and also that their children should wear the _bulla_, which is so called from its shape, which is like a bubble, and was worn round the neck, and also the broad purple border of their robe (_praetexta_). The kings did not conduct their deliberations together, but each first took counsel with his own hundred senators, and then they all met together. Tatius dwelt where now is the temple of Juno Moneta, and Romulus by the steps of the Fair Shore, as it is called, which are at the descent from the Palatine hill into the great Circus. Here they say the sacred cornel-tree grew, the legend being that Romulus, to try his strength, threw a spear, with cornel-wood shaft, from Mount Aventine, and when the spear-head sunk into the ground, though many tried, no one was able to pull it out. The soil, which was fertile, suited the wood, and it budded, and became the stem of a good-sized cornel-tree. After the death of Romulus this was preserved and reverenced as one of the holiest objects in the city. A wall was built round it, and whenever any one thought that it looked inclined to droop and wither he at once raised a shout to tell the bystanders, and they, just as if they were assisting to put out a fire, called for water, and came from all quarters carrying pots of water to the place. It is said that when Gaius Caesar repaired the steps, and the workmen were digging near it, they unintentionally damaged the roots, and the tree died. XXI. The Sabines adopted the Roman system of months, and all that is remarkable about them will be found in the 'Life of Numa.' But Romulus adopted the large oblong Sabine shield, and gave up the round Argolic shields which he and the Romans had formerly carried. The two nations shared each other's festivals, not abolishing any which either had been wont to celebrate, but introducing several new ones, among which are the Matronalia, instituted in honour of the women at the end of the war, and that of the Carmentalia. It is thought by some that Carmenta is the ruling destiny which presides over a man's birth, wherefore she is worshipped by mothers. Others say that she was the wife of Evander the Arcadian, a prophetess who used to chant oracles in verse, and hence surnamed Carmenta (for the Romans call verses _carmina_); whereas it is generally admitted that her right name was Nicostrate. Some explain the name of Carmenta more plausibly as meaning that during her prophetic frenzy she was bereft of intellect; for the Romans call to lack, _carcre_; and mind, _mentem_. We have spoken before of the feast of the Palilia. That of the Lupercalia would seem, from the time of its celebration, to be a ceremony of purification; for it is held during the ominous days of February, a month whose name one might translate by Purification; and that particular day was originally called Febraté. The name of this feast in Greek signifies that of wolves, and it is thought, on this account, to be very ancient, and derived from the Arcadians who came to Italy with Evander. Still this is an open question, for the name may have arisen from the she-wolf, as we see that the Luperci start to run their course from the place where Romulus is said to have been exposed. The circumstances of the ritual are such as to make it hard to conjecture their meaning. They slaughter goats, and then two youths of good family are brought to them. Then some with a bloody knife mark the foreheads of the youths, and others at once wipe the blood away with wool dipped in milk. The youths are expected to laugh when it is wiped away. After this they cut the skins of the goats into strips and run about naked, except a girdle round the middle, striking with the thongs all whom they meet. Women in the prime of life do not avoid being struck, as they believe that it assists them in childbirth and promotes fertility. It is also a peculiarity of this festival that the Luperci sacrifice a dog. One Bontes, who wrote an elegiac poem on the origin of the Roman myths, says that when Romulus and his party had killed Amulius, they ran back in their joy to the place where the she-wolf suckled them when little, and that the feast is typical of this, and that the young nobles run, "As, smiting all they met, that day From Alba Romulus and Remus ran." The bloody sword is placed upon their foreheads in token of the danger and slaughter of that day, and the wiping with the milk is in remembrance of their nurse. Caius Acilius tells us that, before the foundation of Rome, the cattle of Romulus and Remus were missing, and they, after invoking Faunus, ran out to search for them, naked, that they might not be inconvenienced by sweat; and that this is the reason that the Luperci ran about naked. As for the dog, one would say that if the sacrifice is purificatory, it is sacrificed on behalf of those who use it. The Greeks, in their purificatory rites, sacrifice dogs, and often make use of what is called Periskylakismos. But if this feast be in honour of the she-wolf, in gratitude for her suckling and preserving of Romulus, then it is very natural to sacrifice a dog, for it is an enemy of wolves; unless, indeed, the beast is put to death to punish it for hindering the Luperci when they ran their course. XXII. It is said also that Romulus instituted the service of the sacred fire of Vestae, and the holy virgins who keep it up, called Vestals. Others attribute this to Numa, though they say that Romulus was a very religious prince, and learned in divination, for which purpose he used to carry the crooked staff called _lituus_, with which to divide the heavens into spaces for the observation of the flight of birds. This, which is preserved in the Palatium, was lost when the city was taken by the Gauls; but afterwards, when the barbarians had been repulsed, it was found unharmed in a deep bed of ashes, where everything else had been burned or spoiled. He also enacted some laws, the most arbitrary of which is that a wife cannot obtain a divorce from her husband, but that a husband may put away his wife for poisoning her children, counterfeiting keys, or adultery. If any one put away his wife on other grounds than these, he enacted that half his property should go to his wife, and half to the temple of Ceres. A man who divorced his wife was to make an offering to the Chthonian gods.[A] A peculiarity of his legislation is that, while he laid down no course of procedure in case of parricide, he speaks of all murder by the name of parricide, as though the one were an abominable, but the other an impossible crime. And for many years it appeared that he had rightly judged, for no one attempted anything of the kind at Rome for nearly six hundred years; but it is said that the first parricide was that of Lucius Hostilius, which he committed after the war with Hannibal. Enough has now been said upon these subjects. [Footnote A: Chthonian gods are the gods of the world below.] XXIII. In the fifth year of the reign of Tatius, some of his relatives fell in with ambassadors from Laurentum, on their way to Rome, and endeavoured to rob them. As the ambassadors would not submit to this, but defended themselves, they slew them. Romulus at once gave it as his opinion that the authors of this great and audacious crime ought to be punished, but Tatius hushed the matter up, and enabled them to escape. This is said to have been the only occasion upon which they were openly at variance, for in all other matters they acted with the greatest possible unanimity. The relatives, however, of the murdered men, as they were hindered by Tatius from receiving any satisfaction, fell upon him when he and Romulus were offering sacrifice at Lavinium, and slew him, but respected Romulus, and praised him as a just man. He brought home the body of Tatius, and buried it honourably. It lies near what is called the _Armilustrium_, on Mount Aventine. But Romulus neglected altogether to exact any satisfaction for the murder. Some writers say that the city of Lavinium, in its terror, delivered up the murderers of Tatius, but that Romulus allowed them to depart, saying that blood had been atoned for by blood. This speech of his gave rise to some suspicion that he was not displeased at being rid of his colleague. However, it caused no disturbance in the state, and did not move the Sabines to revolt, but partly out of regard for Romulus, and fear of his power, and belief in his divine mission, they continued to live under his rule with cheerfulness and respect. Many foreign tribes also respected Romulus, and the more ancient Latin races sent him ambassadors, and made treaties of friendship and alliance. He took Fidenae, a city close to Rome, according to some authorities, by sending his cavalry thither on a sudden, and ordering them to cut the pivots of the city gates, and then unexpectedly appearing in person. Others say that the people of Fidenae first invaded the Roman territory, drove off plunder from it, and insulted the neighbourhood of the city itself, and that Romulus laid an ambush for them, slew many, and took their city. He did not destroy it, but made it a Roman colony, and sent two thousand five hundred Romans thither as colonists on the Ides of April. XXIV. After this a pestilence fell upon Rome, which slew men suddenly without previous sickness, and afflicted the crops and cattle with barrenness. A shower of blood also fell in the city, so that religious terror was added to the people's sufferings. As a similar visitation befell the citizens of Laurentum, it became evident that the wrath of the gods was visiting these cities because of the unavenged murders of Tatius and of the ambassadors. The guilty parties were delivered up on both sides, and duly punished, after which the plague was sensibly mitigated. Romulus also purified the city with lustrations, which, they say, are even now practised at the Ferentine gate. But before the plague ceased, the people of Camerium attacked the Romans, supposing that they would be unable to defend themselves on account of their misfortune, and overran their country. Nevertheless, Romulus instantly marched against them, slew six hundred of them in battle, and took their city. Half the survivors he transplanted to Rome, and settled twice as many Romans as the remainder at Camerium, on the Kalends of Sextilis. So many citizens had he to spare after he had only inhabited Rome for about sixteen years. Among the other spoils, he carried off a brazen four-horse chariot from Camerium; this he dedicated in the temple of Vulcan, having placed in it a figure of himself being crowned by Victory. XXV. As the city was now so flourishing, the weaker of the neighbouring states made submission, and were glad to receive assurance that they would be unharmed; but the more powerful, fearing and envying Romulus, considered that they ought not to remain quiet, but ought to check the growth of Rome. First the Etruscans of Veii, a people possessed of wide lands and a large city, began the war by demanding the surrender to them of Fidenae, which they claimed as belonging to them. This demand was not only unjust, but absurd, seeing that they had not assisted the people of Fidenae when they were fighting and in danger, but permitted them to be destroyed, and then demanded their houses and lands, when they were in the possession of others. Receiving a haughty answer from Romulus, they divided themselves into two bodies, with one of which they attacked Fidenae, and with the other went to meet Romulus. At Fidenae they conquered the Romans, and slew two thousand; but they were defeated by Romulus, with a loss of eight thousand men. A second battle now took place at Fidenae, in which all agree that Romulus took the most important part, showing the greatest skill and courage, and a strength and swiftness more than mortal. But some accounts are altogether fabulous, such as that fourteen hundred were slain, more than half of whom Romulus slew with his own hand. The Messenians appear to use equally inflated language about Aristomenes, when they tell us that he thrice offered sacrifice for having slain a hundred Lacedaemonians. After the victory, Romulus did not pursue the beaten army, but marched straight to the city of Veii. The citizens, after so great a disaster, made no resistance, but at their own request were granted a treaty and alliance for a hundred years, giving up a large portion of their territory, called the Septem Pagi, or seven districts, and their saltworks by the river, and handing over fifty of their leading men as hostages. For his success at Veii, Romulus enjoyed another triumph, on the Ides of October, when he led in his train many captives, amongst whom was the Veientine general, an old man, who was thought to have mismanaged matters foolishly and like a boy. On this account to this day, when a sacrifice is made for victory, they lead an old man through the Forum and up to the Capitol, dressed in a boy's robe with wide purple border, and with a child's _bulla_ hung round his neck; and the herald calls out "Sardinians for sale." For the Tyrrhenians or Tuscans are said to be of Sardinian origin, and Veii is a Tyrrhenian city. XXVI. This was Romulus's last war. After it, he, like nearly all those who have risen to power and fame by a great and unexpected series of successes, became filled with self-confidence and arrogance, and, in place of his former popular manners, assumed the offensive style of a despot. He wore a purple tunic, and a toga with a purple border, and did business reclining instead of sitting on a throne; and was always attended by the band of youths called Celeres, from their quickness in service. Others walked before him with staves to keep off the crowd, and were girt with thongs, with which to bind any one whom he might order into custody. The Latins used formerly to call to bind _ligare_, and now call it _alligare_; wherefore the staff-bearers are called _lictors_, and their staves are called _bacula_,[A] from the rods which they then carried. It is probable that these officers now called _lictors_ by the insertion of the _c_, were originally called _litors_, that is, in Greek, _leitourgoi_ (public officials). For to this day the Greeks call a town-hall _leitus_, and the people _laos_. [Footnote A: The Romans termed these bundles of rods _fasces_. The derivation of _lictor_ from the Greek shows the utter ignorance of etymology prevailing among the ancients.] XXVII. When Romulus' grandfather Numitor died in Alba, although he was evidently his heir, yet through a desire for popularity he left his claim unsettled, and contented himself with appointing a chief magistrate for the people of Alba every year; thus teaching the Roman nobles to desire a freer constitution, which should not be so much encroached upon by the king. For at Rome now even the so-called Fathers took no part in public affairs, but had merely their name and dignity, and were called into the Senate House more for form's sake than to express their opinions. When there, they listened in silence to Romulus's orders, and the only advantage which they possessed over the commons was that they knew the king's mind sooner than they. Worst of all was, that he of his own authority divided the land which was obtained in war amongst the soldiers, and restored the hostages to the Veientines, against the will of the Senate and without consulting it, by which he seemed purposely to insult it. On this account the Senate was suspected, when shortly after this he miraculously disappeared. His disappearance took place on the Nones of the month now called July, but then Quintilis, leaving nothing certain or agreed on about his end except the date. Even now things happen in the same fashion as then; and we need not wonder at the uncertainty about the death of Romulus, when that of Scipio Africanus, in his own house after supper, proved so inexplicable, some saying that it arose from an evil habit of body, some that he had poisoned himself, some that his enemies had suffocated him during the night. And yet the corpse of Scipio lay openly exposed for all to see, and gave all who saw it some ground for their conjectures; whereas Romulus suddenly disappeared, and no morsel of his body or shred of his garments were ever seen again. Some supposed that the Senators fell upon him in the Temple of Vulcan, and, after killing him cut his body in pieces and each of them carried off one in the folds of his robe. Others think that his disappearance took place neither in the Temple of Vulcan, nor yet in the presence of the Senators alone, but say that Romulus was holding an assembly without the city, near a place called the Goat's Marsh, when suddenly strange and wonderful things took place in the heavens, and marvellous changes; for the sun's light was extinguished, and night fell, not calm and quiet, but with terrible thunderings, gusts of wind, and driving spray from all quarters. Hereupon the people took to flight in confusion, but the nobles collected together by themselves. When the storm was over, and the light returned, the people returned to the place again, and searched in vain for Romulus, but were told by the nobles not to trouble themselves to look for him, but to pray to Romulus and reverence him, for he had been caught up into heaven, and now would be a propitious god for them instead of a good king. The people believed this story, and went their way rejoicing, and praying to him with good hope; but there were some who discussed the whole question in a harsh and unfriendly spirit, and blamed the nobles for encouraging the people to such acts of folly when they themselves were the murderers of the king. XXVIII. Now Julius Proculus, one of the noblest patricians, and of good reputation, being one of the original colonists from Alba, and a friend and companion of Romulus, came into the Forum, and there upon his oath, and touching the most sacred things, stated before all men that as he was walking along the road Romulus appeared, meeting him, more beautiful and taller than he had ever appeared before, with bright and glittering arms. Astonished at the vision he had spoken thus: "O king, for what reason or with what object have you left us exposed to an unjust and hateful suspicion, and left the whole city desolate and plunged in the deepest grief?" He answered, "It pleased the gods, Proculus, that I should spend thus much time among mankind, and after founding a city of the greatest power and glory should return to heaven whence I came. Fare thee well; and tell the Romans that by courage and self-control they will attain to the highest pitch of human power. I will ever be for you the kindly deity Quirinus." This tale was believed by the Romans from the manner of Proculus in relating it and from his oath: indeed a religious feeling almost amounting to ecstasy seems to have taken hold of all present; for no one contradicted him, but all dismissed their suspicions entirely from their minds and prayed to Quirinus, worshipping him as a god. This account resembles the Greek legends of Aristeas of Proconnesus, and that of Kleomedes of Astypalaea. The story goes that Aristeas died in a fuller's shop, and that when his friends came to fetch his body it had disappeared; then some persons who had just returned from travel said that they had met Aristeas walking along the road to Kroton. Kleomedes, we are told, was a man of unusual size and strength, but stupid and half-crazy, who did many deeds of violence, and at last in a boy's school struck and broke in two the column that supported the roof, and brought it down. As the boys were killed, Kleomedes, pursued by the people, got into a wooden chest, and shut down the lid, holding in inside so that many men together were not able to force it open. They broke open the chest, and found no man in it, dead or alive. Astonished at this, they sent an embassy to the oracle at Delphi, to whom the Pythia answered, "Last of the heroes is Kleomedes of Astypalaea." And it also related that the corpse of Alkmena when it was being carried out for burial, disappeared, and a stone was found lying on the bier in its place. And many such stories are told, in which, contrary to reason, the earthly parts of our bodies are described as being deified together with the spiritual parts. It is wicked and base to deny that virtue is a spiritual quality, but again it is foolish to mix earthly with heavenly things. We must admit, speaking with due caution, that, as Pindar has it, the bodies of all men follow overpowering Death, but there remains a living spirit, the image of eternity, for it alone comes from heaven. Thence it comes, and thither it returns again, not accompanied by the body, but only when it is most thoroughly separated and cleansed from it, and become pure and incorporeal. This is the pure spirit which Herakleitus calls the best, which darts through the body like lightning through a cloud, whereas that which is clogged by the body is like a dull, cloudy exhalation, hard to loose and free from the bonds of the body. There is no reason, therefore, for supposing that the bodies of good men rise up into heaven, which is contrary to nature; but we must believe that men's virtues and their spirits most certainly, naturally and rightly proceed from mankind to the heroes, and from them to the genii, and from thence, if they be raised above and purified from all mortal and earthly taint, even as is done in the holy mysteries, then, not by any empty vote of the senate, but in very truth and likelihood they are received among the gods, and meet with the most blessed and glorious end. XXIX. Some say that the name Quirinus, which Romulus received, means Mars; others that it was because his people were called Quirites. Others, again, say that the spear-head or spear was called by the ancients _Quiris_, and that the statue of Juno leaning on a spear is called Juno Quirites, and that the dart which is placed in the Regia is addressed as Mars, and that it is customary to present with a spear those who have distinguished themselves in war, and therefore that it was as a warrior, or god of war, that Romulus was called Quirinus. A temple dedicated to him is built on the Quirinal Hill which bears his name, and the day of his translation is called the People's Flight, and the Nonae Caprotinae, because they go out of the city to the Goat's Marsh on that day to sacrifice, for in Latin a goat is called _Capra_. And as they go to the sacrifice they call out many of the names of the country, as Marcus, Lucius, Caius, with loud shouts, in imitation of their panic on that occasion, and their calling to each other in fear and confusion. But some say that this is not an imitation of terror, but of eagerness, and that this is the reason of it: after the Gauls had captured Rome and been driven out by Camillus, and the city through weakness did not easily recover itself, an army of Latins, under one Livius Postumius, marched upon it. He halted his army not far from Rome, and sent a herald to say that the Latins were willing to renew their old domestic ties, which had fallen into disuse, and to unite the races by new intermarriage. If, therefore, the Romans would send out to them all their maidens and unmarried women, they would live with them on terms of peace and friendship, as the Romans had long before done with the Sabines. The Romans, when they heard this, were afraid of going to war, yet thought that the surrender of their women was no better than captivity. While they were in perplexity, a female slave named Philotis, or according to some Tutola, advised them to do neither, but by a stratagem to avoid both war and surrender of the women. This stratagem was that they should dress Philotis and the best looking of the other female slaves like free women, and send them to the enemy; then at night Philotis said she would raise a torch, and the Romans should come under arms and fall upon the sleeping enemy. This was done, and terms were made with the Latins. Philotis raised the torch upon a certain fig-tree with leaves which spread all round and behind, in such a manner that the light could not be seen by the enemy, but was clearly seen by the Romans. When they saw it, they immediately rushed out, calling frequently for each other at the various gates in their eagerness. As they fell unexpectedly upon the enemy, they routed them, and keep the day as a feast. Therefore the Nones are called Caprotinae because of the fig-tree, which the Romans call _caprificus_, and the women are feasted out of doors, under the shade of fig-tree boughs. And the female slaves assemble and play, and afterwards beat and throw stones at each other, as they did then, when they helped the Romans to fight. These accounts are admitted by but few historians, and indeed the calling out one another's names in the daytime, and walking down to the Goats' Marsh seems more applicable to the former story, unless, indeed, both of these events happened on the same day. Romulus is said to have been fifty-four years old, and to be in the thirty-eighth year of his reign when he disappeared from the world. COMPARISON OF THESEUS AND ROMULUS. I. The above are all the noteworthy particulars which we have been able to collect about Theseus and Romulus. It seems, in the first place, that Theseus of his own free will, and without any compulsion, when he might have reigned peacefully in Troezen, where he was heir to the kingdom, no mean one, longed to accomplish heroic deeds: whereas Romulus was an exile, and in the position of a slave; the fear of death was hanging over him if unsuccessful, and so, as Plato says, he was made brave by sheer terror, and through fear of suffering death and torture was forced into doing great exploits. Moreover, Romulus's greatest achievement was the slaying of one man, the despot of Alba, whereas Skeiron, Sinis, Prokrustes, and Korynetes were merely the accompaniments and prelude to the greater actions of Theseus, and by slaying them he freed Greece from terrible scourges, before those whom he saved even knew who he was. He also might have sailed peacefully over the sea to Athens, and had no trouble with those brigands, whereas Romulus could not be free from trouble while Amulius lived. And it is a great argument in favour of Theseus that he attacked those wicked men for the sake of others, having himself suffered no wrong at their hands; whereas the twins were unconcerned at Amulius's tyranny so long as it did not affect themselves. And although it may have been a great exploit to receive a wound in fighting the Sabines, and to slay Acron, and to kill many enemies in battle, yet we may compare with these, on Theseus's behalf, his battle with the Centaurs and his campaign against the Amazons. As for the courage which Theseus showed in the matter of the Cretan tribute, when he voluntarily sailed to Crete with the youths and maidens, whether the penalty was to be given to the Minotaur to eat, or be sacrificed at the tomb of Androgeus, or even to be cast into dishonoured slavery under an insolent enemy, which is the least miserable fate mentioned by any writer, what a strength of mind, what public spirit and love of fame it shows! In this instance it seems to me that philosophers have truly defined love as a "service designed by the gods for the care and preservation of the young." For the love of Ariadne seems to have been specially intended by Heaven to save Theseus; nor need we blame her for her passion, but rather wonder that all men and women did not share it. If she alone felt it, then I say she deserved the love of a god, because of her zeal for all that is best and noblest. II. Both were born statesmen, yet neither behaved himself as a king should do, but, from similar motives, the one erred on the side of democracy, the other on that of despotism. The first duty of a king is to preserve his crown; and this can be effected as well by refraining from improperly extending his rights as by too great eagerness to keep them. For he who either gives up or overstrains his prerogative ceases to be a king or constitutional ruler, but becomes either a despot or demagogue; and in the one case is feared, in the other despised by his subjects. Still the one is the result of kindliness of disposition, and the other that of selfishness and ferocity. III. If we are not to attribute their misfortunes to chance, but to peculiarities of disposition, then we cannot acquit Romulus of blame in his treatment of his brother, nor Theseus in that of his son; but the greatest excuse must be made for the one who acted under the greatest provocation. One would not have thought that Romulus would have flown into such a passion during a grave deliberation on matters of state; while Theseus was misled, in his treatment of his son, by love and jealousy and a woman's slander, influences which few men are able to withstand. And what is more, Romulus's fury resulted in actual deeds of unfortunate result; whereas the anger of Theseus spent itself in words and an old man's curses, and the youth seems to have owed the rest of his suffering to chance; so here, at any rate, one would give one's vote for Theseus. IV. Romulus, however, has the credit of having started with the most slender resources, and yet of having succeeded. The twins were called slaves and the sons of a swineherd before they achieved their liberty; yet they freed nearly all the Latin race, and at one and the same time gained those titles which are the most glorious among men, of slayers of their enemies, preservers of their own house, kings of their own nation, and founders of a new city, not by transferring the population of old ones, as Theseus did, when he brought together many towns into one, and destroyed many cities that bore the names of kings and heroes of old. Romulus did this afterwards, when he compelled his conquered enemies to cast down and obliterate their own dwellings, and become fellow-citizens with their conquerors; yet at first he did not change the site of his city nor increase it, but starting with nothing to help him, he obtained for himself territory, patrimony, sovereignty, family, marriage, and relatives, and he killed no one, but conferred great benefits on those who, instead of homeless vagrants, wished to become a people and inhabitants of a city. He slew no brigands or robbers, but he conquered kingdoms, took cities, and triumphed over kings and princes. V. As for the misfortune of Remus, it seems doubtful whether Romulus slew him with his own hand, as most writers attribute the act to others. He certainly rescued his mother from death, and gloriously replaced his grandfather, whom he found in an ignoble and servile position, on the throne of Aeneas. He did him many kindnesses, and never harmed him even against his will. But I can scarcely imagine that Theseus's forgetfulness and carelessness in hoisting the black sail can, by any excuses or before the mildest judges, come much short of parricide: indeed, an Athenian, seeing how hard it is even for his admirers to exculpate him, has made up a story that Aegeus, when the ship was approaching, hurriedly ran up to the acropolis to view it, and fell down, as though he were unattended, or would hurry along the road to the shore without servants. VI. The crimes of Theseus in carrying off women are without any decent excuse; first, because he did it so often, for he carried off Ariadne and Antiope and Anaxo of Troezen, and above all when he was an old man he carried off Helen, when she was not yet grown up, and a mere child, though he was past the age for even legitimate marriage. Besides, there was no reason for it, for these Troezenian, Laconian, and Amazonian maidens, besides their not being betrothed to him, were no worthier mothers for his children than the Athenian daughters of Erechtheus and Kekrops would have been, so we must suspect that these acts were done out of mere riotous wantonness. Now Romulus, though he carried off nearly eight hundred women, yet kept only one, Hersilia, for himself, and distributed the others among the unmarried citizens; and afterwards, by the respect, love, and justice with which he treated them, proved that his wrongful violence was the most admirable and politic contrivance for effecting the union of the two nations. By means of it he welded them into one, and made it the starting-point of harmony at home and strength abroad. The dignity, love, and permanence with which he invested the institution of marriage is proved by the fact that during two hundred and thirty years no man separated from his wife or woman from her husband; but, just as in Greece, very exact persons can mention the first instance of parricide or matricide, so all the Romans know that Spurius Carvilius was the first who put away his wife, upon a charge of barrenness. Events also testify to the superior wisdom of Romulus, for, in consequence of that intermarriage, the two kings and the two races shared the empire, whereas, from the marriage of Theseus, the Athenians obtained no alliance or intercourse with any nation, but only hatreds and wars and deaths of citizens and at last the destruction of Aphidnae, and they themselves escaped from the fate which Paris brought upon Troy, only by the mercy of their enemies and their own entreaties and supplications. The mother of Theseus, not nearly but quite, suffered the fate of Hekuba, who was abandoned and given up by her son, unless the story of her captivity is false, as I hope it is, together with much of the rest. Also the religious part of their histories makes a great distinction between them. For Romulus's success was due to the great favour of Heaven, whereas the oracle given to Aegeus, to refrain from all women in foreign parts, seems to argue that the birth of Theseus took place contrary to the will of the gods. LIFE OF LYKURGUS. I. With regard to Lykurgus the lawgiver there is nothing whatever that is undisputed; as his birth, his travels, his death, and, besides all this, his legislation, have all been related in various ways; and also the dates of his birth do not in any way accord. Some say that he was contemporary with Iphitus, and with him settled the conditions of the Olympic truce; and among these is Aristotle the philosopher, who adduces as a proof of it the quoit which is at Olympia, on which the name of Lykurgus is still preserved. Others, among them Eratosthenes and Apollodorus, by computing the reigns of the kings of Sparta,[A] prove that he must have lived many years before the first Olympiad. Timaeus conjectures that there were two men of the name of Lykurgus in Sparta at different times, and that the deeds of both are attributed to one of them, on account of his celebrity. The elder, he thinks, must have lived not far off the time of Homer; indeed some say that he came into the presence of Homer. Xenophon gives an idea of his antiquity when he speaks of him as living in the time of the Herakleidae. By descent of course the last kings of Sparta are Herakleidae, but he appears to mean by Herakleidae the earliest of all, who were next to Herakles himself. [Footnote A: In the Spartan constitution there were two kings, who were believed to be descended from two brothers, Eurysthenes and Prokles, the two sons of Aristodemus. When the descendants of Herakles returned to Peloponnesus, and divided that country amongst them, Lacedaemon fell to the lot of Aristodemus, who left his two sons joint heirs to the monarchy. The kings of Sparta had little real power, and to this no doubt they owed the fact of their retaining their dignity when every other Hellenic state adopted a democratic form of government.] However, in spite of these discrepancies, we will endeavour, by following the least inconsistent accounts and the best known authorities, to write the history of his life. Simonides the poet tells us that the father of Lykurgus was not Eunomus, but Prytanis. But most writers do not deduce his genealogy thus, but say that Soüs was the son of Prokles, and grandson of Aristodemus, and that Soüs begat Euripus; Euripus, Prytanis, and Prytanis, Eunomus. Eunomus had two sons, Polydektes by his first wife, and Lykurgus by his second wife Dionassa, which makes him, according to Dieutychides, sixth in descent from Prokles, and eleventh from Herakles. II. The most remarkable of his ancestors was Soüs, in whose reign the Spartans enslaved the Helots, and annexed a large portion of Arcadia. It is said that Soüs once was besieged by the Kleitorians, in a fort where there was no water, and was compelled to conclude a treaty to restore the territory in dispute, if he and his men were permitted to drink at the nearest spring. After this had been agreed upon, he called his men together, and offered his kingdom to any one who could refrain from drinking. But as no one could do this, but all drank, last of all he himself came down to the spring, and in the presence of the enemy merely sprinkled his face with the water, and marched off, refusing to restore the disputed territory, on the ground that all did not drink. But though he gained great fame by this, yet it was not he but his son Eurypon who gave the name of Eurypontidae to the family, because Eurypon was the first to relax the despotic traditions of his family and render his government more popular with the people. But as a consequence of this the people were encouraged to demand more freedom, and great confusion and lawlessness prevailed in Sparta for a long time, because some of the kings opposed the people and so became odious, while others were found to yield to them, either to preserve their popularity, or from sheer weakness of character. It was during this period of disorder that the father of Lykurgus lost his life. He was endeavouring to part two men who were quarrelling, and was killed by a blow from a cook's chopper, leaving the kingdom to his elder son Polydektes. III. He also died after a short time, and, as all thought, Lykurgus ought to have been the next king. And he did indeed reign until his brother's wife was found to be pregnant; but as soon as he heard this, he surrendered the crown to the child, if it should be a boy, and merely administered the kingdom as guardian for the child. The Lacedaemonian name for the guardian of a royal orphan is _prodikus_. Now the queen made a secret proposal to him, that she should destroy her infant and that they should live together as king and queen. Though disgusted at her wickedness, he did not reject the proposal, but pretended to approve of it. He said that she must not risk her life and injure her health by procuring abortion, but that he would undertake to do away with the child. Thus he deluded her until her confinement, at which time he sent officials and guards into her chamber with orders to hand the child over to the women if it was a girl, and to bring it to him, whatever he might be doing, if it was a boy. He happened to be dining with the archons when a male child was born, and the servants brought it to him. He is said to have taken the child and said to those present, "A king is born to you, O Spartans," and to have laid him down in the royal seat and named him Charilaus, because all men were full of joy admiring his spirit and justice. He was king for eight months in all; and was much looked up to by the citizens, who rendered a willing obedience to him, rather because of his eminent virtues than because he was regent with royal powers. There was, nevertheless, a faction which grudged him his elevation, and tried to oppose him, as he was a young man. They consisted chiefly of the relatives and friends of the queen-mother, who considered that she had been insultingly treated, and her brother Leonidas once went so far in his abusive language as to hint to Lykurgus that he knew that he meant to be king, throwing the suspicion upon Lykurgus, if anything should happen to the child, that he would be supposed to have managed it. This sort of language was used by the queen-mother also, and he, grieved and alarmed, decided to avoid all suspicion by leaving the country and travelling until his nephew should be grown up and have an heir born to succeed him. IV. With this intention he set sail, and first came to Crete, where he studied the constitution and mixed with the leading statesmen. Some part of their laws he approved and made himself master of, with the intention of adopting them on his return home, while with others he was dissatisfied. One of the men who had a reputation there for learning and state-craft he made his friend, and induced him to go to Sparta. This was Thales, who was thought to be merely a lyric poet, and who used this art to conceal his graver acquirements, being in reality deeply versed in legislation. His poems were exhortations to unity and concord in verse, breathing a spirit of calm and order, which insensibly civilised their hearers and by urging them to the pursuit of honourable objects led them to lay aside the feelings of party strife so prevalent in Sparta; so that he may be said in some degree to have educated the people and prepared them to receive the reforms of Lykurgus. From Crete Lykurgus sailed to Asia Minor, wishing, it is said, to contrast the thrifty and austere mode of life of the Cretans with the extravagance and luxury of the Ionians, as a physician compares healthy and diseased bodies, and to note the points of difference in the two states. There, it seems, he first met with the poems of Homer, which were preserved by the descendants of Kreophylus, and observing that they were no less useful for politics and education than for relaxation and pleasure, he eagerly copied and compiled them, with the intention of bringing them home with him. There was already some dim idea of the existence of these poems among the Greeks, but few possessed any portions of them, as they were scattered in fragments, but Lykurgus first made them known. The Egyptians suppose that Lykurgus visited them also, and that he especially admired their institution of a separate caste of warriors. This he transferred to Sparta, and, by excluding working men and the lower classes from the government, made the city a city indeed, pure from all admixture. Some Greek writers corroborate the Egyptians in this, but as to Lykurgus having visited Libya and Iberia, or his journey to India and meeting with the Gymnosophists, or naked philosophers, there, no one that we know of tells this except the Spartan Aristokrates, the son of Hipparchus. V. During Lykurgus's absence the Lacedaemonians regretted him and sent many embassies to ask him to return, telling him that their kings had indeed the royal name and state, but nothing else to distinguish them from the common people, and that he alone had the spirit of a ruler and the power to influence men's minds. Even the kings desired his presence, as they hoped that he would assist in establishing their authority and would render the masses less insolent. Returning to a people in this condition, he at once began alterations and reforms on a sweeping scale, considering that it was useless and unprofitable to do such work by halves, but that, as in the case of a diseased body, the original cause of the disorder must be burned out or purged away, and the patient begin an entirely new life. After reflecting on this, he made a journey to Delphi. Here he sacrificed to the god, and, on consulting the oracle, received that celebrated answer in which the Pythia speaks of him as beloved by the gods, and a god rather than a man, and when he asked for a good system of laws, answered that the god gives him what will prove by far the best of all constitutions. Elated by this he collected the leading men and begged them to help him, first by talking privately to his own friends, and thus little by little obtaining a hold over more men and banding them together for the work. When the time was ripe for the attempt, he bade thirty of the nobles go into the market-place early in the morning completely armed, in order to overawe the opposition. The names of twenty of the most distinguished of these men have been preserved by Hermippus, but the man who took the greatest part in all Lykurgus's works, and who helped him in establishing his laws, was Arthmiades. At first King Charilaus was terrified at the confusion, imagining that a revolt had broken out against himself, and fled for refuge to the temple of Minerva of the Brazen House; but, afterward reassured and having received solemn pledges for his safety, returned and took part in their proceedings. He was of a gentle nature, as is proved by the words of his colleague, King Archelaus, who, when some were praising the youth, said, "How can Charilaus be a good man, if he is not harsh even to wicked men?" Of Lykurgus's many reforms, the first and most important was the establishment of the Council of Elders, which Plato says by its admixture cooled the high fever of royalty, and, having an equal vote with the kings on vital points, gave caution and sobriety to their deliberations. For the state, which had hitherto been wildly oscillating between despotism on the one hand and democracy on the other, now, by the establishment of the Council of the Elders, found a firm footing between these extremes, and was able to preserve a most equable balance, as the eight-and-twenty elders would lend the kings their support in the suppression of democracy, but would use the people to suppress any tendency to despotism. Twenty-eight is the number of Elders mentioned by Aristotle, because of the thirty leading men who took the part of Lykurgus two deserted their post through fear. But Sphairus says that those who shared his opinions were twenty-eight originally. A reason may be found in twenty-eight being a mystic number, formed by seven multiplied by four, and being the first perfect number after six, for like that, it is equal to all its parts.[A] But I think that he probably made this number of elders, in order that with the two kings the council might consist of thirty members in all. [Footnote A: 14, 2, 7, 4, 1, make by addition 28; as 3, 2, and 1 make 6.] VI. Lykurgus was so much interested in this council as to obtain from Delphi an oracle about it, called the _rhetra_, which runs as follows: "After you have built a temple to Zeus of Greece and Athene of Greece, and have divided the people into _tribes_ and _obes_, you shall found a council of thirty, including the chiefs, and shall from season to season _apellazein_ the people between Babyka and Knakion, and there propound measures and divide upon them, and the people shall have the casting vote and final decision." In these words tribes and obes are divisions into which the people were to be divided; the chiefs mean the kings; _apellazein_ means to call an assembly, in allusion to Apollo, to whom the whole scheme of the constitution is referred. Babyka and Knakion they now call Oinous; but Aristotle says that Knakion is a river and Babyka a bridge. Between these they held their assemblies, without any roof or building of any kind; for Lykurgus did not consider that deliberations were assisted by architecture, but rather hindered, as men's heads were thereby filled with vain unprofitable fancies, when they assemble for debate in places where they can see statues and paintings, or the proscenium of a theatre, or the richly ornamented roof of a council chamber. When the people were assembled, he permitted no one to express an opinion; but the people was empowered to decide upon motions brought forward by the kings and elders. But in later times, as the people made additions and omissions, and so altered the sense of the motions before them, the kings, Polydorus and Theopompus, added these words to the _rhetra_, "and if the people shall decide crookedly, the chiefs and elders shall set it right." That is, they made the people no longer supreme, but practically excluded them from any voice in public affairs, on the ground that they judged wrongly. However these kings persuaded the city that this also was ordained by the god. This is mentioned by Tyrtaeus in the following verses: "They heard the god, and brought from Delphi home, Apollo's oracle, which thus did say: That over all within fair Sparta's realm The royal chiefs in council should bear sway, The elders next to them, the people last; If they the holy _rhetra_ would obey." VII. Though Lykurgus had thus mixed the several powers of the state, yet his successors, seeing that the powers of the oligarchy were unimpaired, and that it was, as Plato calls it, full of life and vigour, placed as a curb to it the power of the Ephors. The first Ephors, of whom Elatus was one, were elected about a hundred and thirty years after Lykurgus, in the reign of Theopompus. This king is said to have been blamed by his wife because he would transmit to his children a less valuable crown than he had received, to which he answered: "Nay, more valuable, because more lasting." In truth, by losing the odium of absolute power, the King of Sparta escaped all danger of being dethroned, as those of Argos and Messene were by their subjects, because they would abate nothing of their despotic power. The wisdom of Lykurgus became clearly manifest to those who witnessed the revolutions and miseries of the Argives and Messenians, who were neighbouring states and of the same race as the Spartans, who, originally starting on equal terms with them, and indeed seeming in the allotment of their territories to have some advantage, yet did not long live happily, but the insolent pride of the kings and the unruly temper of the people together resulted in a revolution, which clearly proved that the checked and balanced constitution established among the Spartans was a divine blessing for them. But of this more hereafter. VIII. The second and the boldest of Lykurgus's reforms was the redistribution of the land. Great inequalities existed, many poor and needy people had become a burden to the state, while wealth had got into a very few hands. Lykurgus abolished all the mass of pride, envy, crime, and luxury which flowed from those old and more terrible evils of riches and poverty, by inducing all land-owners to offer their estates for redistribution, and prevailing upon them to live on equal terms one with another, and with equal incomes, striving only to surpass each other in courage and virtue, there being henceforth no social inequalities among them except such as praise or blame can create. Putting his proposals immediately into practice, he divided the outlying lands of the state among the Perioeki, in thirty thousand lots, and that immediately adjoining the metropolis among the native Spartans, in nine thousand lots, for to that number they then amounted. Some say that Lykurgus made six thousand lots, and that Polydorus added three thousand afterwards; others that he added half the nine thousand, and that only half was allotted by Lykurgus. Each man's lot was of such a size as to supply a man with seventy medimni of barley, and his wife with twelve, and oil and wine in proportion; for thus much he thought ought to suffice them, as the food was enough to maintain them in health, and they wanted nothing more. It is said that, some years afterwards, as he was returning from a journey through the country at harvest-time, when he saw the sheaves of corn lying in equal parallel rows, he smiled, and said to his companions that all Laconia seemed as if it had just been divided among so many brothers. IX. He desired to distribute furniture also, in order completely to do away with inequality; but, seeing that actually to take away these things would be a most unpopular measure, he managed by a different method to put an end to all ostentation in these matters. First of all he abolished the use of gold and silver money, and made iron money alone legal; and this he made of great size and weight, and small value, so that the equivalent for ten minae required a great room for its stowage, and a yoke of oxen to draw it. As soon as this was established, many sorts of crime became unknown in Lacedaemon. For who would steal or take as a bribe or deny that he possessed or take by force a mass of iron which he could not conceal, which no one envied him for possessing, which he could not even break up and so make use of; for the iron when hot was, it is said, quenched in vinegar, so as to make it useless, by rendering it brittle and hard to work? After this, he ordered a general expulsion of the workers in useless trades. Indeed, without this, most of them must have left the country when the ordinary currency came to an end, as they would not be able to sell their wares: for the iron money was not current among other Greeks, and had no value, being regarded as ridiculous; so that it could not be used for the purchase of foreign trumpery, and no cargo was shipped for a Laconian port, and there came into the country no sophists, no vagabond soothsayers, no panders, no goldsmiths or workers in silver plate, because there was no money to pay them with. Luxury, thus cut off from all encouragement, gradually became extinct; and the rich were on the same footing with other people, as they could find no means of display, but were forced to keep their money idle at home. For this reason such things as are useful and necessary, like couches and tables and chairs, were made there better than anywhere else, and the Laconian cup, we are told by Kritias, was especially valued for its use in the field. Its colour prevented the drinker being disgusted by the look of the dirty water which it is sometimes necessary to drink, and it was contrived that the dirt was deposited inside the cup and stuck to the bottom, so as to make the drink cleaner than it would otherwise have been. These things were due to the lawgiver; for the workmen, who were not allowed to make useless things, devoted their best workmanship to useful ones. X. Wishing still further to put down luxury and take away the desire for riches, he introduced the third and the most admirable of his reforms, that of the common dining-table. At this the people were to meet and dine together upon a fixed allowance of food, and not to live in their own homes, lolling on expensive couches at rich tables, fattened like beasts in private by the hands of servants and cooks, and undermining their health by indulgence to excess in every bodily desire, long sleep, warm baths, and much repose, so that they required a sort of daily nursing like sick people. This was a great advantage, but it was a greater to render wealth valueless, and, as Theophrastus says, to neutralise it by their common dining-table and the simplicity of their habits. Wealth could not be used, nor enjoyed, nor indeed displayed at all in costly apparatus, when the poor man dined at the same table with the rich; so that the well-known saying, that "wealth is blind and lies like a senseless log," was seen to be true in Sparta alone of all cities under heaven. Men were not even allowed to dine previously at home, and then come to the public table, but the others, watching him who did not eat or drink with them, would reproach him as a sensual person, too effeminate to eat the rough common fare. For these reasons it is said that the rich were bitterly opposed to Lykurgus on this question, and that they caused a tumult and attacked him with shouts of rage. Pelted with stones from many hands, he was forced to run out of the market-place, and take sanctuary in a temple. He outstripped all his pursuers except one, a hot-tempered and spirited youth named Alkander, who came up with him, and striking him with a club as he turned round, knocked out his eye. Lykurgus paid no heed to the pain, but stood facing the citizens and showed them his face streaming with blood, and his eye destroyed. All who saw him were filled with shame and remorse. They gave up Alkander to his mercy, and conducted him in procession to his own house, to show their sympathy. Lykurgus thanked them and dismissed them, but took Alkander home with him. He did him no harm and used no reproachful words, but sent away all his servants and bade him serve him. Alkander, being of a generous nature, did as he was ordered, and, dwelling as he did with Lykurgus, watching his kind unruffled temper, his severe simplicity of life, and his unwearied labours, he became enthusiastic in his admiration of him, and used to tell his friends and acquaintances that Lykurgus, far from being harsh or overbearing, was the kindest and gentlest of men. Thus was Alkander tamed and subdued, so that he who had been a wicked and insolent youth was made into a modest and prudent man. As a memorial of his misfortune, Lykurgus built the temple of Athene, whom he called Optilitis, for the Dorians in that country call the eyes _optiloi_. Some writers, however, among whom is Dioskorides, who wrote an 'Account of the Spartan Constitution,' say that Lykurgus was struck upon the eye, but not blinded, and that he built this temple as a thank-offering to the goddess for his recovery. At any rate, it was in consequence of his mishap that the Spartans discontinued the habit of carrying staffs when they met in council. XI. The Cretans call this institution of taking meals in common _andreia_, which means _men's_ repast; but the Lacedaemonians call it _phiditia_, which can either be explained as another form of _philia_, friendship, putting a _d_ for an _l_, from the friendly feelings which prevailed at them, or else because it accustomed them to frugality, which is called _pheido_. Possibly the first letter was an addition, and the word may have originally been _editia_, from _edodé_, food. They formed themselves into messes of fifteen, more or less. Each member contributed per month a _medimnus_ of barley, eight measures of wine, five minas' weight of cheese, and half as much of figs; and in addition to this a very small sum of money to buy fish and other luxuries for a relish to the bread. This was all, except when a man had offered a sacrifice, or been hunting, and sent a portion to the public table. For persons were allowed to dine at home whenever they were late for dinner in consequence of a sacrifice or a hunting expedition, but the rest of the company had to be present. This custom of eating in common lasted for very many years. When King Agis returned from his victorious campaign against the Athenians, and wished to dine at home with his wife, he sent for his share of the public dinner, and the polemarchs refused to let him have it. As next day, through anger, he did not offer the customary sacrifice, they fined him. Boys were taken to the public tables, as though they were schools of good manners; and there they listened to discourses on politics, and saw models of gentlemanly behaviour, and learned how to jest with one another, joking without vulgarity, and being made the subjects of jokes without losing their temper. Indeed, it was considered peculiarly Laconian to be able to take a joke; however, if the victim could not, he was entitled to ask that it should go no farther. As they came in, the eldest present said to each man, pointing to the door, "Through this no tale passes." It is said that they voted for a new member of a mess in this manner. Each man took a piece of bread crumb and threw it in silence into a vessel, which a servant carried on his head. Those who voted for the new member threw in their bread as it was, those who voted against, crushed it flat in their hands. If even one of these crushed pieces be found, they rejected the candidate, as they wished all members of the society to be friendly. The candidate was said to be rejected by the _kaddichus_, which is their name for the bowl into which the bread is thrown. The "black broth" was the most esteemed of their luxuries, insomuch that the elder men did not care for any meat, but always handed it over to the young, and regaled themselves on this broth. It is related that, in consequence of the celebrity of this broth, one of the kings of Pontus obtained a Laconian cook, but when he tasted it he did not like it. His cook thereupon said, "O king, those who eat this broth must first bathe in the Eurotas." After drinking wine in moderation the guests separate, without any torches; for it is not permitted to walk with a light on this or any other occasion, in order that they may accustom themselves to walk fearlessly and safely in the dark. This then is the way in which the common dining-tables are managed. XII. Lykurgus did not establish any written laws; indeed, this is distinctly forbidden by one of the so-called Rhetras. He thought that the principles of most importance for the prosperity and honour of the state would remain most securely fixed if implanted in the citizens by habit and training, as they would then be followed from choice rather than necessity; for his method of education made each of them into a lawgiver like himself. The trifling conventions of everyday life were best left undefined by hard-and-fast laws, so that they might from time to time receive corrections or additions from men educated in the spirit of the Lacedaemonian system. On this education the whole scheme of Lykurgus's laws depended. One _rhetra_, as we have seen, forbade the use of written laws. Another was directed against expenditure, and ordered that the roof of every house should consist of beams worked with the axe, and that the doors should be worked with the saw alone, and with no other tools. Lykurgus was the first to perceive the truth which Epameinondas is said in later times to have uttered about his own table, when he said that "such a dinner has no room for treachery." He saw that such a house as that has no place for luxury and expense, and that there is no man so silly and tasteless as to bring couches with silver feet, purple hangings, or golden goblets into a simple peasant's house, but that he would be forced to make his furniture match the house, and his clothes match his furniture, and so on. In consequence of this it is said that the elder Leotychides when dining in Corinth, after looking at a costly panelled ceiling, asked his host whether the trees grew square in that country. A third _rhetra_ of Lykurgus is mentioned, which forbids the Spartans to make war frequently with the same people, lest by constant practice they too should become warlike. And this especial accusation was subsequently brought against King Agesilaus in later times, that, by his frequent and long-continued invasions of Boeotia, he made the Thebans a match for the Lacedaemonians; for which cause Antalkidas, when he saw him wounded, said, "The Thebans pay you well for having taught them to fight, which they were neither willing nor able to do before." Maxims of this sort they call _rhetras_, which are supposed to have a divine origin and sanction. XIII. Considering education to be the most important and the noblest work of a lawgiver, he began at the very beginning, and regulated marriages and the birth of children. It is not true that, as Aristotle says, he endeavoured to regulate the lives of the women, and failed, being foiled by the liberty and habits of command which they had acquired by the long absences of their husbands on military expeditions, during which they were necessarily left in sole charge at home, wherefore their husbands looked up to them more than was fitting, calling them Mistresses; but he made what regulations were necessary for them also. He strengthened the bodies of the girls by exercise in running, wrestling, and hurling quoits or javelins, in order that their children might spring from a healthy source and so grow up strong, and that they themselves might have strength, so as easily to endure the pains of childbirth. He did away with all affectation of seclusion and retirement among the women, and ordained that the girls, no less than the boys, should go naked in processions, and dance and sing at festivals in the presence of the young men. The jokes which they made upon each man were sometimes of great value as reproofs for ill-conduct; while, on the other hand, by reciting verses written in praise of the deserving, they kindled a wonderful emulation and thirst for distinction in the young men: for he who had been praised by the maidens for his valour went away congratulated by his friends; while, on the other hand, the raillery which they used in sport and jest had as keen an edge as a serious reproof; because the kings and elders were present at these festivals as well as all the other citizens. This nakedness of the maidens had in it nothing disgraceful, as it was done modestly, not licentiously, producing simplicity, and teaching the women to value good health, and to love honour and courage no less than the men. This it was that made them speak and think as we are told Gorgo, the wife of Leonidas, did. Some foreign lady, it seems, said to her, "You Laconian women are the only ones that rule men." She answered, "Yes; for we alone bring forth men." XIV. These were also incentives to marriage, I mean these processions, and strippings, and exercises of the maidens in the sight of the young men, who, as Plato says, are more swayed by amorous than by mathematical considerations; moreover, he imposed certain penalties on the unmarried men. They were excluded from the festival of the Gymnopaedia, in honour of Athene; and the magistrates ordered them during winter to walk naked round the market-place, and while doing so to sing a song written against themselves, which said that they were rightly served for their disobedience to the laws; and also they were deprived of the respect and observance paid by the young to the elders. Thus it happened that no one blamed the young man for not rising before Derkyllidas, famous general as he was. This youth kept his seat, saying, "You have not begotten a son to rise before me." Their marriage custom was for the husband to carry off his bride by force. They did not carry off little immature girls, but grown up women, who were ripe for marriage. After the bride had been carried off the bridesmaid received her, cut her hair close to her head, dressed her in a man's cloak and shoes, and placed her upon a couch in a dark chamber alone. The bridegroom, without any feasting and revelry, but as sober as usual, after dining at his mess, comes into the room, looses her virgin zone, and, after passing a short time with her, retires to pass the night where he was wont, with the other young men. And thus he continued, passing his days with his companions, and visiting his wife by stealth, feeling ashamed and afraid that any one in the house should hear him, she on her part plotting and contriving occasions for meeting unobserved. This went on for a long time, so that some even had children born to them before they ever saw their wives by daylight. These connections not only exercised their powers of self-restraint, but also brought them together with their bodies in full vigour and their passions unblunted by unchecked intercourse with each other, so that their passion and love for each other's society remained unextinguished. Having thus honoured and dignified the married state, he destroyed the vain womanish passion of jealousy, for, while carefully avoiding any disorder or licentiousness, he nevertheless permitted men to associate worthy persons with them in the task of begetting children, and taught them to ridicule those who insisted on the exclusive possession of their wives, and who were ready to fight and kill people to maintain their right. It was permitted to an elderly husband, with a young wife, to associate with himself any well-born youth whom he might fancy, and to adopt the offspring as his own. And again, it was allowable for a respectable man, if he felt any admiration for a virtuous mother of children, married to some one else, to induce her husband to permit him to have access to her, that he might as it were sow seed in a fertile field, and obtain a fine son from a healthy stock. Lykurgus did not view children as belonging to their parents, but above all to the state; and therefore he wished his citizens to be born of the best possible parents; besides the inconsistency and folly which he noticed in the customs of the rest of mankind, who are willing to pay money, or use their influence with the owners of well-bred stock, to obtain a good breed of horses or dogs, while they lock up their women in seclusion and permit them to have children by none but themselves, even though they be mad, decrepit, or diseased; just as if the good or bad qualities of children did not depend entirely upon their parents, and did not affect their parents more than any one else. But although men lent their wives in order to produce healthy and useful citizens, yet this was so far from the licence which was said to prevail in later times with respect to women, that adultery was regarded amongst them as an impossible crime. A story is told of one Geradas, a very old Spartan, who, when asked by a stranger what was done to adulterers among them, answered, "Stranger, there are no adulterers with us." "And if there were one?" asked the stranger. "Then," said Geradas, "he would have to pay as compensation a bull big enough to stand on Mount Täygetus and drink from the river Eurotas." The stranger, astonished, asked "Where can you find so big a bull?" "Where can you find an adulterer in Sparta?" answered Geradas. This is what is said about their marriage ceremonies. XV. A father had not the right of bringing up his offspring, but had to carry it to a certain place called Lesché, where the elders of the tribe sat in judgment upon the child. If they thought it well-built and strong, they ordered the father to bring it up, and assigned one of the nine thousand plots of land to it; but if it was mean-looking or misshapen, they sent it away to the place called the Exposure, a glen upon the side of Mount Täygetus; for they considered that if a child did not start in possession of health and strength, it was better both for itself and for the state that he should not live at all. Wherefore the women used to wash their newborn infants with wine, not with water, to make trial of their constitution. It was thought that epileptic or diseased children shrank from the wine and fell into convulsions, while healthy ones were hardened and strengthened by it. A certain supervision was exercised over the nurses, making them bring up the children without swaddling clothes, so as to make their movements free and unconfined, and also to make them easily satisfied, not nice as to food, not afraid in the dark, not frightened at being alone, not peevish and fretful. For this reason, many foreigners used to obtain Lacedaemonian nurses for their children, and it is said that Amykla, the nurse of Alkibiades, was a Lacedaemonian. But Plato tells us that Perikles put him under the care of one Zopyrus, who was no better than the other slaves; whereas Lykurgus would not intrust the Spartan boys to any bought or hired servants, nor was each man allowed to bring up and educate his son as he chose, but as soon as they were seven years of age he himself received them from their parents, and enrolled them in companies. Here they lived and messed in common, and were associated for play and for work. However, a superintendent of the boys was appointed, one of the best born and bravest men of the state, and they themselves in their troops chose as leader him who was wisest, and fiercest in fight. They looked to him for orders, obeyed his commands, and endured his punishments, so that even in childhood they learned to obey. The elder men watched them at their play, and by instituting fights and trials of strength, carefully learned which was the bravest and most enduring. They learned their letters, because they are necessary, but all the rest of their education was meant to teach them to obey with cheerfulness, to endure labours, and to win battles. As they grew older their training became more severe; they were closely shorn, and taught to walk unshod and to play naked. They wore no tunic after their twelfth year, but received one garment for all the year round. They were necessarily dirty, as they had no warm baths and ointments, except on certain days, as a luxury. They slept all together in troops and companies, on beds of rushes which they themselves had picked on the banks of the Eurotas with their hands, for they were not allowed to use a knife. In winter they mixed the herb called lycophon with the rushes, as it is thought to possess some warmth. XVI. At this age the elder men took even greater interest in them, frequenting the gymnasia where they were, and listening to their repartees with each other, and that not in a languid careless manner, but just as if each thought himself the father, instructor, and captain of them all. Thus no time was left unemployed, and no place was left without some one to give good advice and punish wrong-doing; although a regular superintendent of the boys was appointed from the leading men of the city, and they had their own chiefs, who were the wisest and bravest of the Eirenes. This is a name given to those who have begun their second year after ceasing to be children, and the eldest of the children are called Melleirenes. This Eiren, who is twenty years old, commands his company in their battles, and in the house uses them as his servants to prepare dinner. He orders the bigger boys to carry logs of wood, and the little ones to gather pot herbs. They also bring him what they steal, which they do, some from the gardens, and some from the men's dining-tables, where they rush in very cleverly and cautiously; for if one be taken, he is severely scourged for stealing carelessly and clumsily. They also steal what victuals they can, learning to take them from those who are asleep or off their guard. Whoever is caught is punished by stripes and starvation. Their meals are purposely made scanty, in order that they may exercise their ingenuity and daring in obtaining additions to them. This is the main object of their short commons, but an incidental advantage is the growth of their bodies, for they shoot up in height when not weighed down and made wide and broad by excess of nutriment. This also is thought to produce beauty of figure; for lean and slender frames develop vigour in the limbs, whereas those which are bloated and over-fed cannot attain this, from their weight. This we see in the case of women who take purgatives during pregnancy, whose children are thin, but well-shaped and slender, because from their slight build they receive more distinctly the impress of their mother's form. However, it may be that the cause of this phenomenon is yet to be discovered. XVII. The boys steal with such earnestness that there is a story of one who had taken a fox's cub and hidden it under his cloak, and, though his entrails were being torn out by the claws and teeth of the beast, persevered in concealing it until he died. This may be believed from what the young men in Lacedaemon do now, for at the present day I have seen many of them perish under the scourge at the altar of Diana Orthias. After dinner the Eiren would recline, and bid one of the boys sing, and ask another some questions which demand a thoughtful answer, such as "Who is the best among men?" or "How is such a thing done?" By this teaching they began even in infancy to be able to judge what is right, and to be interested in politics; for not to be able to answer the questions, "Who is a good citizen?" or "Who is a man of bad repute?" was thought to be the sign of a stupid and unaspiring mind. The boy's answer was required to be well reasoned, and put into a small compass; he who answered wrongly was punished by having his thumb bitten by the Eiren. Often when elders and magistrates were present the Eiren would punish the boys; if only he showed that it was done deservedly and with method, he never was checked while punishing, but when the boys were gone, he was called to account if he had done so either too cruelly or too remissly. The lovers of the boys also shared their honour or disgrace; it is said that once when a boy in a fight let fall an unmanly word, his lover was fined by the magistrates. Thus was love understood among them; for even fair and honourable matrons loved young maidens, but none expected their feelings to be returned. Rather did those who loved the same person make it a reason for friendship with each other, and vie with one another in trying to improve in every way the object of their love. XVIII. The boys were taught to use a sarcastic yet graceful style of speaking, and to compress much thought into few words; for Lykurgus made the iron money have little value for its great size, but on the other hand he made their speech short and compact, but full of meaning, teaching the young, by long periods of silent listening, to speak sententiously and to the point. For those who allow themselves much licence in speech seldom say anything memorable. When some Athenian jeered at the small Laconian swords, and said that jugglers on the stage could easily swallow them, King Agis answered, "And yet with these little daggers we can generally reach our enemies." I think that the Laconian speech, though it seems so short, yet shows a great grasp of the subject and has great power over the listeners. Lykurgus himself seems to have been short and sententious, to judge from what has been preserved of his sayings; as, for instance, that remark to one who proposed to establish a democracy in the state, "First establish a democracy in your own household." And when he was asked why he ordained the sacrifices to be so small and cheap, he answered, "It is in order that we may never be forced to omit them." So too in gymnastic exercises, he discouraged all those which are not performed with the hand closed. The same class of answers are said to have been made by him to his fellow-countrymen in his letters. When they asked how they should keep off their enemies, he answered, "By remaining poor, and not each trying to be a greater man than the other." Again, about walls, he said, "that cannot be called an open town which has courage, instead of brick walls to defend it." As to the authenticity of these letters, it is hard to give an opinion. XIX.--The following anecdotes show their dislike of long speeches. When some one was discoursing about matters useful in themselves at an unfitting time, King Leonidas said, "Stranger, you speak of what is wanted when it is not wanted." Charilaus the cousin of Lykurgus, when asked why they had so few laws answered, that men of few words required few laws. And Archidamidas, when some blamed Hekataeus the Sophist for having said nothing during dinner, answered, "He who knows how to speak knows when to speak also." The following are some of those sarcastic sayings which I before said are not ungrateful. Demaratus, when some worthless fellow pestered him with unreasonable queries, and several times inquired, "Who is the best man in Sparta?" answered, "He who is least like you." When some were praising the magnificence and justice with which the Eleans conducted the Olympian games, Agis said, "What is there so very remarkable in the people of Elis acting justly on one day in every five years?" A stranger was vaunting his admiration of them, and was saying that in his own city he was called a lover of Sparta. Theopompus observed, "It would be more to your credit to be called a lover of your own city." Pleistoanax the son of Pausanias, when an Athenian orator reproached the Lacedaemonians for ignorance, observed, "What you say is quite true, for we are the only Greeks who have not learned some mischief from you." When a stranger asked Archidamidas how many Spartans there were, he answered, "Enough to keep off bad men." One may also discover their peculiarities in their jokes; for they are taught never to talk at random, nor to utter a syllable that does not contain some thought. As, when one of them was invited to hear a man imitate the nightingale, he answered, "I have heard the original;" and the man who read this epigram-- "These men, to quench a tyrant's pride, Before Selinus fought and died." "These men," said he, "deserved to die; for, instead of quenching it, they should have let it burn itself out." When a young man was promised a present of cocks that would fight till they died, he said, "I had rather have some that will fight and kill their foes." This was the style of their talk; so that some have well said that philosophy is more truly Laconian than gymnastic exercises. XX.--Their education in poetry and music was no less carefully watched over than their cleverness and purity of speech, but their songs were such as rouse men's blood and stir them to deeds of prowess, written in plain unaffected language, upon noble and edifying subjects. For the most part they consisted of panegyrics upon those who had been happy enough to die for their country, reproaches of cowards for living a miserable life, and encouragement to bravery suitable to those of all ages. A good instance of this is that on festivals when there are three choruses, that of the old men first sang-- "We once were lusty youths and tall." Then that of the young men sang-- "We still are stout; come, try a fall," and the third, that of the children, rejoined-- "But we'll be stronger than you all." Indeed, if one pays any attention to such Laconian poetry as is still extant, and to the march music which was played on the flutes when they were going to meet their enemies, it becomes clear that Terpander and Pindar were right in connecting poetry with bravery. The former speaks thus of the Lacedaemonians: "Where the youths are bold with the spear, And the voice of the muse is clear, And justice to all is dear." And Pindar says of them-- "Where the old are wise in council, And the young are brave in fight; Where song and dance are honoured On many a festal night." For they represent them as being most warlike and at the same time most poetical. "The sword with song full well combines," as the Laconian poet says. Even in their battles the king first sacrificed to the Muses, to remind them, it would appear, of their education and their former contests, that they may be bold in danger, and do deeds worthy of record in the fight. XXI.--In time of war, too, they relaxed their strict rules and allowed their young men to dress their hair and ornament their shields and costumes, taking a pride in them such as one does in high-mettled horses. For this reason, although they all let their hair grow long after the age of puberty, yet it was especially in time of danger that they took pains to have it smooth and evenly parted, remembering a saying of Lykurgus about the hair, that it made a well-looking man look handsomer, and an ugly man look more ferocious. During a campaign they made the young men perform less severe gymnastic exercises, and allowed them to live a freer life in other respects, so that, for them alone of all mankind, war was felt as a relief from preparation for war. When their array was formed and the enemy were in sight, the king used to sacrifice a kid, and bid them all put on garlands, and the pipers to play the hymn to Kastor; then he himself began to sing the paean for the charge, so that it was a magnificent and terrible spectacle to see the men marching in time to the flutes, making no gap in their lines, with no thought of fear, but quietly and steadily moving to the sound of the music against the enemy. Such men were not likely to be either panic-stricken or over-confident, but had a cool and cheerful confidence, believing that the gods were with them. With the king used to march into battle a Spartan who had won a crown in the public games of Greece. It is said that one of them was offered a mighty bribe at Olympia, but refused to take it, and with great trouble threw his adversary in the wrestling-match. Some one then asked him, "Laconian, what have you gained by your victory?" The man, smiling with delight, answered, "I shall fight in front of the king in the wars." After they had routed their enemy and gained the victory, they were wont to pursue so far as to render their success secure, and then to draw off, as they did not think it manly or befitting a Greek to cut down and butcher those who could fight no longer. This was not merely magnanimous, but very useful to them, for their enemies, knowing that they slew those who resisted, but spared those who gave way, often judged it better for themselves to flee than to stand their ground. XXII. The sophist Hippias states that Lykurgus himself was a great warrior and took part in many campaigns; and Philostephanus even attributed to Lykurgus the division of the cavalry into the troops called _oulamos_. This, according to him, consisted of a troop of fifty horsemen drawn up in a square. Demetrius Phalereus, on the other hand, says that he had no experience in war, and arranged the whole constitution in time of peace. Moreover the institution of the Olympic truce seems to be the idea of a man of gentle and peaceful temperament, some however say, according to Hermippus, that Lykurgus had at first no communication with Iphitus, but happened to be present in the crowd; that he then heard a voice as it were of a man behind him blaming him and wondering why he did not encourage his fellow-citizens to take part in the festival. As, when he turned round, there was no one who could have said so, he concluded that it was a divine warning, and, at once joining Iphitus and assisting him in regulating the festival, he rendered it both more splendid and more lasting. XXIII. The training of the Spartan youth continued till their manhood. No one was permitted to live according to his own pleasure, but they lived in the city as if in a camp, with a fixed diet and fixed public duties, thinking themselves to belong, not to themselves, but to their country. Those who had nothing else to do, either looked after the young, and taught them what was useful, or themselves learned such things from the old. For ample leisure was one of the blessings with which Lykurgus provided his countrymen, seeing that they were utterly forbidden to practise any mechanical art, while money-making and business were unnecessary, because wealth was disregarded and despised. The Helots tilled the ground, and produced the regular crops for them. Indeed, a Spartan who was at Athens while the courts were sitting, and who learned that some man had been fined for idleness, and was leaving the court in sorrow accompanied by his grieving friends, asked to be shown the man who had been punished for gentlemanly behaviour. So slavish did they deem it to labour at trade and business. In Sparta, as was natural, lawsuits became extinct, together with money, as the people had neither excess nor deficiency, but all were equally well off, and enjoyed abundant leisure by reason of their simple habits. All their time was spent in dances, feasting, hunting or gymnastic exercises and conversation, when they were not engaged in war. XXIV. Those who were less than thirty years old never came into the market-place at all, but made their necessary purchases through their friends and relations. And it was thought discreditable to the older men to be seen there much, and not to spend the greater part of the day in the gymnasium and the _lesches_ or places for conversation. In these they used to collect together and pass their leisure time, making no allusions to business or the affairs of commerce, but their chief study being to praise what was honourable, and contemn what was base in a light satiric vein of talk which was instructive and edifying to the hearers. Nor was Lykurgus himself a man of unmixed austerity: indeed, he is said by Sosibius to have set up the little statue of the god of laughter, and introduced merriment at proper times to enliven their wine-parties and other gatherings. In a word, he trained his countrymen neither to wish nor to understand how to live as private men, but, like bees, to be parts of the commonwealth, and gather round their chief, forgetting themselves in their enthusiastic patriotism, and utterly devoted to their country. This temper of theirs we can discern in many of their sayings. Paidaretus, when not elected into the three hundred, went away rejoicing that the city possessed three hundred better men than himself. Polykratidas, when he went with some others on a mission to the generals of the great king, was asked by them, if he and his party came as private persons or as ambassadors? He answered, "As ambassadors, if we succeed; as private men, if we fail." And when some citizens of Amphipolis came to Lacedaemon, and went to see the mother of Brasidas, Argileonis, she asked them whether Brasidas died bravely and worthily of Sparta. When they praised him to excess, and said that he had not left his like behind, she said, "Say not so, strangers; Brasidas was a noble and a gallant man, but Sparta has many better than he." XXV. Lykurgus himself composed his senate, as we have seen, of the persons who took part in his plot; and in future be ordained that vacancies should be filled up by those men, upwards of sixty years of age, who were adjudged to be the most worthy. This seemed the greatest prize in the world, and also the most difficult to obtain; for it was not merely that a man should be adjudged swiftest of the swift, or strongest of the strong, but he had to be chosen as the best and wisest of all good and wise men, and, as a prize, was to obtain power to regulate the morals of the state, as he was intrusted with powers of life and death, and disfranchisement, and with all the highest penalties. The elections took place as follows: The citizens were all assembled, and certain men were placed in a building close by, where they could neither see nor be seen, but merely hear the shouts of the general assembly. They decided these, as indeed they did other contests, by shouts of approval, not of all at once, but lots were cast, and each candidate in the order denoted by his lot came forward and silently walked through the assembly. The men locked up in the building had writing materials, and noted down who was cheered most loudly, not knowing who each man was, beyond that he was first, second, third, and so on, of the candidates. They then told the number of the man for whom there had been most voices, and he crowned himself with a garland and offered sacrifice to the gods, followed by many of the young men, who congratulated him, and by many women, who sang songs praising his virtues and his felicity. As he went from one temple to another, each of his relatives used to offer him food, saying, "The state honours you with this banquet." But he would pass by them all, and go to his usual mess-table. Here nothing uncommon took place, except that he was given a second ration, which he took away with him; and after dinner, the women of his own family being at the doors of the mess-room, he would call for the one whom he wished to honour, and give her his portion, saying that he had received it as a prize, and gave it to her as such. This caused her to be greatly envied by the other women. XXVI.--Moreover, he made excellent regulations about funerals. In the first place, he abolished all silly superstition, and raised no objections to burial in the city, and to placing tombs near the temples, in order to accustom the young to such sights from their infancy, so that they might not feel any horror of death, or have any notion about being defiled by touching a dead body, or walking among tombs. Next, he permitted nothing to be buried with the dead, but they placed the body in the grave, wrapped in a purple cloth and covered with olive-leaves. It was not permitted to inscribe the name of the deceased upon his tomb, except in the case of men who had fallen in war, or of women who had been priestesses. A short time was fixed for mourning, eleven days; on the twelfth they were to sacrifice to Demeter (Ceres) and cease from their grief. For, in Sparta, nothing was left without regulation, but, with all the necessary acts of life, Lykurgus mingled some ceremony which might enkindle virtue or discourage vice; indeed he filled his city with examples of this kind, by which the citizens were insensibly moulded and impelled towards honourable pursuits. For this reason he would not allow citizens to leave the country at pleasure, and to wander in foreign lands, where they would contract outlandish habits, and learn to imitate the untrained lives and ill-regulated institutions to be found abroad. Also, he banished from Lacedaemon all strangers who were there for no useful purpose; not, as Thucydides says, because he feared they might imitate his constitution, and learn something serviceable for the improvement of their own countries, but rather for fear that they might teach the people some mischief. Strangers introduce strange ideas; and these lead to discussions of an unsuitable character, and political views which would jar with the established constitution, like a discord in music. Wherefore he thought that it was more important to keep out evil habits than even to keep the plague from coming into the city. XXVII. In all these acts of Lykurgus, we cannot find any traces of the injustice and unfairness which some complain of in his laws, which they say are excellent to produce courage, but less so for justice. And the institution called Krypteia, if indeed it is one of the laws of Lykurgus, as Aristotle tells us, would agree with the idea which Plato conceived about him and his system. The Krypteia was this: the leaders of the young men used at intervals to send the most discreet of them into different parts of the country, equipped with daggers and necessary food; in the daytime these men used to conceal themselves in unfrequented spots, and take their rest, but at night they would come down into the roads and murder any Helots they found. And often they would range about the fields, and make away with the strongest and bravest Helots they could find. Also, as Thucydides mentions in his History of the Peloponnesian War, those Helots who were especially honoured by the Spartans for their valour were crowned as free men, and taken to the temples with rejoicings; but in a short time they all disappeared, to the number of more than two thousand, and in such a way that no man, either then or afterwards, could tell how they perished. Aristotle says that the Ephors, when they first take office, declare war against the Helots, in order that it may be lawful to destroy them. And much other harsh treatment used to be inflicted upon them; and they were compelled to drink much unmixed wine, and then were brought into the public dining-halls, to show the young what drunkenness is. They were also forced to sing low songs, and to dance low dances, and not to meddle with those of a higher character. It is said that when the Thebans made their celebrated campaign in Lacedaemon, they ordered the Helots whom they captured to sing them the songs of Terpander, and Alkman, and Spendon the Laconian; but they begged to be excused, for, they said, "the masters do not like it." So it seems to have been well said that in Lacedaemon, the free man was more free, and the slave more a slave than anywhere else. This harsh treatment, I imagine, began in later times, especially after the great earthquake, when they relate that the Helots joined the Messenians, ravaged the country, and almost conquered it. I cannot impute this wicked act of the Krypteia to Lykurgus, when I consider the gentleness and justice of his general behaviour, which also we know was inspired by Heaven. XXVIII. When the leading men of the city were thoroughly imbued with the spirit of his institutions, and the newly constituted state was able to walk by itself without leading-strings, and bear its own weight alone, then, as Plato says of God, that he was pleased with the world that he had created, when it first began to live and move, so was it with Lykurgus. He admired the spectacle of his laws in operation, and, as far as was possible by human prudence, he desired to leave it eternal and unchangeable. He assembled all the citizens, and told them that the city was now fairly well provided with materials for happiness and virtue, but that he would not bestow upon them the most valuable gift of all, until he had taken counsel with Heaven. It was therefore their duty to abide by the already established laws, and to change and alter nothing till he returned from Delphi; on his return, he would do whatever the god commanded. They all assented, and bade him depart, and he, after making first the kings and elders, and then the rest of the citizens, swear that they would keep their existing constitution till Lykurgus came back, set out for Delphi. Upon reaching the temple he sacrificed to the god, and inquired whether his laws were good, and sufficient for the prosperity and happiness of his country. Receiving answer from the oracle that his laws were indeed good, and that the city would become famous if it kept the constitution of Lykurgus, he wrote down this prophecy and sent it to Sparta. But he himself, after offering a second sacrifice to the god, and having embraced his friends and his son, determined not to release his countrymen from their oath, but to put an end to his own life, being at an age when, though life was still pleasant, it seemed time to go to his rest, after having excellently arranged all his people's affairs. He departed by starvation, as he thought that a true statesman ought to make even his death of service to the state, and not like that of a private person, the useless end of an idle life. His death came in the fulness of time, after he had done an excellent work, and it was left as the guardian of all the good that he had done, because the citizens had sworn that they would abide by his constitution until he returned to them. Nor was he deceived in his expectations; for the state was by far the most celebrated in Greece, for good government at home and renown abroad, during a period of five hundred years, under his constitution, which was kept unaltered by fourteen kings, counting from himself down to Agis the son of Archidamus. For the institution of Ephors was not a relaxation, but a strengthening of the original scheme, and while it seemed popular it really confirmed the power of the oligarchy. XXIX. But in the reign of Agis money found its way into Sparta, and, after money, selfishness and greed for gain came in, on account of Lysander, who, though himself incorruptible, yet filled his country with luxury and love of gold, as he brought back gold and silver from the wars, and disregarded the laws of Lykurgus. Before this, when those laws were in force, Sparta was like a wise and practised warrior more than a city, or rather, she with her simple staff and cloak, like Herakles with his lion-skin and club, ruled over a willing Greece, deposed bad kings or factions, decided wars, and crushed revolutions; and that, too, often without moving a single soldier, but merely by sending a commissioner, who was at once obeyed, even as bees collect and rank themselves in order when their queen appears. Sparta then had so much order and justice as to be able to supply her neighbours; and I cannot understand those who say that the Lacedaemonians "knew how to obey, but not how to rule;" nor that story of some one who said to king Theopompus that the safety of Sparta lay in her kings knowing how to rule. "Rather," he answered, "in her citizens knowing how to obey." They would not brook an incapable commander: their very obedience is a lesson in the art of command; for a good leader makes good followers, and just as it is the object of the horse-breaker to turn out a gentle and tractable horse, so it is the object of rulers to implant in men the spirit of obedience. But the Lacedaemonians produced a desire in other states to be ruled by them and to obey them; for they used to send embassies and ask not for ships or money or troops, but for one Spartan for a leader; and when they obtained him, they respected him and feared him, as, for instance, the Sicilians had Gylippus as a general, the people of Chalkidike had Brasidas, while Lysander and Kallikratidas and Agesilaus were made use of by all the Greeks in Asia Minor. These men were called Regulators and Pacificators in each several state, and the whole city of Sparta was regarded as a school and example of orderly public life and of settled political institutions. This was alluded to by Stratonikus when he said in jest that the Athenians ought to conduct mysteries and shows, the Eleans to be stewards at the games, and the Lacedaemonians to be beaten if the others did not do right. This was not spoken seriously; but Antisthenes, the Sokratic philosopher, was serious when he said of the Thebans, who were in high spirits after their victory at Leuktra, that they were as pleased as schoolboys who had beaten their master. XXXI. Not that this was Lykurgus's main object, that his country should dominate over as many other states as possible; but seeing that, in states as in individuals, happiness is derived from virtue and single-mindedness, he directed all his efforts to implant in his countrymen feelings of honour, self-reliance, and self-control. These were also taken as the basis of their constitution by Plato, Diogenes, Zeno, and all who have written with any success upon this subject. But they have left mere dissertations; Lykurgus produced an inimitable constitution, confuted those who complained of the unreality of the 'Essay on the True Philosopher,' by showing them the spectacle of an entire city acting like philosophers, and thereby obtained for himself a greater reputation than that of any other Greek legislator at any period. For this reason Aristotle says that he has less honour in Lacedaemon than he deserves, although his memory is greatly respected; for he has a temple, and they sacrifice to him every year as if he was a god. It is also said that after his remains were carried home, his tomb was struck by lightning. This distinction befell scarcely any other man of note except Euripides, who died long after him, and was buried at Arethusa in Macedonia. It was considered a great proof and token of his fame by the admirers of Euripides, that this should happen to him after his death which happened before to the especial favourite of Heaven. Some say that Lykurgus died at Kirrha, but Apollothemis says that he was taken to Elis and died there, and Timaeus and Aristoxenus say that he ended his days in Crete. Aristoxenus even says that the Cretans show his tomb in what is called the Strangers' Road in Pergamia. He is said to have left one son, Antiorus, who died childless, and so ended the family. His companions and relatives and their descendants kept up the practice of meeting together for a long period; and the days when they met were called Lykurgids. Aristokrates the son of Hipparchus says that when Lykurgus died in Crete, his friends burned his body and threw the ashes into the sea, at his own request, as he feared that if any remains of him should be brought back to Lacedaemon, they would think themselves absolved from their oath, and change the constitution. This is the story of Lykurgus. LIFE OF NUMA. I. There is a considerable conflict of opinion about the time of King Numa's reign, although several pedigrees seem to be accurately traced to him. One Clodius, in a book on the verification of dates, insists that all these old records were destroyed during the Gaulish troubles, and that those which are now extant were composed by interested persons, by whose means men who had no right to such honours claimed descent from the noblest families. Though Numa is said to have been a friend of Pythagoras, yet some deny that he had any tincture of Greek learning, arguing that either he was born with a natural capacity for sound learning, or that he was taught by some barbarian.[A] Others say that Pythagoras was born much later, some five generations after the times of Numa, but that Pythagoras the Spartan, who won the Stadium race at Olympia on the thirteenth Olympiad, wandered into Italy, and there meeting Numa, assisted him in the establishment of his constitution; and that from this cause, the Roman constitution in many points resembles the Laconian. The Olympic games were instituted in the third year of Numa's reign. Another story is that Numa was a Sabine by birth, and the Sabines consider themselves to be of Lacedaemonian origin. It is hard to reconcile the dates, especially those which refer to Olympiads, the table of which is said to have been made out by Hippias of Elis, on no trustworthy basis. However, what things I have heard about Numa that are worthy of mention I shall proceed to relate, beginning from a starting-point of my own. [Footnote A: That is, by some one who was not a Greek.] II. Rome had been founded, and Romulus had reigned, for thirty-seven years, when upon the fifth day of the month of July, which day is now called _nonae caprotinae_, he was performing a public sacrifice outside the gates, at a place called the Goat's Marsh, in the presence of the Senate and most of the people. Suddenly a great commotion began in the air, thick clouds covered the earth, with violent gusts and showers. The people fled in terror, and Romulus disappeared. His body could never be found, but suspicion fell upon the patricians, and a report was current among the populace that they had long been jealous of his power as king, and had determined to get it into their own hands. Indeed, he had dealt with them very harshly and tyrannically. Fearing this suspicion, they gave out that he was not dead, but had been caught up into heaven; and Proclus, a man of mark, swore that he saw Romulus ascend into heaven in his armour as he was, and that he heard a voice ordering that he should be called Quirinus. Another disturbance took place in Rome about the election of the next king, because the new citizens were not yet thoroughly amalgamated with the old ones, the people were unquiet, and the patricians suspicious of one another. Nevertheless they all determined that they would have a king, but they disagreed not merely about who, but of what race he should be. Romulus's original colonists thought it a monstrous thing that the Sabines, because they had been admitted to a share of the city and the country, should propose to rule over it; while the Sabines not unreasonably urged that because, after the death of Tatius, they had acquiesced in Romulus reigning alone, now in their turn they ought to furnish a king of their own nation. They had not, they said, been adopted by a more powerful race than themselves, but had, by their combination with the Romans, greatly raised the power and renown of their city. The two races were at issue on these points. The patricians, fearing that confusion might arise if the state were left without a head, made one of their own number every day assume the insignia of royalty, perform the usual sacrifices to the gods, and transact business for six hours by day, and six by night. This equal division of their periods of rule was not only just for those in office, but prevented any jealousy of them being felt by the populace, each day and night, because they saw one who had been a king become a private person. This form of government the Romans call an interregnum. III. But, although they appeared to manage things so smoothly, suspicions and threatenings of disturbance arose, for men said that they meditated altering the form of government to an oligarchy, in order to keep all political power in their own hands, and would not therefore elect a king. Hereupon the two factions agreed that one should select a king from the ranks of the other. This, they thought, would both put an end to their quarrels for the present, and also ensure the candidate who should be chosen being impartial, because he would be friendly to the one party because it had chosen him, and to the other because he belonged to it by birth. The Sabines gave the Romans their choice which they would do; and they decided that it would be better to choose a Sabine king themselves, than to be ruled by a Roman chosen by the Sabines. After deliberation amongst themselves, they chose Numa Pompilius, a man who was not one of those Sabines who had settled in Rome, but whose excellence was so well-known to all, that the Sabines, as soon as they heard his name, were even more eager for him than the Romans who had chosen him. When they had informed the people of their decision, they sent an embassy to Numa, composed of the leading men of both parties, to beg of him to come to Rome and assume the crown. Numa belonged to a celebrated Sabine city, Cures, from which the united Romans and Sabines called themselves Quirites. He was the son of Pomponius, an honourable citizen, and was the youngest of four brothers. By a miraculous coincidence he was born on the very day on which Romulus founded Rome; that is, the tenth day before the Calends of May. His naturally good disposition had been so educated by sorrow and philosophic pursuits, that he rose superior not merely to commonplace vices, but even to the worship of brute force, so common among barbarians, and considered true courage to consist in the conquest of his own passions. Accordingly he banished all luxury and extravagance from his house, and was known as a trusty friend and counsellor, both by his countrymen and by strangers. When at leisure, he disregarded sensual enjoyments and money-getting, but devoted himself to the service of the gods and to speculations about their nature and power, so that he obtained great celebrity. Indeed Tatius, when he was acting as joint-king with Romulus, chose him for the husband of his only daughter Tatia. But Numa was not elated by his marriage, and did not remove to the town where his father-in-law was king, but stayed where he was in Cures, among the Sabines, tending his aged father; while Tatia also preferred the quiet of a private citizen's life to the pomp which she might have enjoyed in Rome. She is said to have died in the thirteenth year after her marriage. IV. Now Numa was in the habit of leaving the city and passing much of his time in the country, wandering alone in the sacred groves and dwelling in desert places. Hence the story first arose that it was not from any derangement of intellect that he shunned human society, but because he held converse with higher beings, and had been admitted to marriage with the gods, and that, by passing his time in converse with the nymph Egeria, who loved him, he became blessed, and learned heavenly wisdom. It is evident that this is the same as many ancient myths; such as that told by the Phrygians about Attis, that of the Bithynians about Herodotus, that of the Arcadians about Endymion, and many others. Yet it seems probable that a god, who loves man better than bird or beast, should take pleasure in conversing with those men who are remarkable for goodness, and not despise nor disdain to hold communion with the wise and righteous. But it is hard to believe that a god or deity could feel the passion of love for a human form; although the Egyptians not unreasonably say, that a woman may be impregnated by the spirit of a god, but that a man can have no material union with a god. However it is very right to believe that a god can feel friendship for a man, and from this may spring a love which watches over him and guides him in the path of virtue. There is truth in the myths of Phorbas, of Hyacinthus, and of Admetus, who were all loved by Apollo, as was also Hippolytus of Sicyon. It is said that whenever he set sail from Sikyon to Kirrha on the opposite coast, the Pythia would recite the verse, "Now goes our dear Hippolytus to sea," as if the god knew that he was coming and rejoiced at it. There is also a legend that Pan loved Pindar and his verses; and for the Muse's sake, Hesiod and Archilochus were honoured after their deaths; while Sophokles during his life is said, by a legend which remains current at the present day, to have become the friend of Aesculapius, and on his death to have had the rites of burial supplied by the care of another god. If, then, we believe the legends which are told about these persons, why should we doubt that Zaleukus, Minos, Zoroaster, Numa, and Lykurgus were inspired by Heaven, when they governed their kingdoms and gave them laws? We may suppose that the gods, when in an earnest mood, would hold converse with such men as these, the best of their kind, to talk with and encourage them, just as they visit the poets, if they do at all, when inclined for pleasure. However, if any one thinks differently, as Bacchylides says, "The way is broad." The other view, which some take about Lykurgus and Numa and such men, seems very plausible, that they, having to deal with an obstinate and unmanageable people when introducing great political changes, invented the idea of their own divine mission as a means of safety for themselves. V. It was in Numa's fortieth year that the envoys came from Rome to ask him to be king. Their spokesmen were Proculus and Velesius, one of whom had very nearly been elected king, for the Romulus people inclined much to Proculus, and those of Tatius were equally in favour of Velesius. These men made a short speech, imagining that Numa would be delighted with his fortune; but it appears that it took much hard pleading to induce a man who had lived all his life in peace to take the command of a city which owed its origin and its increase alike to war. He said, in the presence of his father and of Marcius, one of his relations, "Every change in a man's life is dangerous; and when a man is not in want of anything needful, and has no cause for being dissatisfied with his lot, it is sheer madness for him to change his habits and way of life; for these, at any rate, have the advantage of security, while in the new state all is uncertain. Not even uncertain are the perils of royalty, judging from Romulus himself, who was suspected of having plotted against his partner Tatius, and whose peers were suspected of having assassinated him. Yet these men call Romulus the child of the gods, and tell how he had a divinely sent nurse, and was preserved by a miracle while yet a child; while I was born of mortal parents, and brought up by people whom you all know: even the points which you praise in my character are far from those which make a good king, being love of leisure and of unprofitable speculation, and also a great fondness for peace and unwarlike matters, and for men who meet together for the glory of the gods or for cheerful converse with one another, and who at other times plough their fields and feed their cattle at home. But you Romans have very likely many wars left upon your hands by Romulus, for the conduct of which the state requires a vigorous warrior in the prime of life. The people too, from their successes, are accustomed to and eager for war, and are known to be longing for fresh conquests and possessions; so that they would ridicule me when I told them to honour the gods and act justly, and if I tried to instil a hatred of wars and of brute force into a city which wants a general more than a king." VI. As he refused the offered crown in such terms, the Romans used every kind of entreaty to induce him to accept it, begging him not to plunge the state again into civil war, because there was no other man whom the two parties would agree to receive as their king. In their absence, his father and Marcius begged him not to refuse so great and marvellous an offer. "If," they said, "you do not desire wealth, because of your simple life, and do not care for the glory of royalty, because you derive more glory from your own virtue, yet think that to be king is to serve God, who gives you this office and will not allow your righteousness to lie idle, useful only to yourself. Do not therefore shrink from assuming this office, which gives you an opportunity to conduct the solemn ceremonials of religion with due pomp, and to civilise the people and turn their hearts, which can be effected more easily by a king than by any one else. This people loved Tatius, though he was a foreigner, and they respect the memory of Romulus as if he was a god. And who knows, if the people, although victorious, may not have had enough of wars, and, sated with triumphs and spoils, may not be desirous of a gentle and just ruler under whom they may enjoy rest and peace. If, however, they are madly bent upon war, is it not better that you should hold the reins, and direct their fury elsewhere, becoming yourself a bond of union and friendship between the Sabine nation and this powerful and flourishing city?" Besides these arguments, it is said that the omens were favourable, and that the people of the city, as soon as they heard of the embassy, came and besought him to go and become king, and thus unite and combine the two races. VII. When he had made up his mind, he sacrificed to the gods, and started for Rome. The Senate and people met him and showed great affection for him; the matrons also greeted him, and there were sacrifices in the temples, and every one was as joyous as if he had received a kingdom instead of a king. When they came into the Forum, the _interrex_ or temporary king, Spurius Vettius, put it to the vote, and all the people voted for Numa. When they offered him the insignia of royalty, he bade them stop, saying that he wished to have his crown confirmed to him by God as well as by man. Taking the prophets and priests he ascended the Capitol, which the Romans at that time called the Tarpeian Hill. There the chief of the prophets made him turn towards the south, covered his head, and then standing behind him with his hand laid upon his head, he prayed, and looked for a sign or omen sent from the gods in every quarter of the heavens. A strange silence prevailed among the people in the Forum, as they watched him eagerly, until a prosperous omen was observed. Then Numa received the royal robes and came down from the hill among the people. They received him with cheers and congratulations, as the most pious of men, and as beloved of Heaven. When he became king, his first act was to disband the body-guard of three hundred men, whom Romulus always had kept about his person, who were called _Celeres_, that is, swift; for Numa would not distrust a loyal people nor reign over a disloyal one. Next he instituted a third high priest, in addition to the existing priests of Jupiter and Mars, whom, in honour of Romulus, he called the Flamen Quirinalis. The elder priests are called Flamens from the skull-caps which they wear, and the word is derived from the Greek word for felt; for at that time Greek words were mingled with Latin ones more than now. For instance, the _laena_ worn by the priests is said by Juba to be the Greek _chlaina_, and the boy, whose parents must be both alive, who is servant to the priest of Jupiter, is called _Camillus_, just as the Greeks sometimes call Hermes (Mercury) _Cadmilus_, from his being the servant of the gods. VIII. Numa, after confirming his popularity by these measures, proceeded at once to attempt to convert the city from the practice of war and the strong hand, to that of right and justice, just as a man tries to soften and mould a mass of iron. The city at that time was indeed what Plato calls "inflamed and angry," for it owed its very existence to the reckless daring by which it had thrust aside the most warlike races of the country, and had recruited its strength by many campaigns and ceaseless war, and, as carpentry becomes more fixed in its place by blows, so the city seemed to gain fresh power from its dangers. Thinking that it would be a very difficult task to change the habits of this excited and savage people, and to teach them the arts of peace, he looked to the gods for help, and by sacrifices, processions, and choral dances, which he himself organised and arranged, he awed, interested, and softened the manners of the Romans, artfully beguiling them out of their warlike ferocity. Sometimes he spoke of supernatural terrors, evil omens, and unpropitious voices, so as to influence them by means of superstition. These measures proved his wisdom, and showed him a true disciple of Pythagoras, for the worship of the gods was an important part of his state policy, as it is of Pythagoras's system of philosophy. His love of outward show and stratagem was also said to be derived from Pythagoras, for as the latter tamed an eagle and made it alight upon him, and when walking through the crowd at Olympia showed his golden thigh, and did all the other surprising devices which made Timon of Phlius write the epigram-- "Pythagoras by magic arts, And mystic talk deludes men's hearts," so did Numa invent the story of his amour with a wood-nymph and his secret converse with her, and of his enjoying the society of the Muses. He referred most of his prophetic utterances to the Muses, and taught the Romans to worship one of them especially, whom he called Tacita, which means silent or dumb. This seems to have been done in imitation of Pythagoras, who especially revered silence. His legislation about images was also connected with the Pythagorean doctrine, which says that first principles cannot be touched or seen, but are invisible spiritual essences; for Numa forbade the Romans to worship any likenesses of men or of beasts. Among them there was no image of a god, either carved or moulded, in the early times. For a hundred and seventy years they built temples, and placed shrines in them, but made no image of any living thing, considering that it was wrong to make the worse like the better, and that God cannot be comprehended otherwise than by thought. Their sacrifices also were connected with the Pythagorean doctrine; they were for the most part bloodless, and performed with flour, libations of wine, and all the commonest things. But besides these, there are other distinct proofs of the connection of these two men with one another. One of these is that the Romans enrolled Pythagoras as a citizen, as we are told by Epicharmus the comic poet, in a letter which he wrote to Antenor. He was a man who lived in old times and underwent the Pythagorean training. Another proof is that of his four sons, King Numa named one Mamercus after the son of Pythagoras; from whom sprung the ancient patrician house of the Aemilii. This name was originally given him in sport by the king, who used to call him _aimulos_ or wily. I myself have heard many Romans narrate that an oracle once bade the Romans establish the wisest and the bravest of the Greeks in their own city, and that in consequence of it they set up two brazen statues in the Forum, one of Alkibiades and one of Pythagoras. But all this can be so easily disputed that it is not worth while to pursue it farther or to put any trust in it. IX. To Numa also is referred the institution of the Pontifices, or high priests; and he himself is said to have been one of the first. The Pontifices are so called, according to some authorities, because they worship the gods, who are powerful and almighty; for powerful in Latin is _potens_. Others say that it refers to an exception made in favour of possibilities, meaning that the legislator ordered the priests to perform what services lay in their power, and did not deny that there are some which they cannot. But the most usually received and most absurd derivation is that the word means nothing more than bridge builders, and that they were so named from the sacrifices which are offered upon the sacred bridge, which are of great sanctity and antiquity. The Latins call a bridge _pontem_. This bridge is intrusted to the care of the priests, like any other immovable holy relic; for the Romans think that the removal of the wooden bridge would call down the wrath of Heaven. It is said to be entirely composed of wood, in accordance with some oracle, without any iron whatever. The stone bridge was built many years afterwards, when Aemilius was Quaestor. However, it is said that the wooden bridge itself does not date from the time of Numa, but that it was finished by Marcius, the grandson of Numa, when he was king. The chief priest, or Pontifex Maximus, is an interpreter and prophet or rather expounder of the will of Heaven. He not only sees that the public sacrifices are properly conducted, but even watches those who offer private sacrifices, opposes all departure from established custom, and points out to each man how to honour the gods and how to pray to them. He also presides over the holy maidens called vestals. The consecration of the vestal virgins, and the worship and watching of the eternal flame by them, are entirely attributed to Numa, and explained either by the pure and uncorruptible essence of fire being intrusted to the keeping of those who are stainless and undefiled, or by that which is barren and without fruit being associated with maidens. Indeed, in Greece, wherever an eternal fire is kept up, as at Delphi and Athens, it is not maidens, but widows, past the age to wed, that tend it. When any of these fires chance to go out, as, for instance, the sacred lamp went out at Athens when Aristion was despot, and the fire went out at Delphi when the temple was burned by the Persians, and at Rome in the revolutions during the time of the wars with King Mithridates the fire, and even the altar upon which it burned, was swept away; then they say that it must not be lighted from another fire, but that an entirely new fire must be made, lighted by a pure and undefiled ray from the sun. They usually light it with mirrors made by hollowing the surface of an isosceles right-angled triangle, which conducts all the rays of light into one point. Now when it is placed opposite to the sun, so that all the rays coming from all quarters are collected together into that point, the ray thus formed passes through the thin air, and at once lights the dryest and lightest of the objects against which it strikes, for that ray has the strength and force of fire itself. Some say that the only duty of the vestal virgins is to watch that eternal fire, but others say they perform certain secret rites, about which we have written as much as it is lawful to divulge, in the Life of Camillus. X. The first maidens who were consecrated by Numa were named Gegania and Verenia; and afterwards Canuleia and Tarpeia were added. Servius subsequently added two more to their number, which has remained six ever since his reign. Numa ordained that the maidens should observe celibacy for thirty years, during the first ten years of which they were to learn their duties, during the next perform them, and during the last to teach others. After this period any of them who wished might marry and cease to be priestesses; but it is said that very few availed themselves of this privilege, and that those few were not happy, but, by their regrets and sorrow for the life they had left, made the others scruple to leave it, prefer to remain virgins till their death. They had great privileges, such as that of disposing of their property by will when their fathers were still alive, like women who have borne three children. When they walk abroad they are escorted by lictors with the fasces; and if they happen to meet any criminal who is being taken to execution, he is not put to death; but the vestal must swear that she met him accidentally, and not on purpose. When they use a litter, no one may pass under it on pain of death. The vestals are corrected by stripes for any faults which they commit, sometimes by the Pontifex Maximus, who flogs the culprit without her clothes, but with a curtain drawn before her. She that breaks her vow of celibacy is buried alive at the Colline Gate, at which there is a mound of earth which stretches some way inside the city wall. In it they construct an underground chamber, of small size, which is entered from above. In it is a bed with bedding, and a lamp burning; and also some small means of supporting life, such as bread, a little water in a vessel, milk, and oil, as though they wished to avoid the pollution of one who had been consecrated with such holy ceremonies dying of hunger. The guilty one is placed in a litter, covered in, and gagged with thongs so that she cannot utter a sound. Then they carry her through the Forum. All make way in silence, and accompany her passage with downcast looks, without speaking. There is no more fearful sight than this, nor any day when the city is plunged into deeper mourning. When the litter reaches the appointed spot, the servants loose her bonds, and the chief priest, after private prayer and lifting his hands to Heaven before his dreadful duty, leads her out, closely veiled, places her upon a ladder which leads down into the subterranean chamber. After this he turns away with the other priests; the ladder is drawn up after she has descended, and the site of the chamber is obliterated by masses of earth which are piled upon it, so that the place looks like any other part of the mound. Thus are the vestals punished who lose their chastity. XI. Numa is said to have built the Temple of Vesta, which was to contain the sacred fire, in a circular form, imitating thereby not the shape of the earth, but that of the entire universe, in the midst of which the Pythagoreans place the element of fire, which they call Vesta and the Unit. The earth they say is not motionless, and not in the centre of its orbit, but revolves round the central fire, occupying by no means the first or the most honourable place in the system of the universe. These ideas are said to have been entertained by Plato also in his old age; for he too thought that the earth was in a subordinate position, and that the centre of the universe was occupied by some nobler body. XII. The Pontifices also explain, to those who inquire of them, the proper ceremonies at funerals. For Numa taught them not to think that there was any pollution in death, but that we must pay due honours to the gods below, because they will receive all that is noblest on earth. Especially he taught them to honour the goddess Libitina, the goddess who presides over funeral rites, whether she be Proserpine, or rather Venus, as the most learned Romans imagine, not unnaturally referring our birth and our death to the same divinity. He also defined the periods of mourning, according to the age of the deceased. He allowed none for a child under three years of age, and for one older the mourning was only to last as many months as he lived years, provided those were not more than ten. The longest mourning was not to continue above ten months, after which space widows were permitted to marry again; but she that took another husband before that term was out was obliged by his decree to sacrifice a cow with calf. Of Numa's many other institutions I shall only mention two, that of the Salii and of the Feciales, which especially show his love of justice. The Feciales are, as it were, guardians of peace, and in my opinion obtain their name from their office; for they were to act as mediators, and not to permit an appeal to arms before all hope of obtaining justice by fair means had been lost. The Greeks call it peace when two states settle their differences by negotiation and not by arms; and the Roman Feciales frequently went to states that had done wrong and begged them to think better of what they had done. If they rejected their offers, then the Feciales called the gods to witness, invoked dreadful curses upon themselves and their country, if they were about to fight in an unjust cause, and so declared war. Against the will of the Feciales, or without their approval, no Roman, whether king or common soldier, was allowed to take up arms, but the general was obliged first to have it certified to him by the Feciales that the right was on his side, and then to take his measures for a campaign. It is said that the great disaster with the Gauls befell the city in consequence of this ceremony having been neglected. The barbarians were besieging Clusium; Fabius Ambustus was sent as an ambassador to their camp to make terms on behalf of the besieged. His proposals met with a harsh reply, and he, thinking that his mission was at an end, had the audacity to appear before the ranks of the men of Clusium in arms, and to challenge the bravest of the barbarians to single combat. He won the fight, slew his opponent and stripped his body; but the Gauls recognised him, and sent a herald to Rome, complaining that Fabius had broken faith and not kept his word, and had waged war against them without its being previously declared. Hereupon the Feciales urged the Senate to deliver the man up to the Gauls, but he appealed to the people, and by their favour escaped his just doom. Soon after the Gauls came and sacked Rome, except the Capitol. But this is treated of more at length in the 'Life of Camillus.' XIII. The priests called Salii are said to owe their origin to the following circumstances: In the eighth year of Numa's reign an epidemic raged throughout Italy, and afflicted the city of Rome. Now amidst the general distress it is related that a brazen shield fell from heaven into the hands of Numa. Upon this the king made an inspired speech, which he had learned from Egeria and the Muses. The shield, he said, came for the salvation of the city, and they must guard it, and make eleven more like it, so that no thief could steal the one that fell from heaven, because he could not tell which it was. Moreover the place and the meadows round about it, where he was wont to converse with the Muses, must be consecrated to them, and the well by which it was watered must be pointed out as holy water to the vestal virgins, that they might daily take some thence to purify and sprinkle their temple. The truth of this is said to have been proved by the immediate cessation of the plague. He bade workmen compete in imitating the shield, and, when all others refused to attempt it, Veturius Mamurius, one of the best workmen of the time, produced so admirable an imitation, and made all the shields so exactly alike, that even Numa himself could not tell which was the original. He next appointed the Salii to guard and keep them. These priests were called Salii, not, as some say, after a man of Samothrace or of Mantinea named Salius, who first taught the art of dancing under arms, but rather from the springing dance itself, which they dance through the city when they carry out the shields in the month of March, dressed in scarlet tunics, girt with brazen girdles, with brazen helmets on their heads and little daggers with which they strike the shields. The rest of their dance is done with their feet; they move gracefully, whirling round, swiftly and airily counter-changing their positions with light and vigorous motions according to rhythm and measure. The shields are called _ancilia_, because of their shape; for they are not round, nor with a perfect circumference, but are cut out of a wavy line, and curl in at the thickest part towards each other; or they may be called _ancilia_ after the name of the elbow, _ankon_, on which they are carried; at least so Juba conjectures in his endeavours to find a Greek derivation for the word. The name may be connected with the fall of the shield _from above_ (_anekathen_), or with the healing (_akesis_) of the plague, and the cessation of that terrible calamity, if we must refer the word to a Greek root. It is related that, to reward Mamurius for his workmanship, his name is mentioned in the song which the Salii sing while they dance their Pyrrhic dance; others, however, say that it is not Veturium Mamurium that they say, but _Veterem Memoriam_, which means ancient memory. XIV. After he had arranged all religious ceremonies, he built, near the temple of Vesta, the Regia, as a kind of royal palace; and there he spent most of his time, engaged in religious duties, instructing the priests, or awaiting some divine colloquy. He had also another house on the hill of Quirinus, the site of which is even now pointed out. In all religious processions through the city the heralds went first to bid the people cease their work, and attend to the ceremony; for just as the Pythagoreans are said to forbid the worship of the gods in a cursory manner, and to insist that men shall set out from their homes with this purpose and none other in their minds, so Numa thought it wrong that the citizens should see or hear any religious ceremony in a careless, half-hearted manner, and made them cease from all worldly cares and attend with all their hearts to the most important of all duties, religion; so he cleared the streets of all the hammering, and cries, and noises which attend the practice of ordinary trades and handicrafts, before any holy ceremony. Some trace of this custom still survives in the practice of crying out _Hoc age_ when the consul is taking the auspices or making a sacrifice. These words mean "Do this thing," and are used to make the bystanders orderly and attentive. Many of his other precepts are like those of the Pythagoreans; for just as they forbid men to sit upon a quart measure, or to stir the fire with a sword, or to turn back when they set out upon a journey, and bid them sacrifice an odd number to the gods above, and an even one to those below, all of which things had a mystical meaning, which was hidden from the common mass of mankind, so also some of Numa's rites can only be explained by reference to some secret legend, such as his forbidding men to make a libation to the gods with wine made from an unpruned vine, and his ordering that no sacrifice should be made without flour, and that men should turn round while worshipping and sit after they had worshipped. The first two of these seem to point to cultivation of the fruits of the earth, as a part of righteousness; the turning round of the worshippers is said to be in imitation of the revolution of the globe, but it seems more probable that, as all temples look towards the east, the worshipper who enters with his back to the sun turns round towards this god also, and begs of them both, as he makes his circuit, to fulfil his prayer. Unless indeed there is an allusion to the symbolical wheel of the Egyptians, and the change of posture means that nothing human is constant, and that, however God may turn about our lives, it is our duty to be content. The act of sitting after prayer was said to portend that such as were good would obtain a solid and lasting fulfilment of their prayers. Or again, this attitude of rest marks the division between different periods of prayer; so that after the end of one prayer they seat themselves in the presence of the gods, in order that under their auspices they may begin the next. This fully agrees with what has been said above, and shows that the lawgiver intended to accustom his countrymen not to offer their prayers in a hurry, or in the intervals of doing something else, but when they were at leisure and not pressed for time. XV. By this religious training the city became so easily managed by Numa, and so impressed by his power, as to believe stories of the wildest character about him, and to think nothing incredible or impossible if he wished to do it. For instance, it is related that once he invited many of the citizens to dine with him, and placed before them common vessels and poor fare; but, as they were about to begin dinner, he suddenly said that his familiar goddess was about to visit him, and at once displayed abundance of golden cups and tables covered with costly delicacies. The strangest story of all is that of his conversation with Jupiter. The legend runs that Mount Aventine was not at this time enclosed within the city, but was full of fountains and shady glens, and haunted by two divinities, Picus and Faunus, who may be compared to Satyrs or to Pan, and who, in knowledge of herbs and magic, seem equal to what the Greeks call the Daktyli of Mount Ida. These creatures roamed about Italy playing their tricks, but Numa caught them by filling the spring at which they drank with wine and honey. They turned into all kinds of shapes, and assumed strange and terrible forms, but when they found that they were unable to escape, they told Numa much of the future, and showed him how to make a charm against thunder-bolts, which is used to this day, and is made of onions and hair and sprats. Some say that it was not these deities who told him the charm, but that they by magic arts brought down Jupiter from heaven, and he, in a rage, ordered Numa to make the charm of "Heads"; and when Numa added, "Of onions," he said "Of men's"--"Hair," said Numa, again taking away the terrible part of the imprecation. When then Jupiter said "With living"--"Sprats," said Numa, answering as Egeria had taught him. The god went away appeased, and the place was in consequence called Ilicius. This was how the charm was discovered. These ridiculous legends show the way in which the people had become accustomed to regard the gods. Indeed Numa is said to have placed all his hopes in religion, to such an extent that even when a message was brought him, saying, "The enemy are approaching," he smiled and said, "And I am sacrificing." XVI. The first temples that he founded are said to have been those of Fides or Faith, and Terminus. Fides is said to have revealed to the Romans the greatest of all oaths, which they even now make use of; while Terminus is the god of boundaries, to whom they sacrifice publicly, and also privately at the divisions of men's estates; at the present time with living victims, but in old days this was a bloodless sacrifice, for Numa argued that the god of boundaries must be a lover of peace, and a witness of righteousness, and therefore averse to bloodshed. Indeed Numa was the first king who defined the boundaries of the country, since Romulus was unwilling, by measuring what was really his own, to show how much he had taken from other states: for boundaries, if preserved, are barriers against violence; if disregarded, they become standing proofs of lawless injustice. The city had originally but a small territory of its own, and Romulus gained the greater part of its possessions by the sword. All this Numa distributed among the needy citizens, thereby removing the want which urged them to deeds of violence, and, by turning the people's thoughts to husbandry, he made them grow more civilised as their land grew more cultivated. No profession makes men such passionate lovers of peace as that of a man who farms his own land; for he retains enough of the warlike spirit to fight fiercely in defence of his own property, but has lost all desire to despoil and wrong his neighbours. It was for this reason that Numa encouraged agriculture among the Romans, as a spell to charm away war, and loved the art more because of its influence on men's minds than because of the wealth which it produced. He divided the whole country into districts, which he called pagi, and appointed a head man for each, and a patrol to guard it. And sometimes he himself would inspect them, and, forming an opinion of each man's character from the condition of his farm, would raise some to honours and offices of trust, and blaming others for their remissness, would lead them to do better in future. XVII. Of his other political measures, that which is most admired is his division of the populace according to their trades. For whereas the city, as has been said, originally consisted of two races, which stood aloof one from the other and would not combine into one, which led to endless quarrels and rivalries, Numa, reflecting that substances which are hard and difficult to combine together, can nevertheless be mixed and formed into one mass if they are broken up into small pieces, because then they more easily fit into each other, determined to divide the whole mass of the people of Rome into many classes, and thus, by creating numerous petty rivalries, to obliterate their original and greatest cause of variance. His division was according to their trades, and consisted of the musicians, the goldsmiths, the builders, the dyers, the shoemakers, the carriers, the coppersmiths, and the potters. All the other trades he united into one guild. He assigned to each trade its special privileges, common to all the members, and arranged that each should have its own times of meeting, and worship its own special patron god, and by this means he did away with that habit, which hitherto had prevailed among the citizens, of some calling themselves Sabines, and some Romans; one boasting that they were Tatius's men, and other Romulus's. So this division produced a complete fusion and unity. Moreover he has been much praised for another of his measures, that, namely, of correcting the old law which allows fathers to sell their sons for slaves. He abolished this power in the case of married men, who had married with their father's consent; for he thought it a monstrous injustice that a woman, who had married a free man, should be compelled to be the wife of a slave. XVIII. He also dealt with astronomical matters, not with perfect accuracy, and yet not altogether without knowledge. During the reign of Romulus the months had been in a state of great disorder, some not containing twenty days, some five-and-thirty, and some even more, because the Romans could not reconcile the discrepancies which arise from reckoning by the sun and the moon, and only insisted upon one thing, that the year should consist of three hundred and sixty days. Numa reckoned the variation to consist of eleven days, as the lunar year contains three hundred and fifty-four days, and the solar year three hundred and sixty-five. He doubled these eleven days and introduced them every other year, after February, as an intercalary month, twenty-two days in duration, which was called by the Romans Mercedinus. This was a remedy for the irregularities of the calendar which itself required more extensive remedies. He also altered the order of the months, putting March, which used to be the first month, third, and making January the first, which in the time of Romulus had been the eleventh, and February the second, which then had been the twelfth. There are many writers who say that these months, January and February, were added to the calendar by Numa, and that originally there had only been ten months in the year, just as some barbarians have three, and in Greece the Arcadians have four, and the Acarnanians six. The Egyptians originally had but one month in their year, and afterwards are said to have divided it into four mouths; wherefore, though they live in the newest of all countries, they appear to be the most ancient of all nations, and in their genealogies reckon an incredible number of years, because they count their months as years. XIX. One proof that the Romans used to reckon ten months and not twelve in the year is the name of the last month; for up to the present day it is called _December_, the tenth, and the order of the months shows that March was the first, for the fifth month from it they called _Quintilis_, the fifth; and the sixth month Sextilis, and so on for the others, although, by their putting January and February before March, it resulted that the month which they number fifth is really seventh in order. Moreover, there is a legend that the month of March, being the first, was dedicated by Romulus to Mars, and the second, April, to Aphrodité (Venus); in which month they sacrifice to this goddess, and the women bathe on the first day of it crowned with myrtle. Some, however, say that April is not named after Aphrodité, because the word April does not contain the letter _h_, and that it comes from the Latin word _aperio_, and means the month in which the spring-time opens the buds of plants; for that is what the word signifies. Of the following months, May is named after Maia, the mother of Hermes or Mercury, for it is dedicated to her, and June from Juno. Some say that these names signify old age and youth, for old men are called by the Latins majores, and young men juniores. The remaining months they named, from the order in which they came, the fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth: Quintilis, Sextilis, September, October, November, December. Then Quintilis was called Julius after Julius Caesar, who conquered Pompeius; and Sextilis was called Augustus, after the second of the Roman Emperors. The next two months Domitian altered to his own titles, but not for any long time, as after his death they resumed their old names of September and October. The last two alone have preserved their original names without change. Of the months, added or altered by Numa, Februarius means the month of purification, for that is as nearly as possible the meaning of the word, and during it they sacrifice to the dead, and hold the festival of the Lupercalia, which resembles a ceremony of purification. The first month, Januarius, is named after Janus. My opinion is, that Numa moved the month named after Mars from its precedence, wishing the art of good government to be honoured before that of war. For Janus in very ancient times was either a deity or a king, who established a social polity, and made men cease from a savage life like that of wild beasts. And for this reason his statues are made with a double face, because he turned men's way of life from one form to another. XX. There is a temple to him in Rome, which has two doors, and which they call the gate of war. It is the custom to open the temple in time of war, and to close it during peace. This scarcely ever took place, as the empire was almost always at war with some state, being by its very greatness continually brought into collision with the neighbouring tribes. Only in the time of Caesar Augustus, after he had conquered Antonius, it was closed; and before that, during the consulship of Marcus Atilius and Titus Manlius, for a short time, and then was almost immediately reopened, as a new war broke out. But during Numa's reign no one saw it open for a single day, and it remained closed for forty-three years continuously, so utterly had he made wars to cease on all sides. Not only was the spirit of the Romans subdued and pacified by the gentle and just character of their king, but even the neighbouring cities, as if some soothing healthful air was breathed over them from Rome, altered their habits and longed to live quiet and well-governed, cultivating the earth, bringing up their families in peace, and worshipping the gods. And gay festivals and entertainments, during which the people of the various states fearlessly mixed with one another, prevailed throughout Italy, for Numa's knowledge of all that was good and noble was shed abroad like water from a fountain, and the atmosphere of holy calm by which he was surrounded spread over all men. The very poets when they wrote of that peaceful time were unable to find adequate expressions for it, as one writes-- "Across the shields are cobwebs laid, Rust eats the lance and keen edged blade; No more we hear the trumpets bray. And from our eyes no more is slumber chased away." No war, revolution, or political disturbance of any kind is recorded during Numa's reign, neither was there any envy or hatred of him or any attempt by others to obtain the crown; but either fear of the gods who visibly protected him, or reverence for his virtues, or the special grace of Heaven, made men's lives innocent and untainted with evil, and formed a striking proof of the truth of what Plato said many years afterwards, that the only escape from misery for men is when by Divine Providence philosophy is combined with royal power, and used to exalt virtue over vice. Blessed indeed is the truly wise man, and blessed are they who hear the words of his mouth. Indeed his people require no restraints or punishments, but seeing a plain example of virtue in the life of their chief, they themselves of their own accord reform their lives, and model them upon that gentle and blessed rule of love and just dealing one with another which it is the noblest work of politicians to establish. He is most truly a king who can teach such lessons as these to his subjects, and Numa beyond all others seems to have clearly discerned this truth. XXI. Historians differ in their accounts of his wives and children. Some say that he married Tatia alone, and was the father of one daughter only, named Pompilia; but others, besides her, assign to him four sons, named Pompo, Pinus, Calpus, and Mamercus, from whom descended the four noble families of the Pomponii, Pinarii, Calphurnii, and Mamerci, which for this reason took the title of Rex, that is, king. Others again say that these pedigrees were invented to flatter these families, and state that the Pompilian family descends not from Tatia, but from Lucretia, whom he married after he became king. All, however, agree that Pompilia married Marcius, the son of that Marcius who encouraged Numa to accept the crown. This man accompanied Numa to Rome, was made a member of the Senate, and after Numa's death laid claim to the crown, but was worsted by Tullus Hostilius and made away with himself. His son Marcius, who married Pompilia, remained in Rome, and became the father of Ancus Marcius, who was king after Tullus Hostilius, and who was only five years old when Numa died. We are told by Piso that Numa died, not by a sudden death, but by slow decay from sheer old age, having lived a little more than eighty years. XXII. He was enviable even in death, for all the friendly and allied nations assembled at his funeral with national offerings. The senators bore his bier, which was attended by the chief priests, while the crowd of men, women and children who were present, followed with such weeping and wailing, that one would have thought that, instead of an aged king, each man was about to bury his own dearest friend, who had died in the prime of life. At his own wish, it is said, the body was not burned, but placed in two stone coffins and buried on the Janiculum Hill. One of these contained his body, and the other the sacred books which he himself had written, as Greek legislators write their laws upon tablets. During his life he had taught the priests the contents of these books, and their meaning and spirit, and ordered them to be buried with his corpse, because it was right that holy mysteries should be contained, not in soulless writings, but in the minds of living men. For the same reason they say that the Pythagoreans never reduced their maxims to writing, but implanted them in the memories of worthy men; and when some of their difficult processes in geometry were divulged to some unworthy men, they said that Heaven would mark its sense of the wickedness which had been committed by some great public calamity; so that, as Numa's system so greatly resembled that of Pythagoras, we can easily pardon those who endeavour to establish a connection between them. Valerius of Antium says that twelve sacred books and twelve books of Greek philosophy were placed in the coffin. Four hundred years afterwards, when Publius Cornelius and Marcus Baebius were consuls, a great fall of rain took place, and the torrent washed away the earth and exposed the coffins. When the lids were removed, one of the coffins was seen by all men to be empty, and without any trace of a corpse in it; the other contained the books, which were read by Petilius the praetor, who reported to the Senate that in his opinion it was not right that their contents should be made known to the people, and they were therefore carried to the Comitium and burned there. All good and just men receive most praise after their death, because their unpopularity dies with them or even before them; but Numa's glory was enhanced by the unhappy reigns of his successors. Of five kings who succeeded him, the last was expelled and died an exile, and of the other four, not one died a natural death, but three were murdered by conspirators, and Tullus Hostilius, who was king next after Numa, and who derided and insulted his wise ordinances, especially those connected with religion, as lazy and effeminate, and who urged the people to take up arms, was cut down in the midst of his boastings by a terrible disease, and became subject to superstitious fears in no way resembling Numa's piety. His subjects were led to share these terrors, more especially by the manner of his death, which is said to have been by the stroke of a thunderbolt. COMPARISON OF NUMA WITH LYKURGUS. I. Now that we have gone through the lives of Numa and Lykurgus, we must attempt, without being daunted by difficulties, to reconcile the points in which they appear to differ from each other. Much they appear to have had in common, as, for example, their self-control, their piety, and their political and educational ability; and while the peculiar glory of Numa is his acceptance of the throne, that of Lykurgus is his abdication. Numa received it without having asked for it; Lykurgus when in full possession gave it up. Numa, though a private man and not even a Roman, was chosen by the Romans as their king; but Lykurgus from being a king reduced himself to a private station. It is honourable to obtain a crown by righteousness, but it is also honourable to prefer righteousness to a crown. Numa's virtue made him so celebrated that he was judged worthy to be king, Lykurgus' made him so great that he did not care to be king. Again, like those who tune the strings of a lyre, Lykurgus drew tighter the relaxed and licentious Sparta, while Numa merely slackened the highly strung and warlike Rome, so that here Lykurgus had the more difficult task. He had to persuade his countrymen, not to take off their armour and lay aside their swords, but to leave off using gold and silver, and to lay aside costly hangings and furniture; he had not to make them exchange wars for sacrifices and gay festivals, but to cease from feasts and drinking-parties, and work hard both in the field and in the palaestra to train themselves for war. For this reason, Numa was able to effect his purpose without difficulty, and without any loss of popularity and respect; while Lykurgus was struck and pelted, and in danger of his life, and even so could scarcely carry out his reforms. Yet the genius of Numa was kindly and gentle, and so softened and changed the reckless fiery Romans that they became peaceful, law-abiding citizens; and if we must reckon Lykurgus' treatment of the Helots as part of his system, it cannot be denied that Numa was a far more civilised lawgiver, seeing that he allowed even to actual slaves some taste of liberty, by his institution of feasting them together with their masters at the festival of Saturn. For this custom of allowing the labourers to share in the harvest-feast is traced to Numa. Some say that this is in remembrance of the equality which existed in the time of Saturn, when there was neither master nor slave, but all were kinsmen and had equal rights. II. Both evidently encouraged the spirit of independence and self-control among their people, while of other virtues, Lykurgus loved bravery, and Numa loved justice best; unless indeed we should say that, from the very different temper and habits of the two states, they required to be treated in a different manner. It was not from cowardice, but because he scorned to do an injustice, that Numa did not make war; while Lykurgus made his countrymen warlike, not in order that they might do wrong, but that they might not be wronged. Each found that the existing system required very important alterations to check its excesses and supply its defects. Numa's reforms were all in favour of the people, whom he classified into a mixed and motley multitude of goldsmiths and musicians and cobblers; while the constitution introduced by Lykurgus was severely aristocratic, driving all handicrafts into the hands of slaves and foreigners, and confining the citizens to the use of the spear and shield, as men whose trade was war alone, and who knew nothing but how to obey their leaders and to conquer their enemies. In Sparta a free man was not permitted to make money in business, in order that he might be truly free. Each thing connected with the business of making money, like that of preparing food for dinner, was left in the hands of slaves and helots. Numa made no regulations of this kind, but, while he put an end to military plundering, raised no objection to other methods of making money, nor did he try to reduce inequalities of fortune, but allowed wealth to increase unchecked, and disregarded the influx of poor men into the city and the increase of poverty there, whereas he ought at the very outset, like Lykurgus, while men's fortunes were still tolerably equal, to have raised some barrier against the encroachments of wealth, and to have restrained the terrible evils which take their rise and origin in it. As for the division of the land among the citizens, in my opinion, Lykurgus cannot be blamed for doing it, nor yet can Numa for not doing it. The equality thus produced was the very foundation and corner-stone of the Lacedaemonian constitution, while Numa had no motive for disturbing the Roman lands, which had only been recently distributed among the citizens, or to alter the arrangements made by Romulus, which we may suppose were still in force throughout the country. III. With regard to a community of wives and children, each took a wise and statesman-like course to prevent jealousy, although the means employed by each were different. A Roman who possessed a sufficient family of his own might be prevailed upon by a friend who had no children to transfer his wife to him, being fully empowered to give her away, by divorce, for this purpose; but a Lacedaemonian was accustomed to lend his wife for intercourse with a friend, while she remained living in his house, and without the marriage being thereby dissolved. Many, we are told, even invited those who, they thought, would beget fine and noble children, to converse with their wives. The distinction between the two customs seems to be this: the Spartans affected an unconcern and insensibility about a matter which excites most men to violent rage and jealousy; the Romans modestly veiled it by a legal contract which seems to admit how hard it is for a man to give up his wife to another. Moreover Numa's regulations about young girls were of a much more feminine and orderly nature, while those of Lykurgus were so highflown and unbecoming to women, as to have been the subject of notice by the poets, who call them _Phainomerides_, that is with bare thighs, as Ibykus says; and they accuse them of lust, as Euripides says-- "They stay not, as befits a maid, at home, But with young men in shameless dresses roam." For in truth the sides of the maiden's tunic were not fastened together at the skirt, and so flew open and exposed the thigh as they walked, which is most clearly alluded to in the lines of Sophokles-- "She that wanders nigh, With scanty skirt that shows the thigh, A Spartan maiden fair and free, Hermione." On this account they are said to have become bolder than they should be, and to have first shown this spirit towards their husbands, ruling uncontrolled over their households, and afterwards in public matters, where they freely expressed their opinions upon the most important subjects. On the other hand, Numa preserved that respect and honour due from men to matrons which they had met with under Romulus, who paid them these honours to atone for having carried them off by force, but he implanted in them habits of modesty, sobriety, and silence, forbidding them even to touch wine, or to speak even when necessary except in their husbands' presence. It is stated that once, because a woman pleaded her own cause in the Forum, the Senate sent to ask the oracle what this strange event might portend for the state. A great proof of the obedience and modesty of the most part of them is the way in which the names of those who did any wrong is remembered. For, just as in Greece, historians record the names of those who first made war against their own kindred or murdered their parents, so the Romans tell us that the first man who put away his wife was Spurius Carvilius, nothing of the kind having happened in Rome for two hundred and thirty years from its foundation; and that the wife of Pinarius, Thalaea by name, was the first to quarrel with her mother-in-law Gegania in the reign of Tarquinius Superbus--so well and orderly were marriages arranged by this lawgiver. IV. The rest of their laws for the training and marriage of maidens agree with one another, although Lykurgus put off the time of marriage till they were full-grown, in order that their intercourse, demanded as it was by nature, might produce love and friendship in the married pair rather than the dislike often experienced by an immature child towards her husband, and also that their bodies might be better able to support the trials of child-bearing, which he regarded as the sole object of marriage; whereas the Romans gave their daughters in marriage at the age of twelve years or even younger, thinking thus to hand over a girl to her husband pure and uncorrupt both in body and mind. It is clear that the former system is best for the mere production of children, and the latter for moulding consorts for life. But by his superintendence of the young, his collecting them into companies, his training and drill, with the table and exercises common to all, Lykurgus showed that he was immensely superior to Numa, who, like any commonplace lawgiver, left the whole training of the young in the hands of their fathers, regulated only by their caprice or needs; so that whoever chose might bring up his son as a shipwright, a coppersmith, or a musician, as though the citizens ought not from the very outset to direct their attention to one object, but were like people who have embarked in the same ship for various causes, who only in time of danger act together for the common advantage of all, and at other times pursue each his own private ends. Allowance must be made for ordinary lawgivers, who fail through want of power or of knowledge in establishing such a system; but no such excuse can be made for Numa, who was a wise man, and who was made king of a newly-created state which would not have opposed any of his designs. What could be of greater importance than to regulate the education of the young and so to train them that they might all become alike in their lives and all bear the same impress of virtue? It was to this that Lykurgus owed the permanence of his laws; for he could not have trusted to the oaths which he made them take, if he had not by education and training so steeped the minds of the young in the spirit of his laws, and by his method of bringing them up implanted in them such a love for the state, that the most important of his enactments remained in force for more than five hundred years; for the lives of all Spartans seem to have been coloured by these laws. That which was the aim and end of Numa's policy, that Rome should be at peace and friendly with her neighbours, ceased immediately upon his death; at once the double-gated temple, which he kept closed as if he really kept war locked up in it, had both its gates thrown open and filled Italy with slaughter. His excellent and righteous policy did not last for a moment, for the people were not educated to support it, and therefore it could not be lasting. But, it may be asked, did not Rome flourish by her wars? It is hard to answer such a question, in an age which values wealth, luxury, and dominion more than a gentle peaceful life that wrongs no one and suffices for itself. Yet this fact seems to tell for Lykurgus, that the Romans gained such an enormous increase of power by departing from Numa's policy, while the Lacedaemonians, as soon as they fell away from the discipline of Lykurgus, having been the haughtiest became the most contemptible of Greeks, and not only lost their supremacy, but had even to struggle for their bare existence. On the other hand, it was truly glorious for Numa that he was a stranger and sent for by the Romans to be their king; that he effected all his reforms without violence, and ruled a city composed of discordant elements without any armed force such as Lykurgus had to assist him, winning over all men and reducing them to order by his wisdom and justice. LIFE OF SOLON. I. Didymus the grammarian, in the book about Solon's laws which he wrote in answer to Asklepiades, quotes a saying of one Philokles, that Solon was the son of Euphorion, which is quite at variance with the testimony of all other writers who have mentioned Solon: for they all say that he was the son of Exekestides, a man whose fortune and power were only moderate, but whose family was of the noblest in Athens; for he was descended from Kodrus the last Athenian king. Herakleides of Pontus relates that the mother of Solon was first cousin to the mother of Peisistratus. The two boys, we are told, were friends when young, and when in after years they differed in politics they still never entertained harsh or angry feelings towards one another, but kept alive the sacred flame of their former intimate friendship. Peisistratus is even said to have dedicated the statue of Love in the Academy where those who are going to run in the sacred torch-race light their torches. II. According to Hermippus, Solon, finding that his father had by his generosity diminished his fortune, and feeling ashamed to be dependent upon others, when he himself was come of a house more accustomed to give than to receive, embarked in trade, although his friends were eager to supply him with all that he could wish for. Some, however, say that Solon travelled more with a view to gaining experience and learning than to making money. He was indeed eager to learn, as he wrote when an old man, "Old to grow, but ever learning," but disregarded wealth, for he wrote that he regarded as equally rich the man who owned "Gold and broad acres, corn and wine; And he that hath but clothes and food, A wife, and youthful strength divine." Yet elsewhere he has written, but "I long for wealth, not by fraud obtained, For curses wait on riches basely gained." There is no reason for an upright statesman either to be over anxious for luxuries or to despise necessaries. At that period, as Hesiod tells us, "Work was no disgrace," nor did trade carry any reproach, while the profession of travelling merchant was even honourable, as it civilised barbarous tribes, and gained the friendship of kings, and learned much in many lands. Some merchants founded great cities, as, for example, Protis, who was beloved by the Gauls living near the Rhone, founded Marseilles. It is also said that Thales the sage, and Hippocrates the mathematician, travelled as merchants, and that Plato defrayed the expenses of his journey to Egypt by the oil which he disposed of in that country. III. Solon's extravagance and luxurious mode of life, and his poems, which treat of pleasure more from a worldly than a philosophic point of view, are attributed to his mercantile training; for the great perils of a merchant's life require to be paid in corresponding pleasures. Yet it is clear that he considered himself as belonging to the class of the poor, rather than that of the rich, from the following verses: "The base are rich, the good are poor; and yet Our virtue for their gold we would not change; For that at least is ours for evermore, While wealth we see from hand to hand doth range." His poetry was originally written merely for his own amusement in his leisure hours; but afterwards he introduced into it philosophic sentiments, and interwove political events with his poems, not in order to record them historically, but in some cases to explain his own conduct, and in others to instruct, encourage, or rebuke the Athenians. Some say that he endeavoured to throw his laws into an epic form, and tell us that the poem began-- "To Jove I pray, great Saturn's son divine, To grant his favour to these laws of mine." Of ethical philosophy, he, like most of the sages of antiquity, was most interested in that branch which deals with political obligations. As to natural science, his views are very crude and antiquated, as we see from the following verses: "From clouds the snow and hail descend, And thunderbolts the lightnings send; The waves run high when gales do blow, Without the wind they're still enow." Indeed, of all the sages of that time, Thales alone seems to have known more of physics than was necessary to supply man's every-day needs; all the others having gained their reputation for political wisdom. IV. These wise men are said to have met at Delphi, and again at Corinth, where they were entertained by the despot Periander. Their reputation was greatly increased by the tripod which was sent to all of them and refused by all with a gracious rivalry. The story goes that some men of Cos were casting a net, and some strangers from Miletus bought the haul of them before it reached the surface. The net brought up a golden tripod, the same which, it is said, Helen threw into the sea at that spot, in accordance with some ancient oracle, when she was sailing away from Troy. A dispute arose at first between the strangers and the fishermen; afterwards it was taken up by their respective cities, who even came to blows about it. Finally they consulted the oracle at Delphi, which ordered it to be given to the wisest. Now it was first sent to Miletus, to Thales, as the men of Cos willingly gave it to that one man, although they had fought with all the Milesians together about it. Thales said that Bias was wiser than himself, and sent it to him; and by him it was again sent to another man, as being wiser yet. So it went on, being sent from one to another until it came to Thales a second time, and at last was sent from Miletus to Thebes and consecrated to Apollo Ismenius. As Theophrastus tells the story, the tripod was first sent to Bias at Priéne, and secondly to Thales at Miletus, and so on through all of the wise men until it again reached Bias, and was finally offered at Delphi. This is the more common version of the story, although some say that it was not a tripod but a bowl sent by Croesus, others that it was a drinking-cup left behind by one Bathykles. V. Anacharsis is said to have met Solon, and afterwards Thales in private, and to have conversed with them. The story goes that Anacharsis came to Athens, went to Solon's door, and knocked, saying that he was a stranger and had come to enter into friendship with him. When Solon answered that friendships were best made at home, Anacharsis said, "Well then, do you, who are at home, enter into friendship with me." Solon, admiring the man's cleverness, received him kindly, and kept him for some time in his house. He was at this time engaged in politics, and was composing his laws. Anacharsis, when he discovered this, laughed at Solon's undertaking, if he thought to restrain the crimes and greed of the citizens by written laws, which he said were just like spiders' webs; for, like them, they caught the weaker criminals, but were broken through by the stronger and more important. To this Solon answered, that men keep covenants, because it is to the advantage of neither party to break them; and that he so suited his laws to his countrymen, that it was to the advantage of every one to abide by them rather than to break them. Nevertheless, things turned out more as Anacharsis thought than as Solon wished. Anacharsis said too, when present at an assembly of the people, that he was surprised to see that in Greece wise men spoke upon public affairs, and ignorant men decided them. VI. When Solon went to Thales at Miletus, he expressed his wonder at his having never married and had a family. Thales made no answer at the time, but a few days afterwards arranged that a man should come to him and say that he left Athens ten days before. When Solon inquired of him, whether anything new had happened at Athens, the man answered, as Thales had instructed him, that "there was no news, except the death of a young man who had been escorted to his grave by the whole city. He was the son, they told him, of a leading citizen of great repute for his goodness, but the father was not present, for they said he had been travelling abroad for some years." "Unhappy man," said Solon, "what was his name?" "I heard his name," answered the man, "but I cannot remember it; beyond that there was much talk of his wisdom and justice." Thus by each of his answers he increased Solon's alarm, until he at last in his excitement asked the stranger whether it were not Solon's son that was dead. The stranger said that it was. Solon was proceeding to beat his head and show all the other marks of grief, when Thales stopped him, saying with a smile, "This, Solon, which has the power to strike down so strong a man as you, has ever prevented my marrying and having children. But be of good courage, for this tale which you have been told is untrue." This story is said by Hermippus to have been told by Pataikos, he who said that he had inherited the soul of Aesop. VII. It is a strange and unworthy feeling that prompts a man not to claim that to which he has a right, for fear that he may one day lose it; for by the same reasoning he might refuse wealth, reputation, or wisdom, for fear of losing them hereafter. We see even virtue, the greatest and most dear of all possessions, can be destroyed by disease or evil drugs; and Thales by avoiding marriage still had just as much to fear, unless indeed he ceased to love his friends, his kinsmen, and his native land. But even he adopted his sister's son Kybisthus; for the soul has a spring of affection within it, and is formed not only to perceive, to reflect, and to remember, but also to love. If it finds nothing to love at home, it will find something abroad; and when affection, like a desert spot, has no legitimate possessors, it is usurped by bastard children or even servants, who when they have obtained our love, make us fear for them and be anxious about them. So that one may often see men, in a cynical temper, inveighing against marriage and children, who themselves shortly afterwards will be plunged into unmanly excesses of grief, at the loss of their child by some slave or concubine. Some have even shown terrible grief at the death of dogs and horses; whereas others, who have lost noble sons, made no unusual or unseemly exhibition of sorrow, but passed the remainder of their lives calmly and composedly. Indeed it is weakness, not affection, which produces such endless misery and dread to those who have not learned to take a rational view of the uncertainty of life, and who cannot enjoy the presence of their loved ones because of their constant agony for fear of losing them. We should not make ourselves poor for fear of losing our property, nor should we guard ourselves against a possible loss of friends by making none; still less ought we to avoid having children for fear that our child might die. But we have already dwelt too much upon this subject. VIII. After a long and harassing war with the Megarians about the possession of the Island of Salamis, the Athenians finally gave up in sheer weariness, and passed a law forbidding any one for the future, either to speak or to write in favour of the Athenian claim to Salamis, upon pain of death. Solon, grieved at this dishonour, and observing that many of the younger men were eager for an excuse to fight, but dared not propose to do so because of this law, pretended to have lost his reason. His family gave out that he was insane, but he meanwhile composed a poem, and when he had learned it by heart, rushed out into the market-place wearing a small felt cap, and having assembled a crowd, mounted the herald's stone and recited the poem which begins with the lines-- "A herald I from Salamis am come, My verse will tell you what should there be done." The name of this poem is Salamis; it consists of a hundred beautifully written lines. After he had sung it, his friends began to commend it, and Peisistratus made a speech to the people, which caused such enthusiasm that they abrogated the law and renewed the war, with Solon as their leader. The common version of the story runs thus: Solon sailed with Peisistratus to Kolias, where he found all the women of the city performing the customary sacrifice to Demeter (Ceres). At the same time, he sent a trusty man to Salamis, who represented himself as a deserter, and bade the Megarians follow him at once to Kolias, if they wished to capture all the women of the first Athenian families. The Megarians were duped, and sent off a force in a ship. As soon as Solon saw this ship sail away from the island, he ordered the women out of the way, dressed up those young men who were still beardless in their clothes, headdresses, and shoes, gave them daggers, and ordered them to dance and disport themselves near the seashore until the enemy landed, and their ship was certain to be captured. So the Megarians, imagining them to be women, fell upon them, struggling which should first seize them, but they were cut off to a man by the Athenians, who at once sailed to Salamis and captured it. IX. Others say that the island was not taken in this way, but that first of all Solon received the following oracular response from Apollo at Delphi: "Appease the land's true lords, the heroes blest, Who near Asopia's fair margin rest, And from their tombs still look towards the West." After this, Solon is said to have sailed by night, unnoticed by the Megarians, and to have sacrificed to the heroes Periphemus and Kychreus. His next act was to raise five hundred Athenian volunteers, who by a public decree were to be absolute masters of the island if they could conquer it. With these he set sail in a number of fishing-boats, with a triaconter or ship of war of thirty oars, sailing in company, and anchored off a certain cape which stretches towards Euboea. The Megarians in Euboea heard an indistinct rumour of this, and at once ran to arms, and sent a ship to reconnoitre the enemy. This ship, when it came near Solon's fleet, was captured and its crew taken prisoners. On board of it Solon placed some picked men, and ordered them to make sail for the city of Salamis, and to conceal themselves as far as they could. Meanwhile he with the remaining Athenians attacked the Megarian forces by land; and while the battle was at its hottest, the men in the ship succeeded in surprising the city. This story appears to be borne out by the proceedings which were instituted in memory of the capture. In this ceremony an Athenian ship used to sail to Salamis, at first in silence, and then as they neared the shore with warlike shouts. Then a man completely armed used to leap out and run, shouting as he went, up to the top of the hill called Skiradion, where he met those who came by land. Close by this place stands the temple of Ares, which Solon built; for he conquered the Megarians in the battle, and sent away the survivors with a flag of truce. X. However, as the Megarians still continued the war, to the great misery of both sides, they agreed to make the Lacedaemonians arbitrators and judges between them. Most writers say that Solon brought the great authority of Homer's 'Iliad' to his aid, by interpolating in the catologue of ships the two verses-- "Ajax from Salamis twelve vessels good Brought, and he placed them where the Athenians stood," which he had read as evidence before the court. The Athenians, however, say that all this is nonsense, but that Solon proved to the arbitrators that Philaeus and Eurysakes, the sons of Ajax, when they were enrolled as Athenian citizens, made over the island to Athens, and dwelt, one at Brauron, in Attica, and the other at Melité; moreover, there is an Athenian tribe which claims descent from Philaeus, to which Peisistratus belonged. Wishing, however, yet more thoroughly to prove his case against the Megarians, he based an argument on the tombs in the island, in which the corpses were buried, not in the Megarian, but in the Athenian manner. For the Megarians bury their dead looking towards the east, and the Athenians towards the west. But Hereas of Megara denies this, and says that the Megarians also bury their dead looking towards the west, and moreover, that each Athenian had a coffin to himself, while the Megarians place two or three bodies in one coffin. However, Solon supported his case by quoting certain oracles from Delphi, in which the god addresses Salamis as Ionian. The Spartan arbitrators were five in number, their names being Kritolaidas, Amompharetus, Hypsichidas, Anaxilos, and Kleomenes. XI. Solon's reputation and power were greatly increased by this, but he became much more celebrated and well-known in Greece by his speeches on behalf of the temple at Delphi, in which he urged the necessity of checking the insolent conduct of the people of Kirrha towards the temple, and of rallying in defence of the god. The Amphiktyons, prevailed upon by his eloquence, declared war, as we learn from Aristotle, among other writers, in his book about the winners of the prize at the Pythian games, in which he attributes this decision to Solon. However, he was not made general in that war, as Hermippus relates, quoting from Evanthes of Samos; for Aeschines the orator does not mention him, and, in the records of Delphi, Alkmaeon, not Solon, is mentioned as general of the Athenians on that occasion. XII. Athens had long been suffering from the anger of the gods, which it had incurred by the treatment of Kylon's party. These conspirators took sanctuary in Athene's temple, but were induced by Megakles the archon to quit it and stand their trial. They fastened a thread to the shrine of the goddess, and kept hold of it so as still to be under her protection. But as they were coming down from the Acropolis, just beside the temple of the Furies, the string broke, and Megakles and the other archons, thinking that the goddess rejected their appeal, seized them. Some of them were stoned to death outside the temple, and some who had fled for sanctuary to the altars were slain there. Only those who fell as suppliants at the feet of the archons' wives were spared. After this the archons were called accursed, and were viewed with horror; moreover, the survivors of Kylon's party regained strength, and continued their intrigues against Megakles and the archons. At the time of which we are speaking these dissensions had reached their height, and the city was divided into two factions, when Solon, who was already a man of great reputation, came forward with some of the noblest Athenians, and by his entreaties and arguments prevailed upon those magistrates who were called accursed, to stand trial and be judged by a jury of three hundred citizens selected from the best families. Myron of Phlya prosecuted, and the archons were found guilty, and forced to leave the country. The bodies of such of them as had died were dug up, and cast out beyond the borders of Attica. During these disorders the Athenians were again attacked by the Megarians, and lost Nisaea, and were again driven out of Salamis. The city was also a prey to superstitious terrors, and apparitions were seen, so that the prophets, after inspecting their victims, said that the city was polluted and under a curse, and that it required purification. Upon this they sent for Epimenides the Phaestian, of Crete, who is reckoned among the seven wise men of Greece, by some of those who do not admit Periander into their number. He was thought to enjoy the favour of Heaven, and was skilled in all the lore of the sacred mysteries, and in the sources of divine inspiration; wherefore he was commonly reported to be the child of the nymph Balte, and to be one of the old Curetes of Crete revived. He came to Athens and was a friend to Solon, assisting him greatly in his legislation. He remodelled their religious rites, and made their mourning more moderate, introducing certain sacrifices shortly after the funeral, and abolishing the harsh and barbarous treatment which women were for the most part subject to before in times of mourning. Above all, by purifications and atoning sacrifices, and the erection of new temples, he so sanctified and hallowed the city as to make the minds of the people obedient to the laws, and easily guided into unity and concord. It is said that he saw Munychia, and viewed it carefully for some time in silence. Then he said to the bystanders, "How blind is man to the future. The Athenians would eat this place up with their teeth if they knew what misfortunes it will bring upon them?" A prophetic saying of the same kind is attributed to Thales. He bade his friends bury him in a low and neglected quarter of Miletus, telling them that one day it would be the market-place of the city. Epimenides was greatly honoured by the Athenians, and was offered large sums of money by them, and great privileges, but he refused them all, and only asked for a branch of the sacred olive-tree, which he received and went his way. XIII. When the troubles about Kylon were over, and the accursed men cast out of the country, the Athenians relapsed into their old dispute about the constitution. The state was divided into as many factions as there were parts of the country, for the Diakrii, or mountaineers, favoured democracy; the Pedioei, oligarchy; while those who dwelt along the seashore, called Parali, preferred a constitution midway between these two forms, and thus prevented either of the other parties from carrying their point. Moreover, the state was on the verge of revolution, because of the excessive poverty of some citizens, and the enormous wealth of others, and it appeared that the only means of putting an end to these disorders was by establishing an absolute despotism. The whole people were in debt to a few wealthy men; they either cultivated their farms, in which case they were obliged to pay one-sixth of the profit to their creditors, and were called Hektemori, or servants, or else they had raised loans upon personal security, and had become the slaves of their creditors, who either employed them at home, or sold them to foreigners. Many were even compelled to sell their own children, which was not illegal, and to leave the country because of the harshness of their creditors. The greater part, and those of most spirit, combined together, and encouraged one another not to suffer such oppression any longer, but to choose some trustworthy person to protect their interests, to set free all enslaved debtors, redistribute the land, and, in a word, entirely remodel the constitution. XIV. In this position of affairs, the most sensible men in Athens perceived that Solon was a person who shared the vices of neither faction, as he took no part in the oppressive conduct of the wealthy, and yet had sufficient fortune to save him from the straits to which the poor were reduced. In consequence of this, they begged him to come forward and end their disputes. But Phanias of Lesbos says that Solon deceived both parties, in order to save the state, promising the poor a redistribution of lands, and the rich a confirmation of their securities. However, Solon himself tells us that it was with reluctance that he interfered, as he was threatened by the avarice of the one party, and the desperation of the other. He was chosen archon next after Philombrotus, to act as an arbitrator and lawgiver at once, because the rich had confidence in him as a man of easy fortune, and the poor trusted him as a good man. It is said also that a saying which he had let fall some time before, that "equality does not breed strife," was much circulated at the time, and pleased both parties, because the rich thought it meant that property should be distributed according to merit and desert, while the poor thought it meant according to rule and measure. Both parties were now elate with hope, and their leaders urged Solon to seize the supreme power in the state, of which he was practically possessed, and make himself king. Many even of the more moderate class of politicians, who saw how weary and difficult a task it would be to reform the state by debates and legislative measures, were quite willing that so wise and honest a man should undertake the sole management of affairs. It is even said that Solon received an oracle as follows: "Take thou the helm, the vessel guide, Athens will rally to thy side." His intimate friends were loudest in their reproaches, pointing out that it was merely the name of despot from which he shrunk, and that in his case his virtues would lead men to regard him as a legitimate hereditary sovereign; instancing also Tunnondas, who in former times had been chosen by the Euboeans, and, at the present time, Pittakus, who had been chosen king of Mitylene. But nothing could shake Solon's determination. He told his friends that monarchy is indeed a pleasant place, but there is no way out of it; and he inserted the following verses in answer to Phokus, in one of his poems: "But if I spared My country, and with dread tyrannic sway, Forbore to stain and to pollute my glory; I feel no shame at this; nay rather thus, I think that I excel mankind." From which it is clear that he possessed a great reputation even before he became the lawgiver of Athens. In answer to the reproaches of many of his friends at his refusal to make himself despot, he wrote as follows: "Not a clever man was Solon, not a calculating mind, For he would not take the kingdom, which the gods to him inclined, In his net he caught the prey, but would not draw it forth to land, Overpowered by his terrors, feeble both of heart and hand; For a man of greater spirit would have occupied the throne, Proud to be the Lord of Athens, though 'twere for a day alone, Though the next day he and his into oblivion were thrown." XV. This is the way in which he says the masses, and low-minded men, spoke of him. He, however, firmly rejecting the throne, proceeded quietly to administer public affairs, in laying down his laws without any weak yielding to the powerful, or any attempt to court popularity. Such as were good, he did not meddle with, fearing that if he "Disturbed and overset the state," he might not have sufficient power to "Reconstitute and organise again," in the best way. He carried out his measures by persuasion, and, where he thought he could succeed, by force; in his own words, "Combining Force and Justice both together." Being afterwards asked whether he had composed the best possible laws for the Athenians, he answered, "The best that they would endure." And the habit of Athenians of later times, who soften down harsh words by using politer equivalents, calling harlots "mistresses," taxes "contributions," garrisons of cities "protectors," and the common prison "the house," was, it seems, first invented by Solon, who devised the name of "relief from burdens" for his measure to abolish all debts. This was his first measure; namely, to put an end to all existing debts and obligations, and to forbid any one in future to lend money upon security of the person of the debtor. Some writers, among whom is Androtion, say that he benefited the poor, not by the absolute extinction of debt, but by establishing a lower rate of interest; and that this measure was called "Relief from burdens," and together with it the two other measures for the enlargement of measures and of the value of money, which were passed about the same time. For he ordered a mina, which was before constituted of seventy three drachmas, to contain a hundred, so that, though they paid the same amount, yet the value was less; thus those who had much to pay were benefited, and still their creditors were not cheated. But most writers say that the "Relief from burdens" meant the extinction of all securities whatever, and this agrees best with what we read in his poems. For Solon prides himself in these upon having "Taken off the mortgages, which on the land were laid, And made the country free, which was formerly enslaved." While he speaks of bringing back Athenian citizens who had been sold into slavery abroad, "In distant lands who roam, Their native tongue forgot, Or here endure at home A slave's disgraceful lot," and of making them free men again. It is said that in consequence of this measure he met with the greatest trouble of his life. As he was meditating how he might put an end to debt, and what words and preambles were best for the introduction of this law, he took counsel with his most intimate friends, such as Konon and Kleinias and Hipponikus, informing them that he had no intention of interfering with the tenure of land, but that he intended to abolishing all existing securities. They instantly took time by the forelock, borrowed large sums from the wealthy, and bought up a great extent of land. Presently the decree came forth, and they remained in enjoyment of these estates, but did not repay their loan to their creditors. This brought Solon into great discredit, for the people believed that he had been their accomplice. But he soon proved that this must be false, by remitting a debt of five talents which he himself had lent; and some state the sum at fifteen talents, amongst whom is Polyzelus of Rhodes. However, his friends were for ever afterwards called "The Swindlers." XVI. By this measure he pleased neither party, but the rich were dissatisfied at the loss of their securities, and the poor were still more so because the land was not divided afresh, as they hoped it would be, and because he had not, like Lykurgus, established absolute equality. But Lykurgus was eleventh in direct descent from Herakles, and had reigned in Lacedaemon for many years, and had his own great reputation, friends, and interest to assist him in carrying out his reforms: and although he chose to effect his purpose by violence, so that his eye was actually knocked out, yet he succeeded in carrying that measure, so valuable for the safety and concord of the state, by which it was rendered impossible for any citizen to be either rich or poor. Solon's power could not reach this height, as he was only a commoner and a moderate man; yet he did all that was in his power, relying solely upon the confidence and goodwill of his countrymen. It is clear that they were disappointed, and expected more from his legislation, from his own verses-- "Once they speculated gaily, what good luck should them befall, Now they look upon me coldly, as a traitor to them all." Yet he says, if any one else had been in his position, "He ne'er would have desisted from unsettling the laws, Till he himself got all the cream." However, not long afterwards, they perceived the public benefits which he had conferred upon them, forgot their private grievances, and made a public sacrifice in honour of the Seisachtheia, or "Relief from burdens." Moreover, they constituted Solon supreme reformer and lawgiver, not over some departments only, but placing everything alike in his hands; magistracies, public assemblies, senate, and law-courts. He had full powers to confirm or abolish any of these, and to fix the proper qualifications for members of them, and their numbers and times of meeting. XVII. First of all, then, he repealed all the laws of Drakon, except those relating to murder, because of their harshness and the excessive punishments which they awarded. For death was the punishment for almost every offence, so that even men convicted of idleness were executed, and those who stole pot-herbs or fruits suffered just like sacrilegious robbers and murderers. So that Demades afterwards made the joke that Drakon's laws were not written with ink, but with blood. It is said that Drakon himself, when asked why he had fixed the punishment of death for most offences, answered that he considered these lesser crimes to deserve it, and he had no greater punishment for more important ones. XVIII. In the next place, Solon, who wished to leave all magistracies as he found them, in the hands of the wealthy classes, but to give the people a share in the rest of the constitution, from which they were then excluded, took a census of the wealth of the citizens, and made a first class of those who had an annual income of not less than five hundred medimni of dry or liquid produce; these he called Pentakosiomedimni. The next class were the Hippeis, or knights, consisting of those who were able to keep a horse, or who had an income of three hundred medimni. The third class were the Zeugitae, whose property qualification was two hundred medimni of dry or liquid produce; and the last class were the Thetes, whom Solon did not permit to be magistrates, but whose only political privilege was the right of attending the public assemblies and sitting as jurymen in the law courts. This privilege was at first insignificant, but afterwards became of infinite importance, because most disputes were settled before a jury. Even in those cases which he allowed the magistrates to settle, he provided a final appeal to the people. Solon moreover is said to have purposely worded his laws vaguely and with several interpretations, in order to increase the powers of these juries, because persons who could not settle their disputes by the letter of the law were obliged to have recourse to juries of the people, and to refer all disputes to them, as being to a certain extent above the laws. He himself notices this in the following verses: "I gave the people all the strength they needed, Yet kept the power of the nobles strong; Thus each from other's violence I shielded, Not letting either do the other wrong." Thinking that the weakness of the populace required still further protection, he permitted any man to prosecute on behalf of any other who might be ill-treated. Thus if a man were struck or injured, any one else who was able and willing might prosecute on his behalf, and the lawgiver by this means endeavoured to make the whole body of citizens act together and feel as one. A saying of his is recorded which quite agrees with the spirit of this law. Being asked, what he thought was the best managed city? "That," he answered, "in which those who are not wronged espouse the cause of those who are, and punish their oppressors." XIX. He established the senate of the Areopagus of those who had held the yearly office of archon, and himself became a member of it because he had been archon. But in addition to this, observing that the people were becoming turbulent and unruly, in consequence of their relief from debt, he formed a second senate, consisting of a hundred men selected from each of the four tribes, to deliberate on measures in the first instance, and he permitted no measures to be proposed before the general assembly, which had not been previously discussed in this senate. The upper senate he intended to exercise a general supervision, and to maintain the laws, and he thought that with these two senates as her anchors, the ship of the state would ride more securely, and that the people would be less inclined to disorder. Most writers say that Solon constituted the senate of the Areopagus, as is related above; and this view is supported by the fact that Drakon nowhere mentions or names the Areopagites, but in all cases of murder refers to the Ephetai. However, the eighth law on the thirteenth table of the laws of Solon runs thus:-- "All citizens who were disfranchised before the magistracy of Solon shall resume their rights, except those who have been condemned by the Areopagus, or by the Ephetai, or by the king--archons, in the prytaneum, for murder or manslaughter, or attempts to overthrow the government and who were in exile when this law was made." This again proves that the senate of the Areopagus existed before the time of Solon; for who could those persons be who were condemned by the court of the Areopagus, if Solon was the first who gave the senate of the Areopagus a criminal jurisdiction; though perhaps some words have been left out, or indistinctly written, and the law means "all those who had been condemned on the charges which now are judged by the court of the Areopagus, the Ephetai, or the Prytanies, when this law was made, must remain disfranchised, though the others become enfranchised?" Of these explanations the reader himself must consider which he prefers. XX. The strangest of his remaining laws is that which declared disfranchised a citizen who in a party conflict took neither side; apparently his object was to prevent any one regarding home politics in a listless, uninterested fashion, securing his own personal property, and priding himself upon exemption from the misfortunes of his country, and to encourage men boldly to attach themselves to the right party and to share all its dangers, rather than in safety to watch and see which side would be successful. That also is a strange and even ludicrous provision in one of his laws, which permits an heiress, whose husband proves impotent, to avail herself of the services of the next of kin to obtain an heir to her estate. Some, however, say that this law rightly serves men who know themselves to be unfit for marriage, and who nevertheless marry heiresses for their money, and try to make the laws override nature; for, when they see their wife having intercourse with whom she pleases, they will either break off the marriage, or live in constant shame, and so pay the penalty of their avarice and wrong-doing. It is a good provision also, that the heiress may not converse with any one, but only with him whom she may choose from among her husband's relations, so that her offspring may be all in the family. This is pointed at by his ordinance that the bride and bridegroom should be shut in the same room and eat a quince together, and that the husband of an heiress should approach her at least thrice in each month. For even if no children are born, still this is a mark of respect to a good wife, and puts an end to many misunderstandings, preventing their leading to an actual quarrel. In other marriages he suppressed dowries, and ordered the bride to bring to her husband three dresses and a few articles of furniture of no great value; for he did not wish marriages to be treated as money bargains or means of gain, but that men and women should enter into marriage for love and happiness and procreation of children. Dionysius, the despot of Syracuse, when his mother wished to be married to a young citizen, told her that he had indeed broken the laws of the state when he seized the throne, but that he could not disregard the laws of nature so far as to countenance such a monstrous union. These disproportioned matches ought not to be permitted in any state, nor should men be allowed to form unequal loveless alliances, which are in no sense true marriages. A magistrate or lawgiver might well address an old man who marries a young girl in the words of Sophokles: "Poor wretch, a hopeful bridegroom you will be;" and if he found a young man fattening like a partridge in the house of a rich old woman, he ought to transfer him to some young maiden who is without a husband. So much for this subject. XXI. Besides these, Solon's law which forbids men to speak evil of the dead is much praised. It is good to think of the departed as sacred, and it is only just to refrain from attacking the absent, while it is politic, also, to prevent hatred from being eternal. He also forbade people to speak evil of the living in temples, courts of justice, public buildings, or during the national games; and imposed a fine of three drachmas to the person offended, and two to the state. His reason for this was that it shows a violent and uncultivated nature not to be able to restrain one's passion in certain places and at certain times, although it is hard to do so always, and to some persons impossible; and a legislator should frame his laws with a view to what he can reasonably hope to effect, and rather correct a few persons usefully than punish a number to no purpose. He gained credit also by his law about wills. Before his time these were not permitted at Athens, but the money and lands of a deceased person were inherited by his family in all cases. Solon, however, permitted any one who had no children to leave his property to whom he would, honouring friendship more than nearness of kin, and giving a man absolute power to dispose of his inheritance. Yet, on the other hand, he did not permit legacies to be given without any restrictions, but disallowed all that were obtained by the effects of disease or by administration of drugs to the testator, or by imprisonment and violence, or by the solicitations of his wife, as he rightly considered that to be persuaded by one's wife against one's better judgment is the same as to submit to force. For Solon held that a man's reason was perverted by deceit as much as by violence, and by pleasure no less than by pain. He regulated, moreover, the journeys of the women, and their mournings and festivals. A woman was not allowed to travel with more than three dresses, nor with more than an obolus' worth of food or drink, nor a basket more than a cubit in length; nor was she to travel at night, except in a waggon with a light carried in front of it. He abolished the habits of tearing themselves at funerals, and of reciting set forms of dirges, and of hiring mourners. He also forbade them to sacrifice an ox for the funeral feast, and to bury more than three garments with the body, and to visit other persons' graves. Most of these things are forbidden by our own laws also; with the addition, that by our laws those who offend thus are fined by the gynaeconomi, or regulators of the women, for giving way to unmanly and womanish sorrow. XXII. Observing that the city was filled with men who came from all countries to take refuge in Attica, that the country was for the most part poor and unproductive, and that merchants also are unwilling to despatch cargoes to a country which has nothing to export, he encouraged his countrymen to embark in trade, and made a law that a son was not obliged to support his father, if his father had not taught him a trade. As for Lykurgus, whose city was clear of strangers, and whose land was "unstinted, and with room for twice the number," as Euripides says, and who above all had all the Helots, throughout Lacedaemon, who were best kept employed, in order to break their spirit by labour and hardship, it was very well that his citizens should disdain laborious handicrafts and devote their whole attention to the art of war. But Solon had not the power to change the whole life of his countrymen by his laws, but rather was forced to suit his laws to existing circumstances, and, as he saw that the soil was so poor that it could only suffice for the farmers, and was unable to feed a mass of idle people as well, he gave great honour to trade, and gave powers to the senate of the Areopagus to inquire what each man's source of income might be, and to punish the idle. A harsher measure was that of which we are told by Herakleides of Pontus, his making it unnecessary for illegitimate children to maintain their father. Yet if a man abstains from an honourable marriage, and lives with a woman more for his own pleasure in her society than with a view to producing a family, he is rightly served, and cannot upbraid his children with neglecting him, because he has made their birth their reproach. XXIII. Altogether Solon's laws concerning women are very strange. He permitted a husband to kill an adulterer taken in the act; but if any one carried off a free woman and forced her, he assessed the penalty at one hundred drachmas. If he obtained her favours by persuasion, he was to pay twenty drachmas, except in the case of those who openly ply for hire, alluding to harlots; for they come to those who offer them money without any concealment. Moreover, he forbade men to sell their sisters and daughters, except in the case of unchastity. Now to punish the same offence at one time with unrelenting severity, and at another in a light and trifling manner, by imposing so slight a fine, is unreasonable, unless the scarcity of specie in the city at that period made fines which were paid in money more valuable than they would now be; indeed, in the valuation of things for sacrifice, a sheep and a drachma were reckoned as each equal to a medimnus of corn. To the victor at the Isthmian games he appointed a reward of a hundred drachmas, and to the victor in the Olympian, five hundred. He gave five drachmas for every wolf that was killed, and one drachma for every wolf's whelp; and we are told by Demetrius of Phalerum that the first of these sums was the price of an ox, and the second that of a sheep. The prices of choice victims, which he settled in his sixteenth tablet of laws, would naturally be higher than those of ordinary beasts, but even thus they are cheap compared with prices at the present day. It was an ancient practice among the Athenians to destroy the wolves, because their country was better fitted for pasture than for growing crops. Some say that the Athenian tribes derive their names, not from the sons of Ion, but from the different professions in which men were then divided: thus the fighting men were named Hoplites, and the tradesmen Ergadeis; the two remaining ones being the Geleontes, or farmers, and the Aigikoreis, or goat-herds and graziers. With regard to water, as the country is not supplied with either rivers or lakes, but the people depend chiefly upon artificial wells, he made a law, that wherever there was a public well within four furlongs, people should use it, but if it were farther off, then they must dig a private well for themselves; but if a man dug a depth of sixty feet on his own estate without finding water, then he was to have the right of filling a six-gallon pitcher twice a day at his neighbour's well; for Solon thought it right to help the distressed, and yet not to encourage laziness. He also made very judicious regulations about planting trees, ordering that they should not be planted within five feet of a neighbour's property, except in the case of olives and fig-trees, which were not to be planted within nine feet; for these trees spread out their roots farther than others, and spoil the growth of any others by taking away their nourishment and by giving off hurtful juices. Trenches and pits he ordered to be dug as far away from another man's property as they were deep; and no hive of bees was to be placed within three hundred feet of those already established by another man. XXIV. Oil was the only product of the country which he allowed to be exported, everything else being forbidden; and he ordered that if any one broke this law the archon was to solemnly curse him, unless he paid a hundred drachmas into the public treasury. This law is written on the first of his tablets. From this we see that the old story is not altogether incredible, that the export of figs was forbidden, and that the men who informed against those who had done so were therefore called sycophants. He also made laws about damage received from animals, one of which was that a dog who had bitten a man should be delivered up to him tied to a stick three cubits long, an ingenious device for safety. One is astounded at his law of adopting foreigners into the state, which permits no one to become a full citizen in Athens unless he be either exiled for life from his native city, or transfers himself with his whole family to Athens to practise his trade there. It is said that his object in this was not so much to exclude other classes of people from the city, as to assure these of a safe refuge there; and these he thought would be good and faithful citizens, because the former had been banished from their own country, and the latter had abandoned it of their own freewill. Another peculiarity of Solon's laws was the public dining-table in the prytaneum. Here he did not allow the same person to dine often, while he punished the man who was invited and would not come, because the one seemed gluttonous, and the other contemptuous. XXV. He ordered that all his laws should remain in force for a hundred years, and he wrote them upon triangular wooden tablets, which revolved upon an axis in oblong recesses, some small remains of which have been preserved in the prytaneum down to the present day. These, we are told by Aristotle, were called _Kurbeis_. The comic poet Kratinus also says, "By Solon and by Draco, mighty legislators once, Whose tablets light the fire now to warm a dish of pulse." Some say that the term _Kurbeis_ is only applied to those on which are written the laws which regulate religious matters. The senate swore by a collective oath that it would enforce Solon's laws; and each of the Thesmothetae took an oath to the same effect at the altar in the market-place, protesting that, if he transgressed any of the laws, he would offer a golden statue as big as himself to the temple at Delphi. Observing the irregularity of the months, and that the motions of the moon did not accord either with the rising or setting of the sun, but that frequently she in the same day overtakes and passes by him, he ordered that day to be called "the old and the new," and that the part of it before their conjunction should belong to the old month, while the rest of the day after it belonged to the new one, being, it seems, the first to rightly interpret the verse of Homer-- "The old month ended and the new began." He called the next day that of the new moon. After the twentieth, he no longer reckoned forwards, but backwards, as the moon decreased, until the thirtieth of the month. When Solon had passed all his laws, as people came to him every day to praise or blame, or advise him to add or take away from what he had written, while innumerable people wanted to ask questions, and discuss points, and kept bidding him explain what was the object of this or that regulation, he, feeling that he could not do all this, and that, if he did not, his motives would be misunderstood; wishing, moreover, to escape from troubles and the criticism and fault-finding of his countrymen [for, as he himself writes, it is "Hard in great measures every one to please"], made his private commercial business an excuse for leaving the country, and set sail after having obtained from the Athenians leave of absence for ten years. In this time he thought they would become used to his laws. XXVI. He first went to Egypt, where he spent some time, as he himself says, "At Nilus' outlets, by Canopus' strand." And he also discussed points of philosophy with Psenophis of Heliopolis, and with Sonchis of Sais, the most distinguished of the Egyptian priests. From them he heard the tale of the island Atlantis, as we are told by Plato, and endeavoured to translate it into a poetical form for the enjoyment of his countrymen. He next sailed to Cyprus, where he was warmly received by Philocyprus, one of the local sovereigns, who ruled over a small city founded by Demophon, the son of Theseus, near the river Klarius, in a position which was easily defended, but inconvenient. As a fair plain lay below, Solon persuaded him to remove the city to a pleasanter and less contracted site, and himself personally superintended the building of the new city, which he arranged so well both for convenience and safety, that many new settlers joined Philocyprus, and he was envied by the neighbouring kings. For this reason, in honour of Solon, he named the new city Soloi, the name of the old one having been Aipeia. Solon himself mentions this event, in one of his elegiac poems, in which he addresses Philocyprus, saying-- "Long may'st thou reign, Ruling thy race from Soloi's throne with glory, But me may Venus of the violet crown Send safe away from Cyprus famed in story. May Heaven to these new walls propitious prove, And bear me safely to the land I love." XXVII. Some writers argue, on chronological grounds, that Solon's meeting with Croesus must have been an invention. But I cannot think that so famous a story, which is confirmed by so many writers, and, moreover, which so truly exhibits Solon's greatness of mind and wisdom, ought to be given up because of the so-called rules of chronology, which have been discussed by innumerable persons, up to the present day, without their being ever able to make their dates agree. The story goes that Solon at Croesus's desire came to Sardis, and there felt much like a continental when he goes down to the seaside for the first time; for he thinks each river he comes to must be the sea, and so Solon, as he walked through the court and saw many of the courtiers richly attired and each of them swaggering about with a train of attendants and body-guards, thought that each one must be the king, until he was brought before the king himself, who, as far as precious stones, richly dyed clothes, and cunningly worked gold could adorn him, was splendid and admirable, indeed a grand and gorgeous spectacle to behold. When Solon was brought into his presence, he showed none of the feelings and made none of the remarks about the sight, which Croesus expected, but evidently despised such vulgar ostentation. Croesus then ordered his treasures to be exhibited to him, and all the rest of his possessions and valuables; not that Solon needed this, for the sight of Croesus himself was enough to show him what sort of man he was. When, after having seen all this, he was again brought before the king, Croesus asked him whether he knew any man more happy than himself. Solon at once answered that one Tellus, a fellow countryman of his own, was more happy. He explained that Tellus was a good man, and left a family of good sons; that he passed his life beyond the reach of want, and died gloriously in battle for his country. At this, Croesus began to think that Solon must be a cross-grained churlish fellow, if he did not measure happiness by silver and gold, but preferred the life and death of some private man of low degree to such power and empire as his. However, he asked him a second time, whether he knew any one more happy than himself, next to Tellus. Solon answered that he knew two men, Kleobis and Biton, remarkable for their love for each other and for their mother, who, as the oxen that drew their mother travelled slowly, put themselves under the yoke and drew the carriage with her in it to the temple of Here. She was congratulated by all the citizens, and was very proud of them; and they offered sacrifice, drank some wine, and then passed away by a painless death after so much glory. "Then," asked Croesus angrily, "do you not reckon me at all among happy men?" Solon, who did not wish to flatter him, nor yet to exasperate him farther, answered, "O King of the Lydians, we Greeks have been endowed with moderate gifts, by Heaven, and our wisdom is of a cautious and homely cast, not of a royal and magnificent character; so, being moderate itself, and seeing the manifold chances to which life is exposed, it does not permit us to take a pride in our present possessions, nor to admire the good fortune of any man when it is liable to change. Strange things await every man in the unknown future; and we think that man alone happy whose life has been brought to a fortunate termination. To congratulate a man who is yet alive and exposed to the caprice of fortune is like proclaiming and crowning as victor one who has not yet run his race, for his good fortune is uncertain and liable to reversal." After speaking thus, Solon took his leave, having enraged Croesus, who could not take his good advice. XXVIII. Aesop, the writer of the fables, who had been sent for to Sardis by Croesus and enjoyed his favour, was vexed at the king's ungracious reception of Solon, and advised him thus: "Solon," said he, "one ought either to say very little to kings or else say what they wish most to hear." "Not so," said Solon; "one should either say very little to them, or else say what is best for them to hear." So at that time Croesus despised Solon; but after he had been defeated by Cyrus, his city taken, and he himself was about to be burned alive upon a pyre erected in the presence of all the Persians and of Cyrus himself, then he thrice cried out, "Solon," as loud as he could. Cyrus, surprised at this, sent to ask what man or god Solon might be, who was invoked by a man in such extremity. Croesus, without any concealment said, "He is one of the wise men of Greece, whom I sent for, not because I wished to listen to him and learn what I was ignorant of, but in order that he might see and tell of my wealth, which I find it is a greater misfortune to lose than it was a blessing to possess. For, while I possessed it, all I enjoyed was opinion and empty talk; whereas, now the loss of it has brought me in very deed into terrible and irreparable misfortunes and sufferings. Now this man, who foresaw what might befall me, bade me look to the end of my life, and not be arrogant on the strength of a fleeting prosperity." When this was reported to Cyrus, he being a wiser man than Croesus, and finding Solon's words strongly borne out by the example before him, not only released Croesus, but treated him with favour for the rest of his life; so that Solon had the glory of having by the same words saved one king's life and given instruction to another. XXIX. During Solon's absence the strife of the factions at Athens was renewed; Lykurgus was the chief of the party of the Pediaei, Megakles, the son of Alkmaeon, led the Parali, and Peisistratus, the Diakrii, who were joined by the mass of the poorer classes who hated the rich. Thus the city still obeyed Solon's laws, but was longing for change, and all men hoped for a new revolution, in which they trusted to get not only their rights, but something more, and to triumph over the opposite faction. In this state of affairs Solon landed at Athens, and was received with respect by all the citizens. Although, on account of his age, he was no longer able to engage in politics as keenly as before, still he met the leaders of the various factions privately and endeavoured to arrange their differences and reconcile them to one another. Peisistratus appeared to pay more attention to him than the others, for he was crafty and pleasant of speech, a protector of the poor, and a man of moderation even in his quarrels. The qualities which he had not, he affected to possess, giving himself out to be a cautious and law-abiding man, who loved even-handed justice and was enraged at any revolutionary proceedings. Thus he deceived the people; but Solon soon saw through him, and detected his plans before any one else. He was not shocked, but endeavoured to turn him from his purpose by advice, saying to him and to others that if his desire to be first and his wish to make himself master could be removed, there would be no more excellent and virtuous citizen than Peisistratus. At this time Thespis was beginning to introduce the drama, and the novelty of his exhibition attracted many people, although the regular contests were not yet introduced. Solon, who was fond of seeing sights and gaining knowledge, and whose old age was spent in leisure and amusements and good fellowship, went to see Thespis, who acted in his own play, as the ancient custom was. After the play was over, he asked him if he was not ashamed to tell so many lies before so many people. When Thespis answered that there was no harm in saying and doing these things in jest, Solon violently struck the ground with his stick, saying, "If we praise and approve of such jests as these, we shall soon find people jesting with our business." XXX. When Peisistratus wounded himself and was driven into the market-place in a cart to excite the people, whom he told that he had been so treated by his enemies because he defended the constitution, and while he was surrounded by a noisy crowd of sympathisers, Solon came near him and said, "Son of Hippokrates, you are dishonourably imitating Homer's Ulysses. You are doing this to deceive your fellow citizens, while he mutilated himself to deceive the enemy." Upon this, as the people were willing to take up arms on behalf of Peisistratus, they assembled at the Pnyx, where Ariston proposed that a body-guard of fifty club-bearers should be assigned to Peisistratus. Solon opposed this, urging many arguments, like what we read in his poems: "You hang upon a crafty speaker's words;" and again, "Each alone a fox in cunning, You grow stupid when you meet." But as he saw that the poor were eager to serve Peisistratus, while the rich held back from cowardice, he went away, after saying that he was wiser than the one class, and braver than the other; wiser, namely, than those who did not understand what was going on, and braver than those who did understand, but did not dare to oppose the despotism with which they were threatened. The people carried the proposal, and would not be so mean as to make any stipulation with Peisistratus about the number of his body-guard, but permitted him to keep as many as he pleased until he seized the Acropolis. When this took place, the city was convulsed; Megakles and the other descendants of Alkmaeon fled, but Solon, although he was now very old and had no one to stand by him, nevertheless came into the market-place and addressed the citizens, reproaching them for their folly and remissness, and urging them to make a final effort to retain their freedom. It was then that he made the memorable remark that, in former days it would have been easier for them to have prevented despotism from appearing amongst them, but that now it would be more glorious to cut it down, when it had arrived at its full growth. However, as no one listened to him, because of the general terror, he went home, armed himself, and took his post in the street outside his door, saying, "I have done all I could for my country and her laws." After this he remained quiet, though his friends urged him to leave Athens. He, however, wrote poems reproaching the Athenians-- "Through your own cowardice you suffered wrong, Blame then yourselves and not the gods for this; 'Twas you yourselves that made the tyrant strong, And rightly do you now your freedom miss." XXXI. At this many of his friends told him that the despot would surely put him to death, and when they asked him what he trusted to, that he performed such mad freaks, he answered, "To my age." But Peisistratus, after he became established as sovereign, showed such marked favour to Solon that he even was advised by him, and received his approval in several cases. For he enforced most of Solon's laws, both observing them himself and obliging his friends to do so. Indeed, when accused of murder before the court of the Areopagus, he appeared in due form to stand his trial, but his accuser let the case fall through. He also made other laws himself, one of which is that those who are maimed in war shall be kept at the public expense. Herakleides says that this was done in imitation of Solon, who had already proposed it in the case of Thersippus. But Theophrastus tells us that it was not Solon, but Peisistratus, who made the law about idleness, by means of which he rendered the city more quiet, and the country better cultivated. Solon also attempted to write a great poem about the fable of 'Atlantis,' which he had learned from the chroniclers of Sais particularly concerned the Athenians, but he did not finish it, not, as Plato says, for want of leisure, but rather because of his advanced age, which made him fear that the task was too great for him. His own words tell us that he had abundance of leisure-- "Old I grow, but ever learning," and, "Venus and Bacchus are all my care, And the Muses, that charm the hearts of men." Plato eagerly took in hand the scheme of the 'Atlantis,' as though it were a fine site for a palace, which had come to be his by inheritance, still unbuilt on. He placed in the beginning of it such splendid entrance-halls and vestibules as we find in no other tale or legend or poem, but, as he began the work too late, he died before he was able to finish it; so that the more we enjoy what he has written, the more we grieve over what is lost. As the temple of Olympic Zeus among the temples of Athens, so the 'Atlantis' is the only one among Plato's many noble writings that is unfinished. Solon lived on into the reign of Peisistratus for a long time, according to Herakleides of Pontus, but less than two years, according to Phanias of Eresus. For Peisistratus became despot in the archonship of Komius, and Phanias tells us that Solon died during the archonship of Hegesistratus, Komias' successor. The story that his ashes were scattered round the island of Salamis is legendary and improbable, yet it is confirmed by many trustworthy writers, amongst whom is the philosopher Aristotle. LIFE OF POPLICOLA. I. As a parallel to Solon we shall take Poplicola, who was honoured with this name by the Romans, his original name having been Publius Valerius, a supposed descendant of that Valerius who in ancient times was especially instrumental in making the Romans and Sabines cease to be enemies and become one people; for it was he who persuaded the two kings to meet and make terms of peace. Valerius, a descendant of this hero, was a man of eminence in Rome, which was then ruled by the kings, because of his eloquence and wealth. He always spoke boldly on the side of justice, and assisted the poor and needy with such kindness that it was clear that, in case of a revolution, he would become the first man in the state. Tarquinius Superbus, the king, had not come to his throne justly, but by wicked and lawless violence, and as he reigned tyrannically and insolently, the people hated him, and seized the opportunity of the death of Lucretia, after her dishonour, to drive him out. Lucius Brutus, who was determined to change the form of government, applied to Valerius first of all, and with his vigorous assistance drove out the king. After these events Valerius kept quiet, as long as it seemed likely that the people would choose a single general to replace their king, because he thought that it was Brutus's right to be elected, as he had been the leader of the revolution. However the people, disgusted with the idea of monarchy, and thinking that they could more easily endure to be ruled by two men, proposed that two consuls should be chosen. Valerius now became a candidate, hoping that he and Brutus would be elected; but he was not chosen. Brutus, instead of Valerius, whom he would have preferred, had as a colleague Tarquinius Collatinus, the husband of Lucretia, who was not a better man than Valerius, but was elected because the men in power at Rome, seeing what intrigues the exiled king was setting on foot to secure his return, wished to have for their general a man who was his sworn personal enemy. II. Valerius, disgusted at the idea that he was not trusted to fight for his country because he had not suffered any personal wrong at the hands of the king, left the senate, refused to attend public meetings, and ceased to take any part whatever in public affairs, so that people began to fear that in his rage he might go over to the king's party and destroy the tottering edifice of Roman liberty. Brutus suspected some others besides him, and proposed on a certain day to hold a solemn sacrifice and bind the senate by an oath. Valerius, however, came cheerfully into the Forum, and was the first to swear that he would never yield anything to the Tarquins, but would fight for liberty to the death, by which he greatly delighted the senate and encouraged the leading men of the state. His acts too, immediately confirmed his words, for ambassadors came from Tarquin with specious and seductive proposals, such as he thought would win over the people, coming from a king who seemed to have laid aside his insolence and only to wish for his just rights. The consuls thought it right that these proposals should be laid before the people, but Valerius would not permit it, not wishing that the poorer citizens, to whom the war was a greater burden than the monarchy had been, should have any excuse for revolt. III. After this came other ambassadors, announcing that Tarquin would give up his throne, put an end to the war, and only ask for his own property and that of his relatives and friends, upon which to live in exile. Many were inclined to agree to this, and amongst them Collatinus, when Brutus, an inflexible and harsh-tempered man, rushed into the Forum, calling out that his colleague was a traitor, who wished to furnish the tyrant with the means of continuing the war and recovering his throne, when he ought rather to grudge him food to keep him from starving. The citizens assembled, and Caius Minucius, a private citizen, was the first man who addressed them, encouraging Brutus, and pointing out to the Romans how much better it was that the money should be used to help them than to help their enemies. In spite of this, however, the Romans decided that, as they now possessed the liberty for which they had fought, they would not lose the additional blessing of peace for the sake of this property, but would cast it from them after the tyrant to which it belonged. Tarquin really cared little for the property, and the demand was merely made in order to sound the people and arrange a plot for the betrayal of the state, which was managed by the ambassadors whom he had nominally sent to look after his property. These men were selling some part of it, keeping some safe, and sending some of it away, and meanwhile intrigued so successfully that they won over two of the best families in Rome, that of the Aquillii, in which were three senators, and that of the Vitellii, among whom were two. All these men were, on the mother's side, nephews of the consul Collatinus, and the Vitellii were also related to Brutus, for he had married their sister, and by her had a large family. The Vitellii, being relatives and intimate friends of the two elder sons of Brutus, induced them to take part in the conspiracy, holding out to them the hope that they might ally themselves to the great house of Tarquin, soon to be restored to the throne, and would rid themselves of their father's stupidity and harshness. By harshness, they alluded to his inexorable punishment of bad men, and the stupidity was that which he himself affected for a long time, in order to conceal his real character from the tyrant, which was made matter of reproach to him afterwards. IV. So, after they had persuaded these young men, they conferred again with the Aquillii, and determined that all the conspirators should swear a great and terrible oath, in which a man is killed, and each person then pours a libation of his blood, and touches his entrails. The room in which they meant to do this was, as may be supposed, a dark and half-ruined one. Now a servant of the name of Vindicius happened to conceal himself in it; not that he had any designs or any knowledge of what was going on, but chancing to be in the room when the conspirators solemnly entered, he was afraid of being detected there, and so hid himself behind a chest, where he could see what was done and hear what was said by them. They agreed to assassinate both consuls, and wrote a letter to Tarquin acquainting him with their determination, which they gave to the ambassadors, who were lodging in the house of the Aquillii as their guests, and were present at this scene. After this they dispersed, and Vindicius came out from his hiding-place. He was at a loss what use to make of the discovery which Fortune had thrown in his way, for he thought it a shocking thing, as indeed it was, for him to make such a fearful revelation to Brutus about his sons, or to Collatinus about his nephews, and he would not trust any private citizen with a secret of such importance. Tormented by his secret, and unable to remain quiet, he addressed himself to Valerius, chiefly moved to do so by his affable kindly temper; for his house was open all day to those who wished to speak with him, and he never refused an interview or rejected a poor man's petition. V. When, then, Vindicius came before him and told him all that he knew in the presence only of his wife and his brother Marcus, Valerius was astounded and horrified. He would not let the man go, but locked him up, set his wife to guard the door, and bade his brother to surround the king's quarters, to seize the letter, if possible, keeping a strict watch over all the servants there. He himself, with a large train of clients, friends and servants, went to the house of the Aquillii, who were not within. As no one expected him, he pushed into the house and found the letter lying in the ambassadors' apartments. While he was thus employed, the Aquillii returned in haste, and assembling a force at the door endeavoured to take away the letter from him. His own party came to his assistance, and with their gowns twisted round their necks with much buffeting made their way to the Forum. The same thing happened at the king's quarters, where Marcus laid hold of another letter which was being taken thither concealed among some baggage, and brought as many of the king's party as he could into the Forum. VI. When the consuls had put a stop to the confusion, Vindicius, at Valerius's command, was brought out of his prison, and a court was held. The letters were recognised, and the culprits had nothing to say for themselves. All were silent and downcast, and a few, thinking to please Brutus, hinted at banishment as the penalty of their crime. Collatinus by his tears, and Valerius by his silence gave them hopes of mercy. But Brutus, addressing each of his sons by name, said, "Come, Titus, come Tiberius, why do you make no answer to the charges against you?" As, after being asked thrice, they made no answer, he, turning his face to the lictors, said, "I have done my work, do yours." They immediately seized upon the young men, tore off their clothes, tied their hands behind their backs, and scourged them. Although the people had not the heart to look at so dreadful a sight, yet it is said that Brutus never turned away his head, and showed no pity on his stern countenance, but sat savagely looking on at the execution of his sons until at last they were laid on the ground and their heads severed with an axe. Then he handed over the rest of the culprits to be dealt with by his colleague, rose, and left the Forum. His conduct cannot be praised, and yet it is above censure. Either virtue in his mind overpowered every other feeling, or his sorrow was so great as to produce insensibility. In neither case was there anything unworthy, or even human in his conduct, but it was either that of a god or a brute beast. It is better, however, that we should speak in praise of so great a man rather than allow our weakness to distrust his virtue. Indeed the Romans think that even the foundation of the city by Romulus was not so great an event as the confirmation of its constitution by Brutus. VII. When he left the Forum all men were silent for a long while, shuddering at what had been done. The Aquillii took heart at the mildness of Collatinus, and asked for time to prepare their defence. They also begged that Vindicius might be given up to them, because he was their servant, and ought not to be on the side of their accusers. Collatinus was willing to allow this, but Valerius said that he was not able to give the man up, because he was surrounded by so large a crowd, and called upon the people not to disperse without punishing the traitors. At last he laid his hands upon the two corpses, called for Brutus, and reproached Collatinus for making his colleague act against nature by condemning his own sons to death, and then thinking to please the wives of these traitors and public enemies by saving their lives. The consul, vexed at this, ordered the lictors to seize Vindicius. They forced their way through the crowd, tried to lay hold of him, and struck those who defended him, but the friends of Valerius stood in front of him and beat them off, and the people raised a shout for Brutus. He returned, and when silence was restored said that he had, as a father, full power to condemn his sons to death, but that as for the other culprits, their fate should be decided by the free vote of the citizens, and that any one might come forward and address the people. The people, however, would listen to no speeches, but voted unanimously for their death, and they were all beheaded. Collatinus, it seems, had been viewed with suspicion before because of his connection with the royal family, and his second name, Tarquinius, was odious to the people. After these events, having utterly failed as consul, he voluntarily laid down that office, and left the city. So now there was another election, and Valerius received the due reward of his patriotism and was gloriously made consul. Thinking that Vindicius ought to receive something for his services, he made him a freedman, the first ever made in Rome, and allowed him to vote in whatever tribe he chose to be enrolled. The other freedmen were not allowed the suffrage till, long after, it was given them by Appius to obtain popularity among them. The whole ceremony is up to the present day called _vindicta_, after Vindicius, we are told. VIII. After this they allowed the king's property to be plundered, and destroyed the palace. Tarquinius had obtained the pleasantest part of the Field of Mars, and had consecrated it to that god. This field had just been cut, and the corn lay on the ground, for the people thought that they must not thresh it or make any use of it, because of the ground being consecrated, so they took the sheaves and threw them into the river. In the same way they cut down the trees and threw them in, leaving the whole place for the god, but uncultivated and unfruitful. As there were many things of different sorts all floating together in the river, the current did not carry them far, but when the first masses settled on a shallow place, the rest which were carried down upon them could not get past, but became heaped up there, and the stream compacted them securely by the mud which it deposited upon them, not only increasing the size of the whole mass, but firmly cementing it together. The waves did not shake it, but gently beat it into a solid consistency. Now, from its size, it began to receive additions, as most of what the river brought down settled upon it. It is now a sacred island close by the city, with temples and walks, and in the Latin tongue it has a name which means "between two bridges." Some state that this did not happen when Tarquinia's field was consecrated, but in later times when Tarquinia gave up another field next to that one, for the public use. This Tarquinia was a priestess, one of the Vestal virgins, and she was greatly honoured for having done so, and was allowed to appear as a witness in court, which no other woman could do; she also was permitted to marry, by a decree of the senate, but did not avail herself of it. These are the legends which they tell about this island. IX. Tarquin now gave up all hopes of recovering his throne by intrigue, and appealed to the Etruscans, who willingly espoused his cause and endeavoured to restore him with a great army. The consuls led out the Romans to fight against them, posting them in holy places one of which is called the Arsian grove, and another the Aesuvian meadow. When they were about to join battle, Aruns, the son of Tarquin, and Brutus, the Roman consul, attacked one another, not by chance, but with fell hatred and rage, the one urging his horse against the tyrant and enemy of his country, the other against the man who drove him into exile. Falling upon one another with more fury than judgment, they made no attempt to defend themselves, but only to strike, and both perished. The struggle, so terribly begun, was continued with equal ferocity on both sides, until the armies, after great losses, were separated by a tempest. Valerius was in great straits, not knowing how the battle had gone, and observing that his soldiers were despondent when they looked at the corpses of their comrades, and elated when they saw those of the enemy, so equal and undecided had been the slaughter. Yet each side, when it viewed its own dead close by, was more inclined to own itself defeated, than to claim the victory because of the supposed losses of the enemy. Night came on, and it was spent as may be imagined by men who had fought so hard. When all was quiet in both camps, we are told that the grove was shaken, and that from it proceeded a loud voice which declared that the Etruscans had lost one man more than the Romans. Apparently it was the voice of a god; for immediately the Romans raised a bold and joyous shout, and the Etruscans, panic-stricken, ran out of their camp and dispersed. The Romans attacked the camp, took prisoners all that were left in it, something less than five thousand, and plundered it. The dead, when counted, proved to be eleven thousand three hundred of the enemy, and of the Romans the same number save one. This battle is said to have been fought on the Calends of March. Valerius triumphed after it in a four-horse chariot, being the first consul that ever did so. And it was a magnificent sight, and did not, as some say, offend the spectators; for, if so, the habit of doing it would not have been so carefully kept up for so many years. The people were also pleased with the honours which Valerius paid to his colleague in arranging a splendid funeral for him; he also pronounced a funeral oration over him, which was so much approved of by the Romans that from that day forth it became the custom for all good and great men at their deaths to have an oration made over them by the leading men of the time. This is said to have been older even than the Greek funeral orations, unless, as Anaximenes tells us, Solon introduced this custom. X. But the people were vexed and angry, because though Brutus, whom they thought the author of their liberty, would not be consul alone, but had one colleague after another, yet "Valerius," they said, "has got all power into his own hands, and is not so much the heir of the consulship of Brutus as of the tyranny of Tarquin. And what use is it for him to praise Brutus while he imitates Tarquin in his deeds, swaggering down into the Forum with all the rods and axes before him, from a house larger than the king's palace used to be." Indeed, Valerius lived in rather too splendid a house on the Velian Hill, looking down into the Forum, and difficult to climb up to, so that when he walked down from it he did indeed look like a tragedy king leaving his palace. But now he proved how valuable a thing it is for a statesman engaged in important matters to keep his ears open to the truth, and shut against flattery. Hearing from his friends what the people thought of him, he did not argue or grieve at it, but suddenly assembled a number of workmen and during the night destroyed his entire house down to the very foundations, so that on the next day the Romans collected in crowds to see it, admiring the magnanimity of the man, but sorrowing at the destruction of so great and noble a house, which, like many a man, had been put to death undeservedly, and expressing their concern for their consul, who had no house to live in. Valerius, indeed, had to be entertained by his friends, until the people gave him a site and built him a house upon it, of more moderate proportions than the other, in the place where at the present day stands the temple of Vica Pota. Wishing to make not only himself but his office cease to be an object of terror to his countrymen, he removed the axes from the bundles of rods carried by the lictors, and when he entered the assembly of the people he ordered his _fasces_ to be bowed and lowered before them, to show respect to the majesty of the people. This custom the consuls observe to this day. By these acts he did not really humble himself as he appeared to the Romans to be doing, but he so completely destroyed any illwill which had been felt against him that by giving up the semblance of power he really gained the reality, as the people were eager to serve him and obey him. For this reason they surnamed him _Poplicola_, which means "lover of the people," and this name so took the place of his former one that we shall use it during the remainder of this account of his life. XI. He permitted any one to become a candidate for the consulship; and while he was sole consul he used his power to effect the greatest of his reforms, because he did not know who his new colleague might be, and whether he would not thwart him through ignorance or illwill. First of all he brought up the senate to its proper number, for many senators had perished, some at Tarquin's hands in former years, and some in the late battle. It is said that he elected no less than a hundred and sixty-four new senators. After this, he enacted laws which greatly added to the power of the people, the first one of which gave accused persons a power of appeal from the decision of the consuls to the people. The second appointed the penalty of death to those who entered upon any public office without the consent of the people. The third was to assist the poor, as it relieved them from taxes and enabled them all to apply themselves with greater assiduity to trade. The law, too, which he enacted about disobedience to the consuls is no less popular in its spirit, and favours the people more than the great nobles. He assessed the fine for disobedience at the price of five oxen and two sheep. Now the value of a sheep was ten obols, and that of an ox a hundred, for at this period the Romans did not make much use of coined money, but possessed abundance of cattle. For this reason at this day they call property _peculia_, from _pecus_, a sheep, and on their oldest coins they marked the figure of an ox, a sheep, or a pig. Their children, too, were distinguished by the names of Suillii, Bubulci, Caprarii and Porcii, for _capra_ means a goat, and _porcus_ a pig. XII. Though Poplicola favoured the people so much in these laws, and showed such great moderation, yet in one instance he appointed a terrible penalty. One of his laws enacted that any citizen was at liberty to put to death anyone who tried to make himself king, without any form of trial. No penalty was to be enforced, if the man could bring forward proofs of the other's intention. His reason for this was that it was impossible for any one to attempt to make himself king, unperceived by some of his countrymen, but quite possible for him, although detected, to become too powerful to be brought to trial. So, before he made his attempt on the crown, any one was at liberty to exact from him that penalty, which he would be unable to do after his success. His law about the treasury was also much approved. It being necessary that the citizens should contribute taxes to carry on the war, as he did not wish to touch the revenue himself or to allow his friends to do so, and was even unwilling that the public money should be brought into a private man's house, he appointed the Temple of Saturn to be used as a treasury, which it is to this day, and he appointed also two of the younger citizens as quaestors, to manage the accounts. The first quaestors were Publius Venturius and Marcus Minucius, and a large sum of money was collected, for a hundred and thirty thousand persons were taxed, although orphans and widows were exempted. When he had settled all these matters, he nominated Lucretius, the father of Lucretia, as his colleague, and gave up the _fasces_ to him as a mark of respect, because he was the elder man. This custom, that the elder of the two consuls has the _fasces_ carried before him, remains to this day. As Lucretius died shortly afterwards, a new election took place, and Marcus Horatius was elected, and acted as Poplicola's colleague for the remainder of his year of office. XIII. As Tarquin was stirring up the Etruscans to a second war with Rome, a great portent is said to have taken place. While he was yet king, and had all but finished the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, he, either in accordance with some prophecy or otherwise, ordered certain Etruscan workmen at Veii to make an earthenware four-horse chariot to be placed on the top of the temple. Shortly afterwards he was driven from the throne, and the chariot, which had been modelled in clay, was placed in the furnace. Here it did not, as clay generally does, shrink and become smaller in the fire, as the wet dries out of it, but swelled to so great a size, and became so hard and strong that it could only be got out of the furnace by taking off the roof and sides. As this was decided by the prophets to be a sign from Heaven that those who possessed the chariot would be prosperous and fortunate, the Veientines determined not to give it up to the Romans, arguing that it belonged to Tarquin, not to those who had cast him out. A few days afterwards there were horse-races there; everything proceeded as usual, but as the driver of the winning chariot, after receiving his crown as victor, was driving slowly out of the circus, the horses suddenly became excited for no apparent cause, and, either guided by Heaven or by chance, rushed towards Rome, their driver with them, for he finding it impossible to stop them was forced to let them whirl him along until they reached the Capitol, where they threw him down near what is called the Ratumenan Gate. The Veientines, struck with fear and wonder at this event, permitted the workmen to deliver up the earthenware chariot to the Romans. XIV. Tarquinius the son of Demaratus, when at war with the Sabines, vowed that he would build the temple of Jupiter Olympius, but it was built by Tarquinius Superbus, the son or grandson of him who made the vow. He had not time to dedicate it, but was dethroned just before its completion. Now when it was finished and thoroughly decorated, Poplicola was eager to have the glory of dedicating it. Many of the nobles, however, grudged him this, and were more incensed at this than at all the glory which he had won as a general and as a legislator; for _that_, they said, was his vocation, but _this_ was not. They stirred up Horatius to oppose him and urged him to claim the right to dedicate the temple. So when Poplicola was of necessity absent on military service, the senate decreed that Horatius should dedicate it, and brought him up into the Capitol to do so, a thing which they never could have done had Poplicola been present. Some say that the two consuls casts lots, and that the one, sorely against his will, drew the lot to command the army in the field, and the other that to dedicate the temple. But we may conjecture how this was, from the events which took place at the dedication. On the Ides of September, which corresponds with the full moon in our month Metageitnion, all the people assembled in the Capitol, and Horatius, after silence had been enjoined upon all, performed the ceremony of dedication. When, as is customary, he was about to take hold of the doors of the temple and say the prayer of dedication, Marcus, Poplicola's brother, who had long been standing near the doors watching his opportunity, said to him, "Consul, your son has just died of sickness in the camp." All who heard this were grieved, but Horatius, undisturbed, merely said, "Fling his corpse where you please, for I cannot grieve for him," and completed the dedication service. The story was false, invented by Marcus to confuse Horatius. His conduct is a remarkable instance of presence of mind, whether it be that he at once saw through the trick, or believed the story and was not disturbed by it. XV. The same fortune seems to have attended the second temple also. The first, as we have related, was built by Tarquin, and dedicated by Horatius. This was destroyed by fire in the civil wars. The second was built by Sulla, but the name of Catulus appears as its dedicator, for Sulla died before it was completed. This again was burned during the civil tumults in the time of Vitellius, and Vespasian built a third, which had nearly the same fortune as the others, except that he saw it completed, and did not see it shortly afterwards destroyed, being thus more fortunate than Tarquin in seeing the completion, and than Sulla in seeing the dedication of his work. When Vespasian died the Capitol was burned. The fourth and present temple was built and dedicated by Domitian. It is said that Tarquin spent forty thousand pounds of silver in building the foundations; but there is no private citizen in Rome at the present day who could bear the expense of gilding the existing temple, which cost more than twelve thousand talents. Its columns are of Pentelic marble, exquisitely proportioned, which I myself saw at Athens; but at Rome they were again cut and polished, by which process they did not gain so much in gloss as they lost in symmetry, for they now appear too slender. However, if any one who wonders at the expense of the temple in the Capitol were to see the splendour of any one portico, hall, or chamber in the house of Domitian, he would certainly be led to parody that line of Epicharmus upon an extravagant fellow, "Not good-natured, but possessed with the disease of giving," and would say that Domitian was not pious or admirable, but possessed with the disease of building, and turned everything into bricks and mortar, just as it is said Midas turned things into gold. So much for this. XVI. Tarquin, after the great battle in which his son was slain by Brutus, took refuge at Clusium and begged Lars Porsena, the most powerful king in Italy, to assist him. He was thought to be an honourable and ambitious man, and promised his aid. First he sent an embassy to Rome, ordering them to receive Tarquin; and when the Romans refused to obey, he declared war against them, and telling them at what place and time he would attack them, marched against them with a great army. At Rome, Poplicola, though absent, was chosen consul for the second time, and with him, Titus Lucretius. He returned to Rome, and by way of putting a slight upon Porsena, went and founded the city of Sigliuria, while his army was close at hand. He built the walls of this place at a vast expense, and sent away seven hundred colonists to it, as if the war with which he was menaced was a very unimportant matter. But, nevertheless, Porsena made a sharp assault upon the walls of Rome, drove away the garrison, and very nearly entered the town. Poplicola forestalled him by sallying from one of the gates, and fought by the banks of the Tiber against overwhelming numbers until he was severely wounded and had to be carried out of the battle. As the same fate befell his colleague Lucretius, the Romans lost heart and endeavoured to save themselves by flight into the town. As the enemy also began to push across the wooden bridge, Rome was in danger of being taken. But Horatius, surnamed Cocles, and with him two of the noblest citizens, named Herminius and Lartius, held the wooden bridge against them. This Horatius was surnamed Cocles because he had lost an eye in the wars, or as some say because of the flatness of his nose, which made his eyes and eyebrows seem to meet, having nothing to separate them, and therefore the people meaning to call him Cyclops, by a mistake of pronunciation, named him Cocles. This man stood at the end of the bridge and kept off the enemy until his friends behind had cut down the bridge. Then he plunged into the river in his armour and swam to the other bank, though wounded by an Etruscan spear in the thigh. Poplicola, in admiration of his valour, at once proposed and passed a decree that every Roman should give him the price of one day's provisions. Moreover, he gave him as much land as he could plough in one day. And a brazen statue of him was placed in the temple of Vulcan, by which honourable allusion was made to the lameness caused by his wound. XVII. As Porsena pressed the siege, the Romans suffered from famine, and another separate army of Etruscans invaded their territory. But Poplicola, who was now consul for the third time, though he thought it his chief duty to remain stedfast and hold out the city against Porsena, did nevertheless sally out and attack these men, routing them with a loss of five thousand. Now as to the legend of Mucius, it is told in many different ways, but I will relate it as it seems most probable that it happened. He was a man of great courage, and very daring in war, who, meaning to assassinate Porsena, stole into the camp in an Etruscan dress and speaking the Etruscan language. When he arrived at the raised platform on which the king was sitting, he did not exactly know which was he, and being afraid to ask, he drew his sword and killed the man who of all the party looked most as if he were the king. Hereupon, he was seized and questioned. A fire was burning close by in a brazier which had been brought for Porsena to offer sacrifice. Mucius held his right hand over this, and while the flesh was being consumed looked at Porsena cheerfully and calmly, until he in astonishment acquitted him and restored him his sword, which Mucius took with his left hand. On account of this he is said to have been named _Scaevola_, which means left-handed. He then said that though he did not fear Porsena, he was conquered by his generosity, and out of kindness would tell him what torture would have failed to extort: "Three hundred young Romans like-minded with myself are at present concealed in your camp. I was chosen by lot to make the first attempt, and am not grieved that I failed to kill a man of honour, who ought to be a friend rather than an enemy to the Romans." Porsena, hearing this, believed it to be true, and became much more inclined to make peace, not, I imagine, so much for fear of the three hundred, as out of admiration for the spirit and valour of the Romans. This Mucius is called Scaevola by all writers, but Athenodorus, the son of Sandon, in his book which is dedicated to Octavia, the sister of Caesar Augustus, says that he was also named Posthumus. XVIII. Poplicola, who did not think Porsena so terrible as an enemy as he would be valuable as a friend and ally, was willing that he should decide the quarrel between the Romans and Tarquin, and often proposed that he should do so, feeling sure that he would discover him to be a wretch who had been most deservedly dethroned. But Tarquin roughly answered that he would submit his claims to no judge, and least of all to Porsena, who had been his ally and now seemed inclined to desert him. Porsena was angered at this, and, as his son Aruns also pleaded hard for the Romans, put an end to the war upon condition that they should give up the portion of Etruscan territory which they had seized, restore their prisoners, and receive back their deserters. Upon this, ten youths of the noblest families were given as hostages, and as many maidens, among whom was Valeria, the daughter of Poplicola. XIX. While these negotiations were going on, and Porsena, through his confidence in the good faith of the Romans, had relaxed the discipline of his camp, these Roman maidens came down to bathe in the river at a place where a bank, in the form of a crescent, makes the water smooth and undisturbed. As they saw no guards, nor any one passing except in boats, they determined to swim across, although the stream was strong and deep. Some say that one of them, by name Cloelia, rode on a horse across the river, encouraging the others as they swam. When they had got safe across they went to Poplicola, but he was displeased with them because it made him seem more faithless than Porsena, and he feared lest this daring feat of the maidens might be suspected of being a preconcerted plot of the Romans. For these reasons he sent them back to Porsena. Now Tarquin and his party, foreseeing that this would be done, laid an ambush on the further bank and attacked those who were escorting the girls with superior numbers. Still they made a stout defence, and meanwhile Valeria, the daughter of Poplicola, made her way through the combatants and escaped, and three slaves who also got away took care of her. The others were mixed up with the fight, and were in considerable danger, when Aruns, Porsena's son, came to the rescue, put the enemy to the rout, and saved the Romans. When the girls were brought before Porsena, he asked which it was that had conceived the attempt to escape and encouraged the others. Being told that it was Cloelia, he smiled kindly upon her, and presented her with one of his own horses, splendidly caparisoned. This is relied upon by those who say that it was Cloelia alone who rode on horseback over the river, as proving their case. Others say that it was not because she used a horse, but to honour her manly spirit that the Etruscan king made her this present. A statue of her, on horseback, stands in the Sacred Way as you go up to the Palatine Hill, which by some is said not to be a statue of Cloelia, but of Valeria. Porsena, after making peace with the Romans, among many other instances of generosity, ordered his army to carry back nothing but their arms when they retired, leaving the entrenched camp full of food and property of every kind for the Romans. For this reason, at the present day, whenever there is a sale of any public property, especially that which is taken in war, proclamation is always made, "Porsena's goods for sale," so that the Romans have never forgotten the kindness which they received from him. A brazen statue of him used to stand near the senate house, of plain and oldfashioned workmanship. XX. After this the Sabines invaded the country. Marcus Valerius, Poplicola's brother, and Posthumius Tubertus were then consuls, and Marcus, acting by the advice of Poplicola, who was present, won two great battles, in the second of which he slew thirteen thousand of the enemy without the Romans losing a man. He was rewarded for this, in addition to his triumph, by having a house built for him upon the Palatine Hill at the public expense. And whereas all other street doors open inwards, the doors of that house were made to open outwards, as a perpetual memorial of the honour paid him by the people, who thus made way for him. It is said that all the doors in Greece used once to open this way, arguing from the comedies, in which those who are coming out of a house always knock at the door, to warn those who are passing or standing near not to be struck by the leaves of the door, as they open. XXI. Next year Poplicola was consul for the fourth time. There was an expectation of a war against the Latins and Sabines combined. Moreover the city seemed to have displeased the gods; for all the pregnant women were delivered prematurely, and of imperfectly formed children. Poplicola, after appeasing the gods below according to the injunctions of the Sibylline books, re-established certain games in accordance with an oracle, brought the city into a more hopeful state of mind, and began to consider what he had to fear from earthly foes, for the enemy's army was large and formidable. There was one Appius Clausus, a Sabine, of great wealth and remarkable personal strength, and a virtuous and eloquent man, who, like all great men, was the object of envy and ill-will to many. He was accused by his enemies of having put an end to the war, because he wished to increase the power of Rome, in order to enable him the more easily to triumph over the liberties of his own country, and make himself king of it. Perceiving that the populace eagerly listened to these tales, and that he was an object of dislike to the war party and the army, he began to fear impeachment: so, having numerous followers, besides his personal friends and relatives, he was able to divide the state into two parties. This caused great delay in the Sabines' preparations for attacking the Romans, and Poplicola, feeling it to be his duty not merely to watch but to assist Clausus, sent envoys, who spoke to him as follows: "Poplicola feels that you are a man of honour, who would be unwilling to take vengeance upon your countrymen, although you have been shamefully treated by them. But if you choose to put yourself in safety by leaving your country and a people that hates you, he will receive you, both in his public and his private capacity, in a manner worthy of your own high character and of the dignity of Rome." After much deliberation, Clausus decided that he could not do better than accept this offer, and assembled all his friends. They in their turn influenced many others, so that he was able to transplant to Rome five thousand of the most peaceful and respectable families of the Sabine nation. Poplicola, who had notice of their arrival, welcomed them kindly and graciously. He made them all citizens of Rome, and gave each of them two acres of land along the river Anio. He gave Clausus twenty-five acres, and enrolled him among the Senators. Clausus afterwards became one of the first men in Rome for wisdom and power, and his descendants, the Claudian family, was one of the most illustrious in history. XXII. Though the disputes of the Sabines were settled by this migration, yet their popular orators would not let them rest, but vehemently urged that they ought not to let Appius, a deserter and an enemy, prevail upon them to let the Romans go unpunished--a thing which he could not persuade them to do when he was present among them. They proceeded to Fidenae with a great army and encamped there, and laid two thousand men in ambush before Rome, in wooded and broken ground, meaning in the morning to send out a few horsemen to plunder ostentatiously. These men were ordered to ride up close to Rome, and then to retire till their pursuers were drawn into the snare. Poplicola heard of this plan the same day from deserters, and quickly made all necessary arrangements. At evening he sent Postumius Balbus, his son-in-law, with three thousand men to occupy the tops of the hills under which the Sabine ambush was placed. His colleague, Lucretius, was ordered to take the swiftest-footed and noblest youth of the city, and pursue the plundering horsemen, while he himself with the rest of the forces made a circuitous march and outflanked the enemy. It chanced that a thick mist came on about dawn, in the midst of which Postumius charged down from the hills upon the men in ambush with a loud shout, while Lucretius sent his men to attack the cavalry, and Poplicola fell upon the enemy's camp. The Sabines were routed in every quarter, and even when fighting no longer were cut down by the Romans, their rash confidence proving ruinous to them. Each party thought that the others must be safe, and did not care to stay and fight where they were, but those who were in the camp ran to those in the ambush, and those in the ambush towards the camp, each of them meeting those with whom they hoped to take refuge, and finding that those who they had hoped would help them needed help themselves. The Sabines would have been all put to the sword, had not the neighbouring city of Fidenae afforded them a refuge, especially for the men from the camp. Such as could not reach Fidenae were either put to death or taken prisoners. XXIII. The Romans, accustomed as they are to refer all great success to the intervention of Heaven, thought that the whole glory of this achievement was due to the general. The first thing heard was the victorious soldiers declaring that Poplicola had delivered up the enemy to them blind and lame, and all but in chains, for them to slaughter at their ease. The people were enriched by the plunder and the sale of the prisoners for slaves. Poplicola enjoyed a triumph, and previously delivering over the administration of the city to the two succeeding consuls, died shortly afterwards, having attained to the highest pitch of glory that man can reach. The people, as if they had done nothing during his life to honour him as he deserved, and were now for the first time to show their gratitude, decreed him a public funeral, and moreover that every person should contribute the coin called _quadrans_, to show him respect. The women also made a common agreement to wear mourning for him for a whole year. He was buried by a decree of the people within the city near the place called Velia, and all his family were given the privilege of burial there. At the present day not one of the family is actually buried there, but the corpse is carried thither, and laid down, while some one places a lighted torch under it for a moment, after which it is carried away. By this ceremony they claim the right, although they forego it, and bury the corpse outside the city. COMPARISON OF SOLON AND POPLICOLA. I. It is a point peculiar to this comparison, and which does not occur in any of the other Lives which I have written, that in turn one imitates and the other bears witness to his fellow's deeds. Observe, for instance, Solon's definition of happiness before Croesus, how much better it suits Poplicola than Tellus. He says that Tellus was fortunate because of his good luck, his virtue, and his noble children; but yet he makes no mention of him or of his children in his poetry, and he never was a man of any renown, or held any high office. Now Poplicola's virtues made him the most powerful and glorious of the Romans during his life, and six hundred years after his death the very noblest families of Rome, those named Publicola and Messala and Valerius, are proud to trace their descent from him, even at the present day. Tellus, it is true, died like a brave man fighting in the ranks, but Poplicola slew his enemies, which is much better than being killed oneself, and made his country victorious by skill as a general and a statesman, and, after triumphing and enjoying honours of every kind, died the death which Solon thought so enviable. Besides, Solon, in his answer to Mimnermus about the time of life, has written the verses: "To me may favouring Heaven send, That all my friends may mourn my end," in which he bears witness to the good fortune of Poplicola; for he, when he died, was mourned not only by all his friends and relations but by the whole city, in which thousands wept for him, while all the women wore mourning for him as if he were a son or father of them all that they had lost. Solon says in his poems, "I long for wealth, but not procured By means unholy." Now Poplicola not only possessed wealth honourably acquired, but also was able to spend it, much to his credit, in relieving the needy. Thus if Solon was the wisest, Poplicola was certainly the most fortunate of men; for what Solon prayed for as the greatest blessing, Poplicola possessed and enjoyed to the end of his days. II. Thus has Solon done honour to Poplicola; and he again honoured Solon by regarding him as the best model a man could follow in establishing a free constitution: for he took away the excessive power and dignity of the consuls and made them inoffensive to the people, and indeed made use of many of Solon's own laws; as he empowered the people to elect their own consuls, and gave defendants a right of appeal to the people from other courts, just as Solon had done. He did not, like Solon, make two senates, but he increased the existing one to nearly double its number. His grounds for the appointment of quaestors was to give the consul leisure for more important matters, if he was an honest man; and if he was a bad man, to remove the opportunity of fraud which he would have had if he were supreme over the state and the treasury at once. In hatred of tyrants Poplicola exceeded Solon, for he fixed the penalty for a man who might be proved to be attempting to make himself king, whereas the Roman allowed any one to kill him without trial. And while Solon justly prided himself upon his having been offered the opportunity to make himself despot, with the full consent of his fellow-countrymen, and yet having refused it, Poplicola deserves even greater credit for having been placed in an office of almost despotic power, and having made it more popular, not using the privileges with which he was entrusted. Indeed Solon seems to have been the first to perceive that a people "Obeys its rulers best, When not too free, yet not too much opprest." III. The relief of debtors was a device peculiar to Solon, which, more than anything else confirmed the liberty of the citizens. For laws to establish equality are of no use if poor men are prevented from enjoying it because of their debts; and in the states which appear to be the most free, men become mere slaves to the rich, and conduct the whole business of the state at their dictation. It should be especially noted that although an abolition of debt would naturally produce a civil war, yet this measure of Solon's, like an unusual but powerful dose of medicine, actually put an end to the existing condition of internal strife; for the well-known probity of Solon's character outweighed the discredit of the means to which he resorted. In fact Solon began his public life with greater glory than Poplicola, for he was the leading spirit, and followed no man, but entirely single handed effected the most important reforms; while Poplicola was more enviable and fortunate at the close of his career. Solon himself saw his own constitution overthrown, while that of Poplicola preserved order in the city down to the time of the civil wars; and the reason was that Solon, as soon as he had enacted his laws, went on his travels, leaving them written on wooden tablets, defenceless against all assailants; whereas Poplicola remained at home, acted as consul, and by his statesmanship ensured the success and permanence of the new constitution. Moreover, Solon could not stop Peisistratus, although he perceived his designs, but was forced to see a despotism established; while Poplicola destroyed a monarchy which had existed for many years, showing equal virtue with Solon, but greater good fortune and power to enable him to carry out his intentions. IV. With regard to warlike achievements, Daimachus of Plataea will not even admit that Solon made the campaign against the Megarians, which we have related; but Poplicola both by strategy and personal valour won many great battles. As a statesman, Solon seems to have acted somewhat childishly in pretending that he was mad, in order to make his speech about Salamis, while Poplicola ran the very greatest risks in driving out the tyrant and crushing the conspiracy. He was especially responsible for the chief criminals being put to death, and thus not only drove the Tarquins out of the city, but cut off and destroyed their hopes of return. And while he showed such vigour in enterprises that required spirit and courage, he was equally admirable in peaceful negotiations and the arts of persuasion; for he skilfully won over the formidable Porsena to be the friend instead of the enemy of Rome. Still we may be reminded that Solon stirred up the Athenians to capture Salamis, which they had given up to the Megarians, while Poplicola withdrew the Romans from a country which they had conquered. We must, however, consider the circumstances under which these events took place. A subtle politician deals with every thing so as to turn it to the greatest advantage, and will often lose a part in order to save the whole, and by sacrificing some small advantage gain another more important one, as did Poplicola on that occasion; for he, by withdrawing from a foreign country, preserved his own, gained the enemy's camp for the Romans, who before were only too glad to save their city from ruin, and at last, by converting his enemy into an arbitrator and winning his cause, obtained all the fruits of victory: for Porsena put an end to the war, and left behind him all his war material to show his respect for the noble character of the consul. LIFE OF THEMISTOKLES. I. Themistokles came of a family too obscure to entitle him to distinction. His father, Neokles, was a middle-class Athenian citizen, of the township of Phrearri and the tribe Leontis. He was base born on his mother's side, as the epigram tells us: "My name's Abrotonon from Thrace, I boast not old Athenian race; Yet, humble though my lineage be, Themistokles was born of me." Phanias, however, says that the mother of Themistokles was a Carian, not a Thracian, and that her name was not Abrotonon but Euterpe. Manthes even tells us that she came from the city of Halikarnassus in Caria. All base-born Athenians were made to assemble at Kynosarges, a gymnasium outside the walls sacred to Herakles, who was regarded as base born among the gods because his mother was a mortal; and Themistokles induced several youths of noble birth to come to Kynosarges with him and join in the wrestling there, an ingenious device for destroying the exclusive privileges of birth. But, for all that, he evidently was of the blood of Lykomedes; for when the barbarians burned down the temple of the Initiation at Phlya, which belonged to the whole race of the descendants of Lykomedes, it was restored by Themistokles, as we are told by Simonides. II. He is agreed by all to have been a child of vigorous impulses, naturally clever, and inclined to take an interest in important affairs and questions of statesmanship. During his holidays and times of leisure he did not play and trifle as other children do, but was always found arranging some speech by himself and thinking it over. The speech was always an attack on, or a defence of, some one of his playfellows. His schoolmaster was wont to say, "You will be nothing petty, my boy; you will be either a very good or a very bad man." In his learning, he cared nothing for the exercises intended to form the character, and mere showy accomplishments and graces, but eagerly applied himself to all real knowledge, trusting to his natural gifts to enable him to master what was thought to be too abstruse for his time of life. In consequence of this, when in society he was ridiculed by those who thought themselves well mannered and well educated, he was obliged to make the somewhat vulgar retort that he could not tune a lute or play upon the harp, but he could make a small and obscure state great and glorious. In spite of all this, Stesimbrotus says that Themistokles was a pupil of Anaxagoras, and attended the lectures of Melissus the physicist; but here he is wrong as to dates. Melissus was the general who was opposed to Perikles, a much younger man than Themistokles, when he was besieging Samos, and Anaxagoras was one of Perikles's friends. One is more inclined to believe those who tell us that Themistokles was a follower and admirer of Mnesiphilus of Phrearri, who was neither an orator nor a natural philosopher, but a man who had deeply studied what went by the name of wisdom, but was really political sharp practice and expedients of statesmanship, which he had, as it were, inherited as a legacy from Solon. Those who in later times mixed up this science with forensic devices, and used it, not to deal with the facts of politics, but the abstract ideas of speculative philosophy, were named Sophists. Themistokles used to converse with this man when he had already begun his political career. In his childhood he was capricious and unsteady, his genius, as yet untempered by reason and experience, showing great capacities both for good and evil, and after breaking out into vice, as he himself used afterwards to admit, saying that the colts which are the hardest to break in usually make the most valuable horses when properly taught. But as for the stories which some have fabricated out of this, about his being disinherited by his father, and about his mother committing suicide through grief at her son's disgrace, they seem to be untrue. On the other hand, some writers tell us that his father, wishing to dissuade him from taking part in politics, pointed out to him the old triremes lying abandoned on the beach, and told him that politicians, when the people had no farther use for them, were cast aside in like manner. III. Very early in life Themistokles took a vigorous part in public affairs, possessed by vehement ambition. Determined from the very outset that he would become the leading man in the state, he eagerly entered into all the schemes for displacing those who where then at the head of affairs, especially attacking Aristeides, the son of Lysimachus, whose policy he opposed on every occasion. Yet his enmity with this man seems to have had a very boyish commencement; for they both entertained a passion for the beautiful Stesilaus, who, we are told by Ariston the philosopher, was descended from a family residing in the island of Keos. After this difference they espoused different parties in the state, and their different temper and habits widened the breach between them. Aristeides was of a mild and honourable nature, and as a statesman cared nothing for popularity or personal glory, but did what he thought right with great caution and strict rectitude. He was thus often brought into collision with Themistokles, who was trying to engage the people in many new schemes, and to introduce startling reforms, by which he would himself have gained credit, and which Aristeides steadily opposed. He is said to have been so recklessly ambitious and so frenziedly eager to take part in great events, that though he was very young at the time of the battle of Marathon, when the country rang with the praises of the generalship of Miltiades, he was often to be seen buried in thought, passing sleepless nights and refusing invitations to wine-parties, and that he answered those who asked him the cause of his change of habits, that the trophies of Miltiades would not let him sleep. Other men thought that the victory of Marathon had put an end to the war, but Themistokles saw that it was but the prelude to a greater contest, in which he prepared himself to stand forth as the champion of Greece, and, foreseeing long before what was to come, endeavoured to make the city of Athens ready to meet it. IV. First of all, he had the courage to propose that the Athenians, instead of dividing amongst themselves the revenues derived from the silver mines at Laurium, should construct ships out of this fund for the war with Aegina. This was then at its height, and the Aeginetans, who had a large navy, were masters of the sea. By this means Themistokles was more easily enabled to carry his point, not trying to terrify the people by alluding to Darius and the Persians, who lived a long way off, and whom few feared would ever come to attack them, but by cleverly appealing to their feelings of patriotism against the Aeginetans, to make them consent to the outlay. With that money a hundred triremes were built, which were subsequently used to fight against Xerxes. After this he kept gradually turning the thoughts of the Athenians in the direction of the sea, because their land force was unable even to hold its own against the neighbouring states, while with a powerful fleet they could both beat off the barbarians and make themselves masters of the whole of Greece. Thus, as Plato says, instead of stationary soldiers as they were, he made them roving sailors, and gave rise to the contemptuous remark that Themistokles took away from the citizens of Athens the shield and the spear, and reduced them to the oar and the rower's bench. This, we are told by Stesimbrotus, he effected after quelling the opposition of Miltiades, who spoke on the other side. Whether his proceedings at this time were strictly constitutional or no I shall leave to others to determine; but that the only safety of Greece lay in its fleet, and that those triremes were the salvation of the Athenians after their city was taken, can be proved by the testimony, among others, of Xerxes himself; for although his land force was unbroken, he fled after his naval defeat, as though no longer able to contend with the Greeks, and he left Mardonius behind more to prevent pursuit, in my opinion, than with any hopes of conquest. V. Some writers tell us that he was a keen man of business, and explain that his grand style of living made this necessary; for he made costly sacrifices, and entertained foreigners in a splendid manner, all of which required a large expenditure; but some accuse him of meanness and avarice, and even say that he sold presents which were sent for his table. When Philides the horse-dealer refused to sell him a colt, he threatened that he would soon make a wooden horse of the man's house; meaning that he would stir up lawsuits and claims against him from some of his relations. In ambition he surpassed every one. When yet a young and unknown man he prevailed upon Epikles of Hermione, the admired performer on the harp, to practise his art in his house, hoping thereby to bring many people to it to listen. And he displeased the Greeks when he went to the Olympian games by vying with Kimon in the luxury of his table, his tents, and his other furniture. It was thought very proper for Kimon, a young man of noble birth, to do so; but for a man who had not yet made himself a reputation, and had not means to support the expense, such extravagance seemed mere vulgar ostentation. In the dramatic contest, which even then excited great interest and rivalry, the play whose expenses he paid for won the prize. He put up a tablet in memory of his success bearing the words: Themistokles of Phrearri was choragus, Phrynichus wrote the play, Adeimantus was archon. Yet he was popular, for he knew every one of the citizens by name, and gave impartial judgment in all cases referred to him as arbitrator. Once, when Simonides of Keos asked him to strain a point in his favour, Themistokles, who was a general at the time, answered that Simonides would be a bad poet if he sang out of tune; and he would be a bad magistrate if he favoured men against the law. At another time he rallied Simonides on his folly in abusing the Corinthians, who inhabited so fine a city, and in having his own statue carved, though he was so ugly. He continued to increase in popularity by judiciously courting the favour of the people, and was at length able to secure the triumph of his own party, and the banishment of his rival Aristeides. VI. As the Persians were now about to invade Greece, the Athenians deliberated as to who should be their leader. It is said that most men refused the post of General through fear, but that Epikydes, the son of Euphemides, a clever mob-orator, but cowardly and accessible to bribes, desired to be appointed, and seemed very likely to be elected. Themistokles, fearing that the state would be utterly ruined if its affairs fell into such hands, bribed him into forgetting his ambitious designs, and withdrawing his candidature. He was much admired for his conduct when envoys came from the Persian king to demand earth and water, in token of submission. He seized the interpreter, and by a decree of the people had him put to death, because he had dared to translate the commands of a barbarian into the language of free Greeks. He acted in the same way to Arthmias of Zelea. This man, at the instance of Themistokles, was declared infamous, he and his children and his descendants for ever, because he brought Persian gold among the Greeks. His greatest achievement of all, however, was, that he put an end to all the internal wars in Greece, and reconciled the states with one another, inducing them to defer the settlement of their feuds until after the Persian war. In this he is said to have been greatly assisted by Chileon the Arcadian. VII. On his appointment as General, he at once endeavoured to prevail upon his countrymen to man their fleet, leave their city, and go to meet the enemy by sea as far from Greece as possible. As this met with great opposition, he, together with the Lacedaemonians, led a large force as far as the Vale of Tempe, which they intended to make their first line of defence, as Thessaly had not at that time declared for the Persians. When, however, the armies were forced to retire from thence, and all Greece, up to Boeotia, declared for the Persians, the Athenians became more willing to listen to Themistokles about fighting by sea, and he was sent with a fleet to guard the straits at Artemisium. Here the Greeks chose the Lacedaemonians, and their general, Eurybiades, to take the command; but the Athenians refused to submit to any other state, because they alone furnished more ships than all the rest. Themistokles, at this crisis perceiving the danger, gave up his claims to Eurybiades, and soothed the wounded pride of the Athenians, telling them that if they proved themselves brave men in the war, they would find that all the other states in Greece would cheerfully recognise their supremacy. On this account he seems more than any one else to deserve the credit of having saved Greece, and to have covered the Athenians with glory by teaching them to surpass their enemies in bravery, and their allies in good sense. When the Persian fleet reached Aphetai, Eurybiades was terrified at the number of ships at the mouth of the Straits, and, learning that two hundred sail more were gone round the outside of Euboea to take him in the rear, he at once wished to retire further into Greece, and support the fleet by the land army in Peloponnesus, for he regarded the Persian king's fleet as utterly irresistible at sea. Upon this the Euboeans, who feared to be deserted by the Greeks, sent one Pelagon with a large sum of money, to make secret proposals to Themistokles. He took the money, Herodotus tells us, and gave it to Eurybiades and his party. One of those who most vehemently opposed him was Architeles, the captain of the Sacred Trireme, who had not sufficient money to pay his crew, and therefore wished to sail back to Athens. Themistokles stirred up the anger of his men to such a pitch that they rushed upon him and took away his supper. At this, Architeles was much vexed, but Themistokles sent him a basket containing bread and meat, with a talent of silver hidden underneath it, with a message bidding him eat his supper and pay his men the next day, but that, if he did not, Themistokles would denounce him to his countrymen as having received bribes from the enemy. This we are told by Phanias of Lesbos. VIII. The battles which took place in the Straits with the Persian ships, were indeed indecisive, but the experience gained in them was of the greatest value to the Greeks, as they were taught by their result that multitudes of ships and splendid ensigns, and the boastful war-cries of barbarians, avail nothing against men who dare to fight hand to hand, and that they must disregard all these and boldly grapple with their enemies. Pindar seems to have understood this when he says, about the battle at Artemisium, that there "The sons of Athena laid Their freedom's grand foundation." for indeed confidence leads to victory. This Artemisium is a promontory of the island of Euboea, stretching northwards beyond Hestiaea; and opposite to it is Olizon, which was once part of the dominions of Philoktetes. There is upon it a small temple of Artemis (Diana), which is called the "Temple towards the East." Round it stand trees and a circle of pillars of white stone. This stone, when rubbed in the hand, has the colour and smell of saffron. On one of these pillars were written the following verses: "The sons of Athens once o'ercame in fight All Asia's tribes, on yonder sea; They raised these pillars round Diana's shrine, To thank her for their victory." Even now a place is pointed out on the beach where, under a great heap of sand, there is a deep bed of black ashes where it is thought the wrecks and dead bodies were burned. IX. But when the news of Thermopylae was brought to the Greeks at Artemisium, that Leonidas had fallen, and Xerxes was in possession of the passes, they retired further into Greece, the Athenians protecting the rear on account of their bravery, and full of pride at their achievements. At all the harbours and landing-places along the coast, Themistokles, as he passed by, cut conspicuous inscriptions on stones, some of which he found on the spot, and others which he himself set up at all the watering-places and convenient stations for ships. In these inscriptions he besought the Ionians, if possible, to come over to the Athenians, who were their fathers, and who were fighting for their liberty; and if they could not do this, to throw the barbarian army into confusion during battle. He hoped that these writings would either bring the Ionians over to the side of the Greeks, or make them suspected of treason by the Persians. Meanwhile Xerxes invaded Greece through Doris, and came into Phokis, where he burned the city of the Phokaeans. The Greeks made no resistance, although the Athenians begged them to make a stand in Boeotia, and cover Attica, urging that they had fought in defence of the whole of Greece at Artemisium. However, as no one would listen to them, but all the rest of the Greeks determined to defend the Peloponnesus, and were collecting all their forces within it, and building a wall across the Isthmus from sea to sea, the Athenians were enraged at their treachery, and disheartened at being thus abandoned to their fate. They had no thoughts of resisting so enormous an army; and the only thing they could do under the circumstances, to abandon their city and trust to their ships, was distasteful to the people, who saw nothing to be gained by victory, and no advantage in life, if they had to desert the temples of their gods and the monuments of their fathers. X. At this crisis, Themistokles, despairing of influencing the populace by human reasoning, just as a dramatist has recourse to supernatural machinery, produced signs and wonders and oracles. He argued that it was a portent that the sacred snake during those days deserted his usual haunt. The priests, who found their daily offerings to him of the first fruits of the sacrifices left untouched, told the people, at the instigation of Themistokles, that the goddess Athena (Minerva) had left the city, and was leading them to the sea. He also swayed the popular mind by the oracle, in which he argued that by "wooden walls" ships were alluded to; and that Apollo spoke of Salamis as "divine," not terrible or sad, because Salamis would be the cause of great good fortune to the Greeks. Having thus gained his point, he proposed a decree, that the city be left to the care of the tutelary goddess of the Athenians, that all able-bodied men should embark in the ships of war, and that each man should take the best measures in his power to save the women and children and slaves. When this decree was passed, most of the Athenians sent their aged folks and women over to Troezen, where they were hospitably received by the Troezenians, who decreed that they should be maintained at the public expense, receiving each two obols a day, that the children should be allowed to pick the fruit from any man's tree, and even that their school expenses should be paid. This decree was proposed by Nikagoras. The Athenians at this time had no public funds, yet Aristotle tells us that the Senate of the Areopagus, by supplying each fighting man with eight drachmas, did good service in manning the fleet; and Kleidemus tells us that this money was obtained by an artifice of Themistokles. When the Athenians were going down to the Peiraeus, he gave out that the Gorgon's head had been lost from the statue of the goddess. Themistokles, under pretext of seeking for it, searched every man, and found great stores of money hidden in their luggage, which he confiscated, and thus was able to supply the crews of the ships with abundance of necessaries. When the whole city put to sea, the sight affected some to pity, while others admired their courage in sending their families out of the way that they might not be disturbed by weeping and wailing as they went over to Salamis. Yet many of the aged citizens who were left behind at Athens afforded a piteous sight; and even the domestic animals, as they ran howling to the sea-shore, accompanying their masters, touched men's hearts. It is said that the dog of Xanthippus, the father of Perikles, could not endure to be separated from him, and jumping into the sea swam alongside of his trireme, reached Salamis, and then at once died. His tomb is even now to be seen at the place called Kynossema. XI. Besides these great achievements, Themistokles, perceiving that his countrymen longed to have Aristeides back again, and fearing that he might ally himself with the Persian, and work ruin to Greece out of anger against his own country (for Aristeides had been banished from Athens before the war when Themistokles came into power), proposed a decree, that any citizen who had been banished for a term of years, might return and do his best by word and deed to serve his country together with the other citizens. Eurybiades, on account of the prestige of Sparta, held the chief command of the fleet, but was unwilling to risk a battle, preferring to weigh anchor and sail to the Isthmus where the land army of the Peloponnesians was assembled. This project was opposed by Themistokles; and it was on this occasion that he made use of the following well-known saying: When Eurybiades said to him, "Themistokles, in the public games they whip those who rise before their turn." "True," said Themistokles, "but they do not crown those who lag behind." And when Eurybiades raised his staff as if he would strike him, Themistokles said, "Strike, but hear me." When Eurybiades, in wonder at his gentle temper, bade him speak, he again urged Eurybiades to remain at Salamis. Some one then said, that a man without a city had no right to tell those who still possessed one to abandon it, but Themistokles turning upon him, answered, "Wretch, we Athenians have indeed abandoned our walls and houses, because we scorn to be slaves for the sake of mere buildings, but we have the greatest city of all Greece, our two hundred ships of war, which now are ready to help you if you choose to be saved by their means; but, if you betray us and leave us, some of the Greeks will soon learn to their cost that the Athenians have obtained a free city and a territory no worse than that which they left behind." When Eurybiades heard Themistokles use this language, he began to fear that the Athenians might really sail away and leave him. When Eretrieus tried to say something to Themistokles, he answered, "Do you too dare to say anything about war, you, who like a cuttle-fish, have a sword but no heart." XII. It is said by some writers that while Themistokles was talking about these matters upon the deck of his ship, an owl was seen to fly from the right-hand side of the fleet, and to perch upon his mast; which omen encouraged all the Athenians to fight. But when the Persian host poured down to Phalerum, covering the whole sea-shore, and the king himself was seen with all his forces, coming down to the beach with the infantry, the Greeks forgot the words of Themistokles, and began to cast eager glances towards the Isthmus and to be angry with any one who proposed to do anything else than withdraw. They determined to retire by night, and the steersmen were given orders to prepare for a voyage. Themistokles, enraged at the idea of the Greek fleet dispersing, and losing the advantage of the narrow waters, planned the affair of Sikinnus. This Sikinnus was a Persian who had been taken prisoner, and who was fond of Themistokles and took charge of his children. He sent this man secretly to Xerxes, ordering him to say that Themistokles, the general of the Athenians, has determined to come over to the king of the Persians, and is the first to tell him that the Greeks are about to retreat. He bids him not to allow them to fly, but to attack them while they are disheartened at not being supported by a land force, and destroy their fleet. Xerxes, who imagined this to be said for his advantage, was delighted, and at once gave orders to the commanders of his ships to make ready for battle at their leisure, all but two hundred, whom he ordered to put to sea at once, surround the whole strait, and close up the passages through the islands, so that no one of the enemy could escape. While this was being done, Aristeides, the son of Lysimachus, who was the first to perceive it, came to the tent of Themistokles, although the latter was his enemy, and had driven him into exile. When Themistokles came to meet him, he told him they were surrounded; knowing the frank and noble character of Aristeides, Themistokles told him the whole plot, and begged him as a man in whom the Greeks could trust, to encourage them to fight a battle in the straits. Aristeides praised Themistokles for what he had done, and went round to the other generals and captains of ships, inciting them to fight. Yet they were inclined to doubt even the word of Aristeides, when a trireme from the island of Tenos, under the command of Panaitios, came in, having deserted from the enemy, and brought the news that the Greeks were really surrounded. Then, in a spirit of anger and despair, they prepared for the struggle. XIII. At daybreak Xerxes took his seat on a high cliff overlooking all his host, just above the Temple of Herakles, we are told by Phanodemus, where the strait between Salamis and Attica is narrowest, but according to Akestodorus, close to the Megarian frontier, upon the mountains called Horns. Here he sat upon the golden throne, with many scribes standing near, whose duty it was to write down the events of the battle. While Themistokles was sacrificing on the beach, beside the admiral's ship, three most beautiful captive boys were brought to him, splendidly adorned with gold and fine clothes. They were said to be the children of Sandauke, the sister of Xerxes, and Artäuktes. When Euphrantides the prophet saw them, there shone at once from the victims on the altar a great and brilliant flame, and at the same time some one was heard to sneeze on the right hand, which is a good omen. Euphrantides now besought Themistokles to sacrifice these young men as victims to Dionysus, to whom human beings are sacrificed; so should the Greeks obtain safety and victory. Themistokles was struck with horror at this terrible proposal; but the multitude, who, as is natural with people in great danger, hoped to be saved by miraculous rather than by ordinary means, called upon the God with one voice, and leading the captives up to the altar, compelled him to offer them up as the prophet bade him. This story rests on the authority of Phanias of Lesbos, who was a man of education, and well read in history. XIV. As for the numbers of the Persian fleet, the poet Aeschylus, as though he knew it clearly, writes as follows in his tragedy of the Persae: "And well I know a thousand sail That day did Xerxes meet, And seven and two hundred more, The fastest of his fleet." The Athenian ships, a hundred and eighty in number, had each eighteen men on deck, four of whom were archers, and the rest heavy-armed soldiers. Themistokles now chose the time for the battle as judiciously as he had chosen the place, and would not bring his triremes into line of battle before the fresh wind off the sea, as is usual in the morning, raised a heavy swell in the straits. This did not damage the low flat ships of the Greeks, but it caught the high-sterned Persian ships, over-weighted as they were with lofty decks, and presented their broadsides to the Greeks, who eagerly attacked them, watching Themistokles because he was their best example, and also because Ariamenes, Xerxes's admiral, and the bravest and best of the king's brothers, attacked him in a huge ship, from which, as if from a castle, he poured darts and arrows upon him. But Ameinias of Dekeleia and Sokles of Pedia, who were both sailing in the same vessel, met him stem to stem. Each ship crashed into the other with its iron beak, and was torn open. Ariamenes attempted to board the Greek ship, but these two men set upon him with their spears, and drove him into the sea. His body was noticed by Queen Artemisia floating amongst the other wreckage, and was by her brought to Xerxes. XV. At this period of the battle it is said that a great light was seen to shine from Eleusis, and that a great noise was heard upon the Thriasian plain near the sea, as though multitudes of men were escorting the mystic Iacchus in procession. From the place where these sounds were heard a mist seemed to spread over the sea and envelop the ships. Others thought that they saw spirit-forms of armed men come from Aegina, and hold their hands before the ships of the Greeks. These it was supposed were the Aeakid heroes, to whom prayers for help had been offered just before the battle. The first man to capture a ship was Lykomedes, an Athenian captain, who cut off its ensign and dedicated it to Apollo with the laurel crown at the Temple at Phlyae. In the narrow straits the Persians were unable to bring more than a part of their fleet into action, and their ships got into each other's way, so that the Greeks could meet them on equal terms, and, although they resisted until evening, completely routed them, winning, as Simonides calls it, that "glorious and famous victory," the greatest exploit ever achieved at sea, which owed its success to the bravery of the sailors and the genius of Themistokles. XVI. After this naval defeat, Xerxes, enraged at his failure, endeavoured to fill up the strait with earth, and so to make a passage for his land forces to Salamis, to attack the Greeks there. Now Themistokles, in order to try the temper of Aristeides, proposed that the fleet should sail to the Hellespont, and break the bridge of boats there, "in order," said he, "that we may conquer Asia in Europe." But Aristeides disapproved of this measure, saying, "Hitherto we have fought against the Persian king, while he has been at his ease; but if we shut him up in Greece, and drive the chief of so large an army to despair, he will no longer sit quietly under a golden umbrella to look on at his battles, but will strain every nerve and superintend every operation in person, and so will easily retrieve his losses and form better plans for the future." "Instead of breaking down the existing bridge for him, Themistokles," said he, "we ought rather, if possible, at once to build another, and send the man out of Europe as quickly as possible." "Well then," answered Themistokles, "if you think that our interest lies in that direction, we ought all to consider and contrive to send him out of Greece as fast as we can." When this resolution was adopted, Themistokles sent one of the king's eunuchs, whom he had found among the prisoners, bidding him warn Xerxes that "the Greeks had determined after their victory to sail to the Hellespont and break the bridge, but that Themistokles, out of his regard for the king, advises him to proceed as fast as he can to his own sea, and cross over it, while he (Themistokles) gained time for him by delaying the allied fleet." Xerxes, hearing thus, was much alarmed and retired in all haste. And indeed the battle with Mardonius at Plataea shows us which of the two was right; for the Greeks there could scarcely deal with a small part of the Persian army, and what therefore could they have done with the whole? XVII. Herodotus tells us that, of Greek States, Aegina received the prize of valour, and that, of the generals, it was awarded to Themistokles, though against the will of the voters. When the armies retired to the Isthmus all the generals laid their votes on the altar there, and each man declared himself to deserve the first prize for valour, and Themistokles to deserve the second. However, the Lacedaemonians brought him home with them to Sparta, and gave Eurybiades the first prize for valour, but Themistokles that for wisdom, a crown of olive-leaves. They also gave him the best chariot in their city, and sent three hundred of their young men to escort him out of the country. It is also related that at the next Olympian games, when Themistokles appeared upon the race-course, all the spectators took no further interest in the contests, but passed the whole day in admiring and applauding him, and in pointing him out to such as were strangers; so that he was delighted, and said to his friends that he had now received his reward for all his labours on behalf of Greece. XVIII. He was by nature excessively fond of admiration, as we may judge from the stories about him which have been preserved. Once, when he was made admiral of the Athenian fleet, he put off all the necessary business of his office until the day appointed for sailing, in order that he might have a great many dealings with various people all at once, and so appear to be a person of great influence and importance. And when he saw the corpses floating in the sea with gold bracelets and necklaces, he himself passed them by, but pointed them out to a friend who was following, saying, "Do you pick them up and keep them; for you are not Themistokles." A beautiful youth, named Antiphates, regarded him coolly at first, but eventually became submissive to him because of his immense reputation. "Young man," said Themistokles, "it has taken some time, but we have at length both regained our right minds." He used to say that the Athenians neither admired nor respected him, but used him like a plane-tree under which they took shelter in storm, but which in fair weather they lopped and stripped of its leaves. Once when a citizen of Seriphos said to him that he owed his glory, not to himself but to his city, he answered, "Very true; I should not have become a great man if I had been a Seriphian, nor would you if you had been an Athenian." When one of his fellow-generals, who thought that he had done the state good service, was taking a haughty tone, and comparing his exploits with those of Themistokles, he said, "The day after a feast, once upon a time, boasted that it was better than the feast-day itself, because on that day all men are full of anxiety and trouble, while upon the next day every one enjoys what has been prepared at his leisure. But the feast-day answered, 'Very true, only but for me you never would have been at all.' So now," said he, "if I had not come first, where would you all have been now?" His son, who was spoiled by his mother, and by himself to please her, he said was the most powerful person in Greece; for the Athenians ruled the Greeks, he ruled the Athenians, his wife ruled him, and his son ruled his wife. Wishing to be singular in all things, when he put up a plot of ground for sale, he ordered the crier to announce that there were good neighbours next to it. When two men paid their addresses to his daughter, he chose the more agreeable instead of the richer of the two, saying that he preferred a man without money to money without a man. Such was his character, as shown in his talk. XIX. Immediately after the great war, he began to rebuild and fortify the city. In order to succeed in this, Theopompus says that he bribed the Spartan ephors into laying aside opposition, but most writers say that he outwitted them by proceeding to Sparta nominally on an embassy. Then when the Spartans complained to him that Athens was being fortified, and when Poliarchus came expressly from Aegina to charge him with it, he denied it, and bade them send commissioners to Athens to see whether it was true, wishing both to obtain time for the fortifications to be built, and also to place these commissioners in the hands of the Athenians, as hostages for his own safety. His expectations were realised; for the Lacedaemonians, on discovering the truth, did him no harm, but dissembled their anger and sent him away. After this he built Peiraeus, as he perceived the excellence of its harbours, and was desirous to turn the whole attention of the Athenians to naval pursuits. In this he pursued a policy exactly the opposite to that of the ancient kings of Attica; for they are said to have endeavoured to keep their subjects away from the sea, and to accustom them to till the ground instead of going on board ships, quoting the legend that Athene and Poseidon had a contest for the possession of the land, and that she gained a decision in her favour by the production of the sacred olive. Themistokles, on the other hand, did not so much "stick Peiraeus on to Athens," as Aristophanes the comic poet said, as make the city dependent upon Peiraeus, and the land dependent on the sea. By this means he transferred power from the nobles to the people, because sailors and pilots became the real strength of the State. For this reason the thirty tyrants destroyed the bema, or tribune on the place of public assembly, which was built looking towards the sea, and built another which looked inland, because they thought that the naval supremacy of Athens had been the origin of its democratic constitution, and that an oligarchy had less to fear from men who cultivated the land. XX. Themistokles had even more extended views than these about making the Athenians supreme at sea. When Xerxes was gone, the whole Greek fleet was drawn up on shore for the winter at Pagasae. Themistokles then publicly told the Athenians that he had a plan which would save and benefit them all, but which must not be divulged. The Athenians bade him tell Aristeides only, and to execute his designs if he approved. Themistokles then told Aristeides that his design was to burn the whole Greek fleet as they lay on the beach. But Aristeides came forward and told the people that no proposal could be more advantageous or more villainous; so that the Athenians forbade Themistokles to proceed with it. On another occasion the Lacedaemonians proposed, in a meeting of the Amphiktyonic council, that all States that had taken no part in the Persian war should be excluded from that council; Themistokles, fearing that if the Lacedaemonians should exclude Thessaly, Argos, and Thebes, they would have complete control over the votes, and be able to carry what measures they pleased, made representations to the various States, and influenced the votes of their deputies at the meeting, pointing out to them that there were only thirty-one States which took any part in the war, and that most of these were very small ones, so that it would be unreasonable for one or two powerful States to pronounce the rest of Greece outlawed, and be supreme in the council. After this he generally opposed the Lacedaemonians; wherefore they paid special court to Kimon, in order to establish him as a political rival to Themistokles. XXI. Moreover, he made himself odious to the allies by sailing about the islands and wringing money from them. A case in point is the conversation which Herodotus tells us he held with the people of Andros, when trying to get money from them. He said that he was come, bringing with him two gods, Persuasion and Necessity; but they replied that they also possessed two equally powerful ones, Poverty and Helplessness, by whom they were prevented from supplying him with money. The poet, Timokreon of Rhodes, in one of his songs, writes bitterly of Themistokles, saying that he was prevailed upon by the bribes which he received from exiles to restore them to their native country, but abandoned himself, who was his guest and friend. The song runs as follows: "Though ye may sing Pausanias or Xanthippus in your lays, Or Leotychides, 'tis Aristeides whom I praise, The best of men as yet produced by holy Athens' State, Since thus upon Themistokles has fall'n Latona's hate: That liar and that traitor base, who for a bribe unclean, Refused to reinstate a man who his own guest had been. His friend too, in his native Ialysus, but who took Three silver talents with him, and his friend forsook. Bad luck go with the fellow, who unjustly some restores From exile, while some others he had banished from our shores, And some he puts to death; and sits among us gorged with pelf. He kept an ample table at the Isthmian games himself, And gave to every guest that came full plenty of cold meat, The which they with a prayer did each and every of them eat, But their prayer was 'Next year be there no Themistokles to meet.'" And after the exile and condemnation of Themistokles, Timokreon wrote much more abusively about him in a song which begins, "Muse, far away, Sound this my lay, For it both meet and right is." It is said that Timokreon was exiled from home for having dealings with the Persians, and that Themistokles confirmed his sentence. When, then, Themistokles was charged with intriguing with the Persians, Timokreon wrote upon him, "Timokreon is not the only Greek That turned a traitor, Persian gold to seek; I'm not the only fox without a tail, But others put their honour up for sale." XXII. As the Athenians, through his unpopularity, eagerly listened to any story to his discredit, he was obliged to weary them by constantly repeating the tale of his own exploits to them. In answer to those who were angry with him, he would ask, "Are you weary of always receiving benefits from the same hand?" He also vexed the people by building the Temple of Artemis of Good Counsel, as he called her, hinting that he had taken good counsel for the Greeks. This temple he placed close to his own house in Melite, at the place where at the present day the public executioner casts out the bodies of executed criminals, and the clothes and ropes of men who have hanged themselves. Even in our own times a small statue of Themistokles used to stand in the Temple of Artemis of Good Counsel; and he seems to have been a hero not only in mind, but in appearance. The Athenians made use of ostracism to banish him, in order to reduce his extravagant pretensions, as they always were wont to do in the case of men whom they thought over powerful and unfit for living in the equality of a democracy. For ostracism implied no censure, but was intended as a vent for envious feelings, which were satisfied by seeing the object of their hatred thus humbled. XXIII. When Themistokles was banished from Athens, he lived in Argos, during which time the proceedings of Pausanias gave a great opportunity to his enemies. He was impeached on a charge of treason by Leobotes, the son of Alkmaeon of Agraulai, and the Spartans joined in the impeachment. Pausanias, indeed, at first concealed his treacherous designs from Themistokles, although he was his friend; but when he saw that Themistokles was banished, and chafing at the treatment he had received, he was encouraged to ask him to share his treason, and showed him the letters which he had received from the Persian king, at the same time inflaming his resentment against the Greeks, whom he spoke of as ungrateful wretches. Themistokles refused utterly to join Pausanias, but nevertheless told no one of his treasonable practices, either because he hoped that he would desist, or that his visionary and impossible projects would be disclosed by other means. And thus it was that when Pausanias was put to death, certain letters and writings on this subject were found, which threw suspicion upon Themistokles. The Lacedaemonians loudly condemned him, and many of his own countrymen, because of the enmity they bore him, brought charges against him. He did not appear in person at first, but answered these attacks by letters. In these he told his accusers that he had always sought to rule, and was not born to obey; so that he never would sell himself and Greece to be a slave to the Persians. But in spite of these arguments, his enemies prevailed upon the Athenians to send men with orders to seize him, and bring him to be tried by Greece. XXIV. He was apprised of this in time to take refuge in Korkyra, a State which was under obligations to him. For once, when Korkyra was at variance with Corinth, he had been chosen to arbitrate between them, and had reconciled them, giving as his award that the Corinthians were to pay down twenty talents, and each State to have an equal share in the city and island of Leucas, as being a colony from both of them. From thence he fled to Epirus; but, being still pursued by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, he adopted a desperate resolution. Admetus, the king of the Molossians, had once made some request to the Athenians, which Themistokles, who was then in the height of his power, insultingly refused to grant. Admetus was deeply incensed, and eager for vengeance; but now Themistokles feared the fresh fury of his countrymen more than this old grudge of the king's, put himself at his mercy, and became a suppliant to Admetus in a novel and strange fashion; for he lay down at the hearth of Admetus, holding that prince's infant son, which is considered among the Molossians to be the most solemn manner of becoming a suppliant, and one which cannot be refused. Some say that Phthia, the king's wife, suggested this posture to Themistokles, and placed her infant on the hearth with him; while others say that Admetus, in order to be able to allege religious reasons for his refusal to give up Themistokles to his pursuers, himself arranged the scene with him. After this, Epikrates, of the township of Acharnai, managed to convey his wife and children out of Athens to join him, for which, we are told by Stesimbrotus, Kimon subsequently had him condemned and executed. But, singularly enough, afterwards Stesimbrotus either forgets his wife and children, or makes Themistokles forget them, when he says that he sailed to Sicily and demanded the daughter of the despot Hiero in marriage, promising that he would make all Greece obey him. As Hiero rejected his proposals, he then went to Asia. XXV. Now it is not probable that this ever took place. Theophrastus, in his treatise on monarchy, relates that when Hiero sent race-horses to Olympia and pitched a costly tent there, Themistokles said to the assembled Greeks that they ought to destroy the despot's tent, and not permit his horses to run. Thucydides too informs us that he crossed to the Aegean sea, and set sail from Pydna, none of his fellow-travellers knowing who he was until the ship was driven by contrary winds to Naxos, which was then being besieged by the Athenians. Then he became alarmed, and told the captain and the pilot who he was, and, partly by entreaties, partly by threats that he would denounce them to the Athenians, and say that they well knew who he was, but were carrying him out of the country for a bribe, he prevailed on them to hold on their course to the coast of Asia. Of his property, much was concealed by his friends and sent over to him in Asia; but what was confiscated to the public treasury amounted, according to Theopompus, to a hundred talents, and according to Theophrastus to eighty, albeit Themistokles, before his entrance into political life, did not possess property worth three talents. XXVI. When he sailed to Kyme, he found that many of the inhabitants of the Ionic coast were watching for an opportunity to capture him, especially Ergoteles and Pythodorus (for indeed, to men who cared not how they made their money, he would have been a rich prize, as the Persian king had offered a reward of two hundred talents for him), he fled to Aegae, a little Aeolian city, where he was known by no one except his friend Nikogenes, the richest of all the Aeolians, who was well known to the Persians of the interior. In this man's house he lay concealed for some days. Here, after the feast which followed a sacrifice, Olbius, who took charge of Nikogenes's children, fell into a kind of inspired frenzy, and spoke the following verse: "Night shall speak and give thee counsel, night shall give thee victory." After this Themistokles dreamed a dream. He thought that a snake was coiling itself upon his belly and crawling up towards his throat. As soon as it reached his throat, it became an eagle and flapped its wings, lifted him up, and carried him a long distance, until he saw a golden herald's staff. The eagle set him down upon this securely, and he felt free from all terror and anxiety. After this he was sent away by Nikogenes, who made use of the following device. Most barbarian nations, and the Persians especially, are violently jealous in their treatment of women. They guard not only their wives, but their purchased slaves and concubines, with the greatest care, not permitting them to be seen by any one out of doors, but when they are at home they lock them up, and when they are on a journey they place them in waggons with curtains all round them. Such a waggon was prepared for Themistokles, and he travelled in it, his escort telling all whom they met that they were conveying a Greek lady from Ionia to one of the king's courtiers. XXVII. Thucydides and Charon of Lampsakus relate that Xerxes was now dead, and that Themistokles gave himself up to his son; but Ephorus, Deinon, Kleitarchus, Herakleides, and many others, say that it was to Xerxes himself that he came. But the narrative of Thucydides agrees better with the dates, although they are not thoroughly settled. At this perilous crisis Themistokles first applied to Artabanus, a chiliarch, or officer in command of a regiment of a thousand men, whom he told that he was a Greek, and that he wished to have an interview with the king about matters of the utmost importance, and in which the king was especially interested. He replied, "Stranger, the customs of different races are different, and each has its own standard of right and wrong; yet among all men it is thought right to honour, admire, and to defend one's own customs. Now we are told that you chiefly prize freedom and equality; we on the other hand think it the best of all our laws to honour the king, and to worship him as we should worship the statue of a god that preserves us all. Wherefore if you are come with the intention of adopting our customs, and of prostrating yourself before the king, you may be permitted to see the king, and speak with him; but if not, you must use some other person to communicate with him; for it is not the custom for the king to converse with any one who does not prostrate himself before him." Themistokles, hearing this, said to him, "Artabanus, I am come to increase the glory and power of the king, and will both myself adopt your customs, since the god that has exalted the Persians will have it so, and will also increase the number of those who prostrate themselves before the king. So let this be no impediment to the interview with him which I desire." "Whom of the Greeks," asked Artabanus, "are we to tell him is come? for you do not seem to have the manners of a man of humble station." "No one," answered Themistokles, "must learn my name before the king himself." This is the story which we are told by Phanias. But Eratosthenes, in his treatise on wealth, tells us also that Themistokles was introduced to Artabanus by an Eretrian lady with whom the latter lived. XXVIII. When he was brought into the king's presence he prostrated himself, and stood silent. The king then told his interpreter to ask him who he was; and when the interpreter had asked this question, he told him to answer, "I am, O King, Themistokles the Athenian, an exile, a man who has wrought much evil to the Persians, but more good than evil, in that I stopped the pursuit when Greece was safe, and I was able to do you a kindness as all was well at home. In my present fallen fortunes I am prepared to be grateful for any mark of favour you may show me, or to deprecate your anger, should you bear a grudge against me. You may see, from the violence of my own countrymen against me, how great were the benefits which I conferred upon the Persians; so now use me rather as a means of proving your magnanimity than of glutting your wrath. Wherefore save me, your suppliant, and do not destroy one who has become the enemy of Greece." Themistokles also introduced a supernatural element into his speech by relating the vision which he saw at the house of Nikogenes, and also a prophecy which he received at the shrine of Jupiter of Dodona, which bade him "go to the namesake of the god," from which he concluded that the god sent him to the king, because they were both great, and called kings. To this speech the Persian king made no answer, although he was astonished at his bold spirit; but in conversation with his friends he spoke as though this were the greatest possible piece of good fortune, and in his prayers begged Arimanios to make his enemies ever continue to banish their ablest men. He is said to have offered a sacrifice to the gods and to have drunk wine at once, and during the night in his soundest sleep he thrice cried out, "I have got Themistokles the Athenian." XXIX. At daybreak he called together his friends and sent for Themistokles, who augured nothing pleasant from the insults and abuse which he received from the people at the palace gates, when they heard his name. Moreover Roxanes the chiliarch, as Themistokles passed by him in silence into the king's presence, whispered, "Thou subtle serpent of Greece, the king's good genius has led thee hither." But when he was come before the king and had prostrated himself a second time, the king embraced him, and said in a friendly tone that he already owed him two hundred talents: for as he had brought himself he was clearly entitled to the reward which was offered to any one else who would do so. He also promised him much more than this, and encouraged him to speak at length upon the affairs of Greece. To this Themistokles answered, that human speech was like embroidered tapestry, because when spread out it shows all its figures, but when wrapped up it both conceals and spoils them, wherefore he asked for time. The king was pleased with his simile, and bade him take what time he chose. He asked for a year, during which he learned the Persian language sufficiently to talk to the king without an interpreter. This led the people to imagine that he discoursed about the affairs of Greece; but many changes were made at that time in the great officers of the court, and the nobles disliked Themistokles, imagining that he dared to speak about them to the king. Indeed, he was honoured as no other foreigner ever was, and went hunting with the king and lived in his family circle, so that he came into the presence of the king's mother, and became her intimate friend, and at the king's command was instructed in the mysteries of the Magi. When Demaratus the Spartan was bidden to ask for a boon, he asked to be allowed to drive through Sardis wearing his tiara upright like that of the king. Mithropaustes, the king's cousin, took hold of Demaratus by his tiara, saying, "You have no brains for the king's tiara to cover; do you think you would become Zeus if you were given his thunderbolt to wield?" The king was very angry with Demaratus because of this request, but Themistokles by his entreaties restored him to favour. It is also said that the later Persian kings, whose politics were more mixed up with those of Greece, used to promise any Greek whom they wished to desert to them that they would treat him better than Themistokles. We are told that Themistokles himself, after he became a great man and was courted by many, was seated one day at a magnificent banquet, and said to his children, "My sons, we should have been ruined if it had not been for our ruin." Most writers agree that three cities, Magnesia, Lampsakus, and Myous, were allotted to him for bread, wine, and meat. To these Neanthes of Kyzikus and Phanias add two more, Perkote and Palaiskepsis, which were to supply bedding and clothing respectively. XXX. On one occasion, when he went down to the seaside on some business connected with Greece, a Persian named Epixyes, Satrap of Upper Phrygia, plotted his assassination. He had long kept some Pisidians who were to kill him when he passed the night in the town of Leontokophalos, which means 'Lion's Head.' It is said that the mother of the gods appeared to him while he was sleeping at noon and said, "Themistokles, be late at Lion's Head, lest you fall in with a lion. As a recompense for this warning, I demand Mnesiptolema for my handmaid." Themistokles, disturbed at this, after praying to the goddess, left the highway and made a circuit by another road, avoiding that place; when it was night he encamped in the open country. As one of the sumpter cattle that carried his tent had fallen into a river, Themistokles's servants hung up the rich hangings, which were dripping with wet, in order to dry them. The Pisidians meanwhile came up to the camp with drawn swords, and, not clearly distinguishing in the moonlight the things hung out to dry, thought that they must be the tent of Themistokles, and that they would find him asleep within it. When they came close to it and raised the hangings, the servants who were on the watch fell upon them and seized them. Having thus escaped from danger, he built a temple to Dindymene at Magnesia to commemorate the appearance of the goddess, and appointed his daughter Mnesiptolema to be its priestess. XXXI. When he came to Sardis, he leisurely examined the temples and the offerings which they contained, and in the temple of the mother of the gods, he found a bronze female figure called the Water-carrier, about two cubits high, which he himself, when overseer of the water supply of Athens, had made out of the fines imposed upon those who took water illegally. Either feeling touched at the statue being a captive, or else willing to show the Athenians how much power he possessed in Persia, he proposed to the Satrap of Lydia to send it back to Athens. This man became angry at his demand, and said that he should write to the king, and tell him of it. Themistokles in terror applied himself to the harem of the Satrap, and by bribing the ladies there induced them to pacify him, while he himself took care to be more cautious in future, as he saw that he had to fear the enmity of the native Persians. For this reason, Theopompus tells us, he ceased to wander about Asia, but resided at Magnesia, where, receiving rich presents and honoured equally with the greatest Persian nobles, he lived for a long time in tranquillity; for the king's attention was so entirely directed to the affairs of the provinces of the interior that he had no leisure for operations against Greece. But when Egypt revolted, and the Athenians assisted it, and Greek triremes sailed as far as Cyprus and Cilicia, and Kimon was master of the sea, then the king determined to attack the Greeks, and prevent their development at his expense. Armies were put in motion, generals were appointed, and frequent messages were sent to Themistokles from the king, bidding him attack Greece and fulfil his promises. Themistokles, unmoved by resentment against his countrymen, and uninfluenced by the thought of the splendid position which he might occupy as commander-in-chief, possibly too, thinking that his task was an impossible one, as Greece possessed many great generals, especially Kimon, who had a most brilliant reputation, but chiefly because he would not soil his glory and disgrace the trophies which he had won, determined, as indeed was his best course, to bring his life to a fitting close. He offered sacrifice to the gods, called his friends together, and, having taken leave of them, drank bull's blood, according to the most common tradition, but according to others, some quickly-operating poison, and died at Magnesia in the sixty-fifth year of a life almost entirely spent in great political and military employments. The King of Persia, when he heard of the manner of his death and his reasons for dying, admired him more than ever, and continued to treat his family and friends with kindness. XXXII. Themistokles left five children, Neokles, Diokles, Archeptolis, Polyeuktus, Kleophantus, by his first wife Archippe, who was the daughter of Lysander, of the township of Alopekai. Of these Kleophantus is mentioned by Plato the philosopher as being an excellent horseman, but otherwise worthless. Of the elder ones, Neokles was bitten by a horse and died while still a child, and Diokles was adopted by his grandfather Lysander. He also had several daughters by his second wife, of whom Mnesiptolema married Archeptolis, her father's half-brother; Italia married Panthoides of the island of Chios, and Sybaris married Nikomedes, an Athenian. After Themistokles's death, his nephew Phrasikles sailed to Magnesia, and with her brother's consent married Nicomache, and also took charge of the youngest child, who was named Asia. The people of Magnesia show a splendid tomb of Themistokles in their market-place; but with regard to the fate of his remains we must pay no attention to Andokides, who in his address to his friends, tells us that the Athenians stole them and tore them to pieces, because he would tell any falsehood to excite the hatred of the nobles against the people. Phylarchus, too, writes his history in such dramatic form that he all but resorts to the actual machinery of the stage, bringing forward one Neokles, and Demopolis as the children of Themistokles to make a touching scene, which anyone can see is untrue. Diodorus the topographer, in his treatise 'On Tombs' says, more as a conjecture than as knowing it for a fact, that in the great harbour of Peiraeus a kind of elbow juts out from the promontory of Alkimus, and that when one sails past this, going inwards, where the sea is most sheltered, there is a large foundation, and upon it the tomb of Themistokles, shaped like an altar. It is thought that the comic poet Plato alludes to this in the following verses: "By the sea's margin, by the watery strand, Thy monument, Themistokles, shall stand; By this directed to thy native shore The merchant shall convey his freighted store; And when our fleets are summoned to the fight, Athens shall conquer with thy tomb in sight." The descendants of Themistokles are given certain privileges at Magnesia even to the present day, for I know that Themistokles, an Athenian, my friend and fellow-student in the school of Ammonias the philosopher, enjoyed them. LIFE OF CAMILLUS. I. The strangest fact in the life of Furius Camillus is that, although he was a most successful general and won great victories, though he was five times appointed dictator, triumphed four times, and was called the second founder of Rome, yet he never once was consul. The reason of this is to be found in the political condition of Rome at that time; for the people, being at variance with the senate, refused to elect consuls, and chose military tribunes instead, who, although they had full consular powers, yet on account of their number were less offensive to the people than consuls. To have affairs managed by six men instead of two appears to have been a consolation to those who had suffered from the arbitrary rule of a few. It was during this period that Camillus reached the height of power and glory, and yet he would not become consul against the will of the people, although several occasions occurred when he might have been elected, but in his various appointments he always contrived, even when he had sole command, to share his power with others, while even when he had colleagues he kept all the glory for himself. His moderation prevented any one from grudging him power, while his successes were due to his genius, in which he confessedly surpassed all his countrymen. II. The family of the Furii was not a very illustrious one before Camillus gained glory in the great battle with the Aequi and Volsci, where he served under the dictator Postumius Tubertus. Riding out before the rest of the army, he was struck in the thigh by a dart, but tore it out, assailed the bravest of the enemy, and put them to flight. After this, amongst other honours he was appointed censor, an office of great dignity at that time. One admirable measure is recorded of his censorship, that by arguments and threatening them with fines he persuaded the unmarried citizens to marry the widow women, whose number was very great on account of the wars. Another measure to which he was forced was that of taxing orphans, who had hitherto been exempt from taxation. This was rendered necessary by the constant campaigns which were carried on at a great expense, and more especially by the siege of Veii. Some call the inhabitants of this city Veientani. It was the bulwark of Etruria, possessing as many fighting men as Rome itself; the citizens were rich, luxurious, and extravagant in their habits, and fought bravely many times for honour and for power against the Romans. At this period, having been defeated in several great battles, the people of Veii had given up any schemes of conquest, but had built strong and high walls, filled their city with arms and provisions, and all kinds of material of war, and fearlessly endured a siege, which was long, no doubt, but which became no less irksome and difficult to the besiegers. Accustomed as the Romans had been to make short campaigns in summer weather, and to spend their winters at home, they were now for the first time compelled by their tribunes to establish forts and entrench their camp, and pass both summer and winter in the enemy's country for seven years in succession. The generals were complained of, and as they seemed to be carrying on the siege remissly, they were removed, and others appointed, among them Camillus, who was then tribune for the second time. But he effected nothing in the siege at that time, because he was sent to fight the Faliscans and Capenates, who had insulted the Roman territory throughout the war with Veii, when the Roman army was engaged elsewhere, but were now driven by Camillus with great loss to the shelter of their city walls. III. After this, while the war was at its height, much alarm was caused by the strange phenomenon seen at the Alban lake, which could not be accounted for on ordinary physical principles. The season was autumn, and the summer had not been remarkable for rain or for moist winds, so that many of the streams and marshes in Italy were quite dried up, and others held out with difficulty, while the rivers, as is usual in summer, were very low and deeply sunk in their bed. But the Alban lake, which is self-contained, lying as it does surrounded by fertile hills, began for no reason, except it may be the will of Heaven, to increase in volume and to encroach upon the hillsides near it, until it reached their very tops, rising quietly and without disturbance. At first the portent only amazed the shepherds and herdsmen of the neighbourhood; but when the lake by the weight of its waters broke through the thin isthmus of land which restrained it, and poured down in a mighty stream through the fertile plains below to the sea, then not only the Romans, but all the people of Italy, thought it a portent of the gravest character. Much talk about it took place in the camp before Veii, so that the besieged also learned what was happening at the lake. IV. As always happens during a long siege, where there are frequent opportunities of intercourse between the two parties, one of the Romans had become intimate with a citizen of Veii, who was learned in legendary lore, and was even thought to have supernatural sources of information. When this man heard of the overflowing of the lake, his Roman friend observed that he was overjoyed, and laughed at the idea of the siege being successful. The Roman told him that these were not the only portents which troubled the Romans at the present time, but that there were others stranger than this, about which he should like to consult him, and, if possible, save himself in the common ruin of his country. The man eagerly attended to his discourse, imagining that he was about to hear some great secrets. The Roman thus decoyed him away farther and farther from the city gate, when he suddenly seized him and lifted him from the ground. Being the stronger man, and being assisted by several soldiers from the camp, he overpowered him, and brought him before the generals. Here the man, seeing that there was no escape, and that no one can resist his destiny, told them of the ancient oracles about his city, how it could not be taken until its enemies drove back the waters of the Alban lake, and prevented its joining the sea. When the senate heard this they were at a loss what to do, and determined to send an embassy to Delphi to enquire of the God. The embassy consisted of men of mark and importance, being Licinius Cossus, Valerius Potitus, and Fabius Ambustus. After a prosperous journey they returned with a response from Apollo, pointing out certain ceremonies which had been neglected in the feast of the Latin games, and bidding them, if possible, force the waters of the Alban lake away from the sea into its ancient course, or, if this could not be done, to divide the stream by canals and watercourses, and so to expend it in the plain. When the answer was brought back, the priests took the necessary steps about the sacrifices, while the people turned their attention to the diversion of the water. V. In the tenth year of the war, the Senate recalled all the rest of the generals, and made Camillus Dictator. He chose Cornelius Scipio to be his Master of the Knights, and made a vow to the gods, that, if he succeeded in bringing the war to a glorious close, he would celebrate a great festival, and build a shrine to the goddess whom the Romans call _Mater Matuta_. This goddess, from the rites with which she is worshipped, one would imagine to be the same as the Greek Leukothea. For they bring a slave girl into the temple and beat her, and then drive her out; they take their brothers' children in their arms in preference to their own, and generally their ceremonies seem to allude to the nursing of Bacchus, and to the misfortunes which befell Ino because of her husband's concubine. After this, Camillus invaded the Faliscan territory, and in a great battle overthrew that people, and the Capenates who came to their assistance. Next, he turned his attention to the siege of Veii, and, perceiving that it would be a difficult matter to take the city by assault, he ordered mines to be dug, as the ground near the walls was easily worked, and the mines could be sunk to a sufficient depth to escape the notice of the besieged. As this work succeeded to his wish, he made a demonstration above ground to call the enemy to the walls and distract their attention, while others made their way unperceived through the mine to the Temple of Juno in the citadel, the largest and most sacred edifice in the city. Here, it is said, was the King of the Veientines, engaged in sacrificing. The soothsayer inspected the entrails, and cried with a loud voice, that the goddess would give the victory to whoever offered that victim. The Romans in the mine, hearing these words, quickly tore up the floor, and burst through it with shouts and rattling arms. The enemy fled in terror, and they seized the victims and carried them to Camillus. However, this story sounds rather fabulous. The city was stormed, and the Romans carried off an enormous mass of plunder. Camillus, who viewed them from the citadel, at first stood weeping, but when, congratulated by the bystanders, raised his hands to heaven and said, "Great Jupiter, and all ye other gods, that see all good and evil deeds alike, ye know that it is not in unrighteous conquest, but in self-defence, that the Romans have taken this city of their lawless enemies. If," he continued, "there awaits us any reverse of fortune to counterbalance this good luck, I pray that it may fall, not upon the city or army of Rome, but, as lightly as may be, upon my own head." After these words he turned round to the right, as is the Roman habit after prayer, and while turning, stumbled and fell. All those present were terrified at the omen, but he recovered himself, saying that, as he had prayed, he had received a slight hurt to temper his great good fortune. VI. When the city was sacked, he determined to send the statue of Juno to Rome, according to his vow. When workmen were assembled for this purpose, he offered sacrifice, and prayed to the goddess to look kindly on his efforts, and to graciously take up her abode among the gods of Rome. It is said that the statue answered that it wished to do so, and approved of his proceedings. But Livy tells us that Camillus offered his prayers while touching the statue, and that some of the bystanders said, "She consents, and is willing to come." However, those who insist on the supernatural form of the story have one great argument in their favour, in the marvellous fortune of Rome, which never could from such small beginnings have reached, such a pitch of glory and power without many direct manifestations of the favour of Heaven. Moreover, other appearances of the same kind are to be compared with it, such as that statues have often been known to sweat, have been heard to groan, and have even turned away and shut their eyes, as has been related by many historians before our own time. And I have heard of many miraculous occurrences even at the present day, resting on evidence which cannot be lightly impugned. However, the weakness of human nature makes it equally dangerous to put too much faith in such matters or to entirely disbelieve them, as the one leads to superstition and folly, and the other to neglect and contempt of the gods. Our best course is caution, and the "golden mean." VII. Camillus, either because he was elated by the magnificence of his exploit in having taken a city as large as Rome after a ten years' siege, or else because he had been so flattered by his admirers that his pride overcame his sober judgment, conducted his triumph with great ostentation, especially in driving through Rome in a chariot, drawn by four white horses, which never was done by any general before or since, for this carriage is thought to be sacred to Jupiter, the king and father of the gods. The citizens, unaccustomed to splendour, were displeased with him for this, and their dislike was increased by his opposition to the law for a redistribution of the people. The tribunes proposed that the Senate and people should be divided into two parts, one of which should stay at Rome and the other remove to the captured city, because they would be more powerful if they possessed two great cities, instead of one, and held the land in common, still remaining one nation. The lower classes, which were numerous and poor, eagerly took up the scheme, and continually clamoured round the speakers at the rostra, demanding to have it put to the vote. But the Senate and the nobles thought that it was not a redistribution, but the absolute destruction of Rome which the tribunes were demanding, and in their anger rallied round Camillus. He, fearing to have a contest on the matter, kept putting off the people and inventing reasons for delay, so as to prevent the law being brought forward to be voted upon. This increased his unpopularity; but the greatest and most obvious reason for the dislike which the people bore him arose from his demand for the tenth part of the spoils; very naturally, though perhaps he scarcely deserved it. On his way to Veii it seems he had made a vow, that if he took the city he would dedicate the tenth part of the spoil to Apollo. But when the city was taken and plundered, he either was unwilling to interfere with his countrymen, or else forgot his vow, and allowed them to enrich themselves with the booty. Afterwards, when he had laid down his dictatorship, he brought the matter before the Senate, and the soothsayers declared that the victims for sacrifice showed, when inspected, that the gods were angry and must be propitiated. VIII. The Senate decreed, not that the plunder should be given up, for that would have been scarcely possible to carry out, but that those who had taken any should be put on their oath, and contribute a tenth part of its value. This measure bore very hardly upon the soldiers, poor hard-working men, who were now compelled to repay so large a proportion of what they had earned and spent. Camillus was clamorously assailed by them, and, having no better excuse to put forward, made the extraordinary statement that he had forgotten his vow when the city was plundered. The people angrily said that he had vowed to offer up a tithe of the enemy's property, but that he really was taking a tithe from the citizens instead. However, all the contributions were made, and it was determined that with them a golden bowl should be made and sent to Apollo at Delphi. There was a scarcity of gold in the city, and while the government were deliberating how it was to be obtained, the matrons held a meeting among themselves, and offered their golden ornaments to make the offering, which came to eight talents' weight of gold. The Senate rewarded them by permitting them to have a funeral oration pronounced over their graves the same as men; for hitherto it had not been customary at Rome to make any speeches at the funerals of women. They also chose three of the noblest citizens to travel with the offering, and sent them in a well-manned ship of war, splendidly equipped. Both storms and calms at sea are said to be dangerous, and they chanced on this occasion to come very near destruction, and miraculously escaped, for in a calm off the Aeolian Islands they were assailed by Liparian triremes, who took them for pirates. At their earnest entreaty these people forbore to run down their vessel, but took it in tow and brought it into their harbour, where they treated it as a piratical craft, and put up the crew and the property on board for sale by public auction. With great difficulty, by the goodness and influence of one man, Timesitheos, a general, they obtained their release, and were allowed to proceed. Timesitheos even launched some ships of his own, with which he escorted them to Delphi, where he also took part in the ceremony of consecration. In return for his services, as was only just, he received special honours at Rome. IX. The tribunes of the people again began to agitate about the redistribution of land and occupation of Veii, but a war with the Faliscans gave the leading men a seasonable opportunity to elect magistrates after their own hearts for the coming year. Camillus was appointed military tribune, with five others, as it was thought that the State required a general of tried experience. At the decree of the Senate, Camillus raised a force and invaded the Faliscan territory. He now besieged Falerii, a strong city well provided with all munitions of war, which he considered it would be a work of no small time and labour to take; but he was desirous of employing the people in a long siege, to prevent their having leisure for factious proceedings at home. This was ever the policy of the Romans, to work off the elements of internal strife in attacks on their neighbours. X. The Faliscans thought so little of the siege, from the strength of their defences, that, except when on duty on the walls, they used to walk about their city in their ordinary dress, and their children were sent regularly to school, and used to be taken by their master to walk and take exercise outside the walls. For the Faliscans, like the Greeks, had one common school, as they wished all their children to be brought up together. The schoolmaster determined to betray these boys to the enemy, and led them outside the walls for exercise every day, and then led them back again. By this means he gradually accustomed them to going out as if there was no danger, until finally he took all the boys and handed them over to the Roman pickets, bidding them bring him to Camillus. When he was brought before him he said that he was a schoolmaster, that he preferred the favour of Camillus to his duty, and that he came to hand over to him the city of Falerii in the persons of these boys. Camillus was very much shocked. He said that war is indeed harsh, and is carried on by savage and unrighteous means, but yet there are laws of war which are observed by good men, and one ought not so much to strive for victory, as to forego advantages gained by wicked and villainous means: thus a truly great general ought to succeed by his own warlike virtues, not by the baseness of others. Having spoken thus, he ordered his slaves to tear the schoolmaster's clothes, tie his hands behind his back, and give the boys sticks and scourges with which to drive him back to the city. The Faliscans had just discovered the treachery of their schoolmaster, and, as may be expected, the whole city was filled with mourning at such a calamity, men and women together running in confusion to the gates and walls of the city, when the boys drove in their schoolmaster with blows and insults, calling Camillus their saviour, their father, and their god. Not only those who were parents, but all the citizens were struck with admiration at the goodness of Camillus. They at once assembled, and despatched ambassadors, putting themselves unreservedly in his hands. These men Camillus sent on to Rome, where they stated before the Senate, that the Romans, by preferring justice to conquest, had taught them to prefer submission to freedom, although they did not think that they fell short of the Romans in strength so much as in virtue. The Senate referred the ambassadors to Camillus for their first answer; and he, after receiving a contribution in money, and having made a treaty of alliance with the Faliscans, drew off his forces. XI. But the soldiers, who had been looking forward to plundering Falerii, when they returned to Rome empty handed, abused Camillus to the other citizens, saying that he was a hater of the people, and grudged poor men a chance of enriching themselves. When the tribunes reintroduced the proposal of redistribution of the land, and removing half the city to Veii, Camillus openly, without caring how unpopular he became, opposed the measure. The people, sorely against their will, gave up the measure, but hated Camillus so fiercely that even his domestic afflictions (for he had just lost one of his two sons by sickness) could not move them to pity. Being of a kind and loving nature, he was dreadfully cast down at this misfortune, and spent all his time within doors mourning with the women of his family, while his enemies were preparing an impeachment against him. XII. His accuser was Lucius Apuleius, and the charge brought against him was embezzlement of the spoils of Etruria. He was even said to have in his possession some brazen gates which were taken in that country. The people were much excited against him, and it was clear that, whatever the charge against him might be, they would condemn him. Consequently he assembled his friends and comrades, who were a great number in all, and begged them not to permit him to be ruined by false accusations, and made a laughing-stock to his enemies. But when his friends, after consulting together, answered that they did not think that they could prevent his being condemned, but that they would assist him to pay any fine that might be imposed, he, unable to bear such treatment, determined in a rage to leave Rome and go into exile. He embraced his wife and son, and walked from his house silently as far as the gate of the city. There he turned back, and, stretching out his hands towards the Capitol, prayed to the gods that, if he was driven out of Rome unjustly by the insolence and hatred of the people, the Romans might soon repent of their conduct to him, and appear before the world begging him to return, and longing for their Camillus back again. XIII. Like Achilles, he thus cursed his countrymen and left them. His cause was undefended, and in his absence he was condemned to pay a fine of fifteen thousand _ases_, which in Greek money is fifteen hundred _drachmas_, for the _as_ was the Roman coin at that time, and consequently ten copper _ases_ were called a _denarius_. Every Roman believes that the prayers of Camillus were quickly heard by Justice, and that a terrible retribution was exacted for his wrongs, which filled all men's mouths at that time; so terrible a fate befell Rome, with such destruction, danger, and disgrace, whether it arose from mere chance, or whether it be the office of some god to punish those who requite virtue with ingratitude. XIV. The first omen of impending evil was the death of Julius the Censor; for the Romans reverence the office of censor, and account it sacred. Another omen was that, a short time before Camillus went into exile, one Marcus Caedicius, a man of no particular note, and not even a senator, but a thoroughly respectable man, communicated a matter of some importance to the tribunes of the people. He said that the night before he had been walking along what is called the New Road, when some one called him by name. He turned round and could see no one, but heard a voice louder than man's say, "Go, Marcus Caedicius, tell the government early in the morning that in a short time they may expect the Gauls." When the tribunes of the people heard this they laughed him to scorn, and shortly afterwards Camillus left the city. XV. The Gauls are a people of the Celtic race, and are said to have become too numerous for their own country, and consequently to have left it to search for some other land to dwell in. As they consisted of a large multitude of young warriors, they started in two bodies, one of which, went towards the northern ocean, and, passing the Rhipaean mountains, settled in the most distant part of Europe. The other body established themselves between the Pyrenees and the Alps, and for a long time dwelt near the Senones and Celtorii. At last they tasted wine, which was then for the first time brought thither out of Italy. In an ecstasy of delight at the drink they wildly snatched up their arms, took their families with them, and rushed to the Alps in search of the country which produced such fruits as this, considering all other countries to be savage and uncultivated. The man who first introduced wine among them and encouraged them to proceed to Italy was said to be one Aruns, an Etruscan of some note, who, though a well-meaning man, had met with the following misfortune. He had been left guardian to an orphan named Lucumo, one of the richest and handsomest of his countrymen. This boy lived in the house of Aruns from his childhood, and when he grew up he would not leave it, but pretended to delight in his society. It was long before Aruns discovered that Lucumo had debauched his wife, and that their passion was mutual; but at length they were unable any longer to conceal their intrigue, and the youth openly attempted to carry off the woman from her husband. He went to law, but was unable to contend with the numerous friends and great wealth of Lucumo, and so left the country. Hearing about the Gauls, he went to them and incited them to invade Italy. XVI. They immediately made themselves masters of the country, which reaches from the Alps down to the sea on both sides of Italy, which in ancient times belonged to the Etruscans, as we see by the names, for the upper sea is called the Adriatic from Adria, an Etruscan city, and the lower is called the Etruscan Sea. It is a thickly wooded country, with plenty of pasturage, and well watered. At that period it contained eighteen fair and large cities, with a thriving commercial population. The Gauls took these cities, drove out their inhabitants, and occupied them themselves. This, however, took place some time previously to our story. XVII. The Gauls at this time marched against the Etruscan city of Clusium and besieged it. The inhabitants appealed to the Romans to send ambassadors and letters to the barbarians, and they sent three of the Fabian family, men of the first importance in Rome. They were well received, because of the name of Rome, by the Gauls, who desisted from their siege and held a conference with them. The Romans inquired what wrong the Gauls had suffered from the people of Clusium that they should attack their city. To this Brennus, the king of the Gauls, answered with a laugh, "The people of Clusium wrong us by holding a large territory, although they can only inhabit and cultivate a small one, while they will not give a share of it to us, who are numerous and poor. You Romans were wronged in just the same way in old times by the people of Alba, and Fidenae, and Ardea, and at the present day by the Veientines and Capenates, and by many of the Faliscans and Volscians. You make campaigns against these people if they will not share their good things with you, you sell them for slaves and plunder their territory, and destroy their cities; and in this you do nothing wrong, but merely obey the most ancient of all laws, that the property of the weak belongs to the strong, a law which prevails among the gods on the one hand, and even among wild beasts, amongst whom the stronger always encroach upon the weaker ones. So now cease to pity the besieged men of Clusium, for fear you should teach the Gauls to become good-natured and pitiful towards the nations that have been wronged by the Romans." This speech showed the Romans that Brennus had no thought of coming to terms, and they in consequence went into Clusium and encouraged the inhabitants to attack the barbarians under their guidance, either because they wished to make trial of the valour of the Gauls, or to make a display of their own. The people of Clusium made a sally, and a battle took place near their wall. In this one of the Fabii, Quintus Ambustus by name, was on horseback, and rode to attack a fine powerful Gaul who was riding far in advance of the rest. At first the Roman was not recognised because the fight was sharp, and the flashing of his arms prevented his face being clearly seen. But when he slew his antagonist and jumped down from his horse to strip his body of its spoils, Brennus recognised him, and called the gods to witness his violation of the common law of all nations, in coming to them as an ambassador and fighting against them as an enemy. He immediately put a stop to the battle and took no further heed of the people of Clusium, but directed his army against Rome. However, as he did not wish it to be thought that the bad conduct of the Romans pleased the Gauls, who only wanted a pretext for hostilities, he sent and demanded that Fabius should be delivered up to him to be punished, and at the same time led his army slowly forwards. XVIII. At Rome the Senate was called together, and many blamed Fabius, while those priests who are called Feciales urged the Senate in the name of religion to throw the whole blame of what had happened upon one guilty head, and, by delivering him up, to clear the rest of the city from sharing his guilt. These Feciales were instituted by the mildest and justest of the kings of Rome, Numa Pompilius, to be guardians of peace, and examiners of the reasons which justify a nation in going to war. However the Senate referred the matter to the people, and when the priests repeated their charges against Fabius before them, the people so despised and slighted religion as to appoint Fabius and his brothers military tribunes. The Gauls, when they heard this, were enraged, and hurried on, disregarding everything but speed. The nations through which they passed, terrified at their glancing arms and their strength and courage, thought that their land was indeed lost and that their cities would at once be taken, but to their wonder and delight the Gauls did them no hurt, and took nothing from their fields, but marched close by their cities, calling out that they were marching against Rome, and were at war with the Romans only, and held all other men to be their friends. To meet this impetuous rush, the military tribunes led out the Romans, who, in numbers indeed were quite a match for the Gauls, for they amounted to no less than forty thousand heavy-armed men, but for the most part untrained and serving for the first time. Besides this disadvantage, they neglected the duties of religion, for they neither made the usual sacrifices nor consulted the soothsayers. Confusion also was produced by the number of commanders, though frequently before this, in much less important campaigns, they had chosen single generals, whom they called dictators, as they knew that nothing is so important at a dangerous crisis as that all should unanimously and in good order obey the commands of one irresponsible chief. And the unfair treatment which Camillus had received now bore disastrous fruits, for no man dared to use authority except to flatter and gain the favour of the people. They proceeded about eleven miles from the city, and halted for the night on the banks of the river Allia, which joins the Tiber not far from where their camp was pitched. Here the barbarians appeared, and, after an unskilfully managed battle, the want of discipline of the Romans caused their ruin. The Gauls drove the left wing into the river and destroyed it, but the right of the army, which took refuge in the hills to avoid the enemy's charge on level ground, suffered less, and most of them reached the city safely. The rest, who survived after the enemy were weary of slaughter, took refuge at Veii, imagining that all was over with Rome. XIX. This battle took place about the summer solstice at the time of full moon, on the very day on which in former times the great disaster befel the Fabii, when three hundred of that race were slain by the Etruscans. But this defeat wiped out the memory of the former one, and the day was always afterwards called that of the Allia, from the river of that name. It is a vexed question whether we ought to consider some days unlucky, or whether Herakleitus was right in rebuking Hesiod for calling some days good and some bad, because he knew not that the nature of all days is the same. However the mention of a few remarkable instances is germane to the matter of which we are treating. It happened that on the fifth day of the Boeotian month Hippodromios, which the Athenians call Hekatombeion,[A] two signal victories were won by the Boeotians, both of which restored liberty to Greece; one, when they conquered the Spartans at Leuktra, and the other, when, more than two hundred years before this, they conquered the Thessalians under Lattamyas at Kerêssus. [Footnote A: Plutarch himself was a Boeotian.] Again, the Persians were beaten by the Greeks on the sixth of Boedromion at Marathon, and on the third they were beaten both at Plataea and at Mykale, and at Arbela on the twenty-fifth of the same month. The Athenians too won their naval victory under Chabrias at Naxos on the full moon of Boedromion, and that of Salamis on the twentieth of that month, as I have explained in my treatise 'On Days.' The month of Thargelion evidently brings misfortune to the barbarians, for Alexander defeated the Persian king's generals on the Granicus in Thargelion, and the Carthaginians were defeated by Timoleon in Sicily on the twenty-seventh of Thargelion, at which same time Troy is believed to have been taken, according to Ephorus, Kallisthenes, Damastes and Phylarchus. On the other hand, the month Metageitnion, which the Boeotians call Panemos, is unfavourable to the Greeks, for on the seventh of that month they were defeated by Antipater at Kranon and utterly ruined; and before that, were defeated during that month by Philip at Chaeronea. And on that same day and month and year Archidamus and his troops, who had crossed over into Italy, were cut to pieces by the natives. The twenty-first day of that month is also observed by the Carthaginians as that which has always brought the heaviest misfortunes upon them. And I am well aware that at the time of the celebration of the mysteries Thebes was destroyed for the second time by Alexander, and that after this Athens was garrisoned by Macedonian soldiers on the twentieth of Boedromion, on which day they bring out the mystic Iacchus in procession. And similarly the Romans, under the command of Caepio, on that same day lost their camp to the Gauls, and afterwards, under Lucullus, defeated Tigranes and the Armenians. King Attalus and Pompeius the Great died on their own birthdays. And I could mention many others, who have had both good and evil fortune on the same anniversaries. But the Romans regard that day as especially unlucky, and on account of it, two other days in every month are thought so, as superstitious feeling is increased by misfortune. This subject I have treated at greater length in my treatise on 'Roman Questions.' XX. If, after the battle, the Gauls had at once followed up the fugitives, nothing could have prevented their taking Rome and destroying every one who was left in it; such terror did the beaten troops produce when they reached home, and such panic fear seized upon every one. However the barbarians scarcely believed in the completeness of their victory, and betook themselves to making merry over their success and to dividing the spoils taken in the Roman camp, so that they afforded those who left the city time to effect their escape, and those who remained in it time to recover their courage and make preparations for standing a siege. They abandoned all but the Capitol to the enemy, and fortified it with additional ramparts and stores of missiles. One of their first acts was to convey most of their holy things into the Capitol, while the Vestal virgins took the sacred fire and their other sacred objects and fled with them from the city. Some indeed say that nothing is entrusted to them except the eternal fire, which King Numa appointed to be worshiped as the origin of all things. For fire has the liveliest motion of anything in nature; and everything is produced by motion or with some kind of motion. All other parts of matter when heat is absent lie useless and apparently dead, requiring the power of fire as the breath of life, to call them into existence and make them capable of action. Numa therefore, being a learned man and commonly supposed on account of his wisdom to hold communion with the Muses, consecrated fire, and ordered it to be kept unquenched for ever as an emblem of the eternal power that orders all things. Others say that, as among the Greeks, a purificatory fire burns before the temple, but that within are other holy things which no man may see, except only the virgins, who are named Vestals; and a very wide-spread notion is, that the famous Trojan Palladium, which was brought to Italy by Aeneas, is kept there. Others say that the Samothracian gods are there, whom Dardanus brought to Troy after he had founded it, and caused to be worshipped there, which, after the fall of Troy, Aeneas carried off and kept until he settled in Italy. But those who pretend to know most about such matters say that there are two jars of no great size in the temple, one open and empty, and the other full and sealed, and that these may be seen only by the holy virgins. Others think that this is a mistake, arising from the fact that, at the time of which we are treating, the Vestal virgins placed most of their sacred things in two jars and concealed them in the earth under the Temple of Quirinus, which place even to the present day is called the _Doliola_, or place of the jars. XXI. However this may be, the Vestals took the most important of their holy things and betook themselves to flight along the Tiber. Here Lucius Albinus, a plebian, was journeying among the fugitives, with his wife and infant children and their few necessaries in a waggon. When he saw the Vestal virgins, without any attendants, journeying on foot and in distress, carrying in their bosoms the sacred images of the gods, he at once removed his wife, children, and property from the waggon and handed it over to them, to escape into one of the Greek cities in Italy. The piety of Albinus and his care for the duties of religion at so terrible a crisis deserve to be recorded. The rest of the priests and the old men who had been consuls, and been honoured with triumphs, could not bear to leave the city. At the instance of Fabius, the Pontifex Maximus, they put on their sacred vestments and robes of state, and after offering prayer to the gods, as if they were consecrating themselves as victims to be offered on behalf of their country, they sat down in their ivory chairs in the Forum in full senatorial costume, and waited what fortune might befal them. XXII. On the third day after the battle Brennus appeared, leading his army to attack the city. At first, seeing the gates open and no guards on the walls, he feared some ambuscade, as he could not believe that the Romans had so utterly despaired of themselves. When he discovered the truth, he marched through the Colline Gate, and captured Rome, a little more than three hundred and sixty years after its foundation, if we can believe that any accurate record has been kept of those periods whose confusion has produced such difficulties in the chronology of later times. However, an indistinct rumour of the fall of Rome seems at once to have reached Greece: for Herakleides of Pontus, who lived about that time, speaks in his book 'On the Spirit,' of a rumour from the west that an army had come from the Hyperboreans and had sacked a Greek colony called Rome, which stood somewhere in that direction, near the great ocean. Now, as Herakleides was fond of strange legends, I should not be surprised if he adorned the original true tale of the capture of the city with these accessories of "the Hyperboreans" and "the great ocean." Aristotle, the philosopher, had evidently heard quite accurately that the city was taken by the Gauls, but he says that it was saved by one Lucius: now Camillus's name was Marcus, not Lucius. All this, however, was pure conjecture. Brennus, after taking possession of Rome, posted a force to watch the Capitol, and himself went down to the Forum, and wondered at the men who sat there silent, with all their ornaments, how they neither rose from their seats at the approach of the enemy, nor changed colour, but sat leaning on their staffs with fearless confidence, quietly looking at one another. The Gauls were astonished at so strange a sight, and for a long time they forbore to approach and touch them, as if they were superior beings. But when one of them ventured to draw near to Marcus Papirius and gently stroke his long beard, Papirius struck him on the head with his staff, at which the barbarian drew his sword and slew him. Upon this they fell upon the rest and killed them, with any other Romans whom they found, and spent many days in plundering the houses, after which they burned them and pulled them down in their rage at the men in the Capitol, because they would not surrender, but drove them back when they assaulted it. For this reason they wreaked their vengeance on the city, and put to death all their captives, men and women, old and young alike. XXIII. As the siege was a long one, the Gauls began to want for provisions. They divided themselves into two bodies, one of which remained with the king and carried on the siege, while the others scoured the country, plundering and destroying the villages, not going all together in a body, but scattered in small detachments in various directions, as their elation at their success caused them to have no fear about separating their forces. Their largest and best disciplined body marched towards Ardea, where Camillus, since his banishment, had lived as a private person. All his thoughts, however, were bent not upon avoiding or fleeing from the Gauls, but upon defeating them if possible. And so, seeing that the people of Ardea were sufficient in numbers, but wanting in confidence because of the want of experience and remissness of their leaders, he first began to tell the younger men that they ought not to ascribe the misfortunes of the Romans to the bravery of the Gauls, for the misconduct of the former had given them a triumph which they did not deserve. It would, he urged, be a glorious thing, even at the risk of some danger, to drive away a tribe of savage barbarians, who if they were victorious always exterminated the vanquished: while, if they only showed bravery and confidence, he could, by watching his opportunity, lead them to certain victory. As the younger men eagerly listened to these words, Camillus proceeded to confer with the chief magistrates of the Ardeates. After obtaining their consent also, he armed all those who were capable of service, but kept them within the walls, as he wished to conceal their presence from the enemy who were now close at hand. But when the Gauls after scouring the country returned laden with plunder and carelessly encamped in the plain, and when at night by the influence of wine and sleep all was quiet in their camp, Camillus, who had learned the state of the case from spies, led out the men of Ardea, and marching over the intervening ground in silence, about midnight attacked their entrenched camp with loud shouts and blasts of his trumpet, which threw the Gauls, half-drunk and heavy with sleep as they were, into great confusion. Few recovered their senses so far as to attempt to resist Camillus, and those few fell where they stood; but most of them were slain as they lay helpless with wine and sleep. Such as escaped from the camp and wandered about the fields were despatched by cavalry the next day. XXIV. The fame of this action, when noised among the neighbouring cities, called many men to arms, especially those Romans who had escaped to Veii after the battle of the Allia. These men lamented their fate, saying, "What a general has Providence removed from Rome in Camillus, whose successes now bring glory to Ardea, while the city that produced and brought up so great a man has utterly perished. And now we, for want of a general to lead us, are sitting still inside the walls of a city not our own, and giving up Italy to the enemy. Come, let us send to the men of Ardea, and beg their general of them, or else ourselves take up our arms and march to him. He is no longer an exile, nor are we any longer his countrymen, for our country is ours no more, but is in the hands of the enemy." This was agreed, and they sent to beg Camillus to become their general. But he refused, saying that he would not do so without a decree from the citizens in the Capitol; for they as long as they survived, represented the city of Rome, and therefore although he would gladly obey their commands, he would not be so officious as to interfere against their will. The soldiers admired the honourable scruples of Camillus, but there was a great difficulty in representing them to the garrison of the Capitol; indeed, it seemed altogether impossible for a messenger to reach the citadel while the city was in the possession of the enemy. XXV. One of the younger Romans, Pontius Cominius, of the middle class of citizens, but with an honourable ambition to distinguish himself, undertook the adventure. He would not take any writing to the garrison, for fear that if he were taken the enemy might discover Camillus's plans. He dressed himself in poor clothes, with corks concealed under them, and performed most of the journey fearlessly by daylight, but when he came near the city he went by night. As it was impossible to cross the river by the bridge, which was held by the Gauls, he wrapped what few clothes he had round his head, and trusted to his corks to float him over to the city. After he had landed, he walked round, observing by the lights and the noise where the Gauls were most wakeful, until he reached the Carmentan Gate, where all was quiet. At this place the Capitolian Hill forms a steep and precipitous crag, up which he climbed by a hollow in the cliff, and joined the garrison. After greeting them and making known his name, he proceeded to an interview with the leading men. A meeting of the Senate was called, at which he recounted Camillus's victory, which they had not heard of, and explained the determination of the soldiers. He then begged them to confirm Camillus's appointment as general, because the citizens without the walls would obey no other. When the Senate heard this, they deliberated, and finally appointed Camillus dictator, and sent back Pontius by the same way that he came, which he was able to accomplish as fortunately as before. He eluded the Gauls, and brought the decree of the senate to the Romans outside the walls. XXVI. They heard the news with enthusiasm, so that Camillus when he came, found that they already numbered twenty thousand, while he drew many additional troops from the neighbouring friendly cities. Thus was Camillus a second time appointed dictator, and, proceeding to Veii, joined the soldiers there, to whom he added many others from the allies, and prepared to attack the enemy. But meanwhile at Rome, some of the Gauls happening to pass by the place where Pontius climbed up the Capitol, noticed in many places the marks of where he had clutched at the rock with his hands and feet, torn off the plants which grew upon it, and thrown down the mould. They brought the news to the king, who came and viewed the place. He said nothing at the time, but in the evening he called together those Gauls who were lightest and most accustomed to climb mountains, and thus addressed them: "The road up the rock, which we by ourselves could not discover, has been proved by our enemies not to be impassable to men, and it would be disgraceful for us after having begun so well to leave our enterprise incomplete, and to give up the place as impregnable after the enemy themselves have shown us how it may be taken. Where it is easy for one man to climb, it cannot be hard for many to climb one by one, as their numbers will give them confidence and mutual support. Suitable honours and presents will be given to those who distinguish themselves." XXVII. After this speech of their king, the Gauls eagerly volunteered for the assault, and about midnight many of them climbed silently up the rock, which although rough and precipitous was easier of ascent than they had imagined, so that the first of them reached the top, and were on the point of preparing to attack the rampart and its sleeping garrison, for neither men nor dogs noticed them. But there were sacred geese kept in the temple of Juno, which in other times were fed without stint, but which then, as there was scarcely food enough for the men, were somewhat neglected. These birds are naturally quick of hearing and timid, and now being rendered wakeful and wild by hunger, quickly perceived the Gauls climbing up, and rushing noisily to the place woke the garrison, while the Gauls feeling that they were discovered no longer preserved silence, but violently assaulted the place. The Romans, snatching up whatever arms came first to hand, ran to repulse them: and first of all Manlius, a man of consular rank, strong of body and full of courage, fell in with two of the enemy. As one of them lifted up his battleaxe, Manlius cut off his right hand with his sword, while he dashed his shield into the other's face, and threw him backwards down the cliff. After this he stood upon the wall, and with the help of those who assembled round him, beat off the rest, for not many had reached the top, or effected anything commensurate with the boldness of the attempt. Having thus escaped the danger, the Romans threw their sentinel down the rock; while on Manlius they conferred by vote a reward for his bravery, intended more for honour than advantage; for each man gave him a day's rations, which consisted of half a Roman pound of meal, and the fourth part of a Greek cotyle of wine. XXVIII. This affair disheartened the Gauls, who were also in want of provisions, for they could not forage as before for fear of Camillus, while disease also crept in among them, encamped as they were in the ruins of Rome among heaps of dead bodies, while the deep layer of ashes became blown by the wind into the air, making it dry and harsh, and the vapours of the conflagrations were injurious to breathe. They were especially distressed by the change from a cloudy country where there are plenty of shady retreats, to the flat burning plains of Rome in autumn, and their siege of the Capitol became wearisome, for they had now beleaguered it for seven months; so that there was much sickness in their camp, and so many died that they no longer buried the dead. Yet for all this the besieged fared no better. Hunger pressed them, and their ignorance of what Camillus was doing disheartened them; for no one could reach them with news, because the city was strictly watched by Gauls. As both parties were in these straits, proposals for a capitulation took place; at first among the outposts on both sides; afterwards the chief men on each side. Brennus, the Gaulish king, and Sulpicius the Roman tribune, met, and it was agreed that the Romans should pay a thousand pounds of gold, and that the Gauls should, on receiving it, at once leave the country. Both parties swore to observe these conditions, but when the gold was being weighed, the Gauls at first tampered with the scales unperceived, and then openly pulled the beam, so that the Romans became angry. But at this Brennus insolently took off his sword and belt, and flung them into the scale; and when Sulpicius asked, "What is this?" "What should it be," replied the Gaul; "but woe to the vanquished!" At this some of the Romans were angry and thought that they ought to take back their gold into the Capitol, and again endure the siege; while others said that they must put up with insults, provided they were not too outrageous, and not think that there was any additional disgrace in paying more than they had agreed, because in paying any ransom at all, they were acting from sheer necessity rather than feelings of honour. XXIX. While the Romans were thus disputing with the Gauls, and with one another, Camillus with his army was at the gates. Learning what was being done, he ordered the mass of his soldiers to follow him quietly and in good order, and himself pushed on with the picked troops to join the Romans, who all made way for him, and received him as dictator with silence and respect. He then took the gold from the scales and gave it to his victors, and ordered the Gauls to take the scales and the beam, and depart, "for," said he, "it is the custom of the Romans to defend their country not with gold but with iron." At this Brennus became angry, and said that he was being wronged by the treaty being broken; and Camillus answered that the negotiations were illegal, because when they began he was already dictator, and therefore, as no one else had any authority, the treaty had been made by the Gauls with persons who were not authorized to treat. But now, if they wished, they might make fresh proposals, for he was come with full legal powers to pardon such as made their submission, and to punish unrepentant evil-doers. Enraged at this, Brennus began to skirmish, and the two parties, mixed up as they were, in houses and lands where no military formation was possible, did go so far as to draw their swords and push one another about; but Brennus soon recovered his temper, and drew off the Gauls, with but little loss, in their camp. During the night he got them all under arms, left the city, and, after a march of about eight miles, encamped by the side of the Gabinian Road. But at daybreak, Camillus was upon him, in glittering armour, leading on the Romans who had now recovered their courage. After a long and fiercely contested battle they routed the Gauls and took their camp. Some of the fugitives were at once pursued and slain, but most of them straggled about the country, and were put to death by the people of the neighbouring towns and villages who sallied out upon them. XXX. Thus was Rome strangely taken, and yet more strangely preserved, after having been for seven months in the possession of the Gauls, for they entered it a few days after the Ides of Quintilis, and left it about the Ides of February. Camillus, as we may easily imagine, entered the city in a triumph, as the saviour of his lost country, and the restorer of Rome to itself; for as he drove into the city he was accompanied by those who had before left it, with their wives and children, while those who had been besieged in the Capitol, and all but starved there, came out to meet him embracing one another, weeping, and scarcely believing in their present happiness. The priests and servants of the gods also appeared with such of the sacred things as they had saved, either by burying them on the spot, or by carrying them away, and now displayed these images, which had not been seen for so long a time, to the citizens, who greeted them with joy, as if the gods themselves were again returning to Rome. Camillus performed a sacrifice to the gods, and purified the city in the manner recommended by experts, and then proceeded to restore all the previously existing temples, while he himself added another to _Aius Loquutius_, or Rumour, having carefully sought out the place at which the voice in the night miraculously foretold the coming of the Gaulish host to Marcus Caedicius. XXXI. With great difficulty the sites of the temples were cleared of rubbish by the zeal of Camillus and the labour of the priests; but as the city was utterly destroyed, and required to be entirely rebuilt, the people became disheartened at so great an undertaking. Men who had lost their all were inclined to wait, and indeed required rest after their misfortunes, rather than labours and toils, which neither their bodies nor their purses were able to endure. And thus it came to pass that they turned their thoughts a second time towards Veii, a city which stood quite ready to be inhabited. This gave opportunities to their mob orators to make speeches, as usual, which they knew would be pleasing to the people, in which Camillus was disrespectfully spoken of as depriving them of a city which stood ready to receive them, for his own prviate ambition, and was said to be compelling them to live encamped in the midst of ruins, and re-erect their houses in that vast heap of ashes, all in order that he might be called, not merely the leader and general of Rome, but might usurp the place of Romulus and be called her founder. Fearing disturbances, the Senate would not permit Camillus to lay down his dictatorship for a year, although he wished to do so, and although no dictator before this had ever remained in office for more than six months. In the meantime the senators themselves encouraged and consoled the people by personal appeals, pointing to the tombs and monuments of their ancestors, and recalling to their minds the temples and holy places which Romulus and Numa and the other kings had consecrated and left in charge to them. More especially they dwelt upon the omen of the newly severed head which had been found when the foundations of the Capitol were dug, by which it was proved that that spot was fated to become the head of Italy, and the fire of Vesta which the virgins had relighted after the war, and which it would be a disgrace for them to extinguish, and to abandon the city, whether they were to see it inhabited by foreigners or turned into fields for cattle to feed in. While persistently urging these considerations both in public speeches and in private interviews with the people, they were much affected by the lamentations of the poor over their helpless condition. The people begged that, as they had, like people after a shipwreck, saved their lives and nothing else, they might not, in addition to this misfortune, be compelled to put together the ruins of a city which had been utterly destroyed, while another was standing ready to receive them. XXXII. Under these circumstances, Camillus determined to debate the question publicly. He himself made a long appeal on behalf of his native place, and many other speeches were delivered. Finally he rose, and bade Lucius Lucretius, whose privilege it was, to vote first, and then after him the rest in order. Silence was enforced, and Lucretius was just on the point of voting when a centurion in command of a detachment of the guard of the day marched by, and in a loud voice called to the standard-bearer: "Pitch the standard here: here it is best for us to stay." When these words were heard so opportunely in the midst of their deliberations about the future, Lucretius reverently said that he accepted the omen, and gave his vote in accordance with it, and his example was followed by all the rest. The people now showed a strange revulsion of feeling, for they encouraged one another to begin the work of rebuilding, not on any regular plan, but just as each man happened to find a convenient place for his work. Consequently they quickly rebuilt the city, for within a year it is said that both the city walls and the private houses were completed; but it was full of intricate, narrow lanes and inconveniently placed houses. The priests, who had been ordered by Camillus to mark out the boundaries where the temples had stood among the general wreck, when in their circuit of the Palatine Hill they came upon the chapel of Mars, found it, like every other building, destroyed and levelled to the ground by the Gauls, but while thoroughly examining the place they found the augur's staff of Romulus hidden under a deep heap of ashes. This staff is curved at one end, and is called _lituus_. They use it to divide the heavens into squares when taking the auspices, just as Romulus himself did, as he was deeply skilled in divination. When he vanished from among mankind, the priests kept his staff just like any other sacred object. That at such a time, when all the other holy things perished, this should have been preserved, gave them good hopes of Rome, which that omen seemed to presage would be eternal. XXXIII. Before they had finished rebuilding the city they became involved in a war, for the Aequians, Volscians, and Latins combined their forces and invaded the country, while the Etruscans besieged Sutrium, a city in alliance with Rome. The tribunes in command of the Roman forces encamped near the Marcian heights, and were there besieged by the Latins and in danger of having their camp taken. They sent to Rome for assistance, and the Romans appointed Camillus dictator for the third time. About this war there are two different accounts, of which I will mention the legendary one first:--It is said that the Latins, either merely as a pretext, or really wishing to amalgamate the two races as before, sent a demand to Rome for free unmarried women to be delivered up for them to marry. As the Romans were at their wits' ends what to do, because they feared to go to war, being scarcely recovered from their late mishap, while they suspected that the women would be used as hostages if they gave them up, and that the proposal of intermarriage was merely a feint, a slave girl named Tutula, or, as some say, Philotis, advised the magistrates to send her and the best-looking of the female slaves, dressed like brides of noble birth, and that she would manage the rest. The magistrates approved of her proposal, chose such girls as she thought suitable, and having dressed them in fine clothes and jewellery, handed them over to the Latins, who were encamped at no great distance from the city. At night the girls stole the daggers of the enemies, and Tutula or Philotis climbed up a wild fig-tree, stretched out her cloak behind her, and raised a torch as a signal, which had been agreed upon between her and the magistrates, though no other citizen knew of it. Wherefore, the soldiers rushed out of the gates with a great clamour and disturbance, calling to one another and scarcely able to keep their ranks as their chiefs hurried them along. When they reached the enemy's camp, they found them asleep and not expecting an attack, so that they took their camp and slew most of them. This took place on the nones of the month Quintilis, now called July, and the festival which then takes place is in memory of the events of that day. First they march out of the gates in a mass, calling out the common names of the country, such as Caius, Marcus, or Lucius, in imitation of their hurried calling for each other on that occasion. Next, female slaves splendidly dressed walk round laughing and romping with all whom they meet. These girls also perform a sort of fight among themselves, like those who on that day took their share in the fight with the Latins: and afterwards they sit down to a feast, under the shade of fig-tree boughs. They call this day the _nonae caprotinae_, probably from the wild fig-tree from which the slave girl waved the torch; for in Latin a wild fig-tree is called _caprificus_. Others say that most of these things were said and done when Romulus disappeared, for on this very day he was snatched away, outside the city gates, in a sudden storm and darkness, or as some think during an eclipse of the sun: and they say that the day is called _nonae caprotiae_ from the place, because Romulus was carried off while holding a meeting of the entire people at the place called the Goat's Marsh, as is written in his life. XXXIV. The other story is approved by most writers, who relate it as follows:--Camillus, after being appointed dictator for the third time, and learning that the army under the command of the military tribunes was being besieged by the Latins and Volscians, was compelled to arm even those citizens who were past the age for service in the field. He marched by a long circuit to the Marcian heights unnoticed by the enemy, and established his army behind them. By lighting fires he announced his arrival to the Romans in the camp, who took courage, and began to meditate sallying out of their camp and attacking the enemy. But the Latins and Volscians kept close within the rampart of their camp, which they fortified with many additional palisades, on all sides, for they now were between two hostile armies, and intended to await succour from home, while they also expected a force from Etruria to come to their aid. Camillus, perceiving this, and fearing that he might be surrounded in his turn, vigorously used his opportunity. The rampart of the allies was formed of wood, and as a strong wind blew down from the mountains at daybreak, he prepared combustibles, and early in the morning got his forces under arms. One division he sent to attack the enemy's camp with darts, and missile weapons, and loud shouts, while he himself, with those who were in charge of the fire, waited for his opportunity on that side towards which the wind usually blew. When the other troops were engaged with the enemy, the sun rose, and a strong wind got up. At this Camillus gave the signal for attack, and at once enveloped the palisades with lighted missiles. As the flames quickly spread in the thick wooden palisades, the Latins, finding their camp girt with flames, were driven into a small compass, and finally obliged to sally out of their entrenchments, outside of which the Romans stood ready to receive them. Few of those who broke out escaped, while all who remained in the camp perished in the flames, until the Romans extinguished them and began to plunder. XXXV. After this exploit, Camillus left his son Lucius in charge of the camp, to guard the prisoners and the booty, and himself invaded the enemy's country. He took the capital of the Aequi, reduced the Volsci to subjection, and marched at once upon Sutrium to relieve that city, whose inhabitants had not heard of his successes, but were still besieged by the Etruscans. The Sutrians had just surrendered, and had been turned out of their city by the enemy with nothing but the clothes they had on. Camillus met them on the road with their wives and children, weeping over their misfortune. He was greatly moved at so piteous a sight, and, perceiving that the Romans were touched by the despairing entreaties of the people of Sutrium, who clung to them with tears in their eyes, determined that he would at once avenge their wrongs, and march upon Sutrium that very day, arguing that men who were merry with success, having just captured a wealthy city, with no enemy either left within its walls or expected from without, would be found in careless disorder. In this conjecture he was right; for he not only marched through the country, but even obtained possession of the walls and gates unperceived by the enemy, who had posted no guards, but were carousing in the various private houses. Indeed when they learned that the Romans were in possession of the town, they were in such a condition of intoxication that most of them could not even attempt to escape, but shamefully waited in the houses where they were until they were either killed or taken prisoners. Thus was the city of Sutrium twice taken in one day, and thus did the victors lose their prize, and the dispossessed inhabitants regain their homes by Camillus's means. XXXVI. The triumph which he enjoyed after these campaigns added to his popularity and glory as much as either of the former; for even those who disliked him most, and who had insisted that all his successes were due to good fortune more than to skill, were now forced to admit the brilliancy of his generalship, and to give his genius its due. The chief of his enemies and detractors was Marcus Manlius, he who had been the first man to fling the Gauls down the cliff in the night attack on the Capitol, and who in remembrance of this was surnamed Capitolinus. This man, endeavouring to make himself the first man in Rome, and not being able to surpass the fame of Camillus by fair means, made the accusation against him usual in such cases, that he was intending to make himself king. This falsehood he repeated in his addresses to the people, with whom he was making himself popular, especially with those who were in debt; some of whom he defended, and assisted in coming to terms with their creditors, while others he forcibly rescued from the officers of the law, so that many needy persons were attracted to him, and became the terror of all respectable citizens by their riotous disturbances in the Forum. To put an end to these disorders, Quintus Capitolinus was created dictator, and he put Manlius in prison; but the people upon this went into mourning, a thing only done on the occasion of some great public disaster, and the Senate, terrified at this, ordered Manlius to be acquitted. Manlius was not improved by his captivity, but was more turbulent and disorderly in his conduct than he had been before. Camillus was now again elected military tribune, and Manlius was impeached: but the place in which he was tried told greatly against his accusers. For the very spot on the Capitol on which Manlius fought with the Gauls on that night was visible from the Forum, and the sight of it raised a strong feeling in his favour; while he himself pointed to it, and, with tears in his eyes, reminded them of how he had fought for them, so that his judges were at their wits' end, and often adjourned the trial, for they could not acquit him of a crime which was clearly proved against him, and yet they could not bring themselves to let the law take its course, when the scene before them reminded them constantly of his great exploit. Camillus, perceiving this, removed the court to the Petelian Grove outside the city gates, where, as the Capitol was not visible, the prosecutor was able to press home his charges against Manlius, while the judges were not prevented from punishing him for his recent crimes by their remembrance of what he had done in former times. He was convicted, led to the Capitol, and thrown down the cliff, which thus witnessed both the most glorious deed of his life, and his miserable end. The Romans destroyed his house, on the site of which they built the Temple of Juno Moneta, and decreed that for the future no patrician might dwell upon the Capitol. XXXVII. Camillus, when appointed military tribune for the sixth time, begged to be excused, as he was growing old, and perhaps feared that such unbroken success and glory would call down upon him the wrath of the gods.[A] His most obvious reason for declining the appointment was the state of his health, for at this time he was sick. However, the people would not permit him to retire, but loudly urged that they did not want him to ride on horseback or fight in the ranks, but merely to advise and superintend. Thus they compelled him to accept the office, and with one of his colleagues, Lucius Furius, at once to lead an army against the enemy. He left the city and encamped near the enemy, where he wished to remain inactive, in order that, if a battle should be necessary, he might recover his health sufficiently to take part in it. But as his colleague Lucius, who longed to distinguish himself, was so eager for action that he could not be restrained, and excited the subordinate officers, Camillus, fearing that it might be supposed that he grudged younger men an opportunity of gaining laurels, agreed, sorely against his will, to allow his colleague to lead out the army and offer battle, while he with a few troops remained behind in the camp. But when he heard that Lucius had rashly engaged and that the Romans were defeated, he could not restrain himself, but leaping from his couch met them with his followers at the gate of the camp. Here he forced his way through the fugitives and attacked the pursuing force, so that those Romans whom he had passed at once turned and followed him, while those who were still outside the camp rallied round him, calling upon one another not to desert their general. The enemy's pursuit was thus checked, and on the following day Camillus marched out with his entire force, entirely defeated them, and entering their camp together with the fugitives, put most of them to the sword. After this, hearing that Satria had been captured by the Etruscans, and all the Roman colonists there put to death, he sent the greater part of his force back to Rome, reserving only the youngest and most vigorous of the soldiers, with whom he assaulted the Etruscans who held the city, and conquered them, killing many, and putting the rest to flight. [Footnote A: The punishment of excessive and unbroken prosperity was assigned by the Greeks to the goddess Nemesis. The idea of too great a career of success exciting the anger of the gods is common throughout the whole of ancient literature. A well-known instance is the story of Polykrates of Samos, as told by Herodotus. Amasis the king of Egypt, observing the unbroken good fortune of Polykrates, advised him voluntarily to sacrifice some of his treasures. Polykrates, following his friend's advice, cast his signet-ring into the sea. But the ring was swallowed by a fish, and the fish was caught and presented to the king, who thus recovered his ring. When Amasis heard of this, he refused to ally himself with Polykrates, thinking that such good fortune presaged a terrible disaster. Polykrates was put to death shortly afterwards by the Persians, who conquered his kingdom.] XXXVIII. By his return to Rome with great spoils, he proved that those men were right who had not feared that weakness or old age would impair the faculties of a general of daring and experience, but who had chosen him, ill and unwilling to act as he was, rather than men in the prime of life, who were eager to hold military commands. For this reason, when the people of Tusculum were reported to be in insurrection, they bade Camillus take one of the other five tribunes as his colleague, and march against them. Camillus, in spite of all that the rest of the tribunes could urge, for they all wished to be taken, chose Lucius Furius, whom no one could have supposed he would have chosen; for he it was who had been so eager to fight, against the better judgment of Camillus, and so had brought about the defeat in the late war; however, Camillus chose him rather than any other, wishing, it would appear, to conceal his misfortune and wipe out his disgrace. The people of Tusculum cleverly repaired their fault. When Camillus marched to attack them they filled the country with men working in the fields and tending cattle just as in time of peace; the city gates were open, the boys at school, the lower classes plying various trades, and the richer citizens walking in the market-place in peaceful dress. The magistrates bustled about the city, pointing out where the Romans were to be quartered, as if the thought of treachery had never entered their minds. Camillus, though this conduct did not shake his belief in their guilt, was moved to pity by their repentance. He ordered them to go to Rome and beg the Senate to pardon them; and when they appeared, he himself used his influence to procure their forgiveness, and the admission of Tusculum to the Roman franchise. These were the most remarkable events of his sixth tribuneship. XXXIX. After this, Licinius Stolo put himself at the head of the plebeians in their great quarrel with the Senate. They demanded that consuls should be re-established, one of whom should always be a plebeian, and that they should never both be patricians. Tribunes of the people were appointed, but the people would not suffer any election of consuls to be held. As this want of chief magistrates seemed likely to lead to still greater disorders, the Senate, much against the will of the people, appointed Camillus dictator for the fourth time. He himself did not wish for the post, for he was loth to oppose men who had been his comrades in many hard-fought campaigns, as indeed he had spent much more of his life in the camp with his soldiers than with the patrician party in political intrigues, by one of which he was now appointed, as that party hoped that if successful he would crush the power of the plebeians, while in case of failure he would be ruined. However, he made an effort to deal with the present difficulty. Knowing the day on which the tribunes intended to bring forward their law, he published a muster-roll of men for military service, and charged the people to leave the Forum and meet him on the Field of Mars, threatening those who disobeyed with a heavy fine. But when the tribunes answered his threats by vowing that they would fine him fifty thousand _drachmas_ unless he ceased his interference with the people's right of voting, he retired to his own house, and after a few days laid down his office on pretence of sickness. This he did, either because he feared a second condemnation and banishment, which would be a disgrace to an old man and one who had done such great deeds, or else because he saw that the people were too strong to be overpowered, and he did not wish to make the attempt. The Senate appointed another dictator, but he made that very Licinius Stolo, the leader of the popular party, his master of the horse, and thus enabled him to pass a law which was especially distasteful to the patricians, for it forbade any one to possess more than five hundred _jugera_ of land. Stolo, after this success, became an important personage; but, a short time afterwards, he was convicted of possessing more land than his own law permitted, and was punished according to its provisions. XL. There still remained the difficulty about the consular elections, the most important point at issue between the two parties, and the Senate was greatly disturbed at it, when news arrived that the Gauls, starting from the Adriatic Sea, were a second time marching in great force upon Rome. At the same time evident traces of their approach could be seen, as the country was being plundered, and such of the inhabitants as could not easily reach Rome were taking refuge in the mountains. This terrible tidings put an end to all internal disputes. The Senate and people formed themselves into one assembly, and with one voice appointed Camillus dictator for the fifth time. He was now a very old man, being near his eightieth year; but at this pressing crisis he made none of his former excuses, but at once took the chief command and levied an army for the war. As he knew that the chief power of the Gauls lay in their swords, with which they dealt heavy blows on the heads and shoulders of their enemy, without any skill in fence, he prepared for most of his soldiers helmets made entirely of smooth iron, so that the swords would either break or glance off them, while he also had brass rims fitted to their shields, because the wood by itself could not endure a blow. He also instructed the soldiers to use long pikes, and to thrust them forward to receive the sword-cuts of the enemy. XLI. When the Gauls were encamped on the banks of the Anio, near the city, loaded with masses of plunder, Camillus led out his troops and posted them in a glen from which many valleys branched out, so that the greater part of the force was concealed, and that which was seen appeared to be clinging in terror to the hilly ground. Camillus, wishing to confirm the enemy in this idea, would not move to prevent the country being plundered before his eyes, but palisaded his camp and remained quiet within it, until he saw that the foraging parties of the Gauls straggled in careless disorder, while those in the camp did nothing but eat and drink. Then, sending forward his light troops before daybreak to be ready to harass the Gauls and prevent their forming their ranks properly as they came out of their camp, he marched the heavy-armed men down into the plain at sunrise, a numerous and confident body, and not, as the Gauls fancied, a few disheartened men. The very fact of his commencing the attack dashed the courage of the Gauls; next, the attacks of the light troops, before they had got into their wonted array and divided themselves into regiments, produced disorder. When at last Camillus led on the heavy-armed troops, the Gauls ran to meet them brandishing their swords, but the Romans with their pikes advanced and met them, receiving their sword-cuts on their armour, which soon made the Gaulish swords bend double, as they were made of soft iron hammered out thin, while the shields of the Gauls were pierced and weighed down by the pikes that stuck in them. They therefore dropped their own arms, and endeavoured to seize the pikes and turn them against their enemies. But the Romans, seeing them now defenceless, began to use their swords, and slew many of the first ranks, while the rest took to flight all over the flat country; for Camillus had taken care to guard the hills and rough ground, while the Gauls knew that they, in their over-confidence, had been at no pains to fortify their camp, and that the Romans could easily take it. This battle is said to have been fought thirteen years after the capture of Rome, and in consequence of it the Romans conceived a contempt for these barbarians, whom they had before greatly dreaded, and even believed that their former victories over the Gauls were due to their being weakened by pestilence, and to fortunate circumstances, rather than to their own valour. This raised so great a terror of them, that a law was passed which relieved the priests from military service except in case of a Gaulish invasion. XLII. This was the last of Camillus's military exploits, though during this campaign he took the city of Velitrae, which yielded to him without a battle. But his greatest political struggle was yet to come, for it was harder to deal with the people now that they were elated with victory. They insisted that the existing constitution should be annulled, and that one of the two consuls should be chosen from among them. They were opposed by the Senate, which would not permit Camillus to lay down his office, as the patricians imagined that with the help of his great power they could more easily defend their privileges. One day, however, as Camillus was sitting publicly doing business in the Forum, a viator or servant sent by the tribunes of the people bade him follow him, and even laid his hand upon him as if to arrest him. At this such a disturbance arose as had never been known before, as Camillus's party endeavoured to push the officer down from the tribunal, while the people clamoured to him to drag the dictator from his seat. Camillus himself, not knowing what to do, would not lay down his office, but called the Senate to meet. Before entering the Senate house, he turned round to the Capitol and prayed that the gods would bring affairs to a happy termination, vowing that when the present disorders were at an end he would build a Temple of Concord. After a violent debate, the Senate agreed to adopt the milder course of yielding to the popular demand, and permitting one of the two consuls to be chosen from the people. When the dictator announced this decision of the Senate to the people, they at once, as was natural, were delighted with the Senate, and escorted Camillus home with applause and shouts. On the next day they met and decreed that the Temple of Concord which Camillus had vowed should be erected on a spot facing the Forum, where these events had taken place; moreover, that the Latin games should continue for four days instead of three, and that all citizens of Rome should at once offer sacrifice and crown themselves with garlands. In the assembly for the election of consuls, over which Camillus presided there were elected Marcus Aemilius, a patrician, and Lucius Sextius, the first plebeian ever elected consul. This was the result of Camillus's administration. XLIII. In the following year a pestilence broke out in Rome which destroyed enormous numbers of people, and among them most of the leading men. And in this year died Camillus, at a ripe old age, full of years and honours, more regretted by the Romans than all those who died of the plague. LIFE OF PERIKLES. I. One day in Rome, Caesar, seeing some rich foreigners nursing and petting young lapdogs and monkeys, enquired whether in their parts of the world the women bore no children: a truly imperial reproof to those who waste on animals the affection which they ought to bestow upon mankind. May we not equally blame those who waste the curiosity and love of knowledge which belongs to human nature, by directing it to worthless, not to useful objects? It is indeed unavoidable that external objects, whether good or bad, should produce some effect upon our senses; but every man is able, if he chooses, to concentrate his mind upon any subject he may please. For this reason we ought to seek virtue, not merely in order to contemplate it, but that we may ourselves derive some benefit from so doing. Just as those colours whose blooming and pleasant hues refresh our sight are grateful to the eyes, so we ought by our studies to delight in that which is useful for our own lives; and this is to be found in the acts of good men, which when narrated incite us to imitate them. The effect does not take place in other cases, for we frequently admire what we do not wish to produce; indeed we often are charmed with the work, but despise the workman, as in the case of dyes and perfumery which we take pleasure in, although we regard dyers and perfumers as vulgar artizans. That was a clever saying of Antisthenes, who answered, when he heard that Ismenias was a capital flute-player, "But he must be a worthless man, for if he were not, he would not be such a capital flute-player!" and King Philip of Macedon, when his son played brilliantly and agreeably on the harp at an entertainment, said to him, "Are you not ashamed, to play so well?" It is enough for a king, if he sometimes employs his leisure in listening to musicians, and it is quite a sufficient tribute from him to the Muses, if he is present at the performances of other persons. II. If a man devotes himself to these trifling arts, the time which he wastes upon them proves that he is incapable of higher things. No well nurtured youth, on seeing the statue of Jupiter Olympius at Pisa, wishes that he were a Pheidias, or that he were a Polykleitus on seeing the statue of Juno at Argos, nor yet while he takes pleasure in poetry, does he wish that he were an Anakreon, a Philetas, or an Archilochus; for it does not necessarily follow that we esteem the workman because we are pleased with the work. For this reason men are not benefited by any spectacle which does not encourage them to imitation, and where reflection upon what they have observed does not make them also wish to do likewise; whereas we both admire the deeds to which virtue incites, and long to emulate the doers of them. We enjoy the good things which we owe to fortune, but we admire virtuous actions; and while we wish to receive the former, we wish ourselves to benefit others by the latter. That which is in itself admirable kindles in us a desire of emulation, whether we see noble deeds presented before us, or read of them in history. It was with this purpose that I have engaged in writing biography, and have arranged this tenth book to contain the lives of Perikles and of Fabius Maximus, who fought against Hannibal, men who especially resembled one another in the gentleness and justice of their disposition, and who were both of the greatest service to their native countries, because they were able to endure with patience the follies of their governments and colleagues. Of my success, the reader of the following pages will be able to judge for themself. III. Perikles was of the tribe Akamantis, and of the township of Cholargos, and was descended from the noblest families in Athens, on both his father's and mother's side. His father, Xanthippus, defeated the Persian generals at Mykalé, while his mother, Agariste, was a descendant of Kleisthenes, who drove the sons of Peisistratus out of Athens, put an end to their despotic rule, and established a new constitution admirably calculated to reconcile all parties and save the country. She dreamed that she had brought forth a lion, and a few days afterwards was delivered of Perikles. His body was symmetrical, but his head was long out of all proportion; for which reason in nearly all his statues he is represented wearing a helmet, as the sculptors did not wish, I suppose, to reproach him with this blemish. The Attic poets called him squill-head, and the comic poet, Kratinus, in his play 'Cheirones,' says, "From Kronos old and faction, Is sprung a tyrant dread, And all Olympus calls him, The man-compelling head." And again in the play of 'Nemesis' "Come, hospitable Zeus, with lofty head." Telekleides, too, speaks of him as sitting "Bowed down With a dreadful frown, Because matters of state have gone wrong, Until at last, From his head so vast, His ideas burst forth in a throng." And Eupolis, in his play of 'Demoi,' asking questions about each of the great orators as they come up from the other world one after the other, when at last Perikles ascends, says, "The great headpiece of those below." IV. Most writers tell us that his tutor in music was Damon, whose name they say should be pronounced with the first syllable short. Aristotle, however, says that he studied under Pythokleides. This Damon, it seems, was a sophist of the highest order, who used the name of music to conceal this accomplishment from the world, but who really trained Perikles for his political contests just as a trainer prepares an athlete for the games. However, Damon's use of music as a pretext did not impose upon the Athenians, who banished him by ostracism, as a busybody and lover of despotism. He was ridiculed by the comic poets; thus Plato represents some one as addressing him, "Answer me this, I humbly do beseech, For thou, like Cheiron, Perikles did'st teach." Perikles also attended the lectures of Zeno, of Elea, on natural philosophy, in which that philosopher followed the method of Parmenides. Zeno moreover had made an especial study of how to reduce any man to silence who questioned him, and how to enclose him between the horns of a dilemma, which is alluded to by Timon of Phlius in the following verses: "Nor weak the strength of him of two-edged tongue, Zeno that carps at all." But it was Anaxagoras of Klazomenae who had most to do with forming Perikles's style, teaching him an elevation and sublimity of expression beyond that of ordinary popular speakers, and altogether purifying and ennobling his mind. This Anaxagoras was called Nous, or Intelligence, by the men of that day, either because they admired his own intellect, or because he taught that an abstract intelligence is to be traced in all the concrete forms of matter, and that to this, and not to chance, the universe owes its origin. V. Perikles greatly admired Anaxagoras, and became deeply interested in these grand speculations, which gave him a haughty spirit and a lofty style of oratory far removed from vulgarity and low buffoonery, and also an imperturbable gravity of countenance, and a calmness of demeanour and appearance which no incident could disturb as he was speaking, while the tone of his voice never showed that he heeded any interruption. These advantages greatly impressed the people. Once he sat quietly all day in the market-place despatching some pressing business, reviled in the foulest terms all the while by some low worthless fellow. Towards evening he walked home, the man following him and heaping abuse upon him. When about to enter his own door, as it was dark, he ordered one of his servants to take a torch and light the man home. The poet Ion, however, says that Perikles was overbearing and insolent in conversation, and that his pride had in it a great deal of contempt for others; while he praises Kimon's civil, sensible, and polished address. But we may disregard Ion, as a mere dramatic poet who always sees in great men something upon which to exercise his satiric vein; whereas Zeno used to invite those who called the haughtiness of Perikles a mere courting of popularity and affectation of grandeur, to court popularity themselves in the same fashion, since the acting of such a part might insensibly mould their dispositions until they resembled that of their model. VI. These were not the only advantages which Perikles gained from his intimacy with Anaxagoras, but he seems to have learned to despise those superstitious fears which the common phenomena of the heavens produce in those who, ignorant of their cause, and knowing nothing about them, refer them all to the immediate action of the gods. Knowledge of physical science, while it puts an end to superstitious terrors, replaces them by a sound basis of piety. It is said that once a ram with one horn was sent from the country as a present to Perikles, and that Lampon the prophet, as soon as he saw this strong horn growing out of the middle of the creature's forehead, said that as there were two parties in the state, that of Thucydides and that of Perikles, he who possessed this mystic animal would unite the two into one. Anaxagoras cut open the beast's skull, and pointed out that its brain did not fill the whole space, but was sunken into the shape of an egg, and all collected at that part from which the horn grew. At the time all men looked with admiration on Anaxagoras, but afterwards, when Thucydides had fallen, and all the state had become united under Perikles, they admired Lampon equally. There is, I imagine, no reason why both the prophet and the natural philosopher should not have been right, the one discovering the cause, and the other the meaning. The one considered why the horn grew so, and for what reason; the other declared what it _meant_ by growing so, and for what _end_ it took place. Those who say that when the cause of a portent is found out the portent is explained away, do not reflect that the same reasoning which explains away heavenly portents would also put an end to the meaning of the conventional signals used by mankind. The ringing of bells, the blaze of beacon fires, and the shadows on a dial are all of them produced by natural causes, but have a further meaning. But perhaps all this belongs to another subject. VII. Perikles when young greatly feared the people. He had a certain personal likeness to the despot Peisistratus; and as his own voice was sweet, and he was ready and fluent in speech, old men who had known Peisistratus were struck by his resemblance to him. He was also rich, of noble birth, and had powerful friends, so that he feared he might be banished by ostracism, and consequently held aloof from politics, but proved himself a brave and daring soldier in the wars. But when Aristeides was dead, Themistokles banished, and Kimon generally absent on distant campaigns, Perikles engaged in public affairs, taking the popular side, that of the poor and many against that of the rich and few, quite contrary to his own feelings, which were entirely aristocratic. He feared, it seems, that he might be suspected of a design to make himself despot, and seeing that Kimon took the side of the nobility, and was much beloved by them, he betook himself to the people, as a means of obtaining safety for himself, and a strong party to combat that of Kimon. He immediately altered his mode of life; was never seen in any street except that which led to the market-place and the national assembly, and declined all invitations to dinner and such like social gatherings, so utterly that during the whole of his long political life he never dined with one of his friends, except when his first cousin, Euryptolemus, was married. On this occasion he sat at table till the libations were poured, upon which he at once got up and went away. For solemnity is wont to unbend at festive gatherings, and a majestic demeanour is hard to keep up when one is in familiar intercourse with others. True virtue, indeed, appears more glorious the more it is seen, and a really good man's life is never so much admired by the outside world as by his own intimate friends. But Perikles feared to make himself too common even with the people, and only addressed them after long intervals--not speaking upon every subject, and, not constantly addressing them, but, as Kritolaus says, keeping himself like the Salaminian trireme for great crises, and allowing his friends and the other orators to manage matters of less moment. One of these friends is said to have been Ephialtes, who destroyed the power of the Council of the Areopagus, "pouring out," as Plato, the comic poet, said, "a full and unmixed draught of liberty for the citizens," under the influence of which the poets of the time said that the Athenian people "Nibbled at Euboea, like a horse that spurns the rein, And wantonly would leap upon the islands in the main." VIII. Wishing to adopt a style of speaking consonant with his haughty manner and lofty spirit, Perikles made free use of the instrument which Anaxagoras as it were put into his hand, and often tinged his oratory with natural philosophy. He far surpassed all others by using this "lofty intelligence and power of universal consummation," as the divine Plato calls it;[A] in addition to his natural advantages, adorning his oratory with apt illustrations drawn from physical science. [Footnote A: Plato, Phaedrus.] For this reason some think that he was nicknamed the Olympian; though some refer this to his improvement of the city by new and beautiful buildings, and others from his power both as a politician and a general. It is not by any means unlikely that these causes all combined to produce the name. Yet the comedies of that time, when they allude to him, either in jest or earnest, always appear to think that this name was given him because of his manner of speaking, as they speak of him as "thundering and lightening," and "rolling fateful thunders from his tongue." A saying of Thucydides, the son of Melesias, has been preserved, which jestingly testifies to the power of Perikles's eloquence. Thucydides was the leader of the conservative party, and for a long time struggled to hold his own against Perikles in debate. One day Archidamus, the King of Sparta, asked him whether he or Perikles was the best wrestler. "When I throw him in wrestling," Thucydides answered, "he beats me by proving that he never was down, and making the spectators believe him." For all this Perikles was very cautious about his words, and whenever he ascended the tribune to speak, used first to pray to the gods that nothing unfitted for the present occasion might fall from his lips. He left no writings, except the measures which he brought forward, and very few of his sayings are recorded. One of these was, that he called Aegina "the eyesore of the Peiraeus," and that "he saw war coming upon Athens from Peloponnesus." Stesimbrotus tells us that when he was pronouncing a public funeral oration over those who fell in Samos, he said that they had become immortal, even as the gods: for we do not see the gods, but we conceive them to be immortal by the respect which we pay them, and the blessings which we receive from them; and the same is the case with those who die for their country. IX. Thucydides represents the constitution under Perikles as a democracy in name, but really an aristocracy, because the government was all in the hands of one leading citizen. But as many other writers tell us that during his administration the people received grants of land abroad, and were indulged with dramatic entertainments, and payments for their services, in consequence of which they fell into bad habits, and became extravagant and licentious, instead of sober hard-working people as they had been before, let us consider the history of this change, viewing it by the light of the facts themselves. First of all, as we have already said, Perikles had to measure himself with Kimon, and to transfer the affections of the people from Kimon to himself. As he was not so rich a man as Kimon, who used from his own ample means to give a dinner daily to any poor Athenian who required it, clothe aged persons, and take away the fences round his property, so that any one might gather the fruit, Perikles, unable to vie with him in this, turned his attention to a distribution of the public funds among the people, at the suggestion, we are told by Aristotle, of Damonides of Oia. By the money paid for public spectacles, for citizens acting as jurymen and other paid offices, and largesses, he soon won over the people to his side, so that he was able to use them in his attack upon the Senate of the Areopagus, of which he himself was not a member, never having been chosen Archon, or Thesmothete, or King Archon, or Polemarch. These offices had from ancient times been obtained by lot, and it was only through them that those who had approved themselves in the discharge of them were advanced to the Areopagus. For this reason it was that Perikles, when he gained strength with the populace, destroyed this Senate, making Ephialtes bring forward a bill which restricted its judicial powers, while he himself succeeded in getting Kimon banished by ostracism, as a friend of Sparta and a hater of the people, although he was second to no Athenian in birth or fortune, had won most brilliant victories over the Persians, and had filled Athens with plunder and spoils of war, as will be found related in his life. So great was the power of Perikles with the common people. X. One of the provisions of ostracism was that the person banished should remain in exile for ten years. But during this period the Lacedaemonians with a great force invaded the territory of Tanagra, and, as the Athenians at once marched out to attack them, Kimon came back from exile, took his place in full armour among the ranks of his own tribe, and hoped by distinguishing himself in the battle amongst his fellow citizens to prove the falsehood of the Laconian sympathies with which he had been charged. However, the friends of Perikles drove him away, as an exile. On the other hand, Perikles fought more bravely in that battle than he had ever fought before, and surpassed every one in reckless daring. The friends of Kimon also, whom Perikles had accused of Laconian leanings, fell, all together, in their ranks; and the Athenians felt great sorrow for their treatment of Kimon, and a great longing for his restoration, now that they had lost a great battle on the frontier, and expected to be hard pressed during the summer by the Lacedaemonians. Perikles, perceiving this, lost no time in gratifying the popular wish, but himself proposed the decree for his recall; and Kimon on his return reconciled the two States, for he was on familiar terms with the Spartans, who were hated by Perikles and the other leaders of the common people. Some say that, before Kimon's recall by Perikles, a secret compact was made with him by Elpinike, Kimon's sister, that Kimon was to proceed on foreign service against the Persians with a fleet of two hundred ships, while Perikles was to retain his power in the city. It is also said that, when Kimon was being tried for his life, Elpinike softened the resentment of Perikles, who was one of those appointed to impeach him. When Elpinike came to beg her brother's life of him, he answered with a smile, "Elpinike, you are too old to meddle in affairs of this sort." But, for all that, he spoke only once, for form's sake, and pressed Kimon less than any of his other prosecutors. How, then, can one put any faith in Idomeneus, when he accuses Perikles of procuring the assassination of his friend and colleague Ephialtes, because he was jealous of his reputation? This seems an ignoble calumny, which Idomeneus has drawn from some obscure source to fling at a man who, no doubt, was not faultless, but of a generous spirit and noble mind, incapable of entertaining so savage and brutal a design. Ephialtes was disliked and feared by the nobles, and was inexorable in punishing those who wronged the people; wherefore his enemies had him assassinated by means of Aristodikus of Tanagra. This we are told by Aristotle. Kimon died in Cyprus, while in command of the Athenian forces. XI. The nobles now perceived that Perikles was the most important man in the State, and far more powerful than any other citizen; wherefore, as they still hoped to check his authority, and not allow him to be omnipotent, they set up Thucydides, of the township of Alopekae, as his rival, a man of good sense, and a relative of Kimon, but less of a warrior and more of a politician, who, by watching his opportunities, and opposing Perikles in debate, soon brought about a balance of power. He did not allow the nobles to mix themselves up with the people in the public assembly, as they had been wont to do, so that their dignity was lost among the masses; but he collected them into a separate body, and by thus concentrating their strength was able to use it to counterbalance that of the other party. From the beginning these two factions had been but imperfectly welded together, because their tendencies were different; but now the struggle for power between Perikles and Thucydides drew a sharp line of demarcation between them, and one was called the party of the Many, the other that of the Few. Perikles now courted the people in every way, constantly arranging public spectacles, festivals, and processions in the city, by which he educated the Athenians to take pleasure in refined amusements; and also he sent out sixty triremes to cruise every year, in which many of the people served for hire for eight months, learning and practising seamanship. Besides this he sent a thousand settlers to the Chersonese, five hundred to Naxos, half as many to Andros, a thousand to dwell among the Thracian tribe of the Bisaltae, and others to the new colony in Italy founded by the city of Sybaris, which was named Thurii. By this means he relieved the state of numerous idle agitators, assisted the necessitous, and overawed the allies of Athens by placing his colonists near them to watch their behaviour. XII. The building of the temples, by which Athens was adorned, the people delighted, and the rest of the world astonished, and which now alone prove that the tales of the ancient power and glory of Greece are no fables, was what particularly excited the spleen of the opposite faction, who inveighed against him in the public assembly, declaring that the Athenians had disgraced themselves by transferring the common treasury of the Greeks from the island of Delos to their own custody. "Perikles himself," they urged, "has taken away the only possible excuse for such an act--the fear that it might be exposed to the attacks of the Persians when at Delos, whereas it would be safe at Athens. Greece has been outraged, and feels itself openly tyrannised over, when it sees us using the funds which we extorted from it for the war against the Persians, for gilding and beautifying our city, as if it were a vain woman, and adorning it with precious marbles, and statues, and temples, worth a thousand talents." To this Perikles replied, that the allies had no right to consider how their money was spent, so long as Athens defended them from the Persians; while they supplied neither horses, ships, nor men, but merely money, which the Athenians had a right to spend as they pleased, provided they afforded them that security which it purchased. It was right, he argued, that, after the city had provided all that was necessary for war, it should devote its surplus money to the erection of buildings which would be a glory to it for all ages, while these works would create plenty by leaving no man unemployed, and encouraging all sorts of handicraft, so that nearly the whole city would earn wages, and thus derive both its beauty and its profit from itself. For those who were in the flower of their age, military service offered a means of earning money from the common stock; while, as he did not wish the mechanics and lower classes to be without their share, nor yet to see them receive it without doing work for it, he had laid the foundations of great edifices which would require industries of every kind to complete them; and he had done this in the interests of the lower classes, who thus, although they remained at home, would have just as good a claim to their share of the public funds as those who were serving at sea, in garrison, or in the field. The different materials used, such as stone, brass, ivory, gold, ebony, cypress-wood, and so forth, would require special artizans for each, such as carpenters, modellers, smiths, stone masons, dyers, melters and moulders of gold, and ivory painters, embroiderers, workers in relief; and also men to bring them to the city, such as sailors and captains of ships and pilots for such as came by sea; and, for those who came by land, carriage builders, horse breeders, drivers, rope makers, linen manufacturers, shoemakers, road menders, and miners. Each trade, moreover, employed a number of unskilled labourers, so that, in a word, there would be work for persons of every age and every class, and general prosperity would be the result. XIII. These buildings were of immense size, and unequalled in beauty and grace, as the workmen endeavoured to make the execution surpass the design in beauty; but what was most remarkable was the speed with which they were built. All these edifices, each of which one would have thought, it would have taken many generations to complete, were all finished during the most brilliant period of one man's administration. We are told that Zeuxis, hearing Agatharchus, the painter, boasting how easily and rapidly he could produce a picture, said, "I paint very slowly." Ease, and speed of execution, seldom produces work of any permanent value or delicacy. It is the time which is spent in laborious production for which we are repaid by the durable character of the result. And this makes Perikles's work all the more wonderful, because it was built in a short time, and yet has lasted for ages. In beauty each of them at once appeared venerable as soon as it was built; but even at the present day the work looks as fresh as ever, for they bloom with an eternal freshness which defies time, and seems to make the work instinct with an unfading spirit of youth. The overseer and manager of the whole was Pheidias, although there were other excellent architects and workmen, such as Kallikrates and Iktinus, who built the Parthenon on the site of the old Hekatompedon, which had been destroyed by the Persians, and Koroebus, who began to build the Temple of Initiation at Eleusis, but who only lived to see the columns erected and the architraves placed upon them. On his death, Metagenes, of Xypete, added the frieze and the upper row of columns, and Xenokles, of Cholargos, crowned it with the domed roof over the shrine. As to the long wall, about which Sokrates says that he heard Perikles bring forward a motion, Kallikrates undertook to build it. Kratinus satirises the work for being slowly accomplished, saying "He builds in speeches, but he does no work." The Odeum, which internally consisted of many rows of seats and many columns, and externally of a roof sloping on all sides from a central point, was said to have been built in imitation of the king of Persia's tent, and was built under Perikles's direction. For this reason Kratinus alludes to him in his play of the 'Thracian Woman'-- "Our Jove with lofty skull appears; The Odeum on his head he bears, Because he fears the oyster-shell no more." Perikles at that period used his influence to pass a decree for establishing a musical competition at the Panathenaic festival; and, being himself chosen judge, he laid down rules as to how the candidates were to sing, and play the flute or the harp. At that period, and ever afterwards, all musical contests took place in the Odeum. The Propylaea, before the Acropolis, were finished in five years, by Mnesikles the architect; and a miraculous incident during the work seemed to show that the goddess did not disapprove, but rather encouraged and assisted the building. The most energetic and active of the workmen fell from a great height, and lay in a dangerous condition, given over by his doctors. Perikles grieved much for him; but the goddess appeared to him in a dream, and suggested a course of treatment by which Perikles quickly healed the workman. In consequence of this, he set up the brazen statue of Athene the Healer, near the old altar in the Acropolis. The golden statue of the goddess was made by Pheidias, and his name appears upon the basement in the inscription. Almost everything was in his hands, and he gave his orders to all the workmen--as we have said before--because of his friendship with Perikles. This led to their both being envied and belied; for it was said that Perikles, with the connivance of Pheidias, carried on intrigues with Athenian ladies, who came ostensibly to see the works. This accusation was taken up by the comic poets, who charged him with great profligacy, hinting that he had an improper passion for the wife of Menippus, his friend, and a lieutenant-general in the army. Even the bird-fancying of Pyrilampes, because he was a friend of Perikles, was misrepresented, and he was said to give peacocks to the ladies who granted their favours to Perikles. But, indeed, how can we wonder at satirists bringing foul accusations against their betters, and offering them up as victims to the spite of the populace, when we find Stesimbrotus, of Thasos, actually inventing that unnatural and abominable falsehood of Perikles's intrigue with his own daughter-in-law. So hard is it to discover the truth, because the history of past ages is rendered difficult by the lapse of time; while in contemporary history the truth is always obscured, either by private spite and hatred, or by a desire to curry favour with the chief men of the time. XIV. When the speakers of Thucydides's party complained that Perikles had wasted the public money, and destroyed the revenue, he asked the people in the assembly whether they thought he had spent much. When they answered "Very much indeed," he said in reply, "Do not, then, put it down to the public account, but to mine; and I will inscribe my name upon all the public buildings." When Perikles said this, the people, either in admiration of his magnificence of manner, or being eager to bear their share in the glory of the new buildings, shouted to him with one accord to take what money he pleased from the treasury, and spend it as he pleased, without stint. And finally, he underwent the trial of ostracism with Thucydides, and not only succeeded in driving him into exile, but broke up his party. XV. As now there was no opposition to encounter in the city, and all parties had been blended into one, Perikles undertook the sole administration of the home and foreign affairs of Athens, dealing with the public revenue, the army, the navy, the islands and maritime affairs, and the great sources of strength which Athens derived from her alliances, as well with Greek as with foreign princes and states. Henceforth he became quite a different man: he no longer gave way to the people, and ceased to watch the breath of popular favour; but he changed the loose and licentious democracy, which had hitherto existed, into a stricter aristocratic, or rather monarchical, form of government. This he used honourably and unswervingly for the public benefit, finding the people, as a rule, willing to second the measures which he explained to them to be necessary, and to which he asked their consent, but occasionally having to use violence, and to force them, much against their will, to do what was expedient; like a physician dealing with some complicated disorder, who at one time allows his patient innocent recreation, and at another inflicts upon him sharp pains and bitter, though salutary, draughts. Every possible kind of disorder was to be found among a people possessing so great an empire as the Athenians; and he alone was able to bring them into harmony, by playing alternately upon their hopes and fears, checking them when over-confident, and raising their spirits when they were cast down and disheartened. Thus, as Plato says, he was able to prove that oratory is the art of influencing men's minds, and to use it in its highest application, when it deals with men's passions and characters, which, like certain strings of a musical instrument, require a skilful and delicate touch. The secret of his power is to be found, however, as Thucydides says, not so much in his mere oratory, as in his pure and blameless life, because he was so well known to be incorruptible, and indifferent to money; for though he made the city, which was a great one, into the greatest and richest city of Greece, and though he himself became more powerful than many independent sovereigns, who were able to leave their kingdoms to their sons, yet Perikles did not increase by one single drachma the estate which he received from his father. XVI. This is the clear account of his power which is given by Thucydides the historian; though the comic poets misrepresent him atrociously, calling his immediate followers the New Peisistratidae, and calling upon him to swear that he never would make himself despot, as though his pre-eminence was not to be borne in a free state. And Telekleides says, that the Athenians delivered up into his hands "The tribute from the towns, the towns themselves, The city walls, to build or to destroy, The right of making either peace or war, And all the wealth and produce of the land." And all this was not on any special occasion, or when his administration was especially popular, but for forty years he held the first place among such men as Ephialtes, Leokrates, Myronides, Kimon, Tolmides, and Thucydides; and, after the fall and banishment of Thucydides by ostracism, he united in himself for five-and-twenty years all the various offices of state, which were supposed to last only for one year; and yet during the whole of that period proved himself incorruptible by bribes. As to his paternal estate, he was loth to lose it, and still more to be troubled with the management of it; consequently, he adopted what seemed to him the simplest and most exact method of dealing with it. Every year's produce was sold all together, and with the money thus obtained, he would buy what was necessary for his household in the market, and thus regulate his expenditure. This did not make him popular with his sons when they grew up; nor yet did the women of his family think him a liberal manager, but blamed his exact regulation of his daily expenses, which allowed none of the superfluities common in great and wealthy households, but which made the debit and credit exactly balance each other. One servant, Euangelos, kept all his accounts, as no one else had either capacity or education enough to be able to do so. These proceedings differed greatly from those of Anaxagoras the philosopher, who left his house, and let his estate go to ruin, while he pursued his lofty speculations. I conceive, however, that the life of a philosopher and that of a practical politician are not the same, as the one directs his thoughts to abstract ideas, while the other devotes his genius to supplying the real wants of mankind, and in some cases finds wealth not only necessary, but most valuable to him, as indeed it was to Perikles, who assisted many of the poorer citizens. It is said that, as Perikles was engaged in public affairs, Anaxagoras, who was now an old man and in want, covered his head with his robe, and determined to starve himself to death; but when Perikles heard of this, he at once ran to him, and besought him to live, lamenting, not Anaxagoras's fate, but his own, if he should lose so valuable a political adviser. Then Anaxagoras uncovered his head, and said to him, "Perikles, those who want to use a lamp supply it with oil." XVII. As the Lacedaemonians began to be jealous of the prosperity of the Athenians, Perikles, wishing to raise the spirit of the people and to make them feel capable of immense operations, passed a decree, inviting all the Greeks, whether inhabiting Europe or Asia, whether living in large cities or small ones, to send representatives to a meeting at Athens to deliberate about the restoration of the Greek temples which had been burned by the barbarians, about the sacrifices which were due in consequence of the vows which they had made to the gods on behalf of Greece before joining battle, and about the sea, that all men might be able to sail upon it in peace and without fear. To carry out this decree twenty men, selected from the citizens over fifty years of age, were sent out, five of whom invited the Ionian and Dorian Greeks in Asia and the islands as far as Lesbos and Rhodes, five went to the inhabitants of the Hellespont and Thrace as far as Byzantium, and five more proceeded to Boeotia, Phokis, and Peloponnesus, passing from thence through Lokris to the neighbouring continent as far as Akarnania and Ambrakia; while the remainder journeyed through Euboea to the Oetaeans and the Malian gulf, and to the Achaeans of Phthia and the Thessalians, urging them to join the assembly and take part in the deliberations concerning the peace and well-being of Greece. However, nothing was effected, and the cities never assembled, in consequence it is said of the covert hostility of the Lacedaemonians, and because the attempt was first made in Peloponnesus and failed there: yet I have inserted an account of it in order to show the lofty spirit and the magnificent designs of Perikles. XVIII. In his campaigns he was chiefly remarkable for caution, for he would not, if he could help it, begin a battle of which the issue was doubtful; nor did he wish to emulate those generals who have won themselves a great reputation by running risks, and trusting to good luck. But he ever used to say to his countrymen, that none of them should come by their deaths through any act of his. Observing that Tolmides, the son of Tolmaeus, elated by previous successes and by the credit which he had gained as a general, was about to invade Boeotia in a reckless manner, and had persuaded a thousand young men to follow him without any support whatever, he endeavoured to stop him, and made that memorable saying in the public assembly, that if Tolmides would not take the advice of Perikles, he would at any rate do well to consult that best of advisers, Time. This speech had but little success at the time; but when, a few days afterwards, the news came that Tolmides had fallen in action at Koronea, and many noble citizens with him, Perikles was greatly respected and admired as a wise and patriotic man. XIX. His most successful campaign was that in the Chersonesus, which proved the salvation of the Greeks residing there: for he not only settled a thousand colonists there, and thus increased the available force of the cities, but built a continuous line of fortifications reaching across the isthmus from one sea to the other, by which he shut off the Thracians, who had previously ravaged the peninsula, and put an end to a constant and harassing border warfare to which the settlers were exposed, as they had for neighbours tribes of wild plundering barbarians. But that by which he obtained most glory and renown was when he started from Pegae, in the Megarian territory, and sailed round the Peloponnesus with a fleet of a hundred triremes; for he not only laid waste much of the country near the coast, as Tolmides had previously done, but he proceeded far inland, away from his ships, leading the troops who were on board, and terrified the inhabitants so much that they shut themselves up in their strongholds. The men of Sikyon alone ventured to meet him at Nemea, and them he overthrew in a pitched battle, and erected a trophy. Next he took on board troops from the friendly district of Achaia, and, crossing over to the opposite side of the Corinthian Gulf, coasted along past the mouth of the river Achelous, overran Akarnania, drove the people of Oeneadae to the shelter of their city walls, and after ravaging the country returned home, having made himself a terror to his enemies, and done good service to Athens; for not the least casualty, even by accident, befel the troops under his command. XX. When he sailed into the Black Sea with a great and splendidly equipped fleet, he assisted the Greek cities there, and treated them with consideration; and showed the neighbouring savage tribes and their chiefs the greatness of his force, and his confidence in his power, by sailing where he pleased, and taking complete control over that sea. He left at Sinope thirteen ships, and a land force under the command of Lamachus, to act against Timesileon, who had made himself despot of that city. When he and his party were driven out, Perikles passed a decree that six hundred Athenian volunteers should sail to Sinope, and become citizens there, receiving the houses and lands which had formerly been in the possession of the despot and his party. But in other cases he would not agree to the impulsive proposals of the Athenians, and he opposed them when, elated by their power and good fortune, they talked of recovering Egypt and attacking the seaboard of the Persian empire. Many, too, were inflamed with that ill-starred notion of an attempt on Sicily, which was afterwards blown into a flame by Alkibiades and other orators. Some even dreamed of the conquest of Etruria and Carthage, in consequence of the greatness which the Athenian empire had already reached, and the full tide of success which seemed to attend it. XXI. Perikles, however, restrained these outbursts, and would not allow the people to meddle with foreign states, but used the power of Athens chiefly to preserve and guard her already existing empire, thinking it to be of paramount importance to oppose the Lacedaemonians, a task to which he bent all his energies, as is proved by many of his acts, especially in connection with the Sacred War. In this war the Lacedaemonians sent a force to Delphi, and made the Phokaeans, who held it, give it up to the people of Delphi: but as soon as they were gone Perikles made an expedition into the country, and restored the temple to the Phokaeans; and as the Lacedaemonians had scratched the oracle which the Delphians had given them, on the forehead of the brazen wolf there, Perikles got a response from the oracle for the Athenians, and carved it on the right side of the same wolf. XXII. Events proved that Perikles was right in confining the Athenian empire to Greece. First of all Euboea revolted, and he was obliged to lead an army to subdue that island. Shortly after this, news came that the Megarians had become hostile, and that an army, under the command of Pleistoanax, king of the Lacedaemonians, was menacing the frontier of Attica. Perikles now in all haste withdrew his troops from Euboea, to meet the invader. He did not venture on an engagement with the numerous and warlike forces of the enemy, although repeatedly invited by them to fight: but, observing that Pleistoanax was a very young man, and entirely under the influence of Kleandrides, whom the Ephors had sent to act as his tutor and counsellor because of his tender years, he opened secret negotiations with the latter, who at once, for a bribe, agreed to withdraw the Peloponnesians from Attica. When their army returned and dispersed, the Lacedaemonians were so incensed that they imposed a fine on their king, and condemned Kleandrides, who fled the country, to be put to death. This Kleandrides was the father of Gylippus, who caused the ruin of the Athenian expedition in Sicily. Avarice seems to have been hereditary in the family, for Gylippus himself, after brilliant exploits in war, was convicted of taking bribes, and banished from Sparta in disgrace. This is more fully set forth in the Life of Lysander. XXIII. When Perikles submitted the accounts of the campaign to the people, there was an item of ten talents, "for a necessary purpose," which the people passed without any questioning, or any curiosity to learn the secret. Some historians, amongst whom is Theophrastus the philosopher, say that Perikles sent ten talents annually to Sparta, by means of which he bribed the chief magistrates to defer the war, thus not buying peace, but time to make preparations for a better defence. He immediately turned his attention to the insurgents in Euboea, and proceeding thither with a fleet of fifty sail, and five thousand heavy armed troops, he reduced their cities to submission. He banished from Chalkis the "equestrian order," as it was called, consisting of men of wealth and station; and he drove all the inhabitants of Hestiaea out of their country, replacing them by Athenian settlers. He treated these people with this pitiless severity, because they had captured an Athenian ship, and put its crew to the sword. XXIV. After this, as the Athenians and Lacedaemonians made a truce for thirty years, Perikles decreed the expedition against Samos, on the pretext that they had disregarded the commands of the Athenians, to cease from their war with the Milesians. It was thought that he began this war with the Samians to please Aspasia, and this is, therefore, a good opportunity to discuss that person's character, and how she possessed so great influence and ability that the leading politicians of the day were at her feet, while philosophers discussed and admired her discourse. It is agreed that she was of Milesian origin, and that her father's name was Axiochus; and she is said to have reserved her favours for the most powerful personages in Greece, in imitation of Thargelia, an Ionian lady of ancient times, of great beauty, ability, and attractions, who had many lovers among the Greeks, and brought them all over to the Persian interest, by which means the seeds of the Persian faction were sown in many cities of Greece, as they were all men of great influence and position. Now some writers say that Perikles valued Aspasia only for her wisdom and political ability. Indeed Sokrates and his friends used to frequent her society; and those who listened to her discourse used to bring their wives with them, that they too might profit by it, although her profession was far from being honourable or decent, for she kept courtesans in her house. Aeschines says that Lysikles, the sheep dealer, a low-born and low-minded man, became one of the first men in Athens, because he lived with Aspasia after Perikles's death. In Plato's dialogue too, called 'Menexenus,' though the first part is written in a humorous style, yet there is in it thus much of serious truth, that she was thought to discuss questions of rhetoric with many Athenians. But Perikles seems to have been more enamoured of Aspasia's person than her intellect. He was married to a woman who was nearly related to him, who had previously been the wife of Hipponikus, by whom she became the mother of Kallias the rich. By her Perikles had two sons, Xanthippus and Paralus; but afterwards, as they could not live comfortably together, he, at his wife's wish, handed her over to another husband, and himself lived with Aspasia, of whom he was passionately fond. It is said that he never went in or out of his house during the day without kissing her. In the comedies of the time, she is spoken of as the new Omphale and as Deianeira, and sometimes as Hera (Juno). Kratinus plainly speaks of her as a harlot in the following lines: "To him Vice bore a Juno new, Aspasia, shameless harlot." He is thought to have had a bastard son by her, who is mentioned by Eupolis in his play of 'The Townships,' where Perikles is introduced, asking, "Lives then my son?" to which Myronides answers: "He lives, and long had claimed a manly name, But that he feared his harlot mother's shame." It is said that Aspasia became so illustrious and well known that the Cyrus who fought with his brother for the empire of Persia, called his favourite concubine Aspasia, though she had before been named Milto. She was a Phokaean by birth, the daughter of Hermotimus. After the death of Cyrus in battle, she was taken into the king's harem, and acquired great influence with him. These particulars about Aspasia occurred to my memory, and I thought that perhaps I might please my readers by relating them. XXV. Perikles is accused of going to war with Samos to save the Milesians, at the request of Aspasia. These States were at war about the possession of the city of Priéne, and the Samians, who were victorious, would not lay down their arms and allow the Athenians to settle the matter by arbitration, as they ordered them to do. For this reason Perikles proceeded to Samos, put an end to the oligarchical form of government there, and sent fifty hostages and as many children to Lemnos, to ensure the good behaviour of the leading men. It is said that each of these hostages offered him a talent for his own freedom, and that much more was offered by that party which was loth to see a democracy established in the city. Besides all this, Pissuthnes the Persian, who had a liking for the Samians, sent and offered him ten thousand pieces of gold if he would spare the city. Perikles, however, took none of these bribes, but dealt with Samos as he had previously determined, and returned to Athens. The Samians now at once revolted, as Pissuthnes managed to get them back their hostages, and furnished them with the means of carrying on the war. Perikles now made a second expedition against them, and found them in no mind to submit quietly, but determined to dispute the empire of the seas with the Athenians. Perikles gained a signal victory over them in a sea-fight off the Goats' Island, beating a fleet of seventy ships with only forty-four, twenty of which were transports. XXVI. Simultaneously with his victory and the flight of the enemy he obtained command of the harbour of Samos, and besieged the Samians in their city. They, in spite of their defeat, still possessed courage enough to sally out and fight a battle under the walls; but soon a larger force arrived from Athens, and the Samians were completely blockaded. Perikles now with sixty ships sailed out of the Archipelago into the Mediterranean, according to the most current report intending to meet the Phoenician fleet which was coming to help the Samians, but, according to Stesimbrotus, with the intention of attacking Cyprus, which seems improbable. Whatever his intention may have been, his expedition was a failure, for Melissus, the son of Ithagenes, a man of culture, who was then in command of the Samian forces, conceiving a contempt for the small force of the Athenians and the want of experience of their leaders after Perikles's departure, persuaded his countrymen to attack them. In the battle the Samians proved victorious, taking many Athenians prisoners, and destroying many of their ships. By this victory they obtained command of the sea, and were able to supply themselves with more warlike stores than they had possessed before. Aristotle even says that Perikles himself was before this beaten by Melissus in a sea-fight. The Samians branded the figure of an owl on the foreheads of their Athenian prisoners, to revenge themselves for the branding of their own prisoners by the Athenians with the figure of a _samaina_. This is a ship having a beak turned up like a swine's snout, but with a roomy hull, so as both to carry a large cargo and sail fast. This class of vessel is called _samaina_ because it was first built at Samos by Polykrates, the despot of that island. It is said that the verse of Aristophanes, "The Samians are a deeply lettered race," alludes to this branding. XXVII. When Perikles heard of the disaster which had befallen his army, he returned in all haste to assist them. He beat Melissus, who came out to meet him, and, after putting the enemy to rout, at once built a wall round their city, preferring to reduce it by blockade to risking the lives of his countrymen in an assault. As time went on the Athenians became impatient and eager to fight, and it was hard to restrain their ardour. Perikles divided the whole force into eight divisions, and made them all draw lots. The division which drew the white bean he permitted to feast and take their ease, while the rest did their duty. For this reason those who are enjoying themselves call it a "white day," in allusion to the white bean. Ephorus tells us that Perikles made use of battering engines in this siege, being attracted by their novelty, and that Artemon the mechanician was present, who was surnamed Periphoretus because he was lame, and carried in a litter to see such of the works as required his superintendence. This story is proved to be false by Herakleides of Pontus, he quoting Anakreon's poems, in which Artemon Periphoretus is mentioned many generations before the revolt and siege of Samos. He tells us that Artemon was an effeminate coward who spent most of his time indoors, with two slaves holding a brazen shield over his head for fear that anything should fall upon it, and if he was obliged to go out, used to be carried in a hammock slung so low as almost to touch the ground, from which he received the name of Periphoretus. XXVIII. In the ninth month of the siege the Samians surrendered. Perikles demolished their walls, confiscated their fleet, and imposed a heavy fine upon them, some part of which was paid at once by the Samians, who gave hostages for the payment of the remainder at fixed periods. Douris, of Samos, makes a lamentable story of this, accusing Perikles and the Athenians of great cruelty, no mention of which is to be found in Thucydides, Ephorus, or Aristotle. He obviously does not tell the truth when he says that Perikles took the captains and marine soldiers of each ship to the market-place at Miletus, bound them to planks, and after they had been so for ten days and were in a miserable state, knocked them on the head with clubs and cast out their bodies without burial. But Douris, even in cases where he has no personal bias, prefers writing an exciting story to keeping to the exact truth, and in this instance probably exaggerated the sufferings of his countrymen in order to gratify his dislike of the Athenians. Perikles, after the reduction of Samos, returned to Athens, where he buried those who had fallen in the war in a magnificent manner, and was much admired for the funeral oration which, as is customary, was spoken by him over the graves of his countrymen. When he descended from the rostrum the women greeted him, crowning him with garlands and ribbons like a victorious athlete, and Elpinike drawing near to him said, "A fine exploit, truly, Perikles, and well worthy of a crown, to lose many of our brave fellow-citizens, not fighting with Persians or Phoenicians, as my brother Kimon did, but in ruining a city of men of our own blood and our own allies." At these words of Elpinike, Perikles merely smiled and repeated the verse of Archilochus-- "Too old thou art for rich perfumes." Ion says that his victory over the Samians wonderfully flattered his vanity. Agamemnon, he was wont to say, took ten years to take a barbarian city, but he in nine months had made himself master of the first and most powerful city in Ionia. And the comparison was not an unjust one, for truly the war was a very great undertaking, and its issue quite uncertain, since, as Thucydides tells us, the Samians came very near to wresting the empire of the sea from the Athenians. XXIX. After these events, as the clouds were gathering for the Peloponnesian war, Perikles persuaded the Athenians to send assistance to the people of Korkyra, who were at war with the Corinthians, and thus to attach to their own side an island with a powerful naval force, at a moment when the Peloponnesians had all but declared war against them. When the people passed this decree, Perikles sent only ten ships under the command of Lacedaemonius, the son of Kimon, as if he designed a deliberate insult; for the house of Kimon was on peculiarly friendly terms with the Lacedaemonians. His design in sending Lacedaemonius out, against his will, and with so few ships, was that if he performed nothing brilliant he might be accused, even more than he was already, of leaning to the side of the Spartans. Indeed, by all means in his power, he always threw obstacles in the way of the advancement of Kimon's family, representing that by their very names they were aliens, one son being named Lacedaemonius, another Thessalus, another Eleius. Moreover, the mother of all three was an Arcadian. Now Perikles was much reproached for sending these ten ships, which were of little value to the Korkyreans, and gave a great handle to his enemies to use against him, and in consequence sent a larger force after them to Korkyra, which arrived there after the battle. The Corinthians, enraged at this, complained in the congress of Sparta of the conduct of the Athenians, as did also the Megarians, who said that they were excluded from every market and every harbour which was in Athenian hands, contrary to the ancient rights and common privileges of the Hellenic race. The people of Aegina also considered themselves to be oppressed and ill-treated, and secretly bemoaned their grievances in the ears of the Spartans, for they dared not openly bring any charges against the Athenians. At this time, too, Potidaea, a city subject to Athens, but a colony of Corinth, revolted, and its siege materially hastened the outbreak of the war. Archidamus, indeed, the king of the Lacedaemonians, sent ambassadors to Athens, was willing to submit all disputed points to arbitration, and endeavoured to moderate the excitement of his allies, so that war probably would not have broken out if the Athenians could have been persuaded to rescind their decree of exclusion against the Megarians, and to come to terms with them. And, for this reason, Perikles, who was particularly opposed to this, and urged the people not to give way to the Megarians, alone bore the blame of having begun the war. XXX. It is said, that when an embassy arrived at Athens from Lacedaemon to treat upon these matters, Perikles argued that there was a law which forbade the tablet, on which the decree against the Megarians was written, to be taken down. "Then," said Polyalkes, one of the ambassadors, "do not take it down, but turn it with its face to the wall; for there is no law against that!" Clever as this retort was, it had no effect on Perikles. He had, it seems, some private spite at the Megarians, though the ground of quarrel which he put publicly forward was that the Megarians had applied to their own use some of the sacred ground; and he passed a decree for a herald to be sent to the Megarians, and then to go on to the Lacedaemonians to complain of their conduct. This decree of Perikles is worded in a candid and reasonable manner; but the herald, Anthemokritus, was thought to have met his death at the hands of the Megarians, and Charinus passed a decree to the effect that Athens should wage war against them to the death, without truce or armistice; that any Megarian found in Attica should be punished with death, and that the generals, when taking the usual oath for each year, should swear in addition that they would invade the Megarian territory twice every year; and that Anthemokritus should be buried near the city gate leading into the Thriasian plain, which is now called the Double Gate. Now, the Megarians say that they were not to blame for the murder of Anthemokritus, and lay it upon Perikles and Aspasia, quoting the hackneyed rhymes from the 'Acharnians,' of Aristophanes: "Some young Athenians in their drunken play, From Megara Simaetha stole away, The men of Megara next, with angered soul, Two of Aspasia's choicest harlots stole." XXXI. How the dispute originated it is hard to say, but all writers agree in throwing on Perikles the blame of refusing to reverse the decree. Some attribute his firmness to a wise calculation, saying that the demand was merely made in order to try him, and that any concessions would have been regarded as a sign of weakness; while others say that he treated the Lacedaemonians so cavalierly through pride and a desire to show his own strength. But the worst motive of all, and that to which most men attribute his conduct, was as follows: Pheidias, the sculptor, was, as we have related, entrusted with the task of producing the statue of the tutelary goddess of Athens. His intimacy with Perikles, with whom he had great influence, gained for him many enemies, who, wishing to experiment on the temper of the people towards Perikles himself, bribed Menon, one of Pheidias's fellow-workmen, to seat himself in the market-place as a suppliant who begged that he might receive protection while he denounced and prosecuted Pheidias. The people took this man under its protection, and Pheidias was prosecuted before the Senate. The alleged charges of theft were not proved, for Pheidias, by the advice of Perikles, had originally fashioned the golden part of the statue in such a manner that it could all be taken off and weighed, and this Perikles bade the prosecutor do on this occasion. But the glory which Pheidias obtained by the reality of his work made him an object of envy and hatred, especially when in his sculpture of the battle with the Amazons on the shield of the goddess he introduced his own portrait as a bald-headed old man lifting a great stone with both hands, and also a very fine representation of Perikles, fighting with an Amazon. The position of the hand, which was holding a spear before the face of Perikles, was ingeniously devised as if to conceal the portrait, which, nevertheless, could plainly be seen on either side of it. For this, Pheidias was imprisoned, and there fell sick and died, though some say that his enemies poisoned him in order to cast suspicion upon Perikles. At the instance of Glykon, the people voted to Menon, the informer, an immunity from public burdens, and ordered the generals of the State to provide for the wretch's safety. XXXII. About the same time Aspasia was prosecuted for impiety, at the suit of Hermippus, the comic playwright, who moreover accused her of harbouring free-born Athenian ladies, with whom Perikles carried on intrigues. Also Diopeithes proposed a decree, that prosecutions should be instituted against all persons who disbelieved in religion, and held theories of their own about heavenly phenomena. This was aimed at Perikles through the philosopher Anaxagoras. As the people adopted this decree, and eagerly listened to these slanderous accusations, another decree was carried by Drakontides, that Perikles should lay the accounts of his dealings with the public revenue before the Prytanes, and that the judges should carry their suffrage from the altar in the Acropolis, and go and determine the cause in the city. At the motion of Hagnon this part of the decree was reversed, but he succeeded in having the action conducted before fifteen hundred judges, in a form of trial which one might call either one for theft, or taking of bribes, or for public wrong-doing. Aspasia was acquitted, quite contrary to justice, according to Aeschines, because Perikles shed tears and made a personal appeal to the judges on her behalf. He feared that Anaxagoras would be convicted, and sent him out of the city before his trial commenced. And now, as he had become unpopular by means of Pheidias, he at once blew the war into a flame, hoping to put an end to these prosecutions, and to restore his own personal ascendancy by involving the State in important and dangerous crises, in which it would have to rely for guidance upon himself alone. These are the causes which are assigned for his refusal to permit the Athenians to make any concession to the Lacedaemonians, but the real history of the transaction will never be known. XXXIII. Now, as the Lacedaemonians knew that if he could be removed from power they would find the Athenians much more easy to deal with, they bade them, "drive forth the accursed thing," alluding to Perikles's descent from the Alkmaeonidae by his mother's side, as we are told by Thucydides the historian. But this attempt had just the contrary effect to that which they intended; for, instead of suspicion and dislike, Perikles met with much greater honour and respect from his countrymen than before, because they saw that he was an object of especial dislike to the enemy. For this reason, before the Peloponnesians, under Archidamus, invaded Attica, he warned the Athenians that if Archidamus, when he laid waste everything else, spared his own private estate because of the friendly private relations existing between them, or in order to give his personal enemies a ground for impeaching him, that he should give both the land and the farm buildings upon it to the State. The Lacedaemonians invaded Attica with a great host of their own troops and those of their allies, led by Archidamus, their king. They proceeded, ravaging the country as they went, as far as Acharnae (close to Athens), where they encamped, imagining that the Athenians would never endure to see them there, but would be driven by pride and shame to come out and fight them. However, Perikles thought that it would be a very serious matter to fight for the very existence of Athens against sixty thousand Peloponnesian and Boeotian[A] heavy-armed troops, and so he pacified those who were dissatisfied at his inactivity by pointing out that trees when cut down quickly grow again, but that when the men of a State are lost, it is hard to raise up others to take their place. He would not call an assembly of the people, because he feared that they would force him to act against his better judgment, but, just as the captain of a ship, when a storm comes on at sea, places everything in the best trim to meet it, and trusting to his own skill and seamanship, disregarding the tears and entreaties of the sea-sick and terrified passengers; so did Perikles shut the gates of Athens, place sufficient forces to ensure the safety of the city at all points, and calmly carry out his own policy, taking little heed of the noisy grumblings of the discontented. Many of his friends besought him to attack, many of his enemies threatened him and abused him, and many songs and offensive jests were written about him, speaking of him as a coward, and one who was betraying the city to its enemies. Kleon too attacked him, using the anger which the citizens felt against him to advance his own personal popularity, as we see from the following lines of Hermippus: "King of Satyrs, wherefore fear you Spear to wield, and only dare to Talk in swelling phrase, while yet you Cower, Teles like, And when goaded on, past bearing, By our Kleon's tongue so daring, Only gnash your teeth despairing, Still afraid to strike." [Footnote A: The Dorians of Boeotia and Peloponnesus were accounted the best infantry soldiers of Greece.] XXXIV. Perikles was unmoved by any of these attacks, but quietly endured all this storm of obloquy. He sent a fleet of a hundred ships to attack Peloponnesus, but did not sail with it himself, remaining at home to keep a tight hand over Athens until the Peloponnesians drew off their forces. He regained his popularity with the common people, who suffered much from the war, by giving them allowances of money from the public revenue, and grants of land; for he drove out the entire population of the island of Aegina, and divided the land by lot among the Athenians. A certain amount of relief also was experienced by reflecting upon the injuries which they were inflicting on the enemy; for the fleet as it sailed round Peloponnesus destroyed many small villages and cities, and ravaged a great extent of country, while Perikles himself led an expedition into the territory of Megara and laid it all waste. By this it is clear that the allies, although they did much damage to the Athenians, yet suffered equally themselves, and never could have protracted the war for such a length of time as it really lasted, but, as Perikles foretold, must soon have desisted had not Providence interfered and confounded human counsels. For now the pestilence fell among the Athenians, and cut off the flower of their youth. Suffering both in body and mind they raved against Perikles, just as people when delirious with disease attack their fathers or their physicians. They endeavoured to ruin him, urged on by his personal enemies, who assured them that he was the author of the plague, because he had brought all the country people into the city, where they were compelled to live during the heat of summer, crowded together in small rooms and stifling tents, living an idle life too, and breathing foul air instead of the pure country breezes to which they were accustomed. The cause of this, they said, was the man who, when the war began, admitted the masses of the country people into the city, and then made no use of them, but allowed them to be penned up together like cattle, and transmit the contagion from one to another, without devising any remedy or alleviation of their sufferings. XXXV. Hoping to relieve them somewhat, and also to annoy the enemy, Perikles manned a hundred and fifty ships, placed on board, besides the sailors, many brave infantry and cavalry soldiers, and was about to put to sea. The Athenians conceived great hopes, and the enemy no less terror from so large an armament. When all was ready, and Perikles himself had just embarked in his own trireme, an eclipse of the sun took place, producing total darkness, and all men were terrified at so great a portent. Perikles, observing that his helmsman was alarmed and knew not what to do, held his cloak over the man's eyes and asked him if he thought that a terrible portent. As he answered that he did not, Perikles said: "What is the difference, then, between it and an eclipse of the sun, except that the eclipse is caused by something larger than my cloak?" This subject is discussed by the philosophers in their schools. Perikles sailed with the fleet, but did nothing worthy of so great a force. He besieged the sacred city of Epidaurus, but, although he had great hopes of taking it, he failed on account of the plague, which destroyed not only his own men, but every one who came in contact with them. After this he again endeavoured to encourage the Athenians, to whom he had become an object of dislike. However, he did not succeed in pacifying them, but they condemned him by a public vote to be general no more, and to pay a fine which is stated at the lowest estimate to have been fifteen talents, and at the highest fifty. This was carried, according to Idomeneus, by Kleon, but according to Theophrastus by Simmias; whilst Herakleides of Pontus says that it was effected by Lakrateides. XXXVI. He soon regained his public position, for the people's outburst of anger was quenched by the blow they had dealt him, just as a bee leaves its sting in the wound; but his private affairs were in great distress and disorder, as he had lost many of his relatives during the plague, while others were estranged from him on political grounds. Xanthippus too, the eldest of his legitimate sons, who was a spendthrift by nature and married to a woman of expensive habits, a daughter of Tisander, the son of Epilykus, could not bear with his father's stingy ways and the small amount of money which he allowed him. He consequently sent to one of his friends and borrowed money from him as if Perikles had authorised him to do so. When the friend asked for his money back again, Perikles prosecuted him, at which proceeding young Xanthippus was enraged and abused his father, sneering at his way of life and his discussions with the sophists. When some athlete accidentally killed Epitimus of Pharsalus with a javelin, he said that Perikles spent the whole day arguing with Protagoras whether in strict accuracy the javelin, or the man who threw it, or the stewards of the games, ought to be considered the authors of the mishap. And, besides this, Stesimbrotus tells us that Xanthippus put about that scandal about his father and his own wife, so that the father and son remained irreconcilable enemies until Xanthippus's death, which happened during the plague, by an attack of that disorder. At the same time Perikles lost his sister and most of his relations, especially those who supported his policy. Yet he would not yield, nor abate his firmness and constancy of spirit because of these afflictions, but was not observed to weep or mourn, or attend the funeral of any of his relations, until he lost Paralus, the last of his legitimate offspring. Crushed by this blow, he tried in vain to keep up his grand air of indifference, and when carrying a garland to lay upon the corpse he was overpowered by his feelings, so as to burst into a passion of tears and sobs, which he had never done before in his whole life. XXXVII. Athens made trial of her other generals and public men to conduct her affairs, but none appeared to be of sufficient weight or reputation to have such a charge entrusted to him. The city longed for Perikles, and invited him again to lead its counsels and direct its armies; and he, although dejected in spirits and living in seclusion in his own house, was yet persuaded by Alkibiades and his other friends to resume the direction of affairs. The people apologised for their ungrateful treatment of him, and when he was again in office and elected as general, he begged of them to be released from the operations of the law of bastardy, which he himself had originally introduced, in order that his name and race might not altogether become extinct for want of an heir. The provisions of the law were as follows:--Perikles many years before, when he was at the height of his power and had children born to him, as we have related, of legitimate birth, proposed a law that only those born of an Athenian father and mother should be reckoned Athenian citizens. But when the king of Egypt sent a present of forty thousand _medimni_ of wheat to be divided among the citizens, many lawsuits arose about the citizenship of men whose birth had never been questioned before that law came into force, and many vexatious informations were laid. Nearly five thousand men were convicted of illegitimacy of birth and sold for slaves, while those who retained their citizenship and proved themselves to be genuine Athenians amounted to fourteen thousand and forty. It was indeed an unreasonable request that a law which had been enforced in so many instances should now be broken in the person of its own author, but Perikles's domestic misfortunes, in which he seemed to have paid the penalty for his former haughtiness and pride, touched the hearts of the Athenians so much that they thought his sorrows deserving of their pity, and his request such as he was entitled to make and they to grant in common charity, and they consented to his illegitimate son being enrolled in his own tribe and bearing his own name. This man was subsequently put to death by the people, together with all his colleagues, for their conduct after the sea-fight at Arginusae. XXXVIII. After this it appears that Perikles was attacked by the plague, not acutely or continuously, as in most cases, but in a slow wasting fashion, exhibiting many varieties of symptoms, and gradually undermining his strength. Theophrastus, in his treatise on Ethics, discusses whether a man's character can be changed by disease, and whether virtue depends upon bodily health. As an example, he quotes a story that Perikles, when one of his friends came to visit him during his sickness, showed him a charm hung round his neck, as a proof that he must be indeed ill to submit to such a piece of folly. As he was now on his deathbed, the most distinguished of the citizens and his surviving friends collected round him and spoke admiringly of his nobleness and immense power, enumerating also the number of his exploits, and the trophies which he had set up for victories gained; for while in chief command he had won no less than nine victories for Athens. They were talking thus to one another in his presence, imagining that he could no longer understand them, but had lost his power of attending to them. He, however, was following all that they said, and suddenly broke silence, saying that he was surprised at their remembering and praising him for the exploits which depended entirely upon fortune for their success, and which many other generals had done as well as himself, while they did not mention his greatest and most glorious title to fame. "No Athenian," said he, "ever wore black because of me." XXXIX. Perikles was to be admired, not only for his gentleness and mildness of spirit, which he preserved through the most violent political crises and outbreaks of personal hatred to himself, but also for his lofty disposition. He himself accounted it his greatest virtue that he never gave way to feelings of envy or hatred, but from his own exalted pinnacle of greatness never regarded any man as so much his enemy that he could never be his friend. This alone, in my opinion, justifies that outrageous nickname of his, and gives it a certain propriety; for so serene and impartial a man, utterly uncorrupt though possessed of great power, might naturally be called Olympian. Thus it is that we believe that the gods, who are the authors of all good and of no evil to men, rule over us and over all created things, not as the poets describe them in their bewildering fashion, which their own poems prove to be untrue. The poets describe the abode of the gods as a safe and untroubled place where no wind or clouds are, always enjoying a mild air and clear light, thinking such a place to be fittest for a life of immortal blessedness; while they represent the gods themselves as full of disorder and anger and spite and other passions, which are not becoming even to mortal men of common sense. Those reflections, however, perhaps belong to another subject. Events soon made the loss of Perikles felt and regretted by the Athenians. Those who during his lifetime had complained that his power completely threw them into the shade, when after his death they had made trial of other orators and statesmen, were obliged to confess that with all his arrogance no man ever was really more moderate, and that his real mildness in dealing with men was as remarkable as his apparent pride and assumption. His power, which had been so grudged and envied, and called monarchy and despotism, now was proved to have been the saving of the State; such an amount of corrupt dealing and wickedness suddenly broke out in public affairs, which he before had crushed and forced to hide itself, and so prevented its becoming incurable through impunity and licence. LIFE OF FABIUS MAXIMUS. I. Such a man did Perikles show himself to be in his most memorable acts, as far as they are extant. Let us now turn our attention to Fabius. The first of the family is said to descend from one of the nymphs, according to some writers, according to others from an Italian lady who became the mother of Fabius by Hercules near the river Tiber. From him descended the family of the Fabii, one of the largest and most renowned in Rome. Some say that the men of this race were the first to use pitfalls in hunting, and were anciently named Fodii in consequence; for up to the present day ditches are called _fossae_, and to dig is called _fodere_ in Latin: and thus in time the two sounds became confused, and they obtained the name of Fabii. The family produced many distinguished men, the greatest of whom was Rullus, who was for that reason named Maximus by the Romans. From him Fabius Maximus, of whom I am now writing, was fourth in descent. His own personal nickname was Verrucosus, because he had a little wart growing on his upper lip. The name of Ovicula, signifying sheep, was also given him while yet a child, because of his slow and gentle disposition. He was quiet and silent, very cautious in taking part in children's games, and learned his lessons slowly and with difficulty, which, combined with his easy obliging ways with his comrades, made those who did not know him think that he was dull and stupid. Few there were who could discern, hidden in the depths of his soul, his glorious and lion-like character. Soon, however, as time went on, and he began to take part in public affairs, he proved that his apparent want of energy was really due to serenity of intellect, that he was cautious because he weighed matters well beforehand, and that while he was never eager or easily moved, yet he was always steady and trustworthy. Observing the immense extent of the empire, and the numerous wars in which it was engaged, he exercised his body in warlike exercises, regarding it as his natural means of defence, while he also studied oratory as the means by which to influence the people, in a style suited to his own life and character. In his speeches there were no flowery passages, no empty graces of style, but there was a plain common sense peculiar to himself, and a depth of sententious maxims which is said to have resembled Thucydides. One of his speeches is extant, a funeral oration which he made in public over his son who died after he had been consul. II. He was consul five times, and in his first consulship obtained a triumph over the Ligurians. They were defeated by him and driven with great loss to take refuge in the Alps, and thus were prevented from ravaging the neighbouring parts of Italy as they had been wont to do. When Hannibal invaded Italy, won his first battle at the Trebia, and marched through Etruria, laying everything waste as he went, the Romans were terribly disheartened and cast down, and terrible prodigies took place, some of the usual kind, that is, by lightning, and others of an entirely new and strange character. It was said that shields of their own accord became drenched with blood: that at Antium standing corn bled when it was cut by the reapers; that red-hot stones fell from heaven, and that the sky above Falerii was seen to open and tablets to fall, on one of which was written the words "Mars is shaking his arms." None of these omens had any effect upon Caius Flaminius, the consul, for, besides his naturally spirited and ambitious nature, he was excited by the successes which he had previously won, contrary to all reasonable probability. Once, against the express command of the Senate, and in spite of the opposition of his colleague, he engaged with the Gauls and won a victory over them. Fabius also was but little disturbed by the omens, because of their strange and unintelligible character, though many were alarmed at them. Knowing how few the enemy were in numbers, and their great want of money and supplies, he advised the Romans not to offer battle to a man who had at his disposal an army trained by many previous encounters to a rare pitch of perfection, but rather to send reinforcements to their allies, keep a tight hand over their subject cities, and allow Hannibal's brilliant little force to die away like a lamp which flares up brightly with but little oil to sustain it. III. This reasoning had no effect upon Flaminius, who said that he would not endure to see an enemy marching upon Rome, and would not, like Camillus of old, fight in the streets of Rome herself. He ordered the military tribunes to put the army in motion, and himself leaped upon his horse's back. The horse for no visible reason shied in violent terror, and Flaminius was thrown headlong to the ground. He did not, however, alter his determination, but marched to meet Hannibal, and drew up his forces for battle near the lake Thrasymenus, in Etruria. When the armies met, an earthquake took place which destroyed cities, changed the courses of rivers, and cast down the crests of precipices; but in spite of its violence, no one of the combatants perceived it. Flaminius himself, after many feats of strength and courage, fell dead, and around him lay the bravest Romans. The rest fled, and the slaughter was so great that fifteen thousand were killed, and as many more taken prisoners. Hannibal generously desired to bury the body of Flaminius with military honours, to show his esteem for the consul's bravery; but it could not be found among the slain, and no one knew how it disappeared. The defeat at the Trebia had not been clearly explained either by the general who wrote the despatch, or by the messenger who carried it, as they falsely represented it to have been a drawn battle; but as soon as the praetor Pomponius heard the news of this second misfortune, he assembled the people in the Forum, and said, without any roundabout apologies whatever, "Romans, we have lost a great battle, the army is destroyed, and the consul Flaminius has fallen. Now, therefore, take counsel for your own safety." These words produced the same impression on the people that a gust of wind does upon the sea. No one could calmly reflect after such a sudden downfall of their hopes. All, however, agreed that the State required one irresponsible ruler, which the Romans call a dictatorship, and a man who would fulfil this office with fearless energy. Such a man, they felt, was Fabius Maximus, who was sufficiently qualified for the office by his abilities and the respect which his countrymen bore him, and was moreover at that time of life when the strength of the body is fully capable of carrying out the ideas of the mind, but when courage is somewhat tempered by discretion. IV. As soon as the people had passed their decree, Fabius was appointed dictator,[A] and appointed Marcus Minucius his master of the horse. First, however, he begged of the Senate to allow him the use of a horse during his campaigns. There was an ancient law forbidding this practice, either because the main strength of the army was thought to lie in the columns of infantry, and for that reason the dictator ought to remain always with them, or else because, while in all other respects the dictator's power is equal to that of a king, it was thought well that in this one point he should have to ask leave of the people. Next, however, Fabius, wishing at once to show the greatness and splendour of his office, and so make the citizens more ready to obey him, appeared in public with all his twenty-four lictors at once; and when the surviving consul met him, he sent an officer to bid him dismiss his lictors, lay aside his insignia of office, and come before him as a mere private citizen. After this he began in the best possible way, that is, by a religious ceremony, and assured the people that it was in consequence of the impiety and carelessness of their late general, not by any fault of the army, that they had been defeated. Thus he encouraged them not to fear their enemies, but to respect the gods and render them propitious, not that he implanted any superstitious observances among them, but he confirmed their valour by piety, and took away from them all fear of the enemy by the hopes which he held out to them of divine protection. At this time many of the holy and mysterious books, which contain secrets of great value to the State, were inspected. These are called the Sibylline books. One of the sentences preserved in these was said to have an evident bearing on contemporary events; what it was can only be guessed at by what was done. The dictator appeared before the people and publicly vowed to the gods a _ver sacrum_, that is, all the young which the next spring should produce, from the goats, the sheep, and the kine on every mountain, and plain, and river, and pasture within the bounds of Italy. All these he swore that he would sacrifice, and moreover that he would exhibit musical and dramatic shows, and expend upon them the sum of three hundred and thirty-three _sestertia_, and three hundred and thirty-three _denarii_, and one-third of a _denarius_. The sum total of this in our Greek money is eighty-three thousand five hundred and eighty-three drachmas and two obols. What the particular virtue of this exact number may be it is hard to determine, unless it be on account of the value of the number three, which is by nature perfect, and the first of odd numbers, the first also of plurals, and containing within itself all the elements of the qualities of number. [Footnote A: Liv., xxii. 8, _sq._] V. Fabius, by teaching the people to rest their hopes on religion, made them view the future with a more cheerful heart. For his own part, he trusted entirely to himself to win the victory, believing that Heaven grants men success according to the valour and conduct which they display. He marched against Hannibal, not with any design of fighting him, but of wearing out his army by long delays, until he could, by his superior numbers and resources, deal with him easily. With this object in view he always took care to secure himself from Hannibal's cavalry, by occupying the mountains overhanging the Carthaginian camp, where he remained quiet as long as the enemy did, but when they moved he used to accompany them, showing himself at intervals upon the heights at such a distance as not to be forced to fight against his will, and yet, from the very slowness of his movements, making the enemy fear that at every moment he was about to attack. By these dilatory manoeuvres he incurred general contempt, and was looked upon with disgust by his own soldiers, while the enemy, with the exception of one man, thought him utterly without warlike enterprise. That man was Hannibal himself. He alone perceived Fabius's true generalship and thorough comprehension of the war, and saw that either he must by some means be brought to fight a battle, or else the Carthaginians were lost, if they could not make use of their superiority in arms, but were to be worn away and reduced in number and resources, in which they were already deficient. He put in force every conceivable military stratagem and device, like a skilful wrestler when he tries to lay hold of his antagonist, and kept attacking Fabius, skirmishing round him, and drawing him from place to place, in his endeavours to make him quit his policy of caution. But Fabius was convinced that he was right, and steadily declined battle. His master of the horse, Minucius, who longed for action, gave him much trouble. This man made unseemly boasts, and harangued the army, filling it with wild excitement and self-confidence. The soldiers in derision used to call Fabius Hannibal's lacquey, because he followed him wherever he went, and thought Minucius a really great general, and worthy of the name of Roman. Minucius, encouraged in his arrogant vauntings, began to ridicule the habit of encamping on the mountain-tops, saying that the dictator always took care to provide them with good seats from which to behold the spectacle of the burning and plundering of Italy, and used to ask the friends of Fabius whether he took his army up so near the sky because he had ceased to take any interest in what went on on the earth below, or whether it was in order to conceal it from the enemy among the clouds and mists. When Fabius was informed of these insults by his friends, who begged him to wipe away this disgrace by risking a battle, he answered, "If I did so, I should be more cowardly than I am now thought to be, in abandoning the policy which I have determined on because of men's slanders and sneers. It is no shame to fear for one's country, but to regard the opinions and spiteful criticisms of the people would be unworthy of the high office which I hold, and would show me the slave of those whom I ought to govern and restrain when they would fain do wrong." VI. After this, Hannibal made a blunder. Wishing to move his army further from that of Fabius, and to gain an open part of the country where he could obtain forage, he ordered his guides one night after supper to lead the way at once to Casinatum. They, misunderstanding him because of his foreign pronunciation, led his forces to the borders of Campania, near the city of Casilinum, through the midst of which flows the river Lothronus, which the Romans call Vulturnus. This country is full of mountains, except one valley that runs towards the sea-coast, where the river at the end of its course overflows into extensive marshes, with deep beds of sand. The beach itself is rough and impracticable for shipping. When Hannibal was marching down this valley, Fabius, by his superior knowledge of the country, came up with him, placed four thousand men to guard the narrow outlet, established the main body in a safe position in the mountains, and with the light-armed troops fell upon and harassed the rear of Hannibal's army, throwing it all into disorder, and killing about eight hundred men. Upon this, Hannibal determined to retrace his steps. Perceiving the mistake which he had made, and the danger he was in, he crucified his guides, but still could not tell how to force his way out through the Roman army which was in possession of the mountain passes. While all were terrified and disheartened, believing themselves to be beset on all sides by dangers from which there was no escape, Hannibal decided on extricating himself by stratagem. Taking about two thousand captured oxen, he ordered his soldiers to bind a torch or faggot of dry wood to their horns, and at night at a given signal to set them on fire, and drive the animals towards the narrow outlet near the enemy's camp. While this was being done, he got the remainder of the troops under arms and led them slowly forward. The cattle, while the flame was moderate, and burned only the wood, walked steadily forward towards the mountain side, astonishing the shepherds on the mountain, who thought that it must be an army, marching in one great column, carrying torches. But when their horns were burned to the quick, causing them considerable pain, the beasts, now scorched by the fire from one another as they shook their heads, set off in wild career over the mountains, with their foreheads and tails blazing, setting fire to a great part of the wood through which they passed. The Romans watching the pass were terribly scared at the sight; for the flames looked like torches carried by men running, and they fell into great confusion and alarm, thinking that they were surrounded, and about to be attacked on all sides by the enemy. They dared not remain at their post, but abandoned the pass, and made for the main body. At that moment Hannibal's light troops took possession of the heights commanding the outlet, and the main army marched safely through, loaded with plunder. VII. It happened that while it was yet night Fabius perceived the trick; for some of the oxen in their flight had fallen into the hands of the Romans; but, fearing to fall into an ambuscade in the darkness, he kept his men quiet under arms. When day broke he pursued and attacked the rearguard, which led to many confused skirmishes in the rough ground, and produced great confusion, till Hannibal sent back his practised Spanish mountaineers from the head of his column. These men, being light and active, attacked the heavily-armed Roman infantry and beat off Fabius' attack with very considerable loss. Now Fabius's unpopularity reached its highest pitch, and he was regarded with scorn and contempt. He had, they said, determined to refrain from a pitched battle, meaning to overcome Hannibal by superior generalship, and he had been defeated in that too. And Hannibal himself, wishing to increase the dislike which the Romans felt for him, though he burned and ravaged every other part of Italy, forbade his men to touch Fabius's own estates, and even placed a guard to see that no damage was done to them. This was reported at Rome, greatly to his discredit; and the tribunes of the people brought all kinds of false accusations against him in public harangues, instigated chiefly by Metilius, who was not Fabius's personal enemy, but being a relative of Minucius, the Master of the Horse, thought that he was pressing the interests of the latter by giving currency to all these scandalous reports about Fabius. He was also disliked by the Senate because of the terms which he had arranged with Hannibal about the exchange of prisoners. The two commanders agreed that the prisoners should be exchanged man for man, and that if either party had more than the other, he should redeem for two hundred and fifty drachmas per man. When, then, this exchange took place, two hundred and forty Romans were found remaining in Hannibal's hands. The Senate determined not to send these men's ransom, and blamed Fabius for having acted improperly and against the interests of the State in taking back men whose cowardice had made them fall into the hands of the enemy. Fabius, on hearing this, was not moved at the discontent of the citizens, but having no money, as he could not bear to deceive Hannibal and give up his countrymen, sent his son to Rome with orders to sell part of his estate, and bring him the money at once to the camp. The young man soon sold the land, and quickly returned. Fabius now sent the ransom to Hannibal and recovered the prisoners, many of whom afterwards offered to repay him; but he would take nothing, and forgave their debt to them all. VIII. After this the priests recalled him to Rome to perform certain sacrifices. He now transferred the command to Minucius, and not merely ordered him as dictator not to fight or entangle himself with the enemy, but even gave him much advice and besought him not to do so, all of which Minucius set at nought, and at once attacked the enemy. Once he observed that Hannibal had sent the greater part of his army out to forage for provisions, and, attacking the remaining troops, he drove them into their intrenched camp, slew many, and terrified the rest, who feared that he might carry the camp by assault. When Hannibal's forces collected again, Minucius effected his retreat with safety, having excited both himself and the army with his success, and filled them with a spirit of reckless daring. Soon an inflated report of the action reached Rome. Fabius, when he heard of it, said that with Minucius he feared success more than failure; but the populace were delighted, and joyfully collected in the Forum, where Metilius the tribune ascended the rostra, and made a speech glorifying Minucius, and accusing Fabius not merely of remissness or cowardice, but of actual treachery, accusing also the other leading men of the city of having brought on the war from the very beginning in order to destroy the constitution; and he also charged them with having placed the city in the hands of one man as dictator, who by his dilatory proceedings would give Hannibal time to establish himself firmly and to obtain reinforcements from Africa to enable him to conquer Italy. IX. When Fabius addressed the people, he did not deign to make any defence against the accusations of the tribune, but said that he should accomplish his sacrifices and sacred duties as quickly as possible, in order to return to the army and punish Minucius for having fought a battle against his orders. At this a great clamour was raised by the people, who feared for their favourite Minucius, for a dictator has power to imprison any man, and even to put him to death; and they thought that Fabius, a mild-tempered man now at last stirred up to wrath, would be harsh and inexorable. All refrained from speaking, but Metilius, having nothing to fear because of the privileges of his office of tribune (for that is the only office which does not lose its prerogatives on the election of a dictator, but remains untouched though all the rest are annulled), made a violent appeal to the people, begging them not to give up Minucius, nor allow him to be treated as Manlius Torquatus treated his son, who had him beheaded, although he had fought most bravely and gained a crown of laurel for his victory. He asked them to remove Fabius from his dictatorship, and to bestow it upon one who was able and willing to save the country. Excited as they were by these words, they yet did not venture upon removing Fabius from his post, in spite of their feeling against him, but they decreed that Minucius should conduct the war, having equal powers with the dictator, a thing never before done in Rome, but which occurred shortly afterwards, after the disaster at Cannae, when Marcus Junius was dictator in the camp, and, as many members of the Senate had perished in the battle, they chose another dictator, Fabius Buteo. However, he, after enrolling the new senators, on the same day dismissed his lictors, got rid of the crowd which escorted him, and mixed with the people in the Forum, transacting some business of his own as a private man. X. Now the people, by placing Minucius on the same footing with the dictator, thought to humble Fabius, but they formed a very false estimate of his character. He did not reckon their ignorance to be his misfortune, but as Diogenes the philosopher, when some one said "They are deriding you," answered "But I am not derided," thinking that those alone are derided who are affected and disturbed by it, so Fabius quietly and unconcernedly endured all that was done, hereby affording an example of the truth of that philosophic maxim that a good and honest man can suffer no disgrace. Yet he grieved over the folly of the people on public grounds, because they had given a man of reckless ambition an opportunity for indulging his desire for battle; and, fearing that Minucius would be altogether beside himself with pride and vain glory, and would soon do some irreparable mischief, he left Rome unperceived by any one. On reaching the camp, he found Minucius no longer endurable, but insolent and overbearing, and demanding to have the sole command every other day. To this Fabius would not agree, but divided his forces with him, thinking it better to command a part than partly to command the whole of the army. He took the first and fourth legion, and left the second and third to Minucius, dividing the auxiliary troops equally with him. As Minucius gave himself great airs, and was gratified at the thought that the greatest officer in the State had been humbled and brought low by his means, Fabius reminded him that if he judged aright, he would regard Hannibal, not Fabius, as his enemy; but that if he persisted in his rivalry with his colleagues, he must beware lest he, the honoured victor, should appear more careless of the safety and success of his countrymen, than he who had been overcome and ill-treated by them. XI. Minucius thought all this to be merely the expression of the old man's jealousy. He took his allotted troops, and encamped apart from him. Hannibal was not ignorant of what was passing, and watched all their movements narrowly. There was a hill between the two armies, which it was not difficult to take, which when taken would afford an army a safe position, and one well supplied with necessaries. The plain by which it was surrounded appeared to be perfectly smooth, but was nevertheless intersected with ditches and other hollow depressions. On this account Hannibal would not take the hill, although he could easily have done so, but preferred to leave it untouched, in order to draw the enemy into fighting for its possession. But as soon as he saw Fabius separated from Minucius, he placed during the night some troops in the depressions and hollows which we have mentioned, and at daybreak sent a few men to take the hill, in order to draw Minucius into fighting for it, in which he succeeded. Minucius first sent out his light troops, then his cavalry, and finally, seeing that Hannibal was reinforcing the troops on the hill, he came down with his entire force. He fought stoutly, and held his own against the soldiers on the hill, who shot their missiles at him; when Hannibal, seeing him thoroughly deceived, and offering an unprotected flank to the troops in the ambush, gave them the signal to charge. Upon this they attacked the Romans from all sides, rushing upon them with loud shouts, cutting off the rearmost men, and throwing the whole army into confusion and panic. Minucius himself lost heart and kept glancing first at one and then at another of his officers, none of whom ventured to stand their ground, but betook themselves in a confused mass to running away, a proceeding which brought them no safety, for the Numidian horsemen, as the day was now theirs, scoured the plain, encompassing the fugitives, and cut off all stragglers. XII. Fabius had carefully watched the Romans, and saw in what danger they were. Conscious, it would seem, of what was going to happen, he had kept his troops under arms, and gained his information of what was going on, not from the reports of scouts, but from his own eyesight, from a convenient height outside of his camp. As soon as he saw the army surrounded and panic-stricken, and heard the cries of the Romans, who no longer fought, but were overcome by terror, and betaking themselves to flight, he smote his thigh and with a deep sigh, said to his friends, "By Hercules, now Minucius has ruined himself, quicker than I expected, and yet slower than his manoeuvres warranted." Having given orders to carry out the standards as quickly as possible, and for the whole army to follow, he said aloud, "My men, hurry on your march: think of Marcus Minucius; he is a brave man and loves his country. If he has made any mistake in his haste to drive out the enemy, we will blame him for that at another time." The appearance of Fabius scared and drove back the Numidians, who were slaughtering the fugitives in the plain; next he bore against those who were attacking the Roman rear, slaying all he met, though most of them, before they were cut off and treated as they had treated the Romans, betook themselves to flight. Hannibal seeing that the fortune of the battle was changed, and how Fabius himself, with a strength beyond his years, was forcing his way through the thickest battle up the hill to reach Minucius, withdrew his troops, and, sounding a retreat, led them back into his entrenched camp, affording a most seasonable relief to the Romans. It is said that Hannibal as he retired, spoke jokingly about Fabius to his friends in the words, "Did I not often warn you that the dark cloud which has so long brooded on the mountain tops, would at last break upon us with blasts of hail and storm?" XIII. After the battle Fabius collected the spoils of such of the enemy as were slain, and drew off his forces without letting fall a single boastful or offensive expression about his colleague. But Minucius assembled his own troops, and thus addressed them, "My fellow-soldiers, it is beyond human skill to make no mistakes in matters of importance, but it is the part of a man of courage and sense to use his mistakes as warnings for the future. I myself confess that I have little fault to find with Fortune, and great reason to thank her; for in the space of one day I have learned what I never knew in all my previous life: that is, that I am not able to command others, but myself require a commander, and I have no ambition to conquer a man by whom it is more glorious to be defeated. The dictator is your leader in everything except in this, that I will lead you to express your thankfulness to him, by being the first to offer myself to him as an example of obedience and willingness to carry out his orders." After these words he ordered the eagles to be raised aloft and all the soldiers to follow them to the camp of Fabius. On entering it, he proceeded to the General's tent, to the surprise and wonderment of all. When Fabius was come out, he placed his standards in the ground before him, and himself addressed him as father in a loud voice, while his soldiers greeted those of Fabius by the name of their Patrons, which is the name by which freed men address those who have set them free. Silence being enforced, Minucius said: "Dictator, you have won two victories to-day, for you have conquered Hannibal by your bravery, and your colleague by your kindness and your generalship. By the one you have saved our lives, and by the other you have taught us our duty, for we have been disgracefully defeated by Hannibal, but beneficially and honourably by you. I call you my excellent father, having no more honourable appellation to bestow, since I owe a greater debt of gratitude to you than to him who begot me. To him I merely owe my single life, but to you I owe not only that but the lives of all my men." After these words he embraced Fabius, and the soldiers followed his example, embracing and kissing one another, so that the camp was full of joy and of most blessed tears. XIV. After this, Fabius laid down his office, and consuls were again elected. Those who were first elected followed the defensive policy of Fabius, avoiding pitched battles with Hannibal, but reinforcing the allies and preventing defections. But when Terentius Varro was made consul, a man of low birth, but notorious for his rash temper and his popularity with the people, he made no secret, in his inexperience and self-confidence, of his intention of risking everything on one cast. He was always reiterating in his public speeches that under such generals as Fabius the war made no progress, whereas he would conquer the enemy the first day he saw him. By means of these boastful speeches he enrolled as soldiers such a multitude as the Romans had never before had at their disposal in any war, for there collected for the battle eighty-eight thousand men. This caused great disquietude to Fabius and other sensible Romans, who feared that if so many of the youth of Rome were cut off, the city would never recover from the blow. They addressed themselves therefore to the other consul, Paulus Aemilius, a man of great experience in war, but disagreeable to the people and afraid of them because he had once been fined by them. Fabius encouraged him to attempt to hold the other consul's rashness in check, pointing out that he would have to fight for his country's safety with Terentius Varro no less than with Hannibal. Varro, he said, will hasten to engage because he does not know his own strength, and Hannibal will do so because he knows his own weakness. "I myself, Paulus," said he, "am more to be believed than Varro as to the condition of Hannibal's affairs, and I am sure that if no battle takes place with him for a year, he will either perish in this country or be compelled to quit it; because even now, when he seems to be victorious and carrying all before him, not one of his enemies have come over to his side, while scarcely a third of the force which he brought from home is now surviving." It is said that Paulus answered as follows: "For my own part, Fabius, it is better for me to fall by the spears of the enemy than be again condemned by the votes of my own countrymen; but if public affairs are indeed in this critical situation, I will endeavour rather to approve myself a good general to you than to all those who are urging me to the opposite course." With this determination Paulus began the campaign. XV. Varro induced his colleague to adopt the system of each consul holding the chief command on alternate days. He proceeded to encamp near Hannibal on the banks of the river Aufidus, close to the village of Cannae. At daybreak he showed the signal of battle (a red tunic displayed over the General's tent), so that the Carthaginians were at first disheartened at the daring of the consul and the great number of his troops, more than twice that of their own army. Hannibal ordered his soldiers to get under arms, and himself rode with a few others to a rising ground, from which he viewed the enemy, who were already forming their ranks. When one Gisco, a man of his own rank, said to him that the numbers of the enemy were wonderful, Hannibal with a serious air replied, "Another circumstance much more wonderful than this has escaped your notice, Gisco." When Gisco asked what it might be, Hannibal answered, "It is, that among all those men before you there is not one named Gisco." At this unexpected answer they all began to laugh, and as they came down the hill they kept telling this joke to all whom they met, so that the laugh became universal, and Hannibal's staff was quite overpowered with merriment. The Carthaginian soldiers seeing this took courage, thinking that their General must be in a position to despise his enemy if he could thus laugh and jest in the presence of danger. XVI. In the battle Hannibal employed several stratagems: first, in securing the advantage of position, by getting the wind at his back, for it blew a hurricane, raising a harsh dust from the sandy plains, which rose over the Carthaginians and blew in the faces of the Romans, throwing them into confusion. Secondly, in his disposition of his forces he showed great skill. The best troops were placed on the wings, and the centre, which was composed of the worst, was made to project far beyond the rest of the line. The troops on each wing were told that when the Romans had driven in this part of the line and were so become partly enclosed, that each wing must turn inwards, and attack them in the flank and rear and endeavour to surround them. This was the cause of the greatest slaughter; for when the centre gave way, and made room for the pursuing Romans, Hannibal's line assumed a crescent form, and the commanders of the select battalions charging from the right and left of the Romans attacked them in flank, destroying every man except such as escaped being surrounded. It is related that a similar disaster befel the Roman cavalry. The horse of Paulus was wounded, and threw its rider, upon which man after man of his staff dismounted and came to help the consul on foot. The cavalry, seeing this, took it for a general order to dismount, and at once attacked the enemy on foot. Hannibal, seeing this, said, "I am better pleased at this than if he had handed them over to me bound hand and foot." This anecdote is found in those writers who have described the incidents of the battle in detail. Of the consuls, Varro escaped with a few followers to Venusia. Paulus, in the whirling eddies of the rout, covered with darts which still stuck in his wounds, and overwhelmed with sorrow at the defeat, sat down on a stone to await his death at the hands of the enemy. The blood with which his face and head were covered made it hard for any one to recognise him; but even his own friends and servants passed him by, taking no heed of him. Only Cornelius Lentulus, a young patrician, saw and recognised him. Dismounting from his horse and leading it up to him he begged him to take it and preserve his life, at a time when the State especially needed a wise ruler. But he refused, and forced the youth, in spite of his tears, to remount his horse. He then took him by the hand, saying, "Lentulus, tell Fabius Maximus, and bear witness yourself, that Paulus Aemilius followed his instructions to the last, and departed from nothing of what was agreed upon between us; but he was vanquished first by Varro, and secondly by Hannibal." Having given Lentulus these instructions he sent him away, and flinging himself on to the enemy's swords perished. In that battle it is reckoned that fifty thousand Romans fell, and four thousand were taken prisoners, besides not less than ten thousand who were taken after the battle in the camps of the two consuls. XVII. After this immense success, Hannibal was urged by his friends to follow up his victory and enter Rome with the fugitives, promising that five days thereafter he should sup in the Capitol. It is not easy to say what reasons could have deterred him from doing so, and it seems rather as if some divinity prevented his march, and inspired him with the dilatory and timid policy which he followed. It is said that the Carthaginian, Barca, said to him, "You know how to win a victory, but do not know how to use one." Yet so great a change was effected by this victory that he, who before it had not possessed a single city, market, or harbour in Italy, and had to obtain his provisions with the utmost difficulty by plunder, having no regular base of operations, but merely wandering about with his army as though carrying on brigandage on a large scale, now saw nearly the whole of Italy at his feet. Some of the largest and most powerful States came over to him of their own accord, and he attacked and took Capua, the most important city next to Rome itself. It would appear that the saying of Euripides, that "adversity tries our friends," applies also to good generals. That which before this battle was called Fabius's cowardice and remissness, was now regarded as more than human sagacity, and a foresight so wonderful as to be beyond belief. Rome at once centred her last hopes upon Fabius, taking refuge in his wisdom as men take sanctuary at an altar, believing his discretion to be the chief cause of her surviving this present crisis, even as in the old Gaulish troubles. For though he had been so cautious and backward at a time when there seemed to be no imminent danger, yet now when every one was giving way to useless grief and lamentation, he alone walked through the streets at a calm pace, with a composed countenance and kindly voice, stopped all womanish wailings and assemblies in public to lament their losses, persuaded the Senate to meet, and gave fresh courage to the magistrates, being really himself the moving spirit and strength of the State, which looked to him alone to command it. XVIII. He placed guards at the gates to prevent the mob from quitting the city, and regulated the period of mourning, bidding every man mourn for thirty days in his own house, after which all signs of mourning were to be put away. As the feast of Ceres fell during those days, it was thought better to omit both the sacrifices and the processions than to have them marred by the consciousness of their misfortune, which would be painfully evident in the small number of worshippers and their downcast looks. However, everything that the soothsayers commanded to appease the anger of the gods and to expiate prodigies was carried out. Fabius Pictor, a relative of the great Fabius, was sent to Delphi, and of two of the Vestal virgins who were found to have been seduced, one was buried alive, as is the usual custom, while the other died by her own hand. Especially admirable was the spirit and the calm composure of the city when the consul Varro returned after his flight. He came humbled to the dust, as a man would who had been the cause of a terrible disaster, but at the gate the Senate and all the people went out to greet him. The chief men and the magistrates, amongst whom was Fabius, having obtained silence, spoke in praise of him "because he had not despaired of the State after such a calamity, but had come back to undertake the conduct of affairs and do what he could for his countrymen as one who thought they might yet be saved." XIX. When they learned that Hannibal after the battle had turned away from Rome to other parts of Italy, the Romans again took courage and sent out armies and generals. Of those the most remarkable were Fabius Maximus and Claudius Marcellus, both equally admirable, but from an entirely different point of view. Marcellus, as has been related in his Life, was a man of activity and high spirit, rejoicing in a hand-to-hand fight, and just like the lordly warriors of Homer. With a truly venturesome audacity, he in his first battles outdid in boldness even the bold Hannibal himself; while Fabius, on the other hand, was convinced that his former reasoning was true, and believed that without any one fighting or even meddling with Hannibal, his army would wear itself out and consume away, just as the body of an athlete when overstrained and exerted soon loses its fine condition. For this reason Poseidonius calls Fabius the shield, and Marcellus the sword of Rome, because the steadiness of Fabius, combined with the warlike ardour of Marcellus, proved the saving of the state. Hannibal, frequently meeting Marcellus, who was like a raging torrent, had his forces shaken and weakened; while Fabius, like a deep quiet river kept constantly undermining them and wasting them away unperceived. Hannibal was at length reduced to such extremities that he was weary of fighting Marcellus, and feared Fabius even though he did not fight: for these were the persons whom he generally had to deal with, as praetors, consuls, or pro-consuls, for each of them was five times consul. He drew Marcellus, when consul for the fifth time, into an ambuscade; but although he tried every art and stratagem upon Fabius he could effect nothing, except once, when he very nearly succeeded in ruining him. He forged letters from the leading citizens of Metapontum, and then sent them to Fabius. These letters were to the effect that the city would surrender if he appeared before it, and that the conspirators were only waiting for his approach. Fabius was so much moved by these letters as to take a part of his army and commence a night march thither; but meeting with unfavourable omens on the way he turned back, and soon afterwards learned that the letters were a stratagem of Hannibal's, who was waiting for him under the city walls. This escape one may attribute to the favour of Heaven. XX. In the case of revolts and insurrections among the subject cities and allies, Fabius thought it best to restrain them and discountenance their proceedings in a gentle manner, not treating every suspected person with harshness, or inquiring too strictly into every case of suspected disloyalty. It is said that a Marsian soldier, one of the chief men of the allies for bravery and nobility of birth, was discovered by Fabius to be engaged in organizing a revolt. Fabius showed no sign of anger, but admitted that he had not been treated with the distinction he deserved, and said that in the present instance he should blame his officers for distributing rewards more by favour than by merit; but that in future he should be vexed with him if he did not apply directly to himself when he had any request to make. Saying this, he presented him with a war horse and other marks of honour, so that thenceforth the man always served him with the utmost zeal and fidelity. He thought it a shame that trainers of horses and dogs should be able to tame the savage spirit of those animals by careful attention and education rather than by whips and clogs, and yet that a commander of men should not rely chiefly on mild and conciliatory measures, but treat them more harshly than gardeners treat the wild fig-trees, wild pears, and wild olives, which they by careful cultivation turn into trees bearing good fruit. His captains informed him that a certain soldier, a Lucanian by birth, was irregular and often absent from his duty. He made inquiries as to what his general conduct was. All agreed that it would be difficult to find a better soldier, and related some of his exploits. Fabius at length discovered that the cause of his absence was that he was in love with a certain girl, and that he continually ran the risk of making long journeys from the camp to meet her. Without the knowledge of the soldier, he sent and apprehended this girl, whom he concealed in his own tent. Then he invited the Lucanian to a private interview, and addressed him as follows:--"You have been observed frequently to pass the night outside of the camp, contrary to the ancient practice and discipline of the Roman army: but also, you have been observed to be a brave man. Your crime is atoned for by your valiant deeds, but for the future I shall commit you to the custody of another person." Then, to the astonishment of the soldier, he led the girl forward, joined their hands, and said: "This lady pledges her word that you will remain in the camp with us. You must prove by your conduct that it was not from any unworthy motive, for which she was the pretext, but solely through love for her that you used to desert your post." This is the story which is related about him. XXI. Fabius obtained possession of Tarentum by treachery in the following manner. In his army was a young man of Tarentum whose sister was devotedly attached to him. Her lover was a Bruttian, and one of the officers of Hannibal's garrison there. This gave the Tarentine hopes of effecting his purpose, and with the consent of Fabius he went into the city, being commonly supposed to have run away to see his sister. For the first few days the Bruttian remained in his quarters, as she wished her amour with him not to be known to her brother. He then, however, said: "There was a rumour in the army that you were intimate with one of the chiefs of the garrison. Who is he? for if he is as they say, a man of courage and distinction--war, which throws everything into confusion, will care little what countryman he may be. Nothing is disgraceful which we cannot avoid; but it is a blessing, at a time when justice has no power, that we should yield to a not disagreeable necessity." Upon this the lady sent for her Bruttian admirer and introduced him to her brother. He, by encouraging the stranger in his passion, and assuring him that he would induce his sister to look favourably on it, had no difficulty in inducing the man, who was a mercenary soldier, to break his faith in expectation of the great rewards which he was promised by Fabius. This is the account given of the transaction by most writers, though some say that the lady by whose means the Bruttian was seduced from his allegiance was not a Tarentine, but a Bruttian by race, who was on intimate terms with Fabius; and that as soon as she discovered that a fellow-countryman and acquaintance of hers was in command of the Bruttian garrison, told Fabius of it, and by interviews which she had with the officer outside the walls gradually won him over to the Roman interests. XXII. While these negotiations were in progress, Fabius, wishing to contrive something to draw Hannibal away, sent orders to the troops at Rhegium to ravage the Bruttian country and take Caulonia by storm. The troops at Rhegium were a body of eight thousand men, mostly deserters: and the most worthless of those disgraced soldiers whom Marcellus brought from Sicily, so that their loss would not cause any sorrow or harm to Rome; while he hoped that by throwing them out as a bait to Hannibal he might draw him away from Tarentum, as indeed he did. Hannibal at once started with his army to attack them, and meanwhile, on the sixth day after Fabius arrived before Tarentum, the young man having previously concerted measures with the Bruttian and his sister, came to him by night and told him that all was ready; knowing accurately and having well inspected the place where the Bruttian would be ready to open the gate and let in the besiegers. Fabius would not depend entirely upon the chance of treachery; but though he himself went quietly to the appointed place, the rest of the army attacked the town both by sea and land, with great clamour and disturbance, until, when most of the Tarentines had run to repel the assault, the Bruttian gave the word to Fabius, and, mounting his scaling ladders, he took the place. On this occasion Fabius seems to have acted unworthily of his reputation, for he ordered the chief Bruttian officers to be put to the sword, that it might not be said that he gained the place by treachery. However, he did not obtain this glory, and gained a reputation for faithlessness and cruelty. Many of the Tarentines were put to death, thirty thousand were sold for slaves, and the city was sacked by the soldiers. Three thousand talents were brought into the public treasury. While everything else was being carried off, it is said that the clerk who was taking the inventory asked Fabius what his pleasure was with regard to the gods, meaning the statues and pictures. Fabius replied, "Let us leave the Tarentines their angry gods." However, he took the statue of Hercules from Tarentum and placed it in the Capitol, and near to it he placed a brazen statue of himself on horseback, acting in this respect much worse than Marcellus, or rather proving that Marcellus was a man of extraordinary mildness and generosity of temper, as is shown in his Life. XXIII. Hannibal is said to have been hastening to relieve Tarentum, and to have been within five miles of it when it was taken. He said aloud: "So then, the Romans also have a Hannibal; we have lost Tarentum just as we gained it." Moreover in private he acknowledged to his friends that he had long seen that it was very difficult, and now thought it impossible for them to conquer Italy under existing circumstances. Fabius enjoyed a second triumph for this success, which was more glorious than his first. He had contended with Hannibal and easily baffled all his attempts just as a good wrestler disengages himself with ease from the clutches of an antagonist whose strength is beginning to fail him; for Hannibal's army was no longer what it had been, being partly corrupted by luxury and plunder, and partly also worn out by unremitting toils and battles. One Marcus Livius had been in command of Tarentum when Hannibal obtained possession of it. In spite of this, he held the citadel, from which he could not be dislodged, until Tarentum was recaptured by the Romans. This man was vexed at the honours paid to Fabius, and once, in a transport of envy and vain glory, he said before the Senate that he, not Fabius, was the real author of the recapture of the town. Fabius with a smile answered: "Very true; for if you had not lost the place, I could never have recaptured it." XXIV. The Romans, among many other marks of respect for Fabius, elected his son consul. When he had entered on this office and was making some arrangements for the conduct of the war, his father, either because of his age and infirmities or else intending to try his son, mounted on horseback and rode towards him through the crowd of bystanders. The young man seeing him at a distance would not endure this slight, but sent a lictor to bid his father dismount and come on foot, if he wanted anything of the consul. Those present were vexed at this order, and looked on Fabius in silence, as if they thought that he was unworthily treated, considering his great reputation: but he himself instantly alighted, ran to his son, and embracing him, said: "You both think and act rightly, my son; for you know whom you command, and how great an office you hold. Thus it was that we and our ancestors made Rome great, by thinking less of our parents and of our children than of the glory of our country." It is even said to be true that the great grandfather of Fabius, although he had been consul five times, had finished several campaigns with splendid triumphs, and was one of the most illustrious men in Rome, yet acted as lieutenant to his son when consul in the field, and that in the subsequent triumph the son drove into Rome in a chariot and four, while he with the other officers followed him on horseback, glorying in the fact that although he was his son's master, and although he was and was accounted the first citizen in Rome, yet he submitted himself to the laws and the chief magistrate. Nor did he deserve admiration for this alone. Fabius had the misfortune to lose his son, and this he bore with fortitude, as became a man of sense and an excellent parent. He himself pronounced the funeral oration which is always spoken by some relative on the deaths of illustrious men, and afterwards he wrote a copy of his speech and distributed it to his friends. XXV. Cornelius Scipio meanwhile had been sent to Spain, where he had defeated the Carthaginians in many battles and driven them out of the country, and had also overcome many tribes, taken many cities, and done glorious deeds for Rome. On his return he was received with great honour and respect, and, feeling that the people expected some extraordinary exploit from him, he decided that it was too tame a proceeding to fight Hannibal in Italy, and determined to pour troops into Africa, attack Carthage, and transfer the theatre of war from Italy to that country. He bent all his energies to persuade the people to approve of this project, but was violently opposed by Fabius, who spread great alarm through the city, pointing out that it was being exposed to great danger by a reckless young man, and endeavouring by every means in his power to prevent the Romans from adopting Scipio's plan. He carried his point with the Senate, but the people believed that he was envious of Scipio's prosperity and desired to check him, because he feared that if he did gain some signal success, and either put an end to the war altogether or remove it from Italy, he himself might be thought a feeble and dilatory general for not having finished the war in so many campaigns. It appears that at first Fabius opposed him on grounds of prudence and caution, really fearing the dangers of his project, but that the contest gradually became a personal one, and he was moved by feelings of jealousy to hinder the rise of Scipio; for he tried to induce Crassus, Scipio's colleague, not to give up the province of Africa to Scipio, but if the expedition were determined on, to go thither himself, and he prevented his being supplied with funds for the campaign. Scipio being thus compelled to raise funds himself, obtained them from the cities in Etruria which were devoted to his interests. Crassus likewise was not inclined to quarrel with him, and was also obliged to remain in Italy by his office of Pontifex Maximus. XXVI. Fabius now tried another method to oppose Scipio. He dissuaded the youth of the city from taking service with him by continually vociferating in all public meetings that Scipio not only was himself running away from Hannibal, but also was about to take all the remaining forces of Italy out of the country with him, deluding the young men with vain hopes, and so persuading them to leave their parents and wives, and their city too, while a victorious and invincible enemy was at its very gates. By these representations he alarmed the Romans, who decreed that Scipio should only use the troops in Sicily, and three hundred of the best men of his Spanish army. In this transaction Fabius seems to have acted according to the dictates of his own cautious disposition. However, when Scipio crossed over into Africa, news came to Rome at once of great and glorious exploits performed and great battles won. As substantial proof of these there came many trophies of war, and the king of Numidia as a captive. Two camps were burned and destroyed, with great slaughter of men, and loss of horses and war material in the flames. Embassies also were sent to Hannibal from Carthage, begging him in piteous terms to abandon his fruitless hopes in Italy and come home to help them, while in Rome the name of Scipio was in every man's mouth because of his successes. At this period Fabius proposed that a successor to Scipio should be sent out, without having any reason to allege for it except the old proverb that it is dangerous to entrust such important operations to the luck of one man, because it is hard for the same man always to be lucky. This proposal of his offended most of his countrymen, who thought him a peevish and malignant old man, or else that he was timid and spiritless from old age, and excessively terrified at Hannibal; for, even when Hannibal quitted Italy and withdrew his forces, Fabius would not permit the joy of his countrymen to be unmixed with alarm, as he informed them that now the fortunes of Rome were in a more critical situation than ever, because Hannibal would be much more to be dreaded in Africa under the walls of Carthage itself, where he would lead an army, yet reeking with the blood of many Roman dictators, consuls and generals, to attack Scipio. By these words the city was again filled with terror, and although the war had been removed to Africa yet its alarms seemed to have come nearer to Rome. XXVII. However Scipio, after no long time, defeated Hannibal in a pitched battle and crushed the pride of Carthage under foot. He gave the Romans the enjoyment of a success beyond their hopes, and truly "Restored the city, shaken by the storm." Fabius Maximus did not survive till the end of the war, nor did he live to hear of Hannibal's defeat, or see the glorious and lasting prosperity of his country, for about the time when Hannibal left Italy he fell sick and died. The Thebans, we are told, buried Epameinondas at the public expense, because he died so poor that they say nothing was found in his house except an iron spit. Fabius was not honoured by the Romans with a funeral at the public expense, yet every citizen contributed the smallest Roman coin towards the expenses, not that he needed the money, but because they buried him as the father of the people, so that in his death he received the honourable respect which he had deserved in his life. COMPARISON OF PERIKLES AND FABIUS MAXIMUS. I. Such is the story of these men's lives. As they both gave many proofs of ability in war and politics, let us first turn our attention to their warlike exploits. And here we must notice that Perikles found the Athenian people at the height of their power and prosperity, so that from the flourishing condition of the State it could scarcely meet with any great disaster, whereas Fabius performed his great services to Rome when it was in the last extremity of danger, and did not merely, like Perikles, confirm the prosperity of his country, but greatly improved it, having found it in a lamentable condition. Moreover, the successes of Kimon, the victories of Myronides and Leokrates, and the many achievements of Tolmides rather gave Perikles when in chief command an occasion for public rejoicing and festivity, than any opportunity for either conquests abroad or defensive wars at home. Fabius, on the other hand, had before his eyes the spectacle of many defeats and routs of Roman armies, of many consuls and generals fallen in battle, of lakes, plains and forests filled with the bodies of the slain, and of rivers running with blood. Yet with his mature and unbending intellect he undertook to extricate Rome from these dangers, and as it were by his own strength alone supported the State, so that it was not utterly overwhelmed by these terrible disasters. Nevertheless it would appear not to be so hard a task to manage a State in adversity, when it is humble and is compelled by its misfortunes to obey wise counsellors, as it is to check and bridle a people excited and arrogant with good fortune, which was especially the case with Perikles and the Athenians. On the other hand, considering the terrible nature of the blows which had fallen on the Romans, Fabius must have been a great and strong-minded man not to be disconcerted by them, but still to be able to carry out the policy upon which he had determined. II. We may set the capture of Samos by Perikles against the retaking of Tarentum by Fabius, and also the conquest of Euboea by the one against that of the Campanian cities by the other, though Capua itself was recovered by the consuls, Fulvius and Appius. Fabius seems never to have fought a pitched battle, except that one which gained him his first triumph, while Perikles set up nine trophies for victories by sea and land. But again, there is no action of Perikles which can be compared to that of Fabius when he snatched away Minucius from the grasp of Hannibal, and saved an entire Roman army from destruction. That was an exploit glorious for the courage, generalship, and kindness of heart displayed by Fabius; but, on the other hand Perikles, made no such blunder as did Fabius, when out-generalled by Hannibal with the cattle. Here, although Fabius caught his enemy in a defile which he had entered by chance, yet he let him escape by night, and next day found his tardy movements outstripped, and himself defeated by the man whom he had just before so completely cut off. If it be the part of a good general, not merely to deal with the present, but to make conjectures about the future, we may remark that the Peloponnesian war ended just as Perikles had foretold, for the Athenians frittered away their strength; whereas the Romans, contrary to the expectation of Fabius, by sending Scipio to attack Carthage gained a complete victory, not by chance, but by the skill of their general and the courage of their troops, who overthrew the enemy in a pitched battle. Thus the one was proved to be right by the misfortunes of his country, and the other proved to be wrong by its success, indeed it is just as much a fault in a general to receive a check from want of foresight as to let slip an opportunity through diffidence; and both these failings, excess of confidence and want of confidence, are common to all except the most consummate generals. Thus much for their military talents. III. In political matters, the Peloponnesian war is a great blot upon the fame of Perikles; for it is said to have been caused by his refusal to yield the least point to the Lacedaemonians. I do not imagine, however, that Fabius Maximus would have yielded anything to the Carthaginians, but would have bravely risked any danger in defence of the Roman Empire. The kind treatment of Minucius by Fabius and his mildness of character contrast very favourably with the bitter party feud of Perikles with Kimon and Thucydides, who were men of good birth, and belonging to the conservative party, and whom Perikles drove into exile by the ostracism. Then, too, the power of Perikles was much greater than that of Fabius. Perikles would not permit the State to suffer disaster because of the bad management of her generals. One of them alone, Tolmides, succeeded in having his own way, against the wishes of Perikles, and perished in an attack on the Boeotians, while all the rest, because of his immense influence and power, submitted themselves to his authority and regulated their proceedings by his ideas. Whereas Fabius, although he could avoid any error in managing his own army, was thwarted by his being powerless to control the movements of other generals. For the Romans would not have suffered so many defeats if Fabius had enjoyed the same power that Perikles did in Athens. As to their generosity with regard to money, the one was remarkable for never receiving bribes, while the other spent much on ransoming prisoners at his own expense; although this was not much above six talents, while it is hard for any one to tell the amount of money which Perikles might have taken from foreign princes and Greek allied states, all of which he refused and kept his hands clean. As to the great public works, the construction of the temples, and of the public buildings with which Perikles adorned Athens, the whole of the edifices in Rome together, before the time of the emperors, are not worthy to be compared to them, for they far surpassed them both in largeness of scale and in beauty of design. LIFE OF ALKIBIADES. I. The pedigree of Alkibiades is said to begin with Eurysakes the son of Ajax, while on the mother's side he descended from Alkmaeon, being the son of Deinomache, the daughter of Megakles. His father Kleinias fought bravely at Artemisium in a trireme fitted out at his own expense, and subsequently fell fighting the Boeotians, in the battle of Koronea. Alkibiades after this was entrusted to Perikles and Ariphron, the two sons of Xanthippus, who acted as his guardians because they were the next of kin. It has been well remarked that the friendship of Sokrates for him did not a little to increase his fame, seeing that Nikias, Demosthenes, Lamakus, Phormio, Thrasybulus, and Theramenes, were all men of mark in his lifetime, and yet we do not know the name of the mother of any one of them, while we know the name even of the nurse of Alkibiades, who was a Laconian, named Amykla, and that of Zopyrus, his _paedagogus_, one of which pieces of information we owe to Antisthenes, and the other to Plato. As to the beauty of Alkibiades, it is not necessary to say anything except that it was equally fascinating when he was a boy, a youth, and a man. The saying of Euripides, that all beauties have a beautiful autumn of their charms, is not universally true, but it was so in the case of Alkibiades and of a few other persons because of the symmetry and vigour of their frames. Even his lisp is said to have added a charm to his speech, and to have made his talk more persuasive. His lisp is mentioned by Aristophanes in the verses in which he satirises Theorus, in which Alkibiades calls him Theolus, for he pronounced the letter _r_ like _l_. Archippus also gives a sneering account of the son of Alkibiades, who, he said, swaggered in his walk, trailing his cloak, that he might look as like his father as possible, and "Bends his affected neck, and lisping speaks." II. His character, in the course of his varied and brilliant career, developed many strange inconsistencies and contradictions. Emulation and love of distinction were the most prominent of his many violent passions, as is clear from the anecdotes of his childhood. Once when hard pressed in wrestling, rather than fall, he began to bite his opponent's hands. The other let go his hold, and said, "You bite, Alkibiades, like a woman." "No," said he, "like a lion." While yet a child, he was playing at knucklebones with other boys in a narrow street, and when his turn came to throw, a loaded waggon was passing. He at first ordered the driver to stop his team because his throw was to take place directly in the path of the waggon. Then as the boor who was driving would not stop, the other children made way; but Alkibiades flung himself down on his face directly in front of the horses, and bade him drive on at his peril. The man, in alarm, now stopped his horses, and the others were terrified and ran up to him. In learning he was fairly obedient to all his teachers, except in playing the flute, which he refused to do, declaring that it was unfit for a gentleman. He said that playing on the harp or lyre did not disfigure the face, but that when a man was blowing at a flute, his own friends could scarcely recognise him. Besides, the lyre accompanies the voice of the performer, while the flute takes all the breath of the player and prevents him even from speaking. "Let the children of the Thebans," he used to say, "learn to play the flute, for they know not how to speak; but we Athenians according to tradition have the goddess Athene (Minerva) for our patroness, and Apollo for our tutelary divinity; and of these the first threw away the flute in disgust, and the other actually flayed the flute player Marsyas." With such talk as this, between jest and earnest, Alkibiades gave up flute-playing himself, and induced his friends to do so, for all the youth of Athens soon heard and approved of Alkibiades's derision of the flute and those who learned it. In consequence of this the flute went entirely out of fashion, and was regarded with contempt. III. In Antiphon's scandalous chronicle, we read that Alkibiades once ran away from home to the house of one of his admirers. Ariphron, his other guardian, proposed to have him cried; but Perikles forbade it, saying that, if he was dead, he would only be found one day sooner because of it, while if he was safe, he would be disgraced for life. Antiphon also tells us that he killed one of his servants by striking him with a club, at the gymnasium of Sibyrtus. But perhaps we ought not to believe these stories, which were written by an enemy with the avowed purpose of defaming his character. IV. His youthful beauty soon caused him to be surrounded with noble admirers, but the regard of Sokrates for him is a great proof of his natural goodness of disposition, which that philosopher could discern in him, but which he feared would wither away like a faded flower before the temptations of wealth and position, and the mass of sycophants by whom he was soon beset. For no one ever was so enclosed and enveloped in the good things of this life as Alkibiades, so that no breath of criticism or free speech could ever reach him. Yet, with all these flatterers about him, trying to prevent his ever hearing a word of wholesome advice or reproof, he was led by his own goodness of heart to pay special attention to Sokrates, to whom he attached himself in preference to all his rich and fashionable admirers. He soon became intimate with Sokrates, and when he discovered that this man did not wish to caress and admire him, but to expose his ignorance, search out his faults, and bring down his vain unreasoning conceit, he then "Let fall his feathers like a craven cock." He considered that the conversation of Sokrates was really a divine instrument for the discipline and education of youth; and thus learning to despise himself, and to admire his friend, charmed with his good nature, and full of reverence for his virtues, he became insensibly in love with him, though not as the world loveth; so that all men were astonished to see him dining with Sokrates, wrestling with him, and sharing his tent, while he treated all his other admirers with harshness and some even with insolence, as in the case of Anytus the son of Anthemion. This man, who was an admirer of Alkibiades, was entertaining a party of friends, and asked him to come. Alkibiades refused the invitation, but got drunk that night at a riotous party at his own house, in which state he proceeded in a disorderly procession to Anytus. Here he looked into the room where the guests were, and seeing the tables covered with gold and silver drinking-cups, ordered his slaves to carry away half of them, and then, without deigning to enter the room, went home again. Anytus' guests were vexed at this, and complained of his being so arrogantly and outrageously treated. "Say rather, considerately," answered Anytus, "for although he might have taken them all, yet he has left us the half of them." V. In this same way he used to treat his other admirers, with the exception, it is said, of one of the resident aliens,[A] a man of small means who sold all that he had and carried the money, amounting to about a hundred _staters_, to Alkibiades, begging him to accept it. Alkibiades laughed at him, and invited him to dinner. After dinner he gave him back his money, and ordered him next day to go and overbid those who were about to bid for the office of farmer of the taxes. The poor man begged to be excused, because the price was several talents, but Alkibiades threatened to have him beaten if he did not do so, for he had some private grudge of his own against the farmers of the taxes. Accordingly the alien went next morning early into the market-place and bid a talent. The tax farmers now clustered round him angrily, bidding him name some one as security, imagining that he would not be able to find one. The poor man was now in great trouble and was about to steal away, when Alkibiades, who was at some distance, called out to the presiding magistrates, "Write down my name. I am his friend, and I will be surety for him." On hearing this, the tax farmers were greatly embarrassed, for their habit was to pay the rent of each year with the proceeds of the next, and they saw no way of doing so in this instance. Consequently they begged the man to desist from bidding, and offered him money. Alkibiades would not permit him to take less than a talent, and when this was given him he let him go. This was the way in which he did him a kindness. [Footnote A: [Greek: metoikikhon].] VI. The love of Sokrates, though he had many rivals, yet overpowered them all, for his words touched the heart of Alkibiades and moved him to tears. Sometimes his flatterers would bribe him by the offer of some pleasure, to which he would yield and slip away from Sokrates, but he was then pursued like a fugitive slave by the latter, of whom he stood in awe, though he treated every one else with insolence and contempt. Kleanthes used to say that Sokrates's only hold upon him was through his ears, while he scorned to meddle with the rest of his body. And indeed Alkibiades was very prone to pleasure, as one would gather from what Thucydides says on the subject. Those too who played on his vanity and love of distinction induced him to embark on vast projects before he was ripe for them, assuring him that as soon as he began to take a leading part in politics, he would not only eclipse all the rest of the generals and orators, but would even surpass Perikles in power and renown. But just as iron which has been softened in the fire is again hardened by cold, and under its influence contracts its expanded particles, so did Sokrates, when he found Alkibiades puffed up by vain and empty conceit, bring him down to his proper level by his conversation, rendering him humble minded by pointing out to him his many deficiencies. VII. After he had finished his education, he went into a school, and asked the master for a volume of Homer. When the master said that he possessed none of Homer's writings, he struck him with his fist, and left him. Another schoolmaster told him that he had a copy of Homer corrected by himself. "Do you," asked he, "you who are able to correct Homer, teach boys to read! One would think that you could instruct men." One day he wished to speak to Perikles, and came to his house. Hearing that he was not at leisure, but was engaged in considering how he was to give in his accounts to the Athenians, Alkibiades, as he went away, said, "It would be better if he considered how to avoid giving in any accounts at all to the Athenians." While yet a lad he served in the campaign of Potidaea, where he shared the tent of Sokrates, and took his place next him in the ranks. In an obstinate engagement they both showed great courage, and when Alkibiades was wounded and fell to the ground, Sokrates stood in front of him, defending him, and so saved his life and arms from the enemy. Properly, therefore, the prize for valour belonged to Sokrates; but when the generals appeared anxious to bestow it upon Alkibiades because of his great reputation, Sokrates, who wished to encourage his love for glory, was the first to give his testimony in his favour, and to call upon them to crown him as victor and to give him the suit of armour which was the prize. And also at the battle of Delium, when the Athenians were routed, Alkibiades, who was on horseback, when he saw Sokrates retreating on foot with a few others, would not ride on, but stayed by him and defended him, though the enemy were pressing them and cutting off many of them. These things, however, happened afterwards. VIII. He once struck Hipponikus, the father of Kallias, a man of great wealth and noble birth, a blow with his fist, not being moved to it by anger, or any dispute, but having agreed previously with his friends to do so for a joke. When every one in the city cried out at his indecent and arrogant conduct, Alkibiades next morning at daybreak came to the house of Hipponikus, knocked, and came to him. Here he threw off his cloak, and offered him his body, bidding him flog him and punish him for what he had done. Hipponikus, however, pardoned him, and they became friends, so much so that Hipponikus chose him for the husband of his daughter Hipparete. Some writers say that not Hipponikus but Kallias his son gave Hipparete to Alkibiades to wife, with a dowry of ten talents, and that when her first child was born Alkibiades demanded and received ten more talents, as if he had made a previous agreement to that effect. Upon this Kallias, fearing that Alkibiades might plot against his life, gave public notice in the assembly that if he died childless, he would leave his house and all his property to the State. Hipparete was a quiet and loving wife, but was so constantly insulted by her husband's amours with foreign and Athenian courtesans, that she at length left his house and went to her brother's. Alkibiades took no heed of this, but continued in his debauchery. It was necessary for her to deliver her petition for separation to the magistrate with her own hand, and when she came to do so, Alkibiades laid hold of her, and took her home with him through the market-place, no one daring to oppose him and take her from him. She lived with him until her death, which took place not long after Alkibiades sailed for Ephesus. In this instance his violence does not seem to have been altogether lawless or without excuse, for the object of the law in making a wife appear in person in public seems to be that she may have an opportunity of meeting her husband and making up her quarrel with him. IX. He had a dog of remarkable size and beauty, for which he had paid seventy minae. It had a very fine tail, which he cut off. When his friends blamed him, and said that every one was sorry for the dog and angry with him for what he had done, he laughed and said, "Then I have succeeded; for I wish the Athenians to gossip about this, for fear they should say something worse about me." X. It is said that his first public act was on the occasion of a voluntary subscription for the State. He did not intend doing anything of the sort, but as he was passing he heard a great noise, and finding that voluntary subscriptions were being made, went and subscribed. The people cheered and applauded him, at which he was so much delighted as to forget a quail which he had in his cloak. When it escaped and ran about bewildered, the Athenians applauded all the more, and many rose and chased it. It was caught by the pilot Antiochus, who restored it, and became one of Alkibiades's greatest friends. Starting with great advantages from his noble birth, his wealth, his recognised bravery in battle, and his many friends and relatives, he relied upon nothing so much as on his eloquence for making himself popular and influential. His rhetorical powers are borne witness to by the comic dramatists; and the greatest of orators, Demosthenes, in his speech against Meidias, speaks of Alkibiades as being most eloquent, besides his other charms. If we are to believe Theophrastus, who has inquired more diligently into these various tales than any one else, Alkibiades excelled all men of his time in readiness of invention and resource. However, as he wished not merely to speak to the purpose, but also to clothe his thoughts in the most appropriate language, he did not always succeed in combining the two, and often hesitated and stopped, seeking for the right word, and not continuing his speech until it occurred to him. XI. He was renowned for his stud, and for the number of his racing chariots. No other person, king or commoner, ever entered seven four-horse chariots for the race at Olympia except Alkibiades. His winning the first, second, and fourth prizes with these, as Thucydides tells us, though Euripides says that he won the third also, excels in glory any other successes by other persons in these races. The poem of Euripides runs as follows: "Son of Kleinias, thee I sing, In truth it is a noble thing, First, second, and third place To win in chariot race, To hear the herald thrice thy name proclaim, And thrice to bear away the olive crown of fame." XII. His success was rendered all the more conspicuous by the manner in which the various States vied with one another in showing him honour. Ephesus pitched a magnificent tent for his accommodation, Chios furnished his horses with provender, and himself with animals for sacrifice; and Lesbos supplied him with wine, and every thing else necessary for giving great entertainments. Yet even at this brilliant period of his life he incurred discredit, either by his own fault or through the spite of his enemies. The story is that an Athenian named Diomedes, a respectable man and a friend of Alkibiades, was desirous of winning a victory at Olympia. Hearing that there was a chariot and four which belonged to the city of Argos, and knowing that Alkibiades had great influence and many friends in that place, he persuaded him to buy the chariot for him. Alkibiades, however, bought the chariot and entered it for the race as his own, leaving Diomedes to call upon heaven and earth to witness his ill-treatment. It appears that a trial took place about this matter, and Isokrates wrote a speech about this chariot in defence of the son of Alkibiades, in which Tisias, not Diomedes, is mentioned as the prosecutor. XIII. When, as a mere boy, Alkibiades plunged into political life, he at once surpassed most of the statesmen of the age. His chief rivals were Phaeax, the son of Erasistratus, and Nikias, the son of Nikeratus, the latter a man advanced in life, and bearing the reputation of being an excellent general, while the former, like Alkibiades himself, was a young man of good family, just rising into notice, but inferior to him in many respects, particularly in oratory. Though affable and persuasive in private circles, he could not speak equally well in public, for he was, as Eupolis says, "At conversation best of men, at public speaking worst." In a certain attack on Alkibiades and Phaeax, we find, among other charges, Alkibiades accused of using the gold and silver plate of the city of Athens as his own for his daily use. There was at Athens one Hyperbolus, of the township of Peirithois, whom Thucydides mentions as a worthless man, and one who was constantly ridiculed by the comic dramatists. From his utter disregard of what was said of him, and his carelessness for his honour, which, though it was mere shameless impudence and apathy, was thought by some to show firmness and true courage, he was pleasing to no party, but frequently made use of by the people when they wished to have a scurrilous attack made upon those in power. At this time he was about to resort to the proceeding called ostracism, by which from time to time the Athenians force into exile those citizens who are remarkable for influence and power, rather because they envy them than because they fear them. But as it was clear that one of the three, Nikias, Phaeax, and Alkibiades, would be ostracised, Alkibiades combined their several parties, arranged matters with Nikias, and turned the ostracism against Hyperbolus himself. Some say that it was not Nikias but Phaeax with whom Alkibiades joined interest, and that with the assistance of his political party he managed to expel Hyperbolus, who never expected any such treatment; for before that time this punishment had never been extended to low persons of no reputation, as Plato, the comic dramatist, says in the lines where he mentions Hyperbolus: "Full worthy to be punished though he be, Yet ostracism's not for such as he." We have elsewhere given a fuller account of this affair. XIV. Alkibiades was dissatisfied at the respect shown for Nikias, both by enemies of the State and by the citizens of Athens. Alkibiades was the proxenus[A] of the Lacedaemonians at Athens, and paid especial court to those Spartans who had been captured at Pylos; yet, when the Lacedaemonians discovered that it was chiefly by Nikias's means that they obtained peace, and recovered their prisoners, they were lavish of their attentions to him. The common phrase among the Greeks of that time was that Perikles had begun the war, and Nikias had finished it; and the peace was usually called the peace of Nikias. Alkibiades, irritated beyond measure at his rival's success, began to meditate how he could destroy the existing treaty. He perceived that the Argives, hating and fearing Sparta, wished to break off from it, and he encouraged them by secret assurances of an Athenian alliance, and also both by his agents and in person he urged the leading men not to give way to the Lacedaemonians, or yield any points to them, but to turn to Athens, and await their co-operation, for the Athenians, he said, already began to regret that they had made peace at all, and would soon break it. [Footnote A: An office resembling that of a modern consul for a foreign nation.] When the Lacedaemonians made an alliance with the Boeotians, and delivered up Panaktus to the Athenians in a dismantled condition, not with its walls standing, as they ought to have done, Alkibiades exasperated the rage of the Athenians by his speeches, and raised a clamour against Nikias by the plausible accusation that he, when general, had hung back from capturing the enemy's forces which were cut off in the island of Sphakteria, and that when they had been captured by another, he had released them and restored them to their homes, in order to gain the favour of the Lacedaemonians. And for all that, although he was such a friend of the Lacedaemonians, he had not dissuaded them from forming alliances with Corinth and with the Boeotians, while he prevented the Athenians from becoming allies of any Greek State which might wish it, if the step did not happen to please the Lacedaemonians. Upon this, while Nikias was smarting under these accusations, ambassadors arrived from Lacedaemon with instructions to propose reasonable terms, and announcing that they came with full powers to conclude the negotiations for peace on an equitable basis. The Senate received them willingly, and next day they were to appear before the people. Fearing that they would succeed, Alkibiades contrived to obtain a private interview with them, in which he addressed them as follows: "What is this that you do, men of Sparta! Do you not know that the Senate always treats those who appear before it in a kindly and reasonable manner, but the people are always full of pride and ambition? If you say that you have plenary powers, they will bewilder you by their violence and force great concessions from you. So come, cease this folly, if you wish to negotiate with the Athenians in a moderate way, and not to be forced into conceding points against your will. Discuss all the points at issue, but do not say that you have full power to decide them. I will do my best to assist you, as a friend to Lacedaemon." After these words he confirmed his promise by an oath, and thus completely detached them from Nikias and left them trusting him only, and admiring him as a man of remarkable sense and intelligence. On the following day the people assembled, and the ambassadors appeared before them. When they were politely asked by Alkibiades in what capacity they came, they said that they were not plenipotentiaries. Immediately upon this Alkibiades assailed them with furious invective, as though they, not he, were in the wrong, calling them faithless equivocators, who had not come either to speak or to do anything honest. The Senate was vexed at its treatment, and the people were excessively enraged, while Nikias, who knew nothing of the trick, was astounded and covered with confusion at the conduct of the ambassadors. XV. The Lacedaemonian alliance being put an end to by this means, Alkibiades, who was now elected one of the generals of Athens, at once formed an alliance with Argos, Elis and Mantinea. No one approved of the way in which he effected this, but still the result was very important, as it agitated all the States in Peloponnesus, and set them against one another, brought so many men into line to fight the Lacedaemonians at the battle of Mantinea, and removed the scene of conflict so far from Athens, that the Lacedaemonians could gain no great advantage by victory, whereas if they failed, they would have to struggle for their very existence. After this battle the select regiment at Argos, called the "Thousand," endeavoured to overthrow the government and establish themselves as masters of the city; and with the assistance of the Lacedaemonians they destroyed the constitution. But the people took up arms again, and defeated the usurpers; and Alkibiades coming to their aid, made the victory of the popular side more complete. He persuaded the citizens to build long walls down to the sea, and to trust entirely to the Athenian naval forces for support. He even sent them carpenters and stonemasons from Athens, and showed great zeal on their behalf, which tended to increase his personal interest and power no less than that of his country. He advised the people of Patrae also to join their city to the sea by long walls; and when some one said to the people of Patrae, that the Athenians would swallow them up, he answered, "Perhaps they may, but it will be by degrees and beginning with the feet, whereas the Lacedaemonians will seize them by the head and do it at once." However, Alkibiades ever pressed the Athenians to establish their empire by land as well as by sea, reminding them of the oath which the young men take in the Temple of Agraulos, and which it was their duty to confirm by their deeds. This oath is, that they will regard wheat, barley, vines and olives as the boundaries of Attica, by which it is hinted that they ought to make all cultivated and fruitful lands their own. XVI. In the midst of all this display of political ability, eloquence, and statesmanlike prudence, he lived a life of great luxury, debauchery, and profuse expenditure, swaggering through the market-place with his long effeminate mantle trailing on the ground. He had the deck of his trireme cut away, that he might sleep more comfortably, having his bed slung on girths instead of resting on the planks; and he carried a shield not emblazoned with the ancestral bearings of his family, but with a Cupid wielding a thunderbolt. The leading men of Athens viewed his conduct with disgust and apprehension, fearing his scornful and overbearing manner, as being nearly allied to the demeanour of a despot, while Aristophanes has expressed the feeling of the people towards him in the line, "They love, they hate, they cannot live without him." And again he alludes to him in a bitterer spirit in the verse: "A lion's cub 'tis best you should not rear, For if you do, your master he'll appear." His voluntary contributions of money to the State, his public exhibitions and services, and displays of munificence, which could not be equalled in splendour, his noble birth, his persuasive speech, his strength, beauty, and bravery, and all his other shining qualities, combined to make the Athenians endure him, and always give his errors the mildest names, calling them youthful escapades and honourable emulation. For example, he locked up Agatharchus the painter, and when he had painted his house let him go with a present. He boxed Taurea's ears because he was exhibiting shows in rivalry with him, and contending with him for the prize. And he even took one of the captive Melian women for his mistress, and brought up a child which he had by her. This was thought to show his good nature; but this term cannot be applied to the slaughter of all the males above puberty in the island of Melos, which was done in accordance with a decree promoted by Alkibiades. When Aristophon painted the courtesan Nemea embracing Alkibiades, all men eagerly crowded to see it; but older men were vexed at these things too, thinking them only fit for despots, and considering them to be open violations of the laws. Indeed Archestratus spoke very much to the purpose when he said that Greece could not bear more than one Alkibiades. Once, when Alkibiades had made a successful speech in the public assembly, and was being conducted home in triumph by his friends, Timon the misanthrope met him, and did not get out of his way, as he did to every one else, but came up to him and took him by the hand, saying, "Go on, my boy, increase in glory; for your increase will bring ruin to all this crowd." Some laughed, some cursed him, but others took his words to heart. So various were the opinions formed about Alkibiades, because of the inconsistency of his character. XVII. Even during the lifetime of Perikles, the Athenians had a hankering after Sicily, and after his death they endeavoured to obtain possession of it, by sending troops to the assistance of those cities which were oppressed by the Syracusans, and thus paving the way for a greater armament. It was, however, Alkibiades who fanned their desires into a flame, and who persuaded them to abandon these half-hearted attempts, to proceed with a great force to the island, and to endeavour to subdue it. He raised great expectations among the people, but his own aspirations were far more entensive; for he regarded the conquest of Sicily not merely as an end, but as a stepping-stone to greater things. While Nikias was dissuading the people from the attempt, on the ground that it would be a difficult matter to capture the city of Syracuse, Alkibiades was dreaming of Carthage and Libya; and after these were gained, he meditated the conquest of Italy and of Peloponnesus, regarding Sicily as little more than a convenient magazine and place of arms. He greatly excited the younger Athenians by his vast designs, and they listened eagerly to the marvellous stories of the old who had served in that country; so that many of them would spend their time sitting in the gymnasia and public seats, drawing sketches of the shape of the island of Sicily, and of the position of Libya and Carthage. It is said that Sokrates the philosopher, and Meton the astronomer, did not expect that the state would gain any advantage from this expedition; the former probably receiving a presentiment of disaster, as was his wont, from his familiar spirit. Meton either made calculations which led him to fear what was about to happen, or else gathered it from the art of prophecy. He feigned madness, and seizing a torch, attempted to set his house on fire. Some say that Meton made no pretence of madness, but that he burned down his house one night, and next morning came and besought the Athenians, after such a misfortune, to exempt his son from serving with the expedition. Thus he deceived his fellow citizens and carried his point. XVIII. Nikias, much against his will, was chosen to lead the expedition. His unwillingness was in a great measure due to the fact that Alkibiades was to act as his colleague; for the Athenians thought that the war would be conducted better if the rashness of Alkibiades was tempered by the prudence of Nikias, because the third general, Lamachus, although advanced in years, yet had the reputation of being no less daring and reckless a soldier than Alkibiades himself. When the public assembly were debating about the number of the troops and the preparation for the armament, Nikias made another attempt to oppose the whole measure and to put a stop to the war. Alkibiades, however, took the other side and carried all before him. The orator Demostratus moved, that the generals should be empowered to demand whatever stores and war material they pleased, and have absolute power to carry on the war at their own discretion. This was agreed to by the people, and all was ready for setting sail, when unlucky omens occurred. The festival of Adonis took place at that very time, and during it the women carry about in many parts of the city figures dressed like corpses going to be buried, and imitate the ceremony of a funeral by tearing their hair and singing dirges. And besides this, the mutilation of the Hermae in one night, when all of them had their faces disfigured, disturbed many even of those who, as a rule, despised such things. A story was put about that the Corinthians, of whom the Syracusans were a colony, had done it, hoping that such an evil omen might make the Athenians either postpone or give up their expedition. But the people paid no heed to this insinuation, and still less to those who argued that there was no omen in the matter at all, but that it was the work of extravagant young men after their wine. They regarded the incident with feelings of rage and fear, imagining that it proved the existence of an organised plot aimed at greater matters. Both the Senate and the General Assembly met several times during the next few days, and inquired sharply into every thing that could throw any light upon it. XIX. During this time, Androkles, a popular speaker, brought forward several slaves and resident aliens, who charged Alkibiades and his friends with mutilating certain other statues, and with parodying the ceremonies of initiation to the sacred mysteries when in their cups. They said that the part of the Herald was taken by Theodorus, that of the Torch-bearer by Polytion, and that of Hierophant by Alkibiades himself, while the rest of the company were present and were initiated, and were addressed by them as Mysts, which means persons who have been initiated into the mysteries. These are the charges which we find specified in the indictment drawn against Alkibiades by Thessalus the son of Kimon, in which he accuses Alkibiades of sacrilege against the two goddesses, Demeter (Ceres) and Proserpine. The people now became very much enraged with Alkibiades, and were still more exasperated by his personal enemy Androkles. Alkibiades was at first alarmed, but soon perceived that all the sailors of the fleet about to sail to Sicily were on his side, as were also the soldiers. A body of a thousand Argives and Mantineans also were heard to say that they were going to cross the seas and fight in a distant land all for the sake of Alkibiades, and that if he did not meet with fair play, they would at once desert. Encouraged by this, he appeared at the appointed time to defend himself, which disconcerted and disheartened his enemies, who feared that the people might deal leniently with him because they required his services. Matters being in this posture, they prevailed upon some of the orators who were not known to be enemies to Alkibiades, but who hated him nevertheless, to move before the people that it was an absurd proceeding for the irresponsible general of so great a force of Athenians and their allies to waste his time while the court was drawing lots for the jury, and filling water-clocks with water. "Let him sail, and may good luck attend him, and when the war is finished let him return and speak in his defence, for the laws will be the same then as now." Alkibiades saw clearly their malicious object in postponing his trial, and said publicly that it was very hard to leave such accusations and slanders behind him, and to be sent out in command of a great expedition with such a terrible fate hanging over him. If he could not prove his innocence, he ought to be put to death; and if he could clear himself of these charges, it was only just that he should be enabled to attack the enemy with a light heart, without having to fear false accusers at home. XX. He did not, however, succeed in this, but was ordered to sail, and put to sea with his colleagues, having under their orders a fleet of nearly one hundred and forty triremes, five thousand one hundred heavy-armed troops, archers, slingers, and light-armed troops to the number of about thirteen hundred, and all other stores and provisions in proportion. After reaching Italy and capturing Rhegium, he gave his opinion as to the manner in which the war ought to be conducted; but as Nikias opposed him and was joined by Lamachus, he sailed over to Sicily and induced the city of Catana to join them, but did nothing further, because he was sent for at once to return and stand his trial at Athens. At first, as we have stated, Alkibiades was only vaguely suspected, and only the testimony of slaves and resident aliens could be obtained against him; but afterwards, during his absence, his enemies had worked hard to get up a case against him, and connected his sacrilegious conduct about the mysteries with the mutilation of the Hermae, which they argued were all the work of one body of conspirators, bent upon revolution and the destruction of the existing form of government. All those who were in any degree implicated were cast into prison without a trial, and they were much vexed they had not immediately brought Alkibiades to trial and obtained judgment against him on such grave charges as these. Any of his friends, relations, or acquaintances who fell into their hands received very harsh treatment. Thucydides has omitted the names of those who impeached him, but others give their names as Diokleides and Teukrus, among whom is Phrynichus the comic dramatist, who writes as follows:-- "And, dearest Hermes, do not fall And break your head; and, worst of all, To some new Diokleides show the way, By slander base to swear men's lives away." And again Hermes says: "I will not fall. I will not for my pains Let Teukrus fatten on informers' gains." Though really the informers brought no decided evidence forward for any important charge, one of them, when asked how he recognised the faces of the statue-breakers, answered that he saw them by the light of the moon: a signal falsehood, because it was done on the night of the new moon. This answer made the more thoughtful citizens unwilling to press the charge, but had no effect whatever on the people, who were as eager as ever, and continued to cast into prison any man who might be informed against. XXI. One of those who was imprisoned was the orator Andokides, whom Hellanikus, the historian, reckons as a descendant of Odysseus (Ulysses). Andokides was thought to be a man of aristocratic and antipopular sentiments, and what made him particularly suspected of having taken part in the statue-breaking, was that the large statue of Hermes, near his house, the gift of the tribe Aegeis, was one of the very few which remained unbroken. Wherefore even at the present day it is called the Hermes of Andokides, and everyone speaks of it by that name in spite of the inscription on it. It happened that Andokides, while in custody, formed an acquaintance and friendship for one of the other persons who were imprisoned on the same charge, a man of the name of Timaeus, of inferior birth and position to himself, but much cleverer and more courageous. This man persuaded Andokides to inform against himself and some few others, because, by a decree of the people, any one who acted as informer was to be given a free pardon, whereas no one could count upon the results of a trial, which the more prominent citizens had especial reasons for dreading. He pointed out that it was better to save his life by a lie than to be put to death with infamy as if he was really guilty; moreover, looking at the whole affair, it was best to sacrifice a few persons of doubtful character to the fury of the people, and thereby to save many good men from becoming its victims. Andokides was convinced by these arguments of Timaeus, and by informing against himself and some others obtained a pardon for himself, while all those whose names he mentioned were put to death, except such as had fled the country. To procure greater credit to his information, Andokides even accused his own servants. However, the people did not abate their rage, but, ceasing to take any further interest in the statue-breakers, they turned savagely against Alkibiades. Finally, they despatched the Salaminian trireme after him, ingeniously ordering its officers not to use any personal violence, but to speak him fair and bid him return to stand his trial and set himself right with the people. They were afraid of an outbreak, or even of a mutiny in the army in Sicily, which Alkibiades could have raised with the greatest ease, if he had wished to do so. Indeed, the soldiers became disheartened when he left them, and looked forward to long delays and periods of dull inaction under Nikias's command, now that he who used to spur matters on was gone. Lamachus, indeed, was a brave and skilful soldier, but his poverty prevented his opinions from carrying their due weight. XXII. Alkibiades the moment he sailed away lost Messina for the Athenians. There was a party in that city ready to deliver it up, which he knew well, and by disclosing their intentions to the Syracusan party he effectually ruined the plot. At Thurii he landed, and concealed himself so that he could not be found. When one of his friends said to him, "Alkibiades, do you not trust your native country?" He answered, "Yes, in other matters; but when my life is at stake I would not trust my own mother, for fear that she might mistake a black bean for a white one." Afterwards hearing that the Athenians had condemned him to death, he said, "I will show them that I am still alive." The indictment against him is framed thus: "Thessalus, the son of Kimon, of the township of Lakia, accuses Alkibiades, the son of Kleinias, of the township of the Skambonidae, of sacrilege against the two goddesses, Demeter and Kora, by parodying the sacred mysteries and giving a representation of them in his own house, wearing himself such a robe as the Hierophant does when he shows the holy things, and calling himself the Hierophant, Poulytion, the Torch-bearer, Theodorus, of the township of Phegaea, the Herald, and addressing the rest of the company as Mysts and Epopts (Initiates and Novices), contrary to the rules and ceremonies established by the Eumolpidae, and Kerykes, and the priests of Eleusis." As he did not appear, they condemned him, forfeited his goods, and even caused all the priests and priestesses to curse him publicly. It is said that Theano, the daughter of Menon, the priestess of the temple of Agraulos, was the only one who refused to carry out this decree, alleging that it was to pray and not to curse that she had become a priestess. XXIII. While these terrible decrees and sentences were being passed against Alkibiades, he was living at Argos; for as soon as he left Thurii, he fled to the Peloponnesus, where, terrified at the violence of his enemies, he determined to abandon his country, and sent to Sparta demanding a safe asylum, on the strength of a promise that he would do the Spartans more good than he had in time past done them harm. The Spartans agreed to his request, and invited him to come. On his arrival, he at once effected one important matter, by stirring up the dilatory Spartans to send Gylippus at once to Syracuse with reinforcements for that city, to destroy the Athenian army in Sicily. Next, he brought them to declare war against the Athenians themselves; while his third and most terrible blow to Athens was his causing the Lacedaemonians to seize and fortify Dekeleia, which did more to ruin Athens than any other measure throughout the war. With his great public reputation, Alkibiades was no less popular in private life, and he deluded the people by pretending to adopt the Laconian habits. When they saw him closely shaved, bathing in cold water, eating dry bread and black broth, they wondered, and began to doubt whether this man ever had kept a professed cook, used perfumes, or endured to wear a Milesian mantle. For Alkibiades, among his other extraordinary qualities, had this especial art of captivating men by assimilating his own manners and habits to theirs, being able to change, more quickly than the chameleon, from one mode of life to another. The chameleon, indeed, cannot turn itself white; but Alkibiades never found anything, good or bad, which he could not imitate to the life. Thus at Sparta he was fond of exercise, frugal and severe; in Ionia, luxurious, frivolous, and lazy; in Thrace, he drank deep; in Thessaly he proved himself a good horseman; while, when he was consorting with the satrap Tissaphernes, he outdid even the Persian splendour and pomp. It was not his real character that he so often and so easily changed, but as he knew that if he appeared in his true colours, he would be universally disliked, he concealed his real self under an apparent adoption of the ways and fashions of whatever place he was in. In Lacedaemon you would say, looking at his appearance, "'Tis not Achilles' son, 'tis he himself." He was just such a man as Lykurgus himself would have trained; but if you examined his habits and actions more closely, you would say: "'Tis the same woman still." For while King Agis was away in the wars, Alkibiades seduced his wife Timaea, so that she became pregnant by him, and did not even deny the fact. When her child was born it was called Leotychides in public, but in her own house she whispered to her friends and attendants that his name was Alkibiades, so greatly was she enamoured of him. He himself used to say in jest that he had not acted thus out of wanton passion, but in order that his race might one day rule in Lacedaemon. King Agis heard of all this from many informants, but was most convinced of its truth by a computation of the time before the birth of the child. Terrified at an earthquake, he had once quitted his wife's chamber, and for ten months afterwards had never conversed with her. As it was at the end of this period that Leotychides was born, he declared that the child was not his; and for this reason he never succeeded to the throne. XXIV. After the Athenian disaster in Sicily, ambassadors came to Sparta from Chios, Lesbos, and Kyzikus. The claims of the Lesbians were favoured by the Boeotians, and those of the people of Kyzikus by Pharnabazus; but, at the recommendation of Alkibiades, the Lacedaemonians decided to give the preference to the Chians. He himself sailed to that island, caused nearly the whole of the cities of Ionia to revolt from Athens, and injured the Athenian cause much by constantly assisting the Lacedaemonian generals. King Agis, however, was already his personal enemy, because of Alkibiades's intrigue with his wife, and now was enraged at his successes; for it was said that scarcely anything was done without Alkibiades. The other leading men in Sparta also hated Alkibiades, because he had thrown them into the shade; and they had sufficient influence with the home government to obtain an order for his execution, to be sent to the generals in Ionia. Alkibiades received warning of this in good time. Alarmed at the news, he still continued to co-operate with the Lacedaemonians, but utterly refused to trust his person among them. To ensure his safety, he betook himself to Tissaphernes, the satrap or viceroy for the king of Persia in that province, and at once became the most important personage amongst his followers. The barbarian being himself a lover of deceit and of crooked ways, admired his cleverness and versatility; while no man's nature could resist the fascinations and charms of the society of Alkibiades, which Tissaphernes now enjoyed daily. Although he hated the Greeks as much as any Persian, yet he was so overpowered by the flatteries of Alkibiades, that he in his turn repaid him with compliments even more excessive. He decreed that the pleasantest of his parks, a place charmingly wooded and watered, with delightful walks and summer-houses, should be called "the Alkibiades;" and all men from that time forth spoke of it by that name. XXV. Now that Alkibiades had determined that the Spartans were not to be trusted, and that he was in fear of Agis, their king, he began to speak evil of them to Tissaphernes, withholding him from assisting them thoroughly, and enabling them to conquer the Athenians, but advising him rather to starve the Lacedaemonians forces by insufficient supplies, so as to play one side off against the other, and thus encourage them to wear each other out, in order that in the end both might be so weakened as to fall an easy prey to the Persians. Tissaphernes at once adopted this policy, and made no secret of his regard and admiration for Alkibiades, who was now looked up to by the Greeks on both sides, while the Athenians repented of their decrees against him. He also began to fear that if their city were to be utterly destroyed he would necessarily fall into the hands of his enemies, the Lacedaemonians. The most important post in the Athenian empire at this time was the island of Samos. Here lay the greater part of their fleet, and it was from this headquarters that they sent out expeditions to recover the revolted cities of Ionia, and guarded those which they still retained, as, in spite of their great losses, they still possessed a fleet capable of holding its own against the Lacedaemonians. They were in great fear of Tissaphernes and the Phoenician fleet of a hundred and fifty sail of triremes, which was said to be on the point of arriving, because if it really came all would be over with Athens. Alkibiades, knowing this, sent a secret message to the Athenian leaders at Samos, holding out hopes of bringing Tissaphernes over to the Athenian side. He would not, he said, do this to please the populace of Athens, because he could not trust them, but he would effect it if the nobility would, like brave gentlemen, put an end to the insolent behaviour of the lower orders, and would themselves undertake to save the city and empire of Athens. All were eager to adopt the proposal of Alkibiades, except Phrynichus of the _demos_ or township of Deirades, who suspected the real truth, that Alkibiades cared nothing about the form of government which might be established at Athens, but was seeking for some excuse for being restored to his native country, and thought, by his harsh language about the people, to ingratiate himself with the nobles. He was, however, overruled; and, being now clearly marked as the personal enemy of Alkibiades, sent a secret message to Astyochus, the admiral of the Lacedaemonian fleet, bidding him beware of Alkibiades, who was playing a double game. However, he met his match in perfidy. Astyochus, desirous of gaining the favour of Tissaphernes, and seeing that Alkibiades had great influence with him, betrayed Phrynichus's letter to them. Alkibiades upon this at once sent persons to Samos to charge Phrynichus with this act of treason, and he, seeing that all men were shocked at what he had done, and were indignant with him, and being at his wit's end, endeavoured to heal one mischief by another. He sent a second letter to Astyochus, reproaching him for his betrayal of confidence, and promising that he would enable him to capture the fleet and camp of the Athenians. However, the treachery of Phrynichus did no harm to the Athenians, because of the counter treachery of Astyochus, who communicated this letter also to Alkibiades. Now Phrynichus, expecting a second charge of treason from Alkibiades, was beforehand with him, in announcing to the Athenians that the enemy were about to attack them, and advising them to keep near their ships, and to fortify their camp.[A] This they proceeded to do, when there came a second letter from Alkibiades, warning them against Phrynichus, who meditated betraying the harbour to the enemy. This letter was not believed at the time, for men imagined that Alkibiades, who knew perfectly well all the movements and intentions of the enemy, was making use of that knowledge to destroy his personal enemy Phrynichus, by exciting an undeserved suspicion against him. Yet, when afterwards Hermon, one of the Athenian horse-patrol, stabbed Phrynichus with his dagger in the market-place, the Athenians, after trying the case, decided that the deceased was guilty of treason, and crowned Hermon and his comrades with garlands. [Footnote A: The ancient trireme was not habitable, like a modern ship of war. The crew always, if possible, landed for their meals, and when stationed at any place, drew the ship up on the beach and lived entirely on shore.] XXVI. The friends of Alkibiades being in a majority at Samos, now despatched Peisander to Athens to attempt the subversion of the republic, and to encourage the nobles to seize the government, and put an end to the democratic constitution. If this was done, they conceived that Alkibiades would make Tissaphernes their friend and ally, and this was the pretext and excuse put forward by those who established the oligarchy. When, however, the so-called Five Thousand, who really were the Four Hundred, were at the head of affairs, they paid but little attention to Alkibiades, and were very remiss in carrying on the war, partly because they distrusted the citizens, who were not yet accustomed to the new constitution, and partly because they thought that the Lacedaemonians, who were always favourable to oligarchical governments, would deal more tenderly with them on that account. The Athenian populace remained quiet, though sorely against its will, because of the terror inspired by the oligarchs, for no small number of citizens who had opposed the Four Hundred had been put to death; but the men of Samos, as soon as they heard the news, were indignant, and wished at once to sail to Peiraeus. They sent at once for Alkibiades, elected him their general, and bade him lead them on to crush this new despotism. Alkibiades on this occasion acted like a really great commander, and not at all as one would expect of a man who had suddenly been raised to power by popular favour. He refused to curry favour with the soldiery by carrying out their wishes, regardless of their having found him a homeless exile, and having made him the commander of so many ships and so many men; but he resisted their impulse, and by preventing their committing so great an error, without doubt saved the Athenian empire. For if the fleet had left Samos, the enemy could without a battle have made themselves masters of the whole of Ionia, the Hellespont, and the islands in the Aegean while Athenians would have fought with Athenians in their own city. All this was prevented by Alkibiades alone, who not only persuaded the populace, and pointed out the folly of such proceedings in public speeches, but even entreated and commanded each individual man to remain at Samos. He was assisted in this by Thrasybulus, of the township of Steiria, who was present, and spoke in his loud voice, which was said to be the loudest of any Athenian of his time. This was a noble achievement of Alkibiades, and so, too, was his undertaking that the Phoenician fleet, which the Lacedaemonians expected would be sent by the Persian king to help them, should either be won over to the Athenian side, or at any rate prevented from joining the Lacedaemonians. In order to effect this, he sailed away in great haste, and, although the Phoenician fleet was at Aspendus, yet Tissaphernes brought it no further, and deceived the Lacedaemonians. Both parties gave Alkibiades the credit of having detained it, and more especially the Lacedaemonians, who imagined that he was teaching the Persians to allow the Greeks to destroy one another, for it was perfectly clear that such a force, if added to either of the contending parties, must have made them complete masters of the sea. XXVII. After this the government of the Four Hundred was dissolved, as the friends of Alkibiades eagerly took the side of the popular party. Although the Athenians now wished and even commanded Alkibiades to return to his native city, yet he felt that he ought not to come home emptyhanded, and owing his restoration to the good nature of the people, but rather to return after some glorious achievement. With this intention he at first left Samos with a few ships and cruised in the seas near Knidus and Kôs; then, hearing that Mindarus, the Spartan admiral, had gone to the Hellespont with all his fleet, and that the Athenian fleet had followed him, he hurried to the assistance of the Athenian commanders. Sailing northwards with eighteen triremes he chanced to arrive towards evening, at the end of a sea-fight off Abydos, in which neither party had won any decided advantage. The appearance of his squadron caused very different feelings among the combatants, for the Athenians were alarmed, and the enemy encouraged. However, he soon hoisted an Athenian flag, and bore down upon that part of the Peloponnesian fleet which had been hitherto victorious. He put them to flight, compelled them to run their ships ashore, and then attacking them, disabled their ships, and broke them to pieces, forcing the crews to swim ashore, where Pharnabazus the satrap led a force to the water's edge to fight for the preservation of the vessels. In the end the Athenians took thirty ships, recovered those of their own which had been captured, and erected a trophy, as victors. Alkibiades gained great glory by this splendid piece of good fortune, and at once went off with rich presents and a gorgeous military retinue, to display his fresh laurels to Tissaphernes. He met, however, with a very different reception to that which he expected, for Tissaphernes, whose mind had been poisoned against him by the Lacedaemonians, and who feared that the king might be displeased with his own dealings with Alkibiades, considered that he had arrived at a very opportune moment, and at once seized him and imprisoned him at Sardis; thinking that this arbitrary act would prove to the world that the other suspicions of an understanding between them were unfounded. XXVIII. Thirty days afterwards, Alkibiades by some means obtained a horse, eluded his guards, and fled for refuge to Klazomenae. He gave out that he had been privately released by Tissaphernes himself, in order to disgrace that satrap, and at once sailed to the Athenian fleet in the Hellespont. Learning that Mindarus and Pharnabazus were both in the city of Kyzikus, he encouraged his soldiers by a speech, in which he told them that they would have to fight at sea, on land, and against the town walls too, for that if they were not completely victorious they could get no pay. He manned his ships and proceeded to Prokonessus, ordering all small vessels which they met to be seized and detained in the interior of the fleet, in order that the enemy might not learn his movements. It happened also that a heavy thunderstorm with rain and darkness assisted his design, as he not only was unseen by the enemy, but was never suspected of any intention of attack by the Athenians themselves, who had given up any idea of going to sea when he ordered them on board. Little by little the clouds cleared away, and disclosed the Peloponnesian fleet cruising off the harbour of Kyzikus. Alkibiades, fearing that if the enemy saw how numerous his own fleet was, they would take refuge on shore, ordered the other commanders to remain behind under easy sail, and himself with forty ships went on ahead to entice them to an engagement. The Peloponnesians, deceived by this manoeuvre, at once attacked these few ships, despising their small numbers. But the little squadron engaged them until the rest came up, when they fled ashore in terror. Alkibiades with twenty of the fastest sailing ships broke through the enemy's line, ran his ships ashore, landed their crews, and attacked the fugitives from the enemy's fleet with terrible slaughter. Mindarus and Pharnabazus now came to the rescue, but they were beaten back; Mindarus died fighting bravely, and Pharnabazus only saved himself by flight. By this battle the Athenians obtained possession of many dead bodies of their enemies,[A] many stand of arms, the whole of the hostile fleet, and the town of Kyzikus, which they took by storm, putting its Peloponnesian garrison to the sword, as soon as Pharnabazus withdrew his troops. They now not merely obtained a firm hold on the Hellespont, but were able to drive the Lacedaemonians from the sea in all quarters. A despatch was captured, written in the Laconian fashion, informing the Ephors of the disaster. "Our ships are gone; Mindarus is slain; the men are starving; we know not what to do." [Footnote A: The Greeks attached great importance to the burial of the dead. The usual test of which party had won a battle was, which side after it demanded a truce for the burial of the dead. Here the possession of the dead bodies of the enemy is enumerated as one of the proofs of victory.] XXIX. The men who had served under Alkibiades were so elated by this victory that they disdained to mix with the rest of the army, alleging that the others had often been defeated, and that they were invincible. Indeed, not long before, Thrasyllus had received a defeat near Ephesus, upon which the Ephesians erected the brazen trophy to the disgrace of the Athenians; so that the soldiers of Alkibiades reproached those of Thrasyllus with this, glorifying themselves and their commander, and refusing to allow the others to make use of their places of exercise or their quarters in camp. However, when Pharnabazus with a large force of infantry and calvary attacked them while they were invading the territory of Abydos, Alkibiades led them out to fight him, defeated him, and, together with Thrasyllus, pursued him till nightfall. After this the soldiers fraternised with each other and returned to their camp rejoicing together. On the following day Alkibiades erected a trophy and ravaged the country of Pharnabazus, no one daring to oppose him. He even took priests and priestesses prisoners, but released them without ransom. The city of Chalkedon had revolted from Athens, and received a Lacedaemonian harmost[A] and garrison. Alkibiades was eager to attack them, but, hearing that they had collected all the property[B] in their country and placed it in the hands of the Bithynians, a friendly tribe, he led his whole army to the Bithynian frontier and sent a herald to that people reproaching them for what they had done. In terror, the Bithynians gave up the property to him, and entered into an alliance with him. [Footnote A: A "harmost," [Greek: harmostês], was an officer sent from Sparta to administer a subject city. See p. 97.] [Footnote B: Probably consisting of corn and cattle, as Clough translates it.] XXX. He now completely invested Chalkedon, by building a wall reaching from sea to sea. Pharnabazus came down to raise the siege, and Hippokrates, the harmost of the city, led out his forces and attacked the Athenians at the same time. Alkibiades arranged his army so as to be able to fight them both at once, forced Pharnabazus to retreat with disgrace, killed Hippokrates, and put his force to flight with severe loss. He now took a cruise round the Hellespont, to raise contributions from the towns on the coast, during which he took Selymbria, where he, very unnecessarily, was exposed to great personal risk. The party who intended to betray the city had arranged to show a torch as a signal at midnight, but were compelled to do so before the appointed time, fearing one of the conspirators, who suddenly changed his mind. When then the torch was raised, the army was not ready for the assault, but Alkibiades, taking some thirty men with him, ran at full speed up to the walls, giving orders to the rest to follow. The city gate was opened for him, and, twenty peltasts[A] having joined his thirty soldiers, he entered, when he perceived the men of Selymbria under arms marching down the street to meet him. To await their onset would have been ruin, while pride forbade a hitherto invincible general to retire. Ordering his trumpet to sound, he bade one of those present proclaim aloud that the Selymbrians ought not to appear in arms against the Athenians. This speech made some of the townspeople less eager to fight, as they imagined that their enemies were all within the walls, while it encouraged others who hoped to arrange matters peaceably. While they were standing opposite to one another and parleying, Alkibiades's army came up, and he, truly conjecturing that the Selymbrians were really disposed to be friendly, began to fear that his Thracian troops might sack the city; for many of these barbarians were serving in his army as volunteers, from a particular attachment they had to his person. He therefore sent them all out of the city, and did not permit the terrified people of Selymbria to suffer any violence, but, having exacted a contribution of money and placed a garrison in the town, he sailed away. [Footnote A: Peltasts were light-armed troops, so called because they carried light round shields instead of the large unwieldy oblong shield of the Hoplite, or heavy-armed infantry soldier. These light troops came gradually into favour with the Greeks during the Peloponnesian war, and afterward became very extensively used.] XXXI. Meanwhile the generals who were besieging Chalkedon made an agreement with Pharnabazus, on these conditions. They were to receive a sum of money; the people of Chalkedon were to become subjects of Athens as before; Pharnabazus was not to lay waste the province; and he was to provide an escort and a safe-conduct for an Athenian embassy to the Persian king. On the return of Alkibiades, Pharnabazus desired him to swear to observe these conditions, but Alkibiades refused to do so unless Pharnabazus swore first. After this capitulation he proceeded to Byzantium, which had revolted from Athens, and built a wall round that city. Anaxilaus and Lykurgus, with some others, now offered to betray the city if the lives and property of the inhabitants were spared. Upon this Alkibiades put about a report that his presence was urgently required on the Ionian coast, and sailed away by daylight with all his fleet. The same night he landed with all his soldiers, and marched up to the walls in silence, while the fleet, with a great clamour and disturbance, forced its way into the harbour. The suddenness of this assault, entirely unexpected as it was, terrified the people of Byzantium, and gave those of them who inclined to the Athenian side an opportunity of admitting Alkibiades quietly, while the attention of every one was directed to the ships in the harbour. The town did not, however, surrender altogether without fighting; for the Peloponnesians, Megarians, and Boeotians who were in it drove the Athenians back into their ships with loss, and when they heard that the land forces had entered the town they formed in line and engaged them. A severe battle took place, but Alkibiades on the right wing, and Theramenes on the left, were at length victorious, and took prisoners the survivors, some three hundred in number. After this battle no citizen of Byzantium was either put to death or banished, those being the terms on which the conspirators had delivered up the city, namely, that they should suffer no loss of life or property. Anaxilaus was afterwards tried at Sparta for having betrayed the city, and justified what he had done, saying that he was not a Lacedaemonian, but a Byzantine, and that he saw Byzantium, not Sparta, in danger, as the city was surrounded by the enemy's siege works, no provisions being brought in to it, and what there was in it being consumed by the Peloponnesians and Boeotians, while the people of Byzantium with their wives and children were starving. He did not, he said, betray the city to the enemy, but relieved it from the miseries of war, imitating therein the noblest Lacedaemonians, whose only idea of what was noble and just was what would serve their own country. The Lacedaemonians, on hearing this speech, were ashamed to press the charge, and acquitted him. XXXII. Now, at length, Alkibiades began to wish to see his native country again, and still more to be seen and admired by his countrymen after his splendid series of victories. He proceeded home with the Athenian fleet, which was magnificently adorned with shields and trophies, and had many prizes in tow, and the flags of many more which he had captured and destroyed--all of them together amounting to not less than two hundred. But we cannot believe the additions which Douris the Samian, who says that he is a descendant of Alkibiades, makes to this story, to the effect that Chrysogonus, the victor at the Pythian games, played on the flute to mark the time for the rowers, while Kallipides the tragedian, attired in his buskins, purple robe, and other theatrical properties, gave them orders, and that the admiral's ship came into harbour with purple sails, as if returning from a party of pleasure. Neither Theopompus, nor Ephorus, nor Xenophon mentions these circumstances, nor was it likely that he should present himself before the Athenians in such a swaggering fashion, when he was returning home from exile, after having suffered such a variety of misfortunes. The truth is, he sailed to Athens with considerable misgivings, and on his arrival would not leave his ship until from her deck he saw Euryptolemus his cousin, with many of his friends and relatives, assembled to welcome him. When he landed, the people seemed to have no eyes for the other generals, but all rushed towards him, and escorted him on his way, cheering him, embracing him, and crowning him with flowers. Those who could not get near him gazed upon him from a distance, and the older men pointed him out to the younger ones. Yet the joy of the citizens was mingled with tears in the midst of their rejoicings, when they thought of their past disasters, for they reflected that they would not have failed in Sicily, or met with any of their other terrible disappointments, if they had not parted with Alkibiades when in the full tide of prosperity. He had found Athens barely able to hold her own at sea, by land mistress of little more than the ground on which the city stood, and torn by internal strife; from which miserable and forlorn condition he had restored her so completely, that she was again not only omnipotent at sea, but also victorious everywhere on land. XXXIII. Before his return a decree had been passed authorising him to do so, at the instance of Kritias, the son of Kallaeschrus, who himself alludes to it in his poems, mentioning the service which he performed for Alkibiades in the following verse: "I moved your restoration by decree, And that you're home again you owe to me." Immediately on the return of Alkibiades, the people assembled in the Pnyx, where he addressed them. He spoke with tears of his misfortunes, for which he partly reproached his countrymen, though he attributed them chiefly to his own unlucky fortune, and he greatly raised their hopes by speaking encouragingly about their probable successes in the future. He was honoured with golden crowns, and elected sole general with absolute power both by sea and land. A decree was also passed by which his property was restored to him, and the Eumolpidae and Kerykes were ordered to retract the curses which they had invoked upon him at the instance of the people. When all the rest obeyed, Theodorus the hierophant excused himself, saying, If he has done the State no wrong, I never cursed him. XXXIV. While Alkibiades was in this glorious career of prosperity, some persons in spite of his success foreboded evil from the day which he had chosen for his return home; for on the day on which he sailed into the harbour the statue of Athene on the Acropolis is stripped of its garments and ornaments, which are cleaned, while it in the meanwhile is covered up to conceal it from human eyes. This ceremony takes place on the 25th of the month Thargelion, which day is considered by the Athenians to be the unluckiest of all. Moreover, the goddess did not appear to receive Alkibiades with a kindly welcome, but to turn away her face from him and drive him from her presence. Be this as it may, all went well and just as Alkibiades wished. A fleet of a hundred triremes was manned, and placed at his disposal, but he with creditable pride refused to set sail until after the celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries. Since the permanent occupation of Dekeleia and of the passes commanding the road to Eleusis by the enemy, the procession had been necessarily shorn of many of its distinctive features, as it had to be sent by sea. All the customary sacrifices, dances, and other rites which used to be practised on the road, when Iacchus is carried along in solemn procession, were of necessity omitted. It seemed therefore to Alkibiades that it would both honour the gods and increase his own reputation among men, if he restored the ancient form of this ceremony, escorting the procession with his troops and protecting it from the enemy; for he argued that Agis would lose prestige if he did not attack, but allowed the procession to pass unmolested, whereas if he did attack, Alkibiades would be able to fight in a holy cause, in defence of the most sacred institutions of his country, with all his countrymen present as witnesses of his own valour. When he determined to do this, after concerting measures with the Eumolpidae and Kerykes, he placed vedettes on the mountains and sent an advanced guard off at day-break, following with the priests, novices, and initiators marching in the midst of his army, in great good order and perfect silence. It was an august and solemn procession, and all who did not envy him said that he had performed the office of a high priest in addition of that of a general. The enemy made no attack, and he led his troops safely back to Athens, full of pride himself, and making his army proud to think itself invincible while under his command. He had so won the affections of the poor and the lower orders, that they were strangely desirous of living under his rule. Many even besought him to put down the malignity of his personal enemies, sweep away laws, decrees, and other pernicious nonsense, and carry on the government without fear of a factious opposition. XXXV. What his own views about making himself despot of Athens may have been we cannot tell; but the leading citizens took alarm at this, and hurried him away as quickly as possible to sea, voting whatever measures he pleased, and allowing him to choose his own colleagues. He set sail with his hundred ships, reached Andros, and defeated the inhabitants of that island, and the Lacedaemonian garrison there. He did not, however, capture the city, and this afterwards became one of the points urged against him by his enemies. Indeed, if there ever was a man destroyed by his reputation, it was Alkibiades. Being supposed to be such a prodigy of daring and subtlety, his failures were regarded with suspicion, as if he could have succeeded had he been in earnest; for his countrymen would not believe that he could really fail in anything which he seriously attempted. They expected to hear of the capture of Chios, and of the whole Ionian coast, and were vexed at not at once receiving the news of a complete success. They did not take into account the want of money which Alkibiades felt, while warring against men who had the king of Persia for their paymaster, and which made frequent absences from his camp necessary to provide subsistence for his troops. It was one of these expeditions, indeed, which exposed him to the last and most important of the many charges brought against him. Lysander had been sent by the Lacedaemonians to take the command of their fleet. On his arrival, by means of the money paid by Cyrus, he raised the pay of his sailors from three obols a day to four. Alkibiades, who could with difficulty pay his men even three obols, went to Caria to levy contributions, leaving in command of the fleet one Antiochus, a good seaman, but a thoughtless and silly man. He had distinct orders from Alkibiades not to fight even if the enemy attacked him, but such was his insolent disregard of these instructions that he manned his own trireme and one other, sailed to Ephesus, and there passed along the line of the enemy's ships, as they lay on the beach, using the most scurrilous and insulting language and gestures. At first Lysander put to sea with a few ships to pursue him, but as the Athenians came out to assist him, the action became general. The entire fleets engaged and Lysander was victorious. He killed Antiochus, captured many ships and men, and set up a trophy. When Alkibiades on his return to Samos heard of this, he put to sea with all his ships, and offered battle to Lysander; but he was satisfied with his previous victory, and refused the offer. XXXVI. Thrasybulus, the son of Thrason, a bitter personal enemy of Alkibiades, now set sail for Athens to accuse him, and to exasperate his enemies in the city against him. He made a speech to the people, representing that Alkibiades had ruined their affairs and lost their ships by insolently abusing his authority and entrusting the command, during his own absence, to men who owed their influence with him to deep drinking and cracking seamen's jokes, and that he securely traversed the provinces to raise money, indulging in drunken debauches with Ionian courtezans, while the enemy's fleet was riding close to his own. He was also blamed for the construction of certain forts in Thrace, near Bisanthe, which he destined as a place of refuge for himself, as if he could not or would not live in his native city. The Athenians were so wrought upon by these charges against Alkibiades, that they elected other generals to supersede him, thus showing their anger and dislike for him. Alkibiades, on learning this, left the Athenian camp altogether, got together a force of foreign troops, and made war on the irregular Thracian tribes on his own account, thus obtaining much plunder and freeing the neighbouring Greek cities from the dread of the barbarians. Now when the generals Tydeus, Menander, and Adeimantus came with the entire Athenian fleet to Aegospotamoi, they used early every morning to go to Lampsakus to challenge the fleet of Lysander, which lay there, to a sea-fight. After this ceremony they would return and spend the whole day in careless indolence, as if despising their enemy. Alkibiades, who lived close by, did not disregard their danger, but even rode over on horseback and pointed out to the generals that they were very badly quartered in a place where there was no harbour and no city, having to obtain all their provisions from Sestos, and, when the ships were once hauled up on shore, allowing the men to leave them unguarded and straggle where they pleased, although they were in the presence of a fleet which was trained to act in silence and good order at the command of one man. XXXVII. Though Alkibiades gave this advice, and urged the generals to remove to Sestos, they would not listen to him. Tydeus indeed rudely bade him begone, for they, not he, were now generals. Alkibiades, too, suspected that there was some treachery in the case, and retired, telling his personal friends, who escorted him out of the camp, that if he had not been so outrageously insulted by the generals, he could in a few days have compelled the Lacedaemonians either to fight a battle at sea against their will, or abandon their ships. To some this seemed mere boasting, while others thought that he could very possibly effect it by bringing many Thracian light-armed troops and cavalry to assault the camp on the land side. However, the result soon proved that he had rightly seen the fault of the Athenian position. Lysander suddenly and unexpectedly assailed it, and except eight triremes which escaped under Konon, took all the rest, nearly two hundred in number. Lysander also put three thousand prisoners to the sword. He shortly afterwards captured Athens, burned her ships, and pulled down her Long Walls. Alkibiades, terrified at seeing the Lacedaemonians omnipotent by sea and land, shifted his quarters to Bithynia, sending thither a great amount of treasure, and taking much with him, but leaving much more in his Thracian fortresses. In Bithynia, however, he suffered much loss at the hands of the natives, and determined to proceed to the court of Artaxerxes, thinking that the Persian king, if he would make trial of him, would find that he was not inferior to Themistokles in ability, while he sought him in a much more honourable way; for it was not to revenge himself on his fellow-citizens, as Themistokles did, but to assist his own country against its enemy that he meant to solicit the king's aid. Imagining that Pharnabazus would be able to grant him a safe passage to the Persian court, he went into Phrygia to meet him, and remained there for some time, paying his court to the satrap, and receiving from him marks of respect. XXXVIII. The Athenians were terribly cast down at the loss of their empire; but when Lysander robbed them of their liberty as well, by establishing the government of the Thirty Tyrants, they began to entertain thoughts which never had occurred to them before, while it was yet possible that the State might be saved from ruin. They bewailed their past blunders and mistakes, and of these they considered their second fit of passion with Alkibiades to have been the greatest. They had cast him off for no fault of his own, but merely because they were angry with his follower for having lost a few ships disgracefully; they had much more disgraced themselves by losing the services of the ablest and bravest general whom they possessed. Even in their present abasement a vague hope prevailed among them that Athens could not be utterly lost while Alkibiades was alive; for he had not during his former exile been satisfied with a quiet life, and surely now, however prosperous his private circumstances might be, he would not endure to see the triumph of the Lacedaemonians, and the arrogant tyranny of the Thirty. Indeed this was proved to be no vain dream by the care which the Thirty took to watch all the motions of Alkibiades. At last, Kritias informed Lysander, that while Athens was governed by a democracy, the Lacedaemonian empire in Greece could never be safe; and if the Athenians were ever so much inclined to an oligarchical form of government, Alkibiades, if he lived, would not long suffer them to submit to it. However, Lysander was not prevailed upon by these arguments until a despatch came from Sparta bidding him make away with Alkibiades, either because the home government feared his ability and enterprise, or because they wished to please his enemy, King Agis. XXXIX. Lysander now sent orders for his death to Pharnabazus, who entrusted their execution to his brother Magaeus and his uncle Susamithres. Alkibiades was at this time dwelling in a village in Phrygia, with Timandra the courtezan, and one night he dreamed that he was dressed in his mistress's clothes, and that she, holding his head in her arms, was painting his face and adorning him like a woman. Others say that he saw Magaeus in his dream cutting off his head, and his body all in flames. All, however, agree that the dream took place shortly before his death. His murderers did not dare to enter the house, but stood round it in a circle and set it on fire. Alkibiades, on discovering them, flung most of the bedding and clothes on to the fire, wrapped his cloak round his left arm, and with his dagger in his right dashed through the flames unhurt, not giving his clothes time to catch fire. None of the barbarians dared to await his onset, but as soon as they saw him they scattered, and from a distance shot at him with darts and arrows. After he had fallen and the barbarians were gone, Timandra took up his corpse, covered it with her own clothes, and, as far as was in her power, showed it every mark of honour and respect. This Timandra is said to have been the mother of Lais, commonly called the Corinthian, who really was brought as a captive from Hykkara, a small town in Sicily. Some writers, although they agree in their account of the manner of his death, differ as to its cause, alleging that it was neither due to Pharnabazus nor to Lysander nor the Lacedaemonians, but that Alkibiades had debauched a girl of noble birth and was living with her, and that her relatives, enraged at this insult, during the night set fire to the house in which Alkibiades was living, and, as has been related, shot him as he leaped out through the flames. LIFE OF CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. I. The patrician family of the Marcii at Rome produced many illustrious men, amongst whom was Ancus Marcius, the grandson of Numa, who became king after the death of Tullus Hostilius. To this family also belonged Publius and Quintus Marcius, who supplied Rome with abundance of excellent water, and Censorinus, twice appointed censor by the Roman people, who afterwards passed a law that no one should hold that office twice. Caius Marcius, the subject of this memoir, was an orphan, and brought up by a widowed mother. He proved that, hard though the lot of an orphan may be, yet it does not prevent a man's becoming great and distinguished, and that the bad alone allege it as an excuse for an intemperate life. He also proves to us that a naturally noble nature, if it be not properly disciplined, will produce many good and bad qualities together, just as a rich field, if not properly tilled, will produce both weeds and good fruit. The immense energy and courage of his mind used to urge him to attempt and to perform great exploits, but his harsh and ambitious temper made it difficult for him to live on friendly terms with his companions. They used to admire his indifference to pleasure and pain, and his contempt for bribes, but in politics they were angered by his morose and haughty manner, too proud for a citizen of a republic. Indeed there is no advantage to be gained from a liberal education so great as that of softening and disciplining the natural ferocity of our disposition, by teaching it moderation, and how to avoid all extremes. However, at that period warlike virtues were valued above all others at Rome, which is proved by the Romans possessing only one word for virtue and for bravery, so that virtue, a general term, is applied by them to the particular form, courage. II. Marcius, having an especial passion for war, was familiar from childhood with the use of arms. Reflecting that artificial weapons are of little use without a body capable of wielding them, he so trained himself for all possible emergencies that he was both able to run swiftly and also to grapple with his foe so strongly that few could escape from him. Those who entered into any contest with him, when beaten, used to ascribe their defeat to his immense bodily strength, which no exertions could tire out. III. He served his first campaign while yet a youth, when Tarquin, the exiled King of Rome, after many battles and defeats, staked all upon one last throw, and assembled an army to attack Rome. His force consisted chiefly of Latins, but many other Italian states took his part in the war, not from any attachment to his person, but through fear and dislike of the growing power of Rome. In the battle which ensued, in which various turns of fortune took place, Marcius, while fighting bravely under the eye of the dictator himself, saw a Roman fallen and helpless near him. He at once made for this man, stood in front of him, and killed his assailant. After the victory, Marcius was among the first who received the oak-leaf crown. This crown is given to him who has saved the life of a citizen in battle, and is composed of oak-leaves, either out of compliment to the Arcadians, whom the oracle calls 'acorn eaters,' or because in any campaign in any country it is easy to obtain oak-boughs, or it may be that the oak, sacred to Jupiter the protector of cities, forms a suitable crown for one who has saved the life of a citizen. The oak is the most beautiful of all wild trees, and the strongest of those which are artificially cultivated. It afforded men in early times both food and drink, by its acorns and the honey found in it, while by the bird-lime which it produces, it enables them to catch most kinds of birds and other creatures, as additional dainties. This was the battle in which they say that the Dioscuri, Castor and Pollux, appeared, and immediately after the battle were soon in the Forum at Rome announcing the victory, with their horses dripping with sweat, at the spot where now there is a temple built in their honour beside the fountain. In memory of this, the day of the victory, the 15th of July, is kept sacred to the Dioscuri. IV. To win distinction early in life is said to quench and satisfy the eagerness of some men whose desire for glory is not keen; but for those with whom it is the ruling passion of their lives, the gaining of honours only urges them on, as a ship is urged by a gale, to fresh achievements. They do not regard themselves as having received a reward, but as having given a pledge for the future, and they feel it their duty not to disgrace the reputation which they have acquired, but to eclipse their former fame by some new deed of prowess. Marcius, feeling this, was ever trying to surpass himself in valour, and gained such prizes and trophies that the later generals under whom he served were always striving to outdo the former ones in their expressions of esteem for him, and their testimony to his merits. Many as were the wars in which Rome was then engaged, Marcius never returned from any without a prize for valour or some especial mark of distinction. Other men were brave in order to win glory, but Marcius won glory in order to please his mother. That she should hear him praised, see him crowned, and embrace him weeping for joy, was the greatest honour and happiness of his life. Epameinondas is said to have had the same feelings, and to have considered it to be his greatest good-fortune that his father and mother were both alive to witness his triumphant success at the battle of Leuktra. He, however, enjoyed the sympathy and applause of both parents, but Marcius, being fatherless, lavished on his mother all that affection which should have belonged to his father, besides her own share. So boundless was his love for Volumnia that at her earnest desire he even married a wife, but still continued to live in the house of his mother. V. At this time, when his reputation and influence were very considerable because of his prowess, there was a party-quarrel going on in Rome between the patricians, who wished to defend the privileges of men of property, and the people, who were suffering terrible ill-treatment at the hands of their creditors. Those who possessed a small property were forced either to pledge or to sell it, while those who were absolutely destitute were carried off and imprisoned, though they might be scarred and enfeebled from the wars in which they had served in defence of their country. The last campaign was that against the Sabines, after which their rich creditors promised to treat them with less harshness. In pursuance of a decree of the Senate, Marcus Valerius the consul was the guarantee of this promise. But when, after serving manfully in this campaign and conquering the enemy, they met with no better treatment from their creditors, and the Senate seemed unmindful of its engagements, allowing them to be imprisoned and distresses to be levied upon their property as before, there were violent outbreaks and riots in the city. This disturbed condition of the commonwealth was taken advantage of by the enemy, who invaded the country and plundered it. When the consuls called all men of military age to arms, no one obeyed, and then at last the patricians hesitated. Some thought that they ought to yield to the lower classes, and make some concessions instead of enforcing the strict letter of the law against them; while others, among whom was Marcius, opposed this idea, not because he thought the money of great consequence, but because he considered this to be the beginning of an outburst of democratic insolence which a wise government would take timely measures to suppress before it gathered strength. VI. As the Senate, although it frequently met, came to no decision on this matter, the plebeians suddenly assembled in a body, left the city, and established themselves on what was afterwards called the Mons Sacer, or Sacred Hill, near the river Anio. They abstained from all factious proceedings, and merely stated that they had been driven from the city by the wealthy classes. Air and water and a place in which to be buried, they said, could be obtained anywhere in Italy, and they could get nothing more than this in Rome, except the privilege of being wounded or slain in fighting battles on behalf of the rich. At this demonstration, the Senate became alarmed, and sent the most moderate and popular of its members to treat with the people. The spokesman of this embassy was Menenius Agrippa, who, after begging the plebeians to come to terms, and pleading the cause of the Senate with them, wound up his speech by the following fable: Once upon a time, said he, all the members revolted against the belly, reproaching it with lying idle in the body, and making all the other members work in order to provide it with food; but the belly laughed them to scorn, saying that it was quite true that it took all the food which the body obtained, but that it afterwards distributed it among all the members. "This," he said, "is the part played by the Senate in the body politic. It digests and arranges all the affairs of the State, and provides all of you with wholesome and useful measures." VII. Upon this they came to terms, after stipulating that five men should be chosen to defend the cause of the people, who are now known as tribunes of the people. They chose for the first tribunes the leaders of the revolt, the chief of whom were Junius Brutus and Sicinius Vellutus. As soon as the State was one again, the people assembled under arms, and zealously offered their services for war to their rulers. Marcius, though but little pleased with these concessions which the plebeians had wrung from the patricians, yet, noticing that many patricians were of his mind, called upon them not to be outdone in patriotism by the plebeians, but to prove themselves their superiors in valour rather than in political strength. VIII. Corioli was the most important city of the Volscian nation, with which Rome then was at war. The consul Cominius was besieging it, and the Volscians, fearing it might be taken, gathered from all quarters, meaning to fight a battle under the city walls, and so place the Romans between two fires. Cominius divided his army, and led one part of it to fight the relieving force, leaving Titus Lartius, a man of the noblest birth in Rome, to continue the siege with the rest of his troops. The garrison of Corioli, despising the small numbers of their besiegers, attacked them and forced them to take shelter within their camp. But there Marcius with a few followers checked their onset, slew the foremost, and with a loud voice called on the Romans to rally. He was, as Cato said a soldier should be, not merely able to deal weighty blows, but struck terror into his enemies by the loud tones of his voice and his martial appearance, so that few dared to stand their ground before him. Many soldiers rallied round him and forced the enemy to retreat; but he, not satisfied with this, followed them close and drove them in headlong flight back to the city. On arriving there, although he saw that the Romans were slackening their pursuit as many missiles were aimed at them from the city walls, and none of them thought of daring to enter together with the fugitives into a city full of armed men, yet he stood and cheered them on, loudly telling them that fortune had opened the city gates as much to the pursuers as to the pursued. Few cared to follow him, but he, forcing his way through the crowd of fugitives, entered the city with them, none daring at first to withstand him. Soon, when the enemy saw how few of the Romans were within the gates, they rallied and attacked them. Marcius, in the confused mass of friends and foes, fought with incredible strength, swiftness, and courage, overthrowing all whom he attacked, driving some to the further parts of the town, and forcing others to lay down their arms, so that Lartius was able to march the rest of the Roman army into the gates unmolested. IX. When the city was taken, the greater part of the soldiers fell to plundering it, which greatly vexed Marcius. He loudly exclaimed that it was a disgraceful thing, when the consul was on the point of engaging with the enemy, that they should be plundering, or, on the pretext of plunder, keeping themselves safe out of harm's way. Few paid any attention to him, but with those few he marched on the track of the main body, frequently encouraging his followers to greater speed, and not to give way to fatigue, and frequently praying to Heaven that he might not come too late for the battle, but arrive in time to share the labours and perils of his countrymen. There was at that time a custom among the Romans, when they were drawn up in order of battle, ready to take their shields in their hands, and to gird themselves with the trabea, to make their will verbally, naming their heir in the presence of three or four witnesses. The Roman army was found by Marcius in the act of performing this ceremony. At first some were alarmed at seeing him appear with only a few followers, covered with blood and sweat; but when he ran joyously up to the consul and told him that Corioli was taken, Cominius embraced him, and all the ranks took fresh courage, some because they heard, and others because they guessed the glorious news. They eagerly demanded to be led to battle. Marcius now enquired of Cominius how the enemy's line of battle was arranged, and where it was strongest. When the consul answered that he believed that the men of Antium, the proudest and bravest troops of the Volscians, were posted in the centre, he answered, "I beg of you, place us opposite to those men." The consul, filled with admiration for his spirit, placed him there. As soon as the armies met, Marcius charged before the rest, and the Volscians gave way before his onset. The centre, where he attacked, was quite broken, but the ranks on either side wheeled round and surrounded him, so that the consul feared for his safety, and despatched the choicest of his own troops to his aid. They found a hot battle raging round Marcius, and many slain, but by the shock of their charge they drove off the enemy in confusion. As they began to pursue them, they begged Marcius, now weary with toil and wounds, to retire to the camp, but he, saying that "it was not for victors to be weary," joined in the pursuit. The rest of the Volscian army was defeated, many were slain, and many taken. X. On the next day Lartius and the rest joined the consul. He ascended a rostrum, and after returning suitable thanks to Heaven for such unexampled successes, turned to Marcius. First he praised his conduct in the highest terms, having himself witnessed some part of it, and having learned the rest from Lartius. Next, as there were many prisoners, horses, and other spoil, he bade him, before it was divided, choose a tenth part for himself. He also presented him with a horse and trappings, as a reward for his bravery. As all the Romans murmured their approval, Marcius coming forward said that he gladly accepted the horse, and was thankful for the praise which he had received from the consul. As for the rest, he considered that to be mere pay, not a prize, and refused it, preferring to take his share with the rest. "One especial favour," said he, "I do beg of you. I had a friend among the Volscians, who now is a captive, and from having been a rich and free man has fallen to the condition of a slave. I wish to relieve him from one of his many misfortunes--that of losing his liberty and being sold for a slave." After these words, Marcius was cheered more than he had been before, and men admired his disinterestedness more than they had admired his bravery. Even those who grudged him his extraordinary honours now thought that by his unselfishness he had shown himself worthy of them, and admired his courage in refusing such presents more than the courage by which he had won the right to them. Indeed, the right use of riches is more glorious than that of arms, but not to desire them at all is better even than using them well. XI. When the cheering caused by Marcius's speech had subsided, Cominius said: "Fellow soldiers, we cannot force a man against his will to receive these presents; but, unless his achievements have already won it for him, let us give him the title of Coriolanus, which he cannot refuse, seeing for what it is bestowed, and let us confirm it by a general vote." Hence he obtained the third name of Coriolanus. From this we may clearly see that his own personal name was Caius, and that Marcius was the common name of his family, while the third name was added afterwards to mark some particular exploit, peculiarity, or virtue in the bearer. So also did the Greeks in former ages give men names derived from their actions, such as Kallinikus (the Victor), or Soter (the Preserver); or from their appearance, as Fusco (the Fat), or Gripus (the Hook-nosed); or from their virtues, as Euergetes (the Benefactor), or Philadelphus (the Lover of his Brethren), which were names of the Ptolemies: or from their success, as Eudaemon (the Fortunate), a name given to the second king of the race of Battus. Some princes have even had names given them in jest, as Antigonus was called Doson (the Promiser), and Ptolemy Lathyrus (the Vetch). The Romans used this sort of name much more commonly, as for instance they named one of the Metelli Diadematus, or wearer of the diadem, because he walked about for a long time with his head bound up because of a wound in the forehead. Another of the same family was named Celer (the Swift), because of the wonderful quickness with which he provided a show of gladiators on the occasion of his father's funeral. Some even to the present day derive their names from the circumstances of their birth, as for instance a child is named Proculus if his father be abroad when he is born, and Postumus if he be dead. If one of twins survive, he is named Vopiscus. Of names taken from bodily peculiarities they use not only Sulla (the Pimply), Niger (the Swarthy), Rufus (the Red-haired), but even such as Caecus (the Blind), and Claudus (the Lame), wisely endeavouring to accustom men to consider neither blindness nor any other bodily defect to be any disgrace or matter of reproach, but to answer to these names as if they were their own. However, this belongs to a different branch of study. XII. When the war was over, the popular orators renewed the party-quarrels, not that they had any new cause of complaint or any just grievance to proceed upon; but the evil result which had necessarily been produced by their former riotous contests were now made the ground of attacks on the patricians. A great part of the country was left unsown and untilled, while the war gave no opportunities for importation from other countries. The demagogues, therefore, seeing that there was no corn in the market, and that even if there had been any, the people were not able to buy it, spread malicious accusations against the rich, saying that they had purposely produced this famine in order to pay off an old grudge against the people. At this juncture ambassadors arrived from the town of Velitrae, who delivered up their city to the Romans, desiring that they would send some new inhabitants to people it, as a pestilence had made such havoc among the citizens that there was scarcely a tenth part of them remaining alive. The wiser Romans thought that this demand of the people of Velitrae would confer a most seasonable relief on themselves, and would put an end to their domestic troubles, if they could only transfer the more violent partizans of the popular party thither, and so purge the State of its more disorderly elements. The consuls accordingly chose out all these men and sent them to colonize Velitrae, and enrolled the rest for a campaign against the Volsci, that they might not have leisure for revolutionary plottings, but that when they were all gathered together, rich and poor, patrician and plebeian alike, to share in the common dangers of a camp, they might learn to regard one another with less hatred and illwill. XIII. But Sicinnius and Brutus, the tribunes of the people, now interposed, crying aloud that the consuls were veiling a most barbarous action under the specious name of sending out colonists. They were despatching many poor men to certain destruction by transporting them to a city whose air was full of pestilence and the stench from unburied corpses, where they were to dwell under the auspices of a god who was not only not their own, but angry with them. And after that, as if it was not sufficient for them that some of the citizens should be starved, and others be exposed to the plague, they must needs plunge wantonly into war, in order that the city might suffer every conceivable misery at once, because it had refused any longer to remain in slavery to the rich. Excited by these speeches, the people would not enrol themselves as soldiers for the war, and looked with suspicion on the proposal for the new colony. The Senate was greatly perplexed, but Marcius, now a person of great importance and very highly thought of in the State, began to place himself in direct opposition to the popular leaders, and to support the patrician cause. In spite of the efforts of the demagogues, a colony was sent out to Velitrae, those whose names were drawn by lot being compelled by heavy penalties to go thither; but as the people utterly refused to serve in the campaign against the Volscians, Marcius made up a troop of his own clients, with which and what others he could persuade to join him he made an inroad into the territory of Antium. Here he found much corn, and captured many prisoners and much cattle. He kept none of it for himself, but returned to Rome with his troops loaded with plunder. This caused the others to repent of their determination, when they saw the wealth which these men had obtained, but it embittered their hatred of Marcius, whom they regarded as gaining glory for himself at the expense of the people. XIV. Shortly after this, however, Marcius stood for the consulship, and then the people relented and felt ashamed to affront such a man, first in arms as in place, and the author of so many benefits to the State. It was the custom at Rome for those who were candidates for any office to address and ingratiate themselves with the people, going about the Forum in a toga without any tunic underneath it, either in order to show their humility by such a dress, or else in order to display the wounds which they had received, in token of their valour. At that early period there could be no suspicion of bribery, and it was not for that reason that the citizens wished their candidates to come down among them ungirt and without a tunic. It was not till long afterwards that votes were bought and sold, and that a candidature became an affair of money. This habit of receiving bribes, when once introduced, spread to the courts of justice and to the armies of the commonwealth, and finally brought the city under the despotic rule of the emperors, as the power of arms was not equal to that of money. For it was well said that he who first introduced the habit of feasting and bribing voters ruined the constitution. This plague crept secretly and silently into Rome, and was for a long time undiscovered. We cannot tell who was the first to bribe the people or the courts of law at Rome. At Athens it is said that the first man who gave money to the judges for his acquittal was Anytus the son of Anthemion, when he was tried for treachery at Pylos towards the end of the Peloponnesian War, a period when men of uncorrupted simplicity and virtue were still to be found in the Forum at Rome. XV. Marcius displayed many scars, gained in the numerous battles in which for seventeen years in succession he had always taken a prominent part. The people were abashed at these evidences of his valour, and agreed among themselves that they would return him as consul. But when, on the day of election, he appeared in the Forum, escorted by a splendid procession of the entire Senate, and all the patricians were seen collected round him evidently intent upon obtaining his election, many of the people lost their feeling of goodwill towards him, and regarded him with indignation and envy; which passions were assisted by their fear lest, if a man of such aristocratic tendencies and such influence with the patricians should obtain power, he might altogether destroy the liberties of the people. For these reasons they did not elect Marcius. When two persons had been elected consuls, the Senate was much irritated, considering that it, rather than its candidate Marcius, had been insulted, while he was much enraged, and could not bear his disgrace with any temper or patience, being accustomed always to yield to the more violent and ferocious emotions as being the more spirited course, without any mixture of gravity and self-restraint, virtues so necessary for political life. He had never learned how essential it is for one who undertakes to deal with men, and engage in public business, to avoid above all things that self-will which, as Plato says, is of the family of solitude, and to become longsuffering and patient, qualities which some foolish people hold very cheap. Marcius, plain and straightforward, thinking it to be the duty of a brave man to bear down all opposition, and not reflecting that it is rather a sign of weakness and feebleness of mind to be unable to restrain one's passion, flung away in a rage, bitterly irritated against the people. The young aristocracy of Rome, who had ever been his fast friends, now did him an ill service by encouraging and exasperating his anger by their expressions of sympathy; for he was their favourite leader and a most kind instructor in the art of war when on a campaign, as he taught them to delight in deeds of prowess without envying and grudging one another their proper meed of praise. XVI. While this was the state of affairs at Rome, a large amount of corn arrived there, some of which had been bought in Italy, but most of it sent as a present from Sicily by Gelon the despot; which gave most men hopes that the famine would come to an end, and that the quarrel between the patricians and plebeians would, under these improved circumstances, be made up. The Senate at once assembled, and the people eagerly waited outside the doors of the senate house, expecting and hoping that prices would be lowered, and that the present of corn would be distributed gratis among them; and indeed some of the senators advised the adoption of that course. Marcius, however, rose and bitterly inveighed against those who favoured the people, calling them demagogues and betrayers of their own order, alleging that by such gratification they did but cherish that spirit of boldness and arrogance which had been spread among the people against the patricians, which they would have done well to crush upon its first appearance, and not suffer the plebeians to grow so strong by giving so much power to the tribunes of the people. Now, he urged, they had become formidable because every demand they made had been agreed to, and nothing done against their wishes; they contemned the authority of the consuls, and lived in defiance of the constitution, governed only by their own seditious ringleaders, to whom they gave the title of tribunes. For the Senate to sit and decree largesses of corn to the populace, as is done in the most democratic States in Greece, would merely be to pay them for their disobedience, to the common ruin of all classes. "They cannot," he went on to say, "consider this largess of corn to be a reward for the campaign in which they have refused to serve, or for the secession by which they betrayed their country, or the scandals which they have been so willing to believe against the Senate. As they cannot be said to deserve this bounty, they will imagine that it has been bestowed upon them by you because you fear them, and wish to pay your court to them. In this case there will be no bounds to their insubordination, and they never will cease from riots and disorders. To give it them is clearly an insane proceeding; nay, we ought rather, if we are wise, to take away from them this privilege of the tribuneship, which is a distinct subversion of the consulate, and a cause of dissension in the city, which now is no longer one, as before, but is rent asunder in such a manner that there is no prospect of our ever being reunited, and ceasing to be divided into two hostile factions." XVII. With much talk to this effect Marcius excited the young men, with whom he was influential, and nearly all the richer classes, who loudly declared that he was the only man in the State who was insensible both to force and to flattery. Some of the elders, however, opposed him, foreseeing what would be the result of his policy. Indeed, no good resulted from it. The tribunes of the people, as soon as they heard that Marcius had carried his point, rushed down into the forum and called loudly upon the people to assemble and stand by them. A disorderly assembly took place, and on a report being made of Marcius's speech, the fury of the people was so great that it was proposed to break into the senate house; but the tribunes turned all the blame upon Marcius alone, and sent for him to come and speak in his own defence. As this demand was insolently refused, the tribunes themselves, together with the aediles, went to bring him by force, and actually laid hands upon him. However, the patricians rallied round him, thrust away the tribunes of the people, and even beat the aediles, their assistants in this quarrel. Night put an end to the conflict, but at daybreak the consuls, seeing the people terribly excited, and gathering in the forum from all quarters, began to fear the consequences of their fury. They assembled the senators and bade them endeavour, by mild language and healing measures, to pacify the multitude, as it was no season for pride or for standing upon their dignity, but if they were wise they would perceive that so dangerous and critical a posture of affairs required a temperate and popular policy. The majority of the senators yielded, and the consuls proceeded to soothe the people in the best way they could, answering gently such charges as had been brought against them, even speaking with the utmost caution when blaming the people for their late outrageous conduct, and declaring that there should be no difference of opinion between them about the way in which corn should be supplied, and about the price of provisions. XVIII. As the people now for the most part had cooled down, and from their attentive and orderly demeanour were evidently much wrought upon by the words of the consuls, the tribunes came forward and addressed them. They said that now that the Senate had come to a better frame of mind, the people would willingly make concessions in their turn; but they insisted that Marcius should apologise for his conduct, or deny if he could that he had excited the Senate to destroy the constitution, that when summoned to appear he had disobeyed, and that finally he had, by beating and insulting the aediles in the market-place, done all that lay in his power to raise a civil war and make the citizens shed one another's blood. Their object in saying this was either to humble Marcius, by making him entreat the clemency of the people, which was much against his haughty temper, or else expecting that he would yield to his fiery nature and make the breach between himself and the people incurable. The latter was what they hoped for from their knowledge of his character. Marcius came forward to speak in his defence, and the people stood listening in dead silence. But when, instead of the apologetic speech which they expected, he began to speak with a freedom which seemed more like accusing them than defending himself, while the tones of his voice and the expression of his countenance showed a fearless contempt for his audience, the people became angry, and plainly showed their disapprobation of what he said. Upon this, Sicinnius, the boldest of the tribunes, after a short consultation with his colleagues, came forward and said that the tribunes had condemned Marcius to suffer the penalty of death, and ordered the aediles to lead him at once to the Capitol, and cast him down the Tarpeian rock. When the aediles laid hold of him, many of the people themselves seemed struck with horror and remorse, and the patricians in the wildest excitement, called upon one another to rescue him, and by main force tore him from his assailants and placed him in the midst of themselves. Some of them held out their hands and besought the populace by signs, as no voice could be heard in such an uproar. At last the friends and relations of the tribunes, seeing that it was impossible to carry out their sentence on Marcius without much bloodshed, persuaded them to alter the cruel and unprecedented part of the sentence, and not to put him to death by violence, or without a trial, but to refer the matter to the people, to be voted upon by them. Upon this Sicinnius, turning to the patricians, demanded what they meant by rescuing Marcius from the people when they intended to punish him. They at once retorted, "Nay, what do you mean by dragging one of the bravest and best men in Rome to a cruel and illegal death?" "You shall not," answered Sicinnius, "make that a ground of quarrel with the people, for we allow you what you demand, that this man be put on his trial. You, Marcius, we summon to appear in the forum on the third market-day ensuing, and prove your innocence if you can, as the votes of your countrymen will be then taken about your conduct." XIX. The patricians were glad enough to terminate the affair in this way, and retired rejoicing, bearing Marcius with them. During the time which was to elapse before the third market-day (which the Romans hold on every ninth day, and therefore call them nundinae), they had some hope that a campaign against the people of Antium would enable them to put off the trial until the people's anger had abated through length of time and warlike occupations; afterwards, as they came to terms at once with the Antiates, the patricians held frequent meetings, in which they expressed their fear of the people, and considered by what means they could avoid delivering Marcius up to them, and prevent their mob orators from exciting them. Appius Claudius, who had the reputation of being the bitterest enemy of the people in Rome, gave it as his opinion that the Senate would destroy itself and ruin the State utterly if it permitted the people to assume the power of trying patricians and voting on their trials; while the older men, and those who were more inclined to the popular side, thought that this power would render the people gentle and temperate, and not savage and cruel. The people, they said, did not despise the Senate, but imagined that they were despised by it, so that this privilege of holding the trial would agreeably salve their wounded vanity, and, as they exercised their franchise, they would lay aside their anger. XX. Marcius, perceiving that the Senate, divided between their regard for himself and their fear of the people, knew not what to do, himself asked the tribunes of the people what it was that he was charged with, and what indictment they intended to bring against him at his trial. When they answered that the charge against him was one of treason, because he had attempted to make himself absolute despot in Rome, and that they would prove it, he at once rose, saying that he would at once defend himself before the people on that score, and that if he were convicted, he would not refuse to undergo any punishment whatever; "Only," said he, "do not bring forward some other charge against me, and deceive the Senate." When they had agreed upon these conditions, the trial took place. The tribunes, however, when the people assembled, made them vote by tribes, and not by centuries;[A] by which device the votes of rich respectable men who had served the State in the wars would be swamped by those of the needy rabble who cared nothing for truth or honour. In the next place, they passed by the charge of treason, as being impossible to prove, and repeated what Marcius had originally said before the Senate, when he dissuaded them from lowering the price of corn, and advised the abolition of the office of tribune. A new count in the indictment was that he had not paid over the money raised by the sale of the plunder after his expedition against Antium, but had divided it among his own followers. This last accusation is said to have disturbed Marcius more than all the rest, as he had never expected it, and was not prepared with any answer that would satisfy the people, so that the praises which he bestowed on those who had made that campaign with him only angered the far greater number who had not done so. At last the people voted. Marcius was condemned by a majority of the tribes, and was sentenced to perpetual banishment. After sentence was passed, the people displayed greater joy than if they had won a pitched battle, while the Senate was downcast and filled with regret at not having run any risks rather than allow the people to obtain so much power, and use it so insolently. Nor was there any need for distinctions of dress or anything else to distinguish the two parties, because a plebeian might be told at once by his delight, a patrician by his sorrow. [Footnote A: See the article "Comitia" in Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities.] XXI. Marcius himself, however, remained unmoved. Proud and haughty as ever, he appeared not to be sorry for himself, and to be the only one of the patricians who was not. This calmness, however, was not due to any evenness of temper or any intention of bearing his wrongs meekly. It arose from concentrated rage and fury, which many do not know to be an expression of great grief. When the mind is inflamed with this passion, it casts out all ideas of submission or of quiet. Hence an angry man is courageous, just as a fever patient is hot, because of the inflamed throbbing excitement of his mind. And Marcius soon showed that this was his own condition. He went home, embraced his weeping wife and mother, bade them bear this calamity with patience, and at once proceeded to the city gates, escorted by the patricians in a body. Thence, taking nothing with him, and asking no man for any thing, he went off, accompanied by three or four of his clients. He remained for a few days at some farms near the city, agitated deeply by conflicting passions. His anger suggested no scheme by which he might benefit himself, but only how to revenge himself on the Romans. At length he decided that he would raise up a cruel war against them, and proceeded at once to make application to the neighbouring nation of the Volscians, whom he knew to be rich and powerful, and only to have suffered sufficiently by their late defeats to make them desirous of renewing their quarrel with Rome. XXII. There was a certain citizen of Antium named Tullus Aufidius, who, from his wealth, courage, and noble birth, was regarded as the most important man in the whole Volscian nation. Marcius knew that this man hated him more than any other Roman; for in battle they had often met, and by challenging and defying one another, as young warriors are wont to do, they had, in addition to their national antipathy, gained a violent personal hatred for one another. In spite of this, however, knowing the generous nature of Tullus, and longing more than any Volscian to requite the Romans for their treatment, he justified the verses, "'Tis hard to strive with rage, which aye, Though life's the forfeit, gains its way." He disguised himself as completely as he could, and, like Ulysses, "Into the city of his foes he came." XXIII. It was evening when he entered Antium, and although many met him, no one recognised him. He went to Tullus's house, and entering, sat down by the hearth in silence, with his head wrapped in his cloak. The domestics, astonished at his behaviour, did not dare to disturb him, as there was a certain dignity about his appearance and his silence, but went and told Tullus, who was at supper, of this strange incident. Tullus rose, went to him, and inquired who he was and what he wanted. Then at length Marcius uncovered his face, and, after a short pause, said, "If you do not recognise me, Tullus, or if you do not believe your eyes, I must myself tell you who I am. I am Caius Marcius, who has wrought you and the Volscians more mischief than any one else, and who, lest I should deny this, have received the additional title of Coriolanus. This I cannot lose: every thing else has been taken from me by the envious spite of the people, and the treacherous remissness of the upper classes. I am an exile, and I now sit as a suppliant on your hearth, begging you, not for safety or protection, for should I have come hither if I feared to die, but for vengeance against those who drove me forth, which I am already beginning to receive by putting myself in your hands. If then, my brave Tullus, you wish to attack your foes, make use of my misfortunes, and let my disgrace be the common happiness of all the Volscians. I shall fight for you much better than I have fought against you, because I have the advantage of knowing exactly the strength and weakness of the enemy. If, however, you are tired of war, I have no wish for life, nor is it to your credit to save the life of one who once was your personal enemy, and who now is worn out and useless." Tullus was greatly delighted with this speech, and giving him his right hand, answered, "Rise, Marcius, and be of good courage. You have brought us a noble present, yourself; rest assured that the Volscians will not be ungrateful." He then feasted Marcius with great hospitality, and for some days they conferred together as to the best method of carrying on the war. XXIV. Rome meanwhile was disturbed by the anger of the patricians towards the plebeians, especially on account of the banishment of Marcius, and by many portents which were observed both by the priests and by private persons, one of which was as follows. There was one Titus Latinus, a man of no great note, but a respectable citizen and by no means addicted to superstition. He dreamed that he saw Jupiter face to face, and that the god bade him tell the Senate that "they had sent a bad dancer before his procession, and one who was very displeasing to him." On first seeing this vision he said that he disregarded it; but after it had occurred a second and a third time he had the unhappiness to see his son sicken and die, while he himself suddenly lost the use of his limbs. He told this story in the senate house, to which he had been carried on a litter; and as soon as he had told it, he found his bodily strength return, rose, and walked home. The senators, greatly astonished, inquired into the matter. It was found that a slave, convicted of some crime, had been ordered by his master to be flogged through the market-place, and then put to death. While this was being done, and the wretch was twisting his body in every kind of contortion as he writhed under the blows, the procession by chance was following after him. Many of those who walked in it were shocked at the unseemliness of the spectacle, and disgusted at its inhumanity, but no one did anything more than reproach and execrate a man who treated his slaves with so much cruelty. At that period men treated their slaves with great kindness, because the master himself worked and ate in their company, and so could sympathise more with them. The great punishment for a slave who had done wrong was to make him carry round the neighbourhood the piece of wood on which the pole of a waggon is rested. The slave who has done this and been seen by the neighbours and friends, lost his credit, and was called _furcifer_, for the Romans call that piece of timber _furca_, "a fork," which the Greeks call _hypostates_, "a supporter." XXV. So when Latinus related his dream to the senators, and they were wondering who the bad and unacceptable dancer could be who had led the procession, some of them remembered the slave who had been flogged through the market-place and there put to death. At the instance of the priests, the master of the slave was punished for his cruelty, and the procession and ceremonies were performed anew in honour of the gods. Hence we may see how wisely Numa arranged this, among other matters of ceremonial. Whenever the magistrates or priests were engaged in any religious rite, a herald walked before them crying in a loud voice "_Hoc age_." The meaning of the phrase is, "Do this," meaning to tell the people to apply their minds entirely to the religious ceremony, and not to allow any thought of worldly things to distract their attention, because men as a rule only attend to such matters by putting a certain constraint on their thoughts. It is the custom in Rome to begin a sacrifice, a procession, or a spectacle, over again, not only when anything of this kind happens, but for any trifling reason. Thus, if one of the horses drawing the sacred car called Thensa stumbles, or the charioteer takes the reins in his left hand, they have decreed that the procession must begin again. In later times they have been known to perform one sacrifice thirty times, because every time some slight omission or mistake took place. XXVI. Meanwhile Marcius and Tullus in Antium held private conferences with the chief men of the Volscians, and advised them to begin the war while Rome was divided by its domestic quarrels. They discountenanced this proposal, because a truce and cessation of hostilities for two years had been agreed upon: but the Romans themselves gave them a pretext for breaking the truce, by a proclamation which was made at the public games, that all Volscians should quit the city before sunset. Some say this was effected by a stratagem of Marcius, who sent a false accusation against the Volscians to the magistrates at Rome, saying that during the public games they meant to attack the Romans and burn the city. This proclamation made them yet bitterer enemies to the Romans than before; and Tullus, wishing to bring the business to a climax, induced his countrymen to send ambassadors to Rome to demand back the cities and territory which the Romans had taken from the Volscians in the late war. The Romans were very indignant when they heard these demands, and made answer, that the Volscians might be the first to take up arms, but that the Romans would be the last to lay them down. Upon this, Tullus convoked a general assembly, in which, after determining upon war, he advised them to summon Marcius to their aid, not owing him any grudge for what they had suffered at his hands, but believing that he would be more valuable to them as a friend than he had been dangerous as an enemy. XXVII. Marcius was called before the assembly, and having addressed the people, was thought by them to know how to speak as well as how to fight, and was considered to be a man of great ability and courage. He, together with Tullus, was nominated general with unlimited powers. As he feared the Volscians would take a long time to prepare for the war, and that meanwhile the opportunity for attack might pass away, he ordered the leading men in the city to make all necessary preparations, and himself taking the boldest and most forward as volunteers, without levying any troops by compulsory conscription, made a sudden and unexpected inroad into the Roman territory. Here he obtained so much plunder that the Volscians were wearied with carrying it off and consuming it in their camp. However, his least object was to obtain plunder and lay waste the country; his main desire was to render the patricians suspected by the people. While all else was ravaged and destroyed, he carefully protected their farms, and would not allow any damage to be done or anything to be carried off from them. This increased the disorders at Rome, the patricians reproaching the people for having unjustly banished so able a man, while the plebeians accused them of having invited Marcius to attack in order to obtain their revenge, and said that, while others fought, they sat as idle spectators, having in the war itself a sure safeguard of their wealth and estates. Having produced this new quarrel among the Romans, and, besides loading the Volscians with plunder, having taught them to despise their enemy, Marcius led his troops back in safety. XXVIII. By great and zealous exertions the entire Volscian nation was soon assembled under arms. The force thus raised was very large; part was left to garrison the cities, as a measure of precaution, while the rest was to be used in the campaign against Rome. Marcius now left Tullus to determine which corps he would command. Tullus, in answer, said that as Marcius, he knew, was as brave a man as himself, and had always enjoyed better fortune in all his battles, he had better command the army in the field. He himself, he added, would remain behind, watch over the safety of the Volscian cities, and supply the troops with necessaries. Marcius, strengthened by this division of the command, marched to the town of Circeii, a Roman colony. As it surrendered, he did it no harm, but laid waste the country of Latium, where he expected the Romans would fight a battle in defence of their allies the Latins, who frequently sent to entreat their protection. But at Rome the people were unwilling to fight, and the consuls were just at the expiry of their term of office, so that they did not care to run any risks, and therefore rejected the appeals of the Latins. Marcius now led his troops against the Latian cities, Tolerium, Labici, Pedum, and Bola, all of which he took by storm, sold the inhabitants for slaves, and plundered the houses. Those cities, however, which voluntarily came to his side he treated with the utmost consideration, even pitching his camp at a distance, for fear they might be injured by the soldiery against his will, and never plundering their territory. XXIX. When at last he took Bollae, a town not more than twelve miles from Rome, obtaining immense booty and putting nearly all the adult inhabitants to the sword, then not even those Volscians who had been appointed to garrison the cities would any longer remain at their posts, but seized their arms and joined the army of Marcius, declaring that he was their only general, and that they would recognise no other leader. His renown and glory spread throughout all Italy, and all men were astonished that one man by changing sides should have produced so great a change. The affairs of Rome were in the last disorder, the people refusing to fight, while internal quarrels and seditious speeches took place daily, until news came that Lavinium was being invested by the enemy. This town contains the most ancient images and sacred things of the tutelary deities of Rome, and is the origin of the Roman people, being the first town founded by Aeneas. Upon this a very singular change of opinions befel both the people and the Senate. The people were eager to annul their sentence against Marcius, and to beg him to return, but the Senate, after meeting and considering this proposal, finally rejected it, either out of a mere spirit of opposition to anything proposed by the people, or because they did not wish him to return by favour of the people; or it may be because they themselves were now angry with him for having shown himself the enemy of all classes alike, although he had only been injured by one, and for having become the avowed enemy of his country, in which he knew that the best and noblest all sympathised with him, and had suffered along with him. When this resolution was made known to the people, they were unable to proceed to vote or to pass any bill on the subject, without a previous decree of the Senate. XXX. Marcius when he heard of this was more exasperated than ever. He raised his siege of Lavinium, marched straight upon Rome, and pitched his camp five miles from the city, at the place called _Fossae Cluiliae_. The appearance of his army caused much terror and disturbance, but nevertheless put an end to sedition, for no magistrate or patrician dared any longer oppose the people's desire to recall him. When they beheld the women running distractedly through the city, the old men weeping and praying at the altars, and no one able to take courage and form any plan of defence, it was agreed that the people had been right in wishing to come to terms with Marcius, and that the Senate had committed a fatal error in inflicting a new outrage upon him, just at the time when all unkindness might have been buried. It was determined, therefore, by the whole city that an embassy should be despatched to Marcius, to offer him restoration to his own country, and to beg of him to make peace. Those of the Senate who were sent were relations of Marcius, and expected to be warmly welcomed by a man who was their near relation and personal friend. Nothing of the kind, however, happened. They were conducted through the enemy's camp, and found him seated, and displaying insufferable pride and arrogance, with the chiefs of the Volscians standing round him. He bade the ambassadors deliver their message; and after they had, in a supplicatory fashion, pronounced a conciliatory oration, he answered them, dwelling with bitterness on his own unjust treatment; and then in his capacity of general-in-chief of the Volscians, he bade them restore the cities and territory which they had conquered in the late war, and to grant the franchise to the Volscians on the same terms as enjoyed by the Latins. These, he said, were the only conditions on which a just and lasting peace could be made. He allowed them a space of thirty days for deliberation, and on the departure of the ambassadors immediately drew off his forces. XXXI. This affair gave an opportunity to several of the Volscians, who had long envied and disliked his reputation, and the influence which he had with the people. Among these was Tullus himself, who had not been personally wronged by Marcius, but who, as it is natural he should, felt vexed at being totally eclipsed and thrown into the shade, for the Volscians now thought Marcius the greatest man in their whole nation, and considered that any one else ought to be thankful for any measure of authority that he might think fit to bestow. Hence secret hints were exchanged, and private meetings held, in which his enemies expressed their dissatisfaction, calling the retreat from Rome an act of treason, not indeed that he had betrayed any cities or armies to the enemy, but he had granted them time, by which all other things are won and lost. He had given the enemy a breathing time, they said, of thirty days, being no less than they required to put themselves in a posture of defence. Marcius during this time was not idle, for he attacked and defeated the allies of the Romans, and captured seven large and populous towns. The Romans did not venture to come to help their allies, but hung back from taking the field, and seemed as if paralysed and benumbed. When the term had expired, Marcius presented himself a second time before Rome, with his entire army. The Romans now sent a second embassy, begging him to lay aside his anger, withdraw the Volscians from the country, and then to make such terms as would be for the advantage of both nations. The Romans, they said, would yield nothing to fear; but if he thought that special concessions ought to be made to the Volscians, they would be duly considered if they laid down their arms. To this Marcius answered that, as general of the Volscians, he could give them no answer; but that as one who was still a citizen of Rome he would advise them to adopt a humbler frame of mind, and come to him in three days with a ratification of his proposals. If they should come to any other determination, he warned them that it would not be safe for them to come to his camp again with empty words. XXXII. When the ambassadors returned, and the Senate heard their report, they determined in this dreadful extremity to let go their sheet anchor. They ordered all the priests, ministers, and guardians of the sacred mysteries, and all the hereditary prophets who watched the omens given by the flight of birds, to go in procession to Marcius, dressed in their sacred vestments, and beseech him to desist from the war, and then to negotiate conditions of peace between his countrymen and the Volscians. Marcius received the priests in his camp, but relaxed nothing of his former harshness, bidding the Romans either accept his proposals or continue the war. When the priests returned, the Romans resolved in future to remain within the city, repulse any assault which might be made on the walls, and trust to time and fortune, as it was evident that they could not be saved by anything that they could do. The city was full of confusion, excitement, and panic terror, until there happened something like what is mentioned in Homer, but which men as a rule are unwilling to believe. He observes that on great and important occasions "Athene placed a thought within his mind;" and again-- "But some one of th' immortals changed my mind, And made me think of what the folk would say;" and-- "Because he thought it, or because the god Commanded him to do so." Men despise the poet, as if, in order to carry out his absurd mythological scheme, he denied each man his liberty of will. Now Homer does nothing of this kind, for whatever is reasonable and likely he ascribes to the exercise of our own powers, as we see in the common phrase-- "But I reflected in my mighty soul;" and-- "Thus spoke he, but the son of Peleus raged, Divided was his soul within his breast;" and again-- "But she persuaded not The wise Bellerophon, of noble mind." But in strange and unlikely actions, where the actors must have been under the influence of some supernatural impulse, he does speak of the god not as destroying, but as directing the human will; nor does the god directly produce any decision, but suggests ideas which influence that decision. Thus the act is not an involuntary one, but opportunity is given for a voluntary act, with confidence and good hope superadded. For either we must admit that the gods have no dealings and influence at all with men, or else it must be in this way that they act when they assist and strengthen us, not of course by moving our hands and feet, but by filling our minds with thoughts and ideas which either encourage us to do what is right, or restrain us from what is wrong. XXXIII. At Rome at this time the women were praying in all the temples, especially in that of Jupiter in the Capitol, where the noblest ladies in Rome were assembled. Among them was Valeria, the sister of the great Poplicola, who had done such great services to the State both in peace and war. Poplicola died some time before, as has been related in his Life, but his sister was held in great honour and esteem in Rome, as her life did credit to her noble birth. She now experienced one of the divine impulses of which I have spoken, and, inspired by Heaven to do what was best for her country, rose and called on the other ladies to accompany her to the house of Volumnia, the mother of Marcius. On entering, and finding her sitting with her daughter-in-law, nursing the children of Marcius, Valeria placed her companions in a circle round them, and spoke as follows: "Volumnia, and you, Virgilia, we have come to you, as women to women, without any decree of the Senate or instructions from a magistrate; but Heaven, it would appear, has heard our prayers, and has inspired us with the idea of coming hither to beg of you to save our countrymen, and to gain for yourselves greater glory than that of the Sabine women when they reconciled their husbands and their fathers. Come with us to Marcius, join us in supplicating him for mercy, and bear an honourable testimony to your country, that it never has thought of hurting you, however terribly it has been injured by Marcius, but that it restores you to him uninjured, although possibly it will gain no better terms by so doing." When Valeria had spoken thus, the other women applauded, and Volumnia answered in the following words: "My friends, besides those sufferings which all are now undergoing, we are especially to be pitied. We have lost the glory and goodness of our Marcius, and now see him more imprisoned in than protected by the army of the enemy. But the greatest misfortune of all is that our country should have become so weak as to be obliged to rest its hopes of safety on us. I cannot tell if he will pay any attention to us, seeing that he has treated his native country with scorn, although he used to love it better than his mother, his wife, and his children. However, take us, and make what use of us you can. Lead us into his presence, and there, if we can do nothing else, we can die at his feet supplicating for Rome." XXXIV. Having spoken thus, she took Virgilia and her children, and proceeded, in company with the other women, to the Volscian camp. Their piteous appearance produced, even in their enemies, a silent respect. Marcius himself was seated on his tribunal with the chief officers; and when he saw the procession of women was at first filled with amazement; but when he recognised his mother walking first, although he tried to support his usual stern composure, he was overcome by his emotion. He could not bear to receive her sitting, but descended and ran to meet her. He embraced his mother first, and longest of all; and then his wife and children, no longer restraining his tears and caresses, but completely carried away by his feelings. XXXV. When he had taken his fill of embraces, perceiving that his mother desired to address him, he called the chiefs of the Volscians together, and listened to Volumnia, who addressed him as follows: "You may judge, my son, by our dress and appearance, even though we keep silence, to what a miserable condition your exile has reduced us at home. Think now, how unhappy we must be, beyond all other women, when fortune has made the sight which ought to be most pleasing to us, most terrible, when I see my son, and your wife here sees her husband, besieging his native city. Even that which consoles people under all other misfortunes, prayer to the gods, has become impossible for us. We cannot beg of heaven to give us the victory and to save you, but our prayers for you must always resemble the imprecations of our enemies against Rome. Your wife and children are in such a position, that they must either lose you or lose their native country. For my own part, I cannot bear to live until fortune decides the event of this war. If I cannot now persuade you to make a lasting peace, and so become the benefactor instead of the scourge of the two nations, be well assured that you shall never assail Rome without first passing over the corpse of your mother. I cannot wait for that day on which I shall either see my countrymen triumphing over my son, or my son triumphing over his country. If indeed I were to ask you to betray the Volscians and save your country, this would be a hard request for you to grant; for though it is base to destroy one's own fellow citizens, it is equally wrong to betray those who have trusted you. But we merely ask for a respite from our sufferings, which will save both nations alike from ruin, and which will be all the more glorious for the Volscians because their superiority in the field has put them in a position to grant us the greatest of blessings, peace and concord, in which they also will share alike with us. You will be chiefly to be thanked for these blessings, if we obtain them, and chiefly to be blamed if we do not. For though the issue of war is always doubtful, this much is evident, that if you succeed, you will become your country's evil genius, and if you fail, you will have inflicted the greatest miseries on men who are your friends and benefactors, merely in order to gratify your own private spite." XXXVI. While Volumnia spoke thus, Marcius listened to her in silence. After she had ceased, he stood for a long while without speaking, until she again addressed him. "Why art thou silent, my son? Is it honourable to make everything give way to your rancorous hatred, and is it a disgrace to yield to your mother, when she pleads for such important matters? Does it become a great man to remember that he has been ill treated, and does it not rather become him to recollect the debt which children owe to their parents. And yet no one ought to be more grateful than you yourself, who punish ingratitude so bitterly: in spite of which, though you have already taken a deep revenge on your country for its ill treatment of you, you have not made your mother any return for her kindness. It would have been right for me to gain my point without any pressure, when pleading in such a just and honourable cause; but if I cannot prevail by words, this resource alone is left me." Saying this, she fell at his feet, together with his wife and children. Marcius, crying out, "What have you done to me, mother?" raised her from the ground, and pressing her hand violently, exclaimed, "You have conquered; your victory is a blessed one for Rome, but ruinous to me, for I shall retreat conquered by you alone." After speaking thus, and conferring for a short time in private with his mother and his wife, he at their own request sent them back to Rome, and the following night led away the Volscian army. Various opinions were current among the Volscians about what had taken place. Some blamed him severely, while others approved, because they wished for peace. Others again, though they disliked what he had done, yet did not regard him as a traitor, but as a soft-hearted man who had yielded to overwhelming pressure. However, no one disobeyed him, but all followed him in his retreat, though more out of regard for his noble character than for his authority. XXXVII. The Roman people, when the war was at an end, showed even more plainly than before what terror and despair they had been in. As soon as they saw the Volscians retreating from their walls, all the temples were opened, and filled with worshippers crowned with garlands and sacrificing as if for a victory. The joy of the senate and people was most conspicuously shown in their gratitude to the women, whom they spoke of as having beyond all doubt saved Rome. The senate decreed that the magistrates should grant to the women any mark of respect and esteem which they themselves might choose. The women decided on the building of the temple of Female Fortune, the expenses of which they themselves offered to subscribe, only asking the state to undertake the maintenance of the services in it. The senate praised their public spirit, but ordered the temple and shrine to be built at the public expense. Nevertheless, the women with their own money provided a second image of the goddess, which the Romans say, when it was placed in the temple was heard to say, "A pleasing gift have women placed me here." XXXVIII. The legend says that this voice was twice heard, which seems impossible and hard for us to believe. It is not impossible for statues to sweat, to shed tears, or to be covered with spots of blood, because wood and stone often when mouldering or decaying, collect moisture within them, and not only send it forth with many colours derived from their own substance, but also receive other colours from the air; and there is nothing that forbids us to believe that by such appearances as these heaven may foreshadow the future. It is also possible that statues should make sounds like moaning or sighing, by the tearing asunder of the particles of which they are composed; but that articulate human speech should come from inanimate things is altogether impossible, for neither the human soul, nor even a god can utter words without a body fitted with the organs of speech. Whenever therefore we find many credible witnesses who force us to believe something of this kind, we must suppose that the imagination was influenced by some sensation which appeared to resemble a real one, just as in dreams we seem to hear when we hear not, and to see when we see not. Those persons, however, who are full of religious fervour and love of the gods, and who refuse to disbelieve or reject anything of this kind, find in its miraculous character, and in the fact that the ways of God are not as our ways, a great support to their faith. For He resembles mankind in nothing, neither in nature, nor movement, nor learning, nor power, and so it is not to be wondered at if He does what seems to us impossible. Nay, though He differs from us in every respect, it is in his works that He is most unlike us. But, as Herakleitus says, our knowledge of things divine mostly fails for want of faith. XXXIX. When Marcius returned to Antium, Tullus, who had long hated him and envied his superiority, determined to put him to death, thinking that if he let slip the present opportunity he should not obtain another. Having suborned many to bear witness against him, he called upon him publicly to render an account to the Volscians of what he had done as their general. Marcius, fearing to be reduced to a private station while his enemy Tullus, who had great influence with his countrymen, was general, answered that he had been given his office of commander-in-chief by the Volscian nation, and to them alone would he surrender it, but that as to an account of what he had done, he was ready at that moment, if they chose, to render it to the people of Antium. Accordingly the people assembled, and the popular orators endeavoured by their speeches to excite the lower classes against Marcius. When, however, he rose to speak, the mob were awed to silence, while the nobility, and those who had gained by the peace, made no secret of their good will towards him, and of their intention to vote in his favour. Under these circumstances, Tullus was unwilling to let him speak, for he was a brilliant orator, and his former services far outweighed his last offence. Indeed, the whole indictment was a proof of how much they owed him, for they never could have thought themselves wronged by not taking Rome, if Marcius had not brought them so near to taking it. Tullus, therefore, thought that it would not do to wait, or to trust to the mob, but he and the boldest of his accomplices, crying out that the Volscians could not listen to the traitor, nor endure him to play the despot over them by not laying down his command, rushed upon him in a body and killed him, without any of the bystanders interfering in his behalf. However, the most part of the nation was displeased at this act, as was soon proved by the numbers who came from every city to see his dead body, by the splendid funeral with which he was honoured, and by the arms and trophies which were hung over his tomb, as that of a brave man and a consummate general. The Romans, when they heard of his death, made no sign of either honour or anger towards him, except that they gave permission to the women, at their request, to wear mourning for him for ten months, as if they were each mourning for her father, her brother, or her son. This was the extreme limit of the period of mourning, which was fixed by Numa Pompilius, as has been related in his Life. The loss of Marcius was at once felt by the Volscians. First of all, they quarrelled with the Aequi, their friends and allies, and even came to blows with them; next, they were defeated by the Romans in a battle in which Tullus was slain, and the flower of the Volscian army perished. After this disaster they were glad to surrender at discretion, and become the subjects of Rome. COMPARISON OF ALKIBIADES AND CORIOLANUS. I. As all the most memorable achievements of both Alkibiades and Coriolanus are now before us, we may begin our comparison by observing that as to military exploits, the balance is nearly even; for both alike gave proofs of great personal bravery and great skill in generalship, unless it be thought that Alkibiades proved himself the more perfect general because of his many victories both by sea and land. Both alike obtained great success for their native countries while they remained in command of their countrymen, and both succeeded even more remarkably when fighting against them. As to their respective policy, that of Alkibiades was disliked by the more respectable citizens, because of his personal arrogance, and the arts to which he stooped to gain the favour of the lower classes; while the proud ungracious haughtiness of Coriolanus caused him to be hated by the people of Rome. In this respect neither of them can be praised; yet he who tries to gain the favour of the people is less to blame than he who insults them for fear he should be thought to court them. Although it is wrong to flatter the people in order to gain power, yet to owe one's power only to terror, and to ill treat and keep down the masses is disgraceful as well as wrong. II. It is not difficult to see why Marcius is considered to have been a simple-minded and straightforward character, while Alkibiades has the reputation of a false and tricky politician. The latter has been especially blamed for the manner in which he deceived and outwitted the Lacedaemonian ambassadors, by which, as we learn from Thucydides, he brought the truce between the two nations to an end. Yet that stroke of policy, though it again involved Athens in war, rendered her strong and formidable, through the alliance with Argos and Mantinea, which she owed to Alkibiades. Marcius also, we are told by Dionysius, produced a quarrel between the Romans and the Volscians by bringing a false accusation against those Volscians who came to see the festival at Rome; and in this case the wickedness of his object increased his guilt, because he did not act from a desire of personal aggrandisement, or from political rivalry, as did Alkibiades, but merely yielding to what Dion calls the unprofitable passion of anger, he threw a large part of Italy into confusion, and in his rage against his native country destroyed many innocent cities. On the other hand, the anger of Alkibiades caused great misfortune to his countrymen; yet as soon as he found that they had relented towards him he returned cheerfully to his allegiance, and after being banished for the second time, did not take any delight in seeing their generals defeated, and could not sit still and let them make mistakes and uselessly expose themselves to danger. He did just what Aristeides is so much praised for doing to Themistokles; he went to the generals, although they were not his friends, and pointed out to them what ought to be done. Marcius, again, is to be blamed for having made the whole of Rome suffer for what only a part of it had done, while the best and most important class of citizens had been wronged equally with himself, and warmly sympathised with him. Afterwards, although his countrymen sent him many embassies, beseeching his forgiveness for their one act of ignorance and passion, he would not listen to them, but showed that it was with the intention of utterly destroying Rome, not of obtaining his own restoration to it, that he had begun that terrible and savage war against it. This, then, may be noted as the difference between their respective positions: Alkibiades went back to the Athenian side when the Spartans began to plot against him, because he both feared them and hated them; but Marcius, who was in every respect well treated by the Volscians, could not honourably desert their cause. He had been elected their commander-in-chief, and besides this great power enjoyed their entire confidence; while Alkibiades, though his assistance was found useful by the Lacedaemonians, was never trusted by them, but remained without any recognised position, first in Sparta and then in the camp in Asia Minor, till he finally threw himself into the arms of Tissaphernes, unless, indeed, he took this step to save Athens, hoping some day to be restored to her. III. As to money, Alkibiades has been blamed for receiving it discreditably in bribes, and for spending it in luxurious extravagance; while the generals who offered Marcius money as an honourable reward for his valour could not prevail upon him to accept it. This, however, made him especially unpopular in the debates about freeing the people from debt, because it was said that he pressed so hardly on the poor, not because he wished to make money by them, but purely through arrogance and pride. Antipater, in a letter to a friend on the death of Aristotle the philosopher, observes, "Besides his other abilities, the man had the art of persuasion." Now Marcius had not this art; and its absence made all his exploits and all his virtues unpleasant even to those who benefited by them, as they could not endure his pride and haughtiness, which brooked no compeer. Alkibiades, on the other hand, knew how to deal on friendly terms with every one, and we need not therefore be surprised at the pleasure which men took in his successes, while even some of his failures had a charm of their own for his friends. Hence it was that Alkibiades, even after inflicting many grievous losses upon his countrymen, was chosen by them as commander-in-chief, whereas Marcius, when after a splendid display of courage and conduct he tried for the consulship which he deserved, failed to obtain it. The one could not be hated by his countrymen, even when they were ill treated by him; while the other, though admired by all, was loved by none. IV. Marcius, indeed, effected nothing great when in command of his own countrymen, but only when fighting against them, whereas the Athenians frequently benefited by the successes of Alkibiades, when he was acting as their commander-in-chief. Alkibiades when present easily triumphed over his enemies, whereas Marcius, although present, was condemned by the Romans, and put to death by the Volscians. Moreover, though he was wrongfully slain, yet he himself furnished his enemies with a pretext for his murder, by refusing the public offer of peace made by the Romans, and then yielding to the private entreaties of his mother and wife, so that he did not put an end to the enmity between the two nations, but left them at war, and yet lost a favourable opportunity for the Volscians. If he was influenced by a feeling of duty towards the Volscians, he ought to have obtained their consent before withdrawing their forces from before Rome; but if he cared nothing for them, or for anything except the gratification of his own passion, and with this feeling made war upon his country, and only paused in the moment of victory, it was not creditable to him to spare his country for his mother's sake, but rather he should have spared his country and his mother with it; for his mother and his wife were but a part of Rome, which he was besieging. That he should have treated the public supplications of ambassadors and the prayers of priests with contempt, and afterwards have drawn off his forces to please his mother, is not so much a credit to her as a disgrace to his country, which was saved by the tears and entreaties of one woman, as though it did not deserve to survive on its own merits. The mercy which he showed the Romans was so harshly and offensively granted that it pleased neither party; he withdrew his forces without having either having come to an understanding with his friends or his foes. All this must be attributed to his haughty, unbending temper, which is in all cases odious, but which in an ambitious man renders him savage and inexorable. Such men will not seek for popularity, thinking themselves already sufficiently distinguished, and then are angry at finding themselves unpopular. Indeed, neither Metellus, nor Aristeides, nor Epameinondas would stoop to court the favour of the people, and had a thorough contempt for all that the people can either give or take away; yet although they were often ostracised, convicted, and condemned to pay fines, they were not angry with their fellow countrymen for their folly, but came back and became reconciled to them as soon as they repented. The man who will not court the people, ought least of all to bear malice against them, reflecting that anger at not being elected to an office in the state, must spring from an excessive desire to obtain it. V. Alkibiades made no secret of his delight in being honoured and his vexation when slighted, and in consequence endeavoured to make himself acceptable to all with whom he had to do. Marcius was prevented by his pride from courting those who could have bestowed honour and advancement upon him, while his ambition tortured him if these were withheld. These are the points which we find to blame in his character, which in all other respects was a noble one. With regard to temperance, and contempt for money, he may be compared with the greatest and purest men of Greece, not merely with Alkibiades, who cared only too little for such things, and paid no regard to his reputation. LIFE OF TIMOLEON. It was for the sake of others that I first undertook to write biographies, but I soon began to dwell upon and delight in them for myself, endeavouring to the best of my ability to regulate my own life, and to make it like that of those who were reflected in their history as it were in a mirror before me. By the study of their biographies, we receive each man as a guest into our minds, and we seem to understand their character as the result of a personal acquaintance, because we have obtained from their acts the best and most important means of forming an opinion about them. "What greater pleasure could'st thou gain than this?" What more valuable for the elevation of our own character? Demokritus says, that we ought to pray that we may meet with propitious phantasms, and that from the infinite space which surrounds us good and congenial phantasms, rather than base and sinister ones, may be brought into contact with us. He degrades philosophy by foisting into it a theory which is untrue, and which leads to unbounded superstition; whereas we, by our familiarity with history, and habit of writing it, so train ourselves by constantly receiving into our minds the memorials of the great and good, that should anything base or vicious be placed in our way by the society into which we are necessarily thrown, we reject it and expel it from our thoughts, by fixing them calmly and severely on some of these great examples. Of these, I have chosen for you in this present instance, the life of Timoleon the Corinthian, and that of Aemilius Paulus, men who both laid their plans with skill, and carried them out with good fortune, so as to raise a question whether it was more by good luck or by good sense that they succeeded in their most important achievements. I. The state of affairs at Syracuse, before the mission of Timoleon to Sicily, was this. Dion had driven out the despot[A] Dionysius, but was immediately afterwards slain by treachery, and those who, under Dion, had freed the Syracusans, quarrelled amongst themselves. The city, which received a constant succession of despots, was almost forsaken because of its many troubles. Of the rest of Sicily, one part was rendered quite ruined and uninhabited by the wars, and most of the cities were held by barbarians of various nations, and soldiers who were under no paymaster. As these men willingly lent their aid to effect changes of dynasty, Dionysius, in the twelfth year of his exile, collected a body of foreign troops, drove out Nysaeus, the then ruler of Syracuse, again restored his empire, and was re-established as despot. He had strangely lost the greatest known empire at the hands of a few men, and more strangely still became again the lord of those who had driven him out, after having been an exile and a beggar. Those then of the Syracusans who remained in the city were the subjects of a despot not naturally humane, and whose heart now had been embittered by misfortune:[B] but the better class of citizens and the men of note fled to Hiketes, the ruler of Leontini, swore allegiance to him, and chose him as their general for the war. This man was nowise better than the avowed despots, but they had no other resource, and they trusted him because he was a Syracusan by birth, and had a force capable of encountering that of their own despot. [Footnote A: [Greek: tyrannos], here and elsewhere translated _despot_, means a man who had obtained irresponsible power by unconstitutional means.] [Footnote B: Compare Tacitus, "eo immitior quia toleraverat."] II. Meanwhile the Carthaginians came to Sicily with a great fleet, and were hovering off the island watching their opportunity. The Sicilians in terror wished to send an embassy to Greece, and ask for help from the Corinthians, not merely on account of their kinship with them, and of the many kindnesses which they had received from them, but also because they saw that the whole city loved freedom, and hated despots, and that it had waged its greatest and most important wars, not for supremacy and greed of power, but on behalf of the liberty of Greece. But Hiketes who had obtained his post of commander-in-chief with a view, not to the liberation of Syracuse, but the establishment of himself as despot there, had already had secret negotiations with the Carthaginians, though in public he commended the Syracusans, and sent ambassadors of his own with the rest to Peloponnesus: not that he wished that any assistance should come thence, but, in case the Corinthians, as was probable, should refuse their help because of the disturbed state of Greece, he hoped that he should more easily be able to bring matters round to suit the Carthaginian interest, and to use them as allies either against the Syracusan citizens, or against their despot. Of this treacherous design he was shortly afterwards convicted. III. When the ambassadors arrived, the Corinthians, who had always been in the habit of watching over the interests of their colonies, especially Syracuse, and who were not at war with any of the Greek States at that time, but living in peace and leisure, eagerly voted to help them. A General was now sought for, and while the government was nominating and proposing those who were eager for an opportunity of distinguishing themselves, a man of the people stood up and named Timoleon, the son of Timodemus, one who no longer took any part in politics, and who had no hope or thought of obtaining the post: but some god, it seems, put it into the man's mind to name him, such a kind fortune was at once shown at his election, and such success attended his actions, illustrating his noble character. He was of a good family, both his father Timodemus, and his mother Demariste being of rank in the city. He was a lover of his country, and of a mild temper, except only that he had a violent hatred for despotism and all that is base. His nature was so happily constituted, that in his campaigns he showed much judgment when young, and no less daring when old. He had an elder brother, Timophanes, who was in no respect like him, but rash, and inflamed with a passion for monarchy by worthless friends and foreign soldiers, with whom he spent all his time: he was reckless in a campaign, and loved danger for its own sake, and by this he won the hearts of his fellow-citizens, and was given commands, as being a man of courage and of action. Timoleon assisted him in obtaining these commands, by concealing his faults or making them appear small, and by magnifying the clever things which he did. IV. Now in the battle which the Corinthians fought against the Argives and Kleoneans, Timoleon was ranked among the hoplites,[A] and his brother Timophanes, who was in command of the cavalry, fell into great danger. His horse received a wound, and threw him off among the enemy. Of his companions, some at once dispersed in panic, while those who remained by him, being a few against many, with difficulty held their own. When Timoleon saw what had happened, he ran to the rescue, and held his shield in front of Timophanes as he lay, and, after receiving many blows, both from missiles and in hand-to-hand fight, on his arms and body, with difficulty drove back the enemy and saved his brother. [Footnote A: Heavy armed foot-soldiers, carrying a spear and shield.] When the Corinthians, fearing lest they might again suffer what they did once before when their own allies took their city, decreed that they would keep four hundred mercenary soldiers, they made Timophanes their commander. But he, disdaining truth and honour, immediately took measures to get the city into his own power, and showed his tyrannical disposition by putting to death many of the leading citizens without a trial. Timoleon was grieved at this, and, treating the other's crime as his own misfortune, endeavoured to argue with him, and begged him to abandon his foolish and wicked design, and to seek for some means of making amends to his fellow-citizens. However, as he rejected his brother's advice, and treated him with contempt, Timoleon took Aeschylus, his kinsman, brother of the wife of Timophanes, and his friend the seer, whom Theopompus calls Satyrus, but Ephorus and Timaeus call Orthagoras, and, after an interval of a few days, again went to his brother. The three men now stood round him, and besought him even now to listen to reason, and repent of his ambition; but as Timophanes at first laughed at them, and then became angry and indignant, Timoleon stepped a little aside, and covering his face, stood weeping, while the other two drew their swords and quickly despatched him. V. When this deed was noised abroad, the more generous of the Corinthians praised Timoleon for his abhorrence of wickedness and his greatness of soul, because, though of a kindly disposition, and fond of his own family, he had nevertheless preferred his country to his family, and truth and justice to his own advantage. He had distinguished himself in his country's cause both by saving his brother's life, and by putting him to death when he plotted to reduce her to slavery. However, those who could not endure to live in a democracy, and who were accustomed to look up to those in power, pretended to rejoice in the death of the tyrant, but by their abuse of Timoleon for having done an unholy and impious deed, reduced him to a state of great melancholy. Hearing that his mother took it greatly to heart, and that she used harsh words and invoked terrible curses upon him, he went to her to try to bring her to another state of mind, but she would not endure the sight of him, but shut the door against him. Then indeed he became very dejected, and disordered in his mind, so as to form an intention of destroying himself by starvation; but this his friends would not permit, but prevailed on him by force and entreaty so that he determined to live, but alone by himself. He gave up all interest in public affairs, and at first did not even enter the city, but passed his time wandering in the wildest part of the country in an agony of mind. VI. Thus our judgments, if they do not borrow from reason and philosophy a fixity and steadiness of purpose in their acts, are easily swayed and influenced by the praise or blame of others, which make us distrust our own opinions. For not only, it seems, must the deed itself be noble and just, but also the principle from which we do it must be stable and unchangeable, so that we may make up our minds and then act from conviction. If we do not, then like those epicures who most eagerly seize upon the daintiest food and soonest become satiated and nauseate it, so we become filled with sorrow and remorse when the deed is done, because the splendid ideas of virtue and honour which led us to do it fade away in our minds on account of our own moral weakness. A remorseful change of mind renders even a noble action base, whereas the determination which is grounded on knowledge and reason cannot change even if its actions fail. Wherefore Phokion the Athenian, who opposed the measures of Leosthenes, when Leosthenes seemed to have succeeded, and he saw the Athenians sacrificing and priding themselves on their victory, said that he should have wished that he had himself done what had been done, but he should wish to have given the same counsel that he did give. Aristeides the Lokrian, one of the companions of Plato, put this even more strongly when Dionysius the elder asked for one of his daughters in marriage. "I had rather," he said, "see the girl a corpse, than the consort of a despot." A short time afterwards when Dionysius put his sons to death and insultingly asked him whether he were still of the same mind about the disposal of his daughter, he answered, that he was grieved at what had happened, but had not changed his mind about what he had said. And these words perhaps show a greater and more perfect virtue than Phokion's. VII. Now Timoleon's misery, after the deed was done, whether it was caused by pity for the dead or filial reverence for his mother, so broke down and humbled his spirit that for nearly twenty years he took no part in any important public affair. So when he was nominated as General, and when the people gladly received his name and elected him, Telekleides, who at that time was the first man in the city for power and reputation, stood up and spoke encouragingly to Timoleon, bidding him prove himself brave and noble in the campaign.[A] "If," said he, "you fight well, we shall think that we slew a tyrant, but if badly, that we murdered your brother." [Footnote A: From these words, Grote conjectures that Telekleides was also present at the death of Timophanes.] While Timoleon was preparing for his voyage and collecting his soldiers, letters were brought to the Corinthians from Hiketes plainly showing that he had changed sides and betrayed them. For as soon as he had sent off his ambassadors to Corinth, he openly joined the Carthaginians, and in concert with them attempted to drive out Dionysius and establish himself as despot of Syracuse. Fearing that the opportunity would escape him if an army and general came from Corinth before he had succeeded, he sent a letter to the Corinthians to say that they need not incur the trouble and expense of sending an expedition to Sicily and risking their lives, especially as the Carthaginians would dispute their passage, and were now watching for their expedition with a numerous fleet; and that, as they had been so slow, he should be obliged to make these Carthaginians his allies to attack the despot. When these letters were read, even if any of the Corinthians had been lukewarm about the expedition, now their anger against Hiketes stirred them up to co-operate vigorously with Timoleon and assist him in equipping his force. VIII. When the ships were ready, and everything had been provided for the soldiers, the priestesses of Proserpine had a dream that the two goddesses appeared dressed for a journey, and said that they were going to accompany Timoleon on his voyage to Sicily. Hereupon the Corinthians equipped a sacred trireme, and named it after the two goddesses. Timoleon himself proceeded to Delphi and sacrificed to the god, and when he came into the place where oracles were delivered, a portent occurred to him. From among the various offerings suspended there, a victor's wreath, embroidered with crowns and symbols of victory slipped down and was carried by the air so as to alight upon the head of Timoleon; so that it appeared that the god sent him forth to his campaign already crowned with success. He started with only seven ships from Corinth, two from Korkyra, and one from Leukadia; and as he put to sea at night and was sailing with a fair wind, he suddenly saw the heavens open above his ship and pour down a flood of brilliant light. After this a torch like that used at the mysteries rose up before them, and, proceeding on the same course, alighted on that part of Italy for which the pilots were steering. The seers explained that this appearance corroborated the dream of the priestesses, and that the light from heaven showed that the two goddesses were joining the expedition; for Sicily is sacred to Proserpine, as the myth tells us that she was carried off there, and that the island itself was given her as a wedding present. The fleet, encouraged by these proofs of divine favour, crossed the open sea, and proceeded along the Italian coast. But the news from Sicily gave Timoleon much concern, and dispirited his soldiers. For Hiketes had conquered Dionysius, and taken the greater part of Syracuse; he had driven him into the citadel and what is called the island, and was besieging and blockading him there, and urging the Carthaginians to take measures to prevent Timoleon from landing in Sicily, in order that, when the Greeks were driven off, he and his new allies might partition the island between themselves. IX. The Carthaginians sent twenty triremes to Rhegium, having on board ambassadors from Hiketes to Timoleon charged with instructions as bad as his deeds. For their proposals were plausible, though their plan was base, being that Timoleon, if he chose, should come as an adviser to Hiketes and partake of his conquests; but that he should send his ships and soldiers back to Corinth, as the war was within a little of being finished, and as the Carthaginians were determined to oppose his passage by force if he attempted it. So the Corinthians, when they reached Rhegium, found these ambassadors, and saw the Carthaginian fleet cruising to intercept them. They were enraged at this treatment, and all were filled with anger against Hiketes, and with fear for the people of Sicily, who, they clearly saw, were to be the prize of the treachery of Hiketes and the ambition of the Carthaginians. Yet it seemed impossible that they should overcome both the fleet of the barbarians which was riding there, double their own in number, and also the forces under Hiketes at Syracuse, of which they had expected to be put in command. X. Nevertheless Timoleon met the ambassadors and the Carthaginian admirals, and mildly informed them that "he would accede to their proposals, for what could he do if he refused them? but that he wished, before they parted, to listen to them, and to answer them publicly before the people of Rhegium, a city of Greek origin and friendly to both parties; as this would conduce to his own safety, and they also would be the more bound to stand by their proposal about the Syracusans if they took the people of Rhegium as their witnesses." He made this overture to help a plot which he had of stealing a march upon them, and the leading men of the Rhegines assisted him in it, as they wished the Corinthian influence to prevail in Sicily, and feared to have the barbarians for neighbours. Accordingly they called together an assembly and shut the city gates, that the citizens might not attend to anything else, and then, coming forward, they made speeches of great length, one man treating the subject after another without coming to any conclusion, but merely wasting the time, until the Corinthian triremes had put to sea. The Carthaginians were kept at the assembly without suspecting anything, because Timoleon himself was present and gave them to understand that he was just upon the point of rising and making them a speech. But when news was secretly conveyed to him that the fleet was under way, and that his ship alone was left behind waiting for him, he slipped through the crowd, the Rhegines who stood round the bema[A] helping to conceal him, and, gaining the seashore, sailed off with all haste. [Footnote A: Bema, the tribune from which the orators spoke.] They reached Tauromenium in Sicily, where they were hospitably received by Andromachus, the ruler and lord of that city, who had long before invited them thither. This Andromachus was the father of Timaeus, the historian, and being as he was by far the most powerful of the legitimate princes of Sicily, ruled his subjects according to law and justice, and never concealed his dislike and hatred of the despots. For this reason he permitted Timoleon to make his city his headquarters, and prevailed on the citizens to cast in their lot with the Syracusans and free their native land. XI. At Rhegium meanwhile, the Carthaginians, when the assembly broke up and Timoleon was gone, were infuriated at being outwitted, and became a standing joke to the people of Rhegium, because they, although they were Phoenicians, yet did not seem to enjoy a piece of deceit when it was at their own expense. They then sent an ambassador in a trireme to Tauromenium, who made a long speech to Andromachus, threatening him in a bombastic and barbarian style with their vengeance if he did not at once turn the Corinthians out of his city. At last he pointed to his outstretched hand, and turning it over threatened that he would so deal with the city. Andromachus laughed, and made no other answer than to hold out his own hand in the same way, now with one side up, and now with the other, and bade him sail away unless he wished to have his ship so dealt with. Hiketes, when he heard of Timoleon's arrival, in his terror sent for many of the Carthaginian ships of war; and now the Syracusans began utterly to despair of their safety, seeing the Carthaginians in possession of the harbour, Hiketes holding the city, and Dionysius still master of the promontory, while Timoleon was as it were hanging on the outskirts of Sicily in that little fortress of Tauromenium, with but little hope and a weak force, for he had no more than one thousand soldiers and the necessary supplies for them. Nor had the cities of Sicily any trust in him, as they were in great distress, and greatly exasperated against those who pretended to lead armies to their succour, on account of the treachery of Kallippus and Pharax; who, one an Athenian and the other a Lacedaemonian, but both giving out that they were come to fight for freedom and to put down despotism, did so tyrannise themselves, that the reign of the despots in Sicily seemed to have been a golden age, and those who died in slavery were thought more happy than those who lived to see liberty. XII. So thinking that the Corinthian would be no better than these men, and that the same plausible and specious baits would be held out to lure them with hopes and pleasant promises under the yoke of a new master, they all viewed the proposals of the Corinthians with suspicion and shrank back from them except the Adranites. These were the inhabitants of a small city, sacred to Adranus, a god whose worship extends especially throughout Sicily. They were at feud with one another, as one party invited Hiketes and the Carthaginians, while the other sent for Timoleon to help them. And by some chance it happened that as each party strove to get there first, they both arrived at the same time; Hiketes with five thousand soldiers, whereas Timoleon altogether had no more than twelve hundred. Starting with these men from Tauromenium, which is forty-two miles from Adranum, he made but a short march on the first day, and then encamped. On the next day he marched steadily forward, passed some difficult country, and late in the day heard that Hiketas had just reached the little fortress and was encamping before it. On this the officers halted the van of the army, thinking that the men would be fresher after taking food and rest; but Timoleon went to them and begged them not to do so, but to lead them on as fast as they could, and fall upon the enemy while they were in disorder, as it was probable they would be, having just come off their march, and being busy about pitching their tents, and cooking their supper. Saying this he seized his shield,[A] and led the way himself as to an assured victory; and the rest, reassured, followed him confidently. They were distant only about thirty furlongs. These were soon passed, and they fell headlong upon the enemy, who were in confusion, and fled as soon as they discovered their attack. For this reason no more than three hundred of them were slain, but twice as many were taken prisoners, and their camp was captured. The people of Adranum now opened their gates, and made their submission to Timoleon, relating with awe and wonder how, at the outset of the battle, the sacred doors of the temple flew open of their own accord, and the spear of the god was seen to quiver at the point, while his face was covered with a thick sweat. [Footnote A: The shield of a General was habitually carried for him by an orderly.] XIII. These portents, it seems, did not merely presage the victory, but also the subsequent events, of which this was the prosperous beginning. Immediately several cities sent ambassadors and joined Timoleon, as did also Mamercus the despot of Katana, a man of warlike tastes and great wealth, who made an alliance with him. But the most important thing of all was that Dionysius himself, who had now lost all hope of success, and was on the point of being starved out, despising Hiketes for being so shamefully beaten, but admiring Timoleon, sent to him and offered to deliver up both himself and the citadel to the Corinthians. Timoleon, accepting this unexpected piece of good fortune, sent Eukleides and Telemachus, Corinthian officers, into the citadel, and four hundred men besides, not all together nor openly, for that was impossible in the face of the enemy, who were blockading it, but by stealth, and in small bodies. So these soldiers took possession of the citadel, and the palace with all its furniture, and all the military stores. There were a good many horses, and every species of artillery and missile weapon. Also there were arms and armour for seventy thousand men, which had been stored up there for a long time, and Dionysius also had two thousand soldiers, all of whom he handed over to Timoleon with the rest of the fortress, and then, with his money and a few of his friends, he put to sea, and passed unnoticed through Hiketes's cruisers. He proceeded to the camp of Timoleon, appearing for the first time as a private person in great humility, and was sent to Corinth in one ship, and with a small allowance of money. He had been born and bred in the most splendid and greatest of empires, and had reigned over it for ten years, but for twelve more, since the time that Dion attacked him, he had constantly been in troubles and wars, during which all the cruelties which he had exercised on others, were more than avenged upon himself, by the miserable death of his wife and family, which are more particularly dwelt upon in the life of Dion. XIV. Now when Dionysius reached Corinth, there was no one in Greece who did not wish to see him and speak to him. Some, who rejoiced in his misfortunes, came to see him out of hatred, in order to trample on him now that he was down, while others sympathised with him in his change of fortune, reflecting on the inscrutable ways of the gods, and the uncertainty of human affairs. For that age produced nothing in nature or art so remarkable as that change of fortune which showed the man, who not long before had been supreme ruler of Sicily, now dining at Corinth at the cook's shop, lounging at the perfumer's, drinking at the taverns, instructing female singers, and carefully arguing with them about their songs in the theatre, and about the laws of music. Some thought that Dionysius acted thus from folly, and indolent love of pleasure, but others considered that it was in order that he might be looked down upon, and not be an object of terror or suspicion to the Corinthians, as he would have been if they thought that he ill brooked his reverse of fortune, and still nourished ambitious designs, and that his foolish and licentious mode of life was thus to be accounted for. XV. But for all that, certain of his sayings are remembered, which sufficiently prove that he showed real greatness of mind in adapting himself to his altered circumstances. When he arrived at Leukas, which, like Syracuse, was a Corinthian colony, he said that he was like a young man who has got into disgrace. They associate gaily with their brothers, but are ashamed to meet their fathers, and avoid them: and so he was ashamed to go to the parent city, but would gladly live there with them. Another time in Corinth, when some stranger coarsely jeered at the philosophic studies in which he used to delight when in power, and at last asked him what good he had obtained from the wisdom of Plato, "Do you think," answered he, "that I have gained nothing from Plato, when I bear my reverse of fortune as I do." When Aristoxenus, the musician, and some others asked him what fault he had found with Plato, and why, he answered that absolute power, amongst its many evils, was especially unfortunate in this, that none of a despot's so-called friends dare to speak their mind openly. And he himself, he said, had been by such men deprived of the friendship of Plato. A man, who thought himself witty, once tried to make a joke of Dionysius by shaking out his cloak, when he came into his presence, as is the custom before despots, to show that one has no concealed weapons; but he repaid the jest by begging him to do it when he left him, that he might be sure that he had not stolen any of his property. Philip of Macedon once, when they were drinking together, made some sneering remark about the poetry and tragedies which Dionysius the elder had written, pretending to be at a loss to know how he found time for such pursuits; but Dionysius cleverly answered, "He wrote them during the time which you and I, and all who are thought such lucky fellows, spend over our wine." Plato never saw Dionysius at Corinth, for he was dead at that time; but Diogenes of Sinope, when he first met him, said, "How unworthily you live, Dionysius." Dionysius answered him, "Thank you, Diogenes, for sympathising with my misfortunes." "Why," said Diogenes; "do you suppose that I sympathise with you, and am not rather grieved that a slave like you, a man fit, like your father, to grow old and die on a miserable throne, should be living in luxury and enjoyment amongst us?" So, when I compare with these sayings of his the lamentations which Philistius pours forth over the daughters of Leptines, that they had fallen from the glories of sovereign power into a humble station, they seem to me like the complainings of a woman who has lost her perfumes, her purple dresses, or her jewels. These details, I think, for readers who are at leisure, are not foreign to the design of biography, and not without value. XVI. If the fall of Dionysius seems strange, the good fortune of Timoleon was no less wonderful. Within fifty days of his landing in Sicily, he was master of the citadel of Syracuse, and sent back Dionysius to Peloponnesus. Encouraged by his success, the Corinthians sent him a reinforcement of two thousand hoplites and two hundred horse. These men reached Thurii, but there found it impossible to cross over into Sicily, as the Carthaginians held the sea with a great fleet. As it was necessary for them to remain there for a time, they made use of their leisure to perform a most excellent action. For the Thurians made an expedition against the Bruttii,[A] and meanwhile these men took charge of their city, and guarded it carefully and trustily as if it had been their own. [Footnote A: The natives of Southern Italy.] Hiketes meanwhile was besieging the citadel of Syracuse, and preventing corn from being brought by sea to the Corinthians. He also obtained two strangers, whom he sent to assassinate Timoleon, who, trusting in the favour shown him by the gods, was living carelessly and unsuspectingly among the people of Adranum. These men, hearing that he was about to offer sacrifice, came into the temple with daggers under their cloaks, and mingling with the crowd round the altar, kept edging towards him. They were just on the point of arranging their attack, when a man struck one of them on the head with his sword, and he fell. Neither the assailant nor the accomplice of the fallen man stood his ground, but the one with his sword still in his hand ran and took refuge on a high rock, while the other laid hold of the altar, and begged for pardon at Timoleon's hands if he revealed the whole plot. When assured of his safety he confessed that he and the man who had been killed had been sent thither to assassinate Timoleon. Meanwhile others brought back the man from the rock, who loudly declared that he had done no wrong, but had justly slain him in vengeance for his father, whom this wretch had killed at Leontini. Several of those present bore witness to the truth of his story, and they marvelled much at the ways of Fortune, how she makes the most incongruous elements work together to accomplish her purposes. The Corinthians honoured the man with a present of ten minae, because he had co-operated with the guardian angel of Timoleon, and had put off the satisfaction of his private wrong until a time when it saved the life of the general. This good fortune excited men's feelings so that they guarded and reverenced Timoleon as a sacred person sent by heaven to restore the liberties of Sicily. XVII. When Hiketes failed in this attempt on Timoleon, and saw that many were joining him, he began to blame himself for only using the great Carthaginian force that was present by stealth, and as if he was ashamed of it, concealing his alliance and using them clandestinely, and he sent for Mago, their General, to come with all the force at his disposal. He sailed in with a formidable fleet of a hundred and fifty ships, and took possession of the harbour, disembarked sixty thousand troops, and encamped with them in the city of Syracuse, so that all men thought that the long-talked-of and expected subjugation of Sicily to the barbarian was imminent. For the Carthaginians during their endless wars in Sicily had never before taken Syracuse, but now, by the invitation of the traitor Hiketes, the city was turned into a barbarian camp. The Corinthians in the citadel were in a position of great danger and difficulty, as they no longer had sufficient provisions, because the harbours were blockaded, and they perpetually had to divide their forces for skirmishes and battles at the walls, and to repel every device and method of attack known in sieges. XVIII. Timoleon, however, relieved them by sending corn from Katana in small fishing-smacks and boats, which, chiefly in stormy weather, stole in through the triremes of the barbarians when they were scattered by the roughness of the sea. Mago and Hiketes, perceiving this, determined to take Katana, from which place the besieged drew their supplies, and they sailed from Syracuse with the best of their troops. The Corinthian Neon, the General in command of the besieged force, observing from the citadel that those of the enemy who were left behind kept careless guard, suddenly fell upon them, and, slaying some and routing the rest he made himself master of Achradina, which is the strongest and least assailable part of the city of Syracuse, which, as it were, consists of several towns. Being now in possession of abundance of provisions and money, he did not leave the place, and go back to the citadel on the promontory, but fortified the circuit of Achradina and held it conjointly with the Acropolis, with which he connected its fortifications. A horseman from Syracuse brought the news of the capture of Achradina to Mago and Hiketes when they were close to Katana. Alarmed at the news they returned with all speed, having neither taken the city they went to take, nor kept the one which they had taken. XIX. It may be doubted whether these actions owe more to fortune than to courage and conduct; but the next event can only be ascribed to fortune. The Corinthian troops at Thurii were in fear of the Carthaginian triremes under Hanno which were watching them, and as the sea had for many days been excessively rough, in consequence of a gale, determined to march on foot through the Bruttii. Partly by persuasion and partly by force they made their way to Rhegium, while the sea was still very stormy. The Carthaginian Admiral, who no longer expected the Corinthians, and thought that he was waiting there to no purpose, persuaded himself that he had invented a masterpiece of deceit. He ordered his sailors to crown themselves with garlands, decked out his triremes with Greek shields and wreaths of palm, and set out for Syracuse. As he passed the citadel they cheered loudly, and with uproarious merriment called out to the garrison that they had come back after a complete victory over the Corinthians, hoping by this means to dispirit the besieged. But while he was playing these silly tricks the Corinthians had reached Rhegium, and as no one disputed their passage, and the cessation of the gale had made the straits singularly smooth and calm, they embarked in the passage boats and what fishing-smacks were to be found, and crossed over into Sicily, so easily and in such calm weather that they were able to make their horses swim alongside of the vessels and tow them by their halters. XX. As soon as they had crossed, Timoleon met them, and at once obtained possession of Messina, and, after reviewing them, marched on Syracuse at once, confiding more in his good fortune and his former successes than in the number of his troops, which amounted to no more than four thousand. When Mago heard of this march, he was much disquieted, and his suspicions of his allies were increased by the following circumstance. In the marshes round the city, into which runs much fresh water from springs and rivers which find their way into the sea, there was a great quantity of eels, which afforded plenty of sport for those who cared to fish for them; and the mercenary soldiers on both sides used to meet and fish whenever there was a cessation of hostilities. As they were all Greeks, and had no private grounds for hatred, they would cheerfully risk their lives in battle against each other, but during times of truce they conversed freely. So then, while engaged in fishing, they talked to one another, and admired the beauty of the sea, and the fine situation of the city. Then one of the Corinthian garrison said, "Can it be that you, Greeks as you are, should be endeavouring to betray to the barbarian so great and beautiful a city as this, and that you should be trying to establish these base and cruel Carthaginians nearer to our country? Rather ought you to wish that there were more Sicilies to act as bulwarks of Greece. Do you suppose that these men have gathered together their host from the pillars of Herakles and the Atlantic coast, and risked their lives at sea, merely to support the dynasty of Hiketes? He, if he had the spirit of a real prince, never would have turned out his brethren, and invited the enemy into his native land, but would have made terms with Timoleon and the Corinthians, and been honoured accordingly." These words were noised abroad in the camp by the mercenaries, and gave Mago the pretext which he had long been waiting for, to abandon their cause on the plea of suspecting their fidelity. Wherefore, although Hiketes begged him to remain, and pointed out how far superior he was to the enemy, yet he, thinking that Timoleon's army surpassed his in courage and good fortune as much as his did in numbers, weighed anchor at once and sailed to Africa, letting Sicily slip through his fingers, to his great disgrace, for no assignable reason. XXI. On the next day appeared Timoleon with his troops in battle array. As soon as they learned their departure, and saw the harbour, they proceeded to mock at the cowardice of Mago, and they sent a crier round the city offering a reward to any one who would tell them to what place the Carthaginian force had run away. Nevertheless, Hiketes still showed a bold front, and did not relax his hold on the city, and, as the part which was in his possession was strong and hard of access, Timoleon divided his army, and himself led the assault on the most difficult side of the position, by the river Anapus, ordering another body, under Isias the Corinthian, to attack from Achradina. A third corps, consisting of the newly arrived reinforcement under Deinarchus and Demaretus were to attack Epipolae. The assault took place simultaneously on all sides. The speedy rout of Hiketes and capture of the city may be justly ascribed to the skill of the General; but the fact that not one of the Corinthians was killed or wounded is due to Timoleon's good fortune, which seemed to vie with his courage and try to make those who read of his exploits wonder at their good luck more than their merit. In a few days not only was all Sicily and Italy ringing with his fame, but throughout Greece his great successes were known, and the city of Corinth, which scarcely thought that the expedition had reached Sicily, heard at the same time that the troops were safe and victorious, so prosperously did affairs turn out, and with such speed did fortune publish the glory of his deeds. XXII. Timoleon, having thus gained possession of the fortified citadel on the promontory, did not fall into the same snare as Dion, and was not moved to spare the place for the sake of its beautiful and costly architecture. Dion's jealousy of the people led him to distrust them, and proved his ruin; but Timoleon took a very different course. He made proclamation that any Syracusan who chose might come with a crowbar and take part in the destruction of the despot's castle. When they had all assembled, in order to mark that day and that proclamation as the real beginning of liberty, they not only destroyed and subverted the castle, but also the houses and tombs of the despots. Timoleon at once had the place levelled, and built upon it courts of justice, delighting the citizens by substituting a republic for a tyranny. Having taken the city, he was now at a loss for citizens, for some had been killed in the wars and revolutions, and some had gone into exile to avoid the despots, so that the market-place of Syracuse was overrun with herbage so deep and thick that horses were pastured on it, while the grooms lay on the grass near them. The other cities, except a very few, had become the haunts of deer and wild boars, and persons at leisure used to hunt them with dogs in the suburbs and round the walls. None of those who had taken refuge in the various forts and castles would return to the city, as they all felt a dread and hatred of public assemblies and politics, which had produced the greater part of the tyrants under whom they had suffered. In this difficulty it occurred to Timoleon and the Syracusans to apply to the Corinthians, and ask them to send out fresh colonists from Greece. Otherwise, they said, the land must lie uncultivated, and, above all, they were looking forward to a great war with Africa, as they heard that on Mago's return the Carthaginians were so enraged at his failure, that, though he committed suicide to avoid a worse fate, they had crucified his dead body, and were collecting a great force, meaning next summer to invade Sicily. XXIII. When these letters from Timoleon reached them, together with ambassadors from the Syracusans, who besought them to take upon them the care of this their poor city, and once again become the founders of it, the Corinthians were not tempted by greed to take unfair advantages and seize the city for themselves, but first sent heralds to all the games held in honour of the gods throughout Greece, and to all places where people assembled, to proclaim that the Corinthians, having abolished despotism at Syracuse and driven out the despot, invite all Syracusans and other Sicilian Greeks who choose to go and dwell in the city under free institutions, receiving an equal and just share of the land. Next they sent messengers to Asia Minor and the islands, wherever they heard that most of the scattered bands of exiles had settled, and invited them all to come to Corinth, as the Corinthians would at their own expense furnish them with vessels and commanders and a safe convoy to Syracuse. By these proclamations Corinth gained great and well-deserved renown, seeing that she had forced Syracuse from its tyrants, saved it from the barbarians, and given back the country to its own citizens. The exiles, however, when assembled at Corinth found their numbers too small, and begged to be allowed to receive among them others from Corinth and the rest of Greece. When by this means they had raised their numbers to not less than ten thousand, they sailed to Syracuse. Many citizens from Italy and Sicily had already joined Timoleon, who, when he found their numbers (according to Athanis) amount to sixty thousand, divided the country among them, and sold the houses for a thousand talents, affording the original citizens the option of purchasing their own houses. At the same time, to relieve the financial distress of the State, with a view to the approaching war, he even sold all the statues. A vote of the assembly was taken about each one, and he was condemned, like a criminal on his trial. On this occasion they say that the Syracusans, though they condemned all the rest, decided on keeping that of the ancient prince Gelo, because they admired and respected him for his victory over the Carthaginians at Himera. XXIV. The life of Syracuse being rekindled by this influx of citizens from all quarters, Timoleon determined to set free the other cities also, and to exterminate the despots in Sicily. In the course of his campaigns against them he compelled Hiketes to renounce his alliance with the Carthaginians, to demolish his castle, and to live in Leontini as a private citizen. Leptines, the despot of Apollonia and of several smaller towns, fearing to be taken by him, surrendered. Timoleon spared his life, and sent him to Corinth, as he thought that it reflected credit upon his native city, that the despots of Sicily should be seen by all Greece living there as humble exiles. As for the soldiers whom he had in his pay, he determined not to keep them idle, but to support them by the plunder of an enemy's country. So while he himself returned to Syracuse, to superintend the reconstruction of the constitution, and to assist the lawgivers Kephalus and Dionysius in framing the best form of polity, he sent the troops under Deinarchus and Demaretus to subdue the western portion of the island, which had fallen into the hands of the Carthaginians. Here they induced several cities to revolt from the barbarians, and not only gained abundant pay and plunder for themselves from their conquests, but were able to furnish funds for the approaching war. XXV. During this time the Carthaginian forces sailed to Lilybaeum with seventy thousand men, two hundred ships of war, and a thousand transports carrying engines of war, four horse chariots, provisions, and other war material, as they meant no longer to use half measures, but at one swoop to drive the Greeks out of Sicily. Their force indeed was sufficient for the conquest of the Sikeliot Greeks even if they had not been weakened by their internal strife. Hearing that their own part of the island was being ravaged, they at once in great anger marched to attack the Corinthians, under the command of Hasdrubal and Hamilcar. News of this quickly reached Syracuse, and the great numbers of the enemy caused such panic among the citizens, that, numerous as they were, Timoleon could only induce three thousand to get under arms and follow him. Besides these, there was the paid force, four thousand in number; and of these again about a thousand were overcome by their fears on the march, and went back, declaring that Timoleon could not be in his right senses, but must be insane to march with five thousand foot and a thousand horse to attack seventy thousand men, and to separate his force eight days' journey from Syracuse, in a place where there was no hope of shelter for the fugitives or of honourable burial for the dead. Timoleon treated it as an advantage that these men disclosed their cowardice before the day of battle. He encouraged the rest, and led them with all haste to the river Krimesus, where he heard that the Carthaginians were concentrating. XXVI. As he was mounting a hill, beyond which he expected to see the camp and army of the enemy, there met him some mules loaded with parsley. It occurred to the soldiers that this was a bad omen, for we generally use parsley for wreathing tombs; indeed from this practice arises the proverb, when a man is dangerously ill, that he is ready for his parsley. Wishing to rid them from this superstition and to stop their fears, Timoleon halted them, and made a suitable speech, pointing out that their crown of victory had come of its own accord into their hands before the battle, for this is the herb with which the Corinthians crown the victors at the Isthmian games, accounting it sacred and peculiar to their own country. For then parsley was used for the crown at the Isthmian games, as it is even to this day at those of Nemea, and the pine has only been lately introduced. So Timoleon, having addressed his soldiers, as has been said, first crowned himself with the parsley, and then his officers and men did so likewise. But the prophets perceiving two eagles flying towards them, one of whom carried a snake in its talons, while the other flew along with loud and inspiriting cries, pointed them out to the soldiers, who all began to pray and invoke the gods. XXVII. The time of year was the beginning of summer, near the solstice at the end of the month Thargelion.[A] A thick mist rose from the river, and all the plain was concealed in fog, so that nothing could be seen of the enemy, but only a confused murmur from the movement of that great host reached the hill. The Corinthians, when they had reached the summit, paused and piled their arms. Now the sun shone out, and the mist rose from the valley. Gathering together, it hung in clouds about the hill-tops, while below, the river Krimesus appeared, with the enemy crossing it. [Footnote A: About May.] First went the four-horse chariots in terrible pomp, all drawn up in battle array, while next to them followed ten thousand hoplites with white shields. These they conjectured to be native Carthaginians by the splendour of their equipments and their slow and orderly march. Following these came the other nations, turbulently and confusedly struggling across. Timoleon, seeing that the river kept off the mass of the enemy, and allowed them to fight with just so many as they chose, pointed out to his soldiers how the enemy's array was broken by the stream, some having crossed, and some being still crossing. He ordered Demaretus to take the cavalry and charge the Carthaginians, to prevent their having time to form in order of battle. But he himself marched down to the plain, having drawn up his force with the other Sicilian Greeks and a few strangers on each of the wings, but with his Syracusans and the best of the paid force under his own command in the centre. For a short time he held back, watching the effect of the cavalry charge; but seeing that they were unable to come to blows with the Carthaginians because of the chariots which careered about in front of their ranks, and that they constantly had to fall back to avoid their array being broken, and then to make short rushes as occasion served, he himself took his shield, and called to the infantry to follow him and be of good cheer. It seemed to them that his voice was more than man's, and louder than was his wont, either from their faculties being strained by the excitement of the contest, or else because, as most of them believed, some god shouted with him. Quickly they raised their war-cry in answer, and begged him to lead them on and wait no longer. Ordering the cavalry to ride round the line of chariots and attack the infantry in flank, he closed up the foremost ranks, and with the trumpet sounding the charge, attacked the Carthaginians. XXVIII. They manfully encountered his first assault, and being armed with iron cuirasses and brass helmets, and protected with large shields, they were able to withstand the thrust of the Greek spears. But when the struggle came to be decided with swords, where skill as well as strength was employed, there suddenly broke upon them from the mountains a terrible storm of thunder with vivid flashes of lightning. The mist, which had hitherto hung about the mountain peaks, now rolled down on to the field of battle, with violent gusts, hail, and rain. The Greeks received it on their backs, while the rain beat into the faces of the barbarians, and the lightning dazzled their eyes, as the storm swept violently along with frequent flashes from the clouds. These were great disadvantages, especially to inexperienced men, as the thunder and the pattering of the rain and hail on their armour prevented their hearing the commands of their officers. The Carthaginians, not being lightly equipped, but, as has been narrated, in complete armour, slipped on the muddy ground and were encumbered by the wet folds of their dress, which rendered them less active in the fight, and easily overcome by the Greeks, since when they fell in the slippery mud they could not rise again with their shields. The river Krimesus, which had been held up by the multitudes that were crossing it, was now swollen to a torrent by the rain, and the plain through which it runs, lying as it does under many steep glens and ravines, was now covered with streams not running in the ordinary channels, in which the Carthaginians stumbled and were hard bested. At last, from the violence of the storm, and the Greeks having cut to pieces their front rank, a chosen body of four hundred men, the great mass turned and fled. Many were overtaken and slain on the plain, and many more perished in the river, while the light-armed troops prevented most of them from gaining the shelter of the mountains. It was said that among the myriads of slain there were three thousand citizens of Carthage--a great loss and grief to that city, for they belonged to the noblest and richest classes; nor do we ever hear of so many native Carthaginians having perished in any one battle before this, as they generally make use of Libyan, Spanish and Numidian troops, so that in case of defeat the loss falls upon other nations. XXIX. The Greeks discovered the rank of the dead by the richness of their spoil; for when they collected the booty no account was taken of iron or brass, such an abundance was there of silver and gold; for they crossed the river and captured the enemy's camp. Of the captives, the greater part were stolen by the soldiers, and sold privately, but a body of five thousand was brought into the common stock. Two hundred chariots also were taken. The most glorious and magnificent spectacle of all was the tent of Timoleon, round which booty of every kind was piled up in heaps, among which were a thousand corslets of exquisite workmanship, and ten thousand shields. As they were but few to gather the plunder of so many, and as they fell in with such riches, it was only on the third day that they managed to erect a trophy of their victory. Together with the despatch announcing his success, Timoleon sent home to Corinth the finest of the arms and armour, desiring to make his country envied by all men, when they should see, in that alone of all Greek cities, that the most important shrines were not adorned with Grecian spoils, nor with offerings obtained by the slaughter of men of their own race and blood, dismal memorials at best, but with spoils of the barbarian, whose inscriptions bore noble testimony to the justice, as well as the courage of the victors, telling how the Corinthians and their general, Timoleon, having freed the Greeks who dwell in Sicily from the yoke of Carthage, set up these thank-offerings to the gods. XXX. After the victory he left the paid force in the enemy's country, to ravage and plunder the Carthaginian dominions, and himself proceeded to Syracuse. He now ordered out of the island those mercenary troops by whom he had been deserted before the battle; and even forced them to quit Sicily before sunset. These men crossed into Italy and perished there at the hands of the Bruttians, who broke their word to them and betrayed them. This was the penalty which Heaven imposed on them for their desertion. But Mamercus, the despot of Catana, and Hiketes, either through disgust at Timoleon's successes, or else fearing him as a man not likely to keep faith with despots, made an alliance with Carthage, as they said that the Carthaginians, unless they wished to be utterly driven out of Sicily, must send a competent force and a general. Gisco the son of Hanno sailed thither with seventy ships, and also with a force of Greek mercenary soldiers, whom the Carthaginians had never used before; but now they were full of admiration for the Greeks, as being the most warlike and invincible of men. Having effected a junction of their forces in the territory of Messina, they cut to pieces a body of four hundred foreign soldiers whom Timoleon sent against them; and in the Carthaginian dominion they laid an ambush near the place called Hietae, and cut off the hired troops of Euthymus the Leukadian. Both these circumstances made the good fortune of Timoleon more renowned. For these were some of the men who under Philomelus of Phokis and Onomarchus sacrilegiously took Delphi, and shared in the plunder of the temple. As all men loathed them and shrank from them as from men under a curse, they wandered about Peloponnesus until Timoleon, being unable to get any other soldiers, enlisted them in his service. When they reached Sicily, they were victorious in every battle which they fought where he was present. After the most important struggles of the war were over, they were sent to reinforce others, and so perished and came to nought; and not all at once, but piecemeal, as if their avenging fate had given way to Timoleon's good fortune for a season, lest the good should suffer from the punishment of the wicked. Thus the kindness of the gods towards Timoleon was no less seen and wondered at in his failures than in his successes. XXXI. The people of Syracuse were much nettled by the insulting jests passed upon them by the despots. Mamercus, who plumed himself on his poems and tragedies, gave himself great airs after conquering the mercenaries, and when he hung up their shields as offerings to the gods, he inscribed this insolent elegiac couplet upon them. "These, with purple wrought, and ivory, gold, and amber, We with our simple shields conquered and laid in the dust." After these events, while Timoleon was on a campaign in the direction of Kalauria, Hiketes invaded the Syracusan territory, did much damage and insult, and retired loaded with spoil, past the very walls of Kalauria, despising Timoleon, who had but a small force with him. He, however, let him pass, but then pursued with his cavalry and light troops. Hiketes, perceiving this, halted after crossing the river Damyrias, and drew up his troops along the farther bank to dispute the passage, encouraged to do so by the different nature of the ford, and the steepness of the hills on either hand. Now a strange rivalry and contest arose among Timoleon's captains, which delayed their onset. No one chose to let any one else lead the way against the enemy, but each man wished to be first; so that their crossing was conducted in a disorderly fashion, each man trying to push by and outstrip the rest. Hereupon Timoleon, wishing to choose the leaders by lot, took a ring from each. These he threw into his own cloak, mixed them up, and showed the first which he drew out, which happened to be engraved with the figure of a trophy of victory. When the young men saw this they raised a shout of joy, and would not wait for the rest to be drawn, but each man, as fast as he could, rode through the river and set upon the enemy. Their assault was irresistible; the enemy fled, all of them throwing away their shields, and with the loss of a hundred men. XXXII. Soon after this, while Timoleon was campaigning in the Leontine country, he took Hiketes alive, with his son Eupolemus, and Euthymus, the commander of his cavalry. The soldiers seized and bound them, and led them into Timoleon's presence. Hiketes and his son were put to death as despots and traitors; nor did Euthymus meet with compassion, though he was a man of renown in athletic contest, and of great personal bravery, because of a scoffing speech of which he was accused against the Corinthians. The story goes that he was addressing the people of Leontini on the subject of the Corinthian invasion, and told them that there was nothing to be alarmed at if "Corinthian ladies have come out from home."[A] Thus it is that most people seem to suffer more from hard words than hard deeds, and are more excited by insult than by actual hurt. What we do to our enemies in war is done of necessity, but the evil we say of them seems to spring from an excess of spite. [Footnote A: A line in the Medea of Euripides. The point of the joke depends on the punctuation, but cannot be kept in translation.] XXXIII. On Timoleon's return the Syracusans brought the family and daughters of Hiketes before the public assembly for trial, and condemned them to death. And this, methinks, is the most heartless of Timoleon's actions, that for want of a word from him these poor creatures should have perished. He seems not to have interfered, and to have let the people give full vent to their desire to avenge Dion, who dethroned Dionysius. For Hiketes was the man who threw Dion's wife Arete alive into the sea, with her sister Aristomache and her little son, as is told in the Life of Dion. XXXIV. After this he marched against Mamercus at Catana. He beat him in a pitched battle near the river Abolus, routing him with a loss of two thousand men, no small part of whom belonged to the Phoenician contingent under Gisco. Hereupon, at the request of the Carthaginians, he made peace, stipulating that they should hold the country beyond the river Lykus, and that those who wished should be allowed to have it and go to reside at Syracuse, with their families and property, and also that they should give up their alliance with the despots. In despair at this Mamercus sailed to Italy, to try to bring the Lucanians against Timoleon and the Syracusans; but he was deserted by his followers, who turned their ships back, sailed to Syracuse, and surrendered Catana to Timoleon. Mamercus now was forced to take refuge in Messina with Hippo, the despot there. But Timoleon came and besieged it both by sea and land. Hippo endeavoured to escape on a ship, and was taken. The people of Messina, to whom he was delivered up, brought every one, even the boys from school, into the theatre, to witness that most salutary spectacle, a tyrant meeting with his deserts. He was put to death with torture; but Mamercus surrendered himself to Timoleon on condition that he should have a fair trial before the people of Syracuse, and that Timoleon should say nothing against him. When he was brought to Syracuse he was brought before the people, and tried to deliver a long premeditated speech to them, but meeting with interruptions and seeing that the assembly was inexorable he flung away his cloak and rushed across the theatre, striking his head against a stone step with the intention of killing himself. However he failed, and paid the penalty of his crimes by suffering the death of a pirate. XXXV. In this fashion the despotisms were put down by Timoleon, and the wars finished. The whole island, which had become a mere wilderness through the constant wars, and was grown hateful to the very natives, under his administration became so civilized and desirable a country that colonists sailed to it from those very places to which its own citizens had formerly betaken themselves to escape from it. For Akragas and Gela, large cities, which after the war with Athens had been destroyed by the Carthaginians, were now repeopled; the former colonists led by Megellus and Pheristus, from Elea on the south coast of Italy, and the latter by a party led by Gorgus, who sailed from Keos and collected together the former citizens. When these cities were being reorganised Timoleon not only afforded them peace and safety, but also gave them great assistance, and showed so great an interest in them as to be loved and respected by them as their real Founder. The other cities also all of them looked upon him with the same feelings, so that no peace could be made by them, no laws established, no country divided among settlers, no constitutional changes made that seemed satisfactory, unless he had a hand in them, and arranged them just as an architect, when a building is finished, gives some graceful touches which adorn the whole. XXXVI. There were many Greeks, in his lifetime, who became great, and did great things, such as Timotheus, and Agesilaus, and Pelopidas, and Timoleon's great model, Epameinondas. But these men's actions produced a glory which was involved in much strain and toil, and some of their deeds have incurred censure, and even been repented of. Whereas those of Timoleon, if we except the terrible affair of his brother, have nothing in them to which we cannot apply, like Timaeus, that verse of Sophocles-- "Ye gods, what Venus or what grace divine Took part in this." For as in the poetry of Antimachus, and the paintings of Dionysius, the Kolophonians, we find a certain vigour and power, yet think them forced in expression, and produced with much labour, while the paintings of Nikomachus and the verses of Homer, besides their other graces and merits, have the charm of seeming to have been composed easily and without effort, so also the campaigns of Timoleon, when compared with the laborious and hardly contested ones of Epameinondas or Agesilaus, seem to have, besides their glory, a wonderful ease, which property is not so much to be attributed to good luck as to prosperous valour. He, however, ascribed all his successes to Fortune, for in writing to his friends at home, and in his public speeches to the Syracusans, he frequently expressed his thankfulness to this goddess, who, having determined to save Sicily, had chosen to ascribe to him the credit of doing it. In his house he built a chapel to Automatia,--the goddess under whose auspices blessings and glory came as it were of themselves. To her he offered sacrifices, and consecrated his house to her. He lived in a house which the Syracusans had bestowed upon him as a special prize for his successes as general, and also the most beautiful and pleasant country seat, where indeed he spent most of his leisure time with his wife and children, whom he had sent for from Corinth. For he never returned to Corinth, nor mixed himself up in the troubles of Greece, nor did he expose himself to the hatred of political faction, which is the rock upon which great generals commonly split, in their insatiate thirst for honour and power; but he remained in Sicily, enjoying the blessings of which he was the author; the greatest of which was to see so many cities, and so many tens of thousands, all made happy and prosperous by his means. XXXVII. But since, as Simonides says, all larks must have crests, and all republics sycophants, so two of the popular leaders, Laphystius and Demaenetus, attacked Timoleon. When Laphystius was insisting on his giving bail for some lawsuit, he would not permit the people to hoot at him or stop him; for he said that all his labours and dangers had been endured to obtain for every Syracusan the right of appealing to the laws. Demaenetus made many attacks in the public assembly on his generalship; but he made him no answer except to declare his thankfulness to the gods for having granted his prayer that he might see all Syracusans in possession of liberty of speech. Though he confessedly had performed the greatest and most glorious actions of any Greek of his time, and though he had gained the glory of having alone done that which the orators in their speeches at great public meetings used to urge the entire nation to attempt, he was fortunately removed from the troubles which fell upon ancient Greece, and saved from defiling his hands with the blood of his countrymen. His courage and conduct were shown at the expense of barbarians and despots; his mildness of temper was experienced by Greeks; he was able to erect the trophies for most of his victories, without causing tears and mourning to the citizens; but nevertheless, within eight years, he restored Sicily to its native inhabitants, freed from the scourges which had afflicted it for so long a time and seemed so ineradicable. When advanced in years he suffered from a dimness of sight, which soon became total blindness. He had done nothing to cause it, and had met with no accident, but the disease was congenital, and in time produced a cataract. Many of his relatives are said in a similar fashion to have lost their sight when advanced in years. But Athanis tells us that during the war with Hippo and Mamercus, at the camp at Mylae, his eyesight became affected, and that this was noticed by all, but that he did not on that account desist from the siege, but persevered in the war, till he captured the two despots; but as soon as he returned to Syracuse he resigned his post of commander-in-chief, begging the citizens to allow him to do so, as the war had been brought to a happy conclusion. XXXVIII. That he endured his misfortune without repining is not to be wondered at; but one must admire the respect and love shown him when blind by the people of Syracuse. They constantly visited him, and brought with them any strangers that might be staying with them, both to his town and country house, to show them their benefactor, glorying in the fact that he had chosen to spend his life amongst them, and had scorned the magnificent reception which his exploits would have ensured him, had he returned to Greece. Of the many important tributes to his worth none was greater than the decree of the Syracusans that whenever they should be engaged in war with foreign tribes, they would have a Corinthian for their general. Great honour was also reflected upon him by their conduct in the public assembly; for, though they managed ordinary business by themselves, on the occasion of any important debate they used to call him in. Then he would drive through the market-place into the theatre; and when the carriage in which he sat was brought in, the people would rise and salute him with one voice. Having returned their greeting, and allowed a short time for their cheers and blessings, he would hear the disputed point debated, and then give his opinion. When this had been voted upon his servants would lead his carriage out of the theatre, while the citizens, cheering and applauding him as he went, proceeded to despatch their other business without him. XXXIX. Cherished in his old age with such respect and honour, as the common father of his country, Timoleon at length, after a slight illness, died. Some time was given for the Syracusans to prepare his funeral, and for neighbours and foreigners to assemble, so that the ceremony was performed with great splendour. The bier, magnificently adorned, and carried by young men chosen by lot, passed over the place where once the castle of Dionysius had been pulled down. The procession was joined by tens of thousands of men and women, whose appearance was gay enough for a festival, for they all wore garlands and white robes. Their lamentations and tears mingled with their praises of the deceased showed that they were not performing this as a matter of mere outward respect and compliance with a decree, but that they expressed real sorrow and loving gratitude. At last, when the bier was placed upon the pyre, Demetrius, the loudest voiced of the heralds at that time, read aloud the following:-- "The Syracusan people solemnise, at the cost of two hundred minae, the funeral of this man, the Corinthian Timoleon, son of Timodemus. They have passed a vote to honour him for all future time with festival matches in music, horse and chariot races, and gymnastics, because, after having put down the despots, subdued the foreign enemy, and recolonized the greatest among the ruined cities, he restored to the Sicilian Greeks their constitution and laws."[A] [Footnote A: Grote.] They buried him in the market-place, and afterwards surrounded the spot with a colonnade, and built a palastra in it for the young men to practise in, and called it the Timoleonteum; and, living under the constitution and laws which he established, they passed many years in prosperity. LIFE OF AEMILIUS. II.[A] Most writers agree that the Aemilian was one of the most noble and ancient of the patrician families of Rome. Those who tell us that King Numa was a pupil of Pythagoras, narrate also that Mamercus, the founder of this family, was a son of that philosopher, who for his singular grace and subtlety of speech was surnamed Aemilius. Most of the members of the family who gained distinction by their valour, were also fortunate, and even the mishap of Lucius Paullus at Cannae bore ample testimony to his prudence and valour. For since he could not prevail upon his colleague to refrain from battle, he, though against his better judgment, took part in it, and disdained to fly; but when he who had begun the contest fled from it, he stood firm, and died fighting the enemy. This Aemilius had a daughter, who married Scipio the Great, and a son who is the subject of this memoir. Born in an age which was rendered illustrious by the valour and wisdom of many distinguished men, he eclipsed them all, though he followed none of the studies by which young men were then gaining themselves a reputation, but chose a different path. He did not practise at the bar, nor could he bring himself to court the favour of the people by the greetings, embraces, and professions of friendship to which most men used to stoop to obtain popularity. Not that he was by nature unfitted for such pursuits; but he considered it better to gain a reputation for courage, justice, and truth, in which he soon outshone his contemporaries. [Footnote A: In Sintenis's text the chapter with which this life usually begins is prefixed to the Life of Timoleon.] III. The first honourable office for which he was a candidate was that of aedile, for which he was elected against twelve others, who, they say, all afterwards became consuls. When chosen a priest of the college of Augurs, whom the Romans appoint to watch and register the omens derived from the flight of birds, or the signs of the heavens, he so carefully applied himself to learning the ancient customs and religion of his ancestors, that the priesthood, hitherto merely considered as an empty title of honour and sought after for that reason only, became regarded as the sublimest craft of all, confirming the saying of the philosophers, that holiness consists in a knowledge of how to serve the gods. Under him everything was done with both zeal and skill. He neglected all other duties, when engaged upon these, neither omitting any part nor adding any, arguing with his companions, when they blamed him for his care about trifles, that though a man might think that heaven was merciful and forgiving of negligences, yet that habitual disregard and overlooking of such points was dangerous for the state, seeing that no one ever begins till some flagrant breach of the law to disturb the constitution, but those who are careless of accuracy in small things soon begin to neglect the most important. He was no less severe in exacting and maintaining military discipline than with religious observances, never forgetting the general in the demagogue, nor, as many then did, endeavouring to make his first command lead to a second by indulgence and affability to his troops, but, like a priest expounding mysteries, he carefully taught them everything requisite for a campaign, and, by his severity to the careless and disobedient, restored the former glory to his country; for he seemed to think victory over the enemy was merely a subordinate incident in the great work of disciplining his fellow-citizens. IV. When the Romans were at war with Antiochus the Great, and all their most experienced generals were employed against him, there arose another war in the west of Europe, in consequence of revolutionary movements in Spain. Aemilius was appointed commander to conduct this war, not with six lictors only, like ordinary generals, but twelve, so as to give him consular authority. He defeated the barbarians in two pitched battles, with a loss of nearly thirty thousand. The credit of this exploit belongs peculiarly to the general, who made such use of the advantage of the ground, and the ford over a certain river, as to render victory an easy matter for his soldiers. He also took two hundred and fifty cities, which opened their gates to him. Having established a lasting peace in his province he returned to Rome, not having gained a penny by his command. For he was careless of money-making, though he spent his fortune without stint; and it was so small, that after his death it hardly sufficed to make up the dower of his wife. V. He married Papiria, the daughter of Papirius Maso, a consular; and after living with her for a considerable time, divorced her, though he had by her an illustrious family, for she was the mother of the renowned Scipio, and of Fabius Maximus. No reason for their separation has come down to us, but there is much truth in that other story about a divorce, that some Roman put away his wife; and his friends then blamed him, saying, "Is she not chaste? is she not beautiful? is she not fruitful?" He, stretching out his shoe, said, "Is it not beautiful? is it not new? But none of you can tell where it pinches me. In fact, some men divorce their wives for great and manifest faults, yet the little but constant irritation which proceeds from incompatible tempers and habits, though unnoticed by the world at large, does gradually produce between married people breaches which cannot be healed." So Aemilius put away Papiria, and married again. By his second marriage he had two sons, whom he kept at home, but those by the former marriage he had adopted into the greatest and noblest families of Rome, the elder into that of Fabius Maximus, who had five times been consul, while the younger was treated by Scipio Africanus as his cousin, and took the name of Scipio. Of his two daughters, one married a son of Cato, the other Aelius Tubero, an excellent man, who supported his poverty more gloriously than any other Roman. There were sixteen in the family, all Aelii; and one small house and estate sufficed for them all, with their numerous offspring and their wives, among whom was the daughter of our Aemilius, who, though her father had twice been consul and twice triumphed, was not ashamed of the poverty of her husband, but was proud of the virtue that kept him poor. But nowadays brothers and kinsmen, unless their inheritances be divided by mountain ranges, rivers, and walls like fortifications, with plenty of space between them, quarrel without ceasing. These are the materials for reflection which history affords to those who choose to make use of them. VI. Aemilius, when elected consul, marched against the sub-Alpine Ligurians, called by some Ligustines, a brave and spirited nation, and from their nearness to Rome, skilled in the arts of war. Mixed with the Gauls, and the Iberians of the sea coast, they inhabit the extremity of Italy where it dies away into the Alps, and also that part of the Alps which is washed by the Tuscan Sea, opposite the Libyan coast. At this time they took also to seafaring, and, sailing forth in small piratical ships, they plundered and preyed upon commerce as far as the columns of Heracles. On Aemilius's approach they opposed him, forty thousand strong; but he, with only eight thousand, attacked five-fold his own numbers, put them to rout, and having chased them into their fastnesses, offered them reasonable and moderate terms; for it was not the Roman policy utterly to exterminate the Ligurian race, but to leave them as an outwork to protect Italy against the constant movements of the Gaulish tribes. Trusting in Aemilius they surrendered all their ships and their cities into his hands. He did the cities no hurt, or at most destroyed the walls, and restored them to the owners, but he carried off all the ships, leaving them nothing larger than a six-oared boat; while he set free the numerous captives which they had taken both by sea and land, among whom were some Roman citizens. These were his glorious exploits in that consulship. Afterwards he frequently let his desire for re-election be seen, and once became a candidate, but as he failed and was passed over, he thenceforth remained in retirement, occupying himself with religious matters, and teaching his children not only the Roman education in which he himself had been brought up, but also the Greek, and that more carefully. For not only were the grammarians, philosophers, and orators Greek, but also the sculptors and painters, and the young men kept Greeks to manage their horses and hounds, and instruct them in hunting. Aemilius, unless hindered by public business, always was present at the exercises and studies of his sons, and was the kindest father in Rome. VII. This was the period during which the Romans, who were at war with Perseus, King of Macedon, complained of their generals, whose ignorance and cowardice had led to the most disgraceful and ridiculous failure, and to the sustaining of much more loss than they inflicted. They, who had just driven Antiochus, called the Great, out of Asia Minor, beyond Taurus, and restricted him to Syria, making him glad to purchase peace at the price of fifteen thousand talents; who, a little before, had crushed Philip in Thessaly, and set free the Greeks from the power of Macedon; and who had also utterly subdued Hannibal himself, a man whose daring and immense resources rendered him far more dangerous an opponent than any king, thought that it was not to be borne that Perseus should wage war as if he were on equal terms with the Roman people, and that, too, with only the remnants of his father's routed forces; for they did not know that Philip, after his defeat, had greatly increased the power and efficiency of the Macedonian army. To explain which, I shall briefly relate the story from the beginning. VIII. Antigonus, who was the most powerful of the generals and successors of Alexander, and who obtained for himself and his family the title of king, had a son named Demetrius, whose son was Antigonus, called Gonatas. His son again was named Demetrius, who, after reigning some short time, died, leaving a son Philip, a mere boy in years. Fearing disturbance during his minority, the Macedonian nobles made Antigonus, a cousin of the deceased, Regent and commander-in-chief, associating with him in this office the mother of Philip. Finding him a moderate and useful ruler, they soon gave him the title of king. He had the soubriquet of Doson, as though he were only a promiser, not a performer of his engagements. After this man, Philip came to the throne, and, while yet a boy, distinguished himself in all that becomes a king, so as to raise men's hopes that he might restore the empire of Macedon to its ancient glory, and be alone able to check the power of Rome, which now menaced the whole world. Defeated in a great battle at Scotussa by Titus Flamininus, he bent to the storm, surrendered all that he had to the Romans, and was thankful for mild treatment. Afterwards, chafing at his subordinate position, and thinking that to reign dependent on the pleasure of the Romans was more worthy of a slave who cares only for sensual pleasure, than of a man of spirit, he gave his whole mind up to preparations for war, and secretly and unscrupulously collected materials for it. Of the cities in his kingdom, he allowed those on the sea-coast and the main roads to fall into partial decay, so that his power might be despised, while he collected great forces in the interior. Here he filled all the outposts, fortresses, and cities with arms, money, and men fit for service, and thus trained the nation for war, yet kept his preparations secret. In his arsenals were arms for thirty thousand men; eight million medimni of corn were stored in his fortresses, and such a mass of treasure as would pay an army of ten thousand men for ten years. But before he could put all these forces in motion and begin the great struggle, he died of grief and remorse, for he had, as he admitted, unjustly put his other son Demetrius to death on the calumnies of one far worse than he was. Perseus, the survivor, inherited his father's hatred of the Romans with his kingdom, but was not of a calibre to carry out his designs, as his small and degraded mind was chiefly possessed by avarice. He is said not even to have been legitimate, but that Philip's wife obtained him when a baby from his real mother, a midwife of Argos, named Gnathaina, and palmed him off upon her husband. And this seems to have been one reason for her putting Demetrius to death, for fear that if the family had a legitimate heir, this one's bastardy would be discovered. IX. However, low-born and low-minded though he was, yet having by the force of circumstances drifted into war, he held his own and maintained himself for a long time against the Romans, defeating generals of consular rank with great armies, and even capturing some of them. Publius Licinius, who first invaded Macedonia, was defeated in a cavalry engagement, with a loss of two thousand five hundred brave men killed, and six hundred prisoners. Perseus next by a sudden attack made himself master of the Roman naval station at Oreus, took twenty store ships, sunk the rest, which were loaded with grain, and took also four quinqueremes.[A] He fought also a second battle, in which he drove back the consular general Hostilius, who was trying to invade Macedonia near Elimiae; and when he tried to steal in through Thessaly, he again offered battle, which the Roman declined. As an accessory to the war he now made a campaign against the Dardans, as if affecting to despise the Romans and to be at leisure. Here he cut to pieces ten thousand of the barbarians, and carried off much plunder. He also had secret negotiations with the Gauls who dwell near the Ister, called Basternae, a nation of warlike horsemen, and by means of Genthius their king he endeavoured to induce the Illyrians to take part in the war. There was even a report that the barbarians had been induced by his bribes to march through the southern part of Gaul beside the Adriatic, and so invade Italy. [Footnote A: Ships of war with five banks of oars.] X. The Romans, when they learnt all this, determined that they would disregard political influence in their choice of a general, and choose some man of sense and capable of undertaking great operations. Such a one was Paulus Aemilius, a man of advanced age, being about sixty years old, but still in full vigour of body, and surrounded by kinsmen, grown-up sons, and friends, who all urged him to listen to the appeal of his country and be consul. He at first treated the people with little respect, and shunned their eager professions of zeal, on the plea that he did not wish for the command; but as they waited on him daily, and called for him to come into the forum and shouted his name, he was at length prevailed upon. When a candidate, he seemed to enter the field not with a view to getting office, but to giving victory and strength in battle to his fellow-citizens; with such zeal and confidence did they unanimously elect him consul for the second time, not permitting lots to be cast for provinces by the two consuls, as is usual, but at once decreeing to him the management of the Macedonian war. It is said that when he was named general against Perseus, he was escorted home in triumph by the people _en masse_, and found his daughter Tertia, who was quite a little child, in tears. He embraced her, and asked her why she was crying; and she, throwing her arms round him and kissing him, said, "Do you not know, father, that our Perseus is dead?" meaning a little dog which she had brought up, which was so named. Aemilius said, "May this bring good luck, my daughter: I accept the omen." This story Cicero the orator tells in his book on Divination. XI. It being the custom that the consuls-elect should return thanks, and make a gracious speech to the people from the rostrum, Aemilius called together the people and said that he had sought for his former consulship because he wanted office, but for this one because they wanted a general: wherefore he felt no gratitude towards them, but would lay down his consulship if they thought that they would succeed better in the war under some one else; but if they felt confidence in him, he asked them not to interfere with his acts as general, nor to gossip about him, but to furnish quietly what was wanted for the war; for if they tried to command their commander they would afford even a more sorry spectacle than they had already done. By these words he made the citizens stand greatly in awe of him, and gave them great expectations of what he would effect, while all rejoiced that they had passed over those who used to flatter them, and had chosen a general of independence and spirit. So much did the Roman people respect bravery and honour, because it led to conquests, and to making them masters of the world. XII. I consider it to have been by divine favour that Aemilius Paulus on starting for his campaign met with such a fortunate and calm voyage, and so speedily and safely arrived at the camp; but as to the war itself, and his conduct of it, accomplished as it was partly by swift daring, partly by wise dispositions, by the valour of friends, confidence in the midst of dangers, and reliance on sound plans, I cannot tell of any glorious and distinguished exploit, which, as in the case of other generals, owed its success to his good fortune; unless, indeed, any one should count as good fortune for Aemilius the avarice of Perseus, which destroyed the great and well-founded hopes of the Macedonians in the war, and brought them to ruin by the meanness of their chief. At his request there came a force of Basternae, a thousand horse and ten thousand light troops who fought with them, all mercenary soldiers--men who knew nothing of tilling the soil, or of sailing the sea, who did not live from the produce of their flocks, but who studied one art and business solely, ever to fight and overcome their antagonists. So, when in the camp at Maedike, these men mixed with the king's troops, tall in their person, admirable in their drill, boastful and haughty in their defiance of the foe, they gave confidence to the Macedonians, and made them think that the Romans never could withstand their attack, but would be terrified at their appearance and march, outlandish and ferocious as it was. But Perseus, now that he had got such auxiliaries as these, and put his men into such heart, because he was asked for a thousand staters for each officer, became bewildered at the amount of the sum which he would have to pay, and his meanness prevailing over his reason, refused their offers, and broke off the alliance, as if he had been steward of his kingdom for the Romans rather than fighting against them, and had to give an exact account of his expenses in the war to his enemies; though he might have been taught by them, who had besides other war materials, a hundred thousand soldiers collected together ready for use. Yet he, when engaged in war with such a power as this, where such great forces were kept on foot to contend with him, kept doling out and sparing his money as if it were not his own. And still he was not a Lydian or Phoenician, but a man who from his descent ought to have had a share of the spirit of Philip and Alexander, who made all their conquests by the principle that empire may be gained by gold, not gold by empire. It used, indeed, to be a proverb that "It is not Philip, but Philip's gold that takes the cities of Greece." Alexander, too, when beginning his Indian campaign, seeing the Macedonians laboriously dragging along the rich and unwieldy plunder of the Persians, first burned all the royal carriages, and then persuaded the soldiers to do the like with their own, and start for the war as light as if they had shaken off a burden. But Perseus, when spending his own money to defend himself, his children, and his kingdom, rather than sacrifice a little and win, preferred to be taken to Rome with many others, a rich captive, and show the Romans how much he had saved for them. XIII. For not only did he dismiss the Gauls and break his word to them, but after inducing Genthius the Illyrian to take part in the war for a bribe of three hundred talents, he lodged the money with that prince's envoys, all counted, and let them put their seals upon it. Genthius then thinking that he had got what he asked, did a wicked and impious deed in seizing and throwing into prison some Roman ambassadors who were sent to him. Perseus, thinking that Genthius no longer needed money to make him hostile to Rome, since he had given him such a pledge of his hatred of it, and had involved himself in war with it by such a crime, deprived the poor man of his three hundred talents, and shortly afterwards looked calmly on while he and his family were plucked out of their kingdom, like birds out of a nest, by Lucius Anicius, who was sent with an army against him. Aemilius, when he came to contend with such a rival as this, despised him as a man, but was surprised at the force which he had at his disposal. These were four thousand cavalry, and of infantry soldiers of the Macedonian phalanx nearly forty thousand. Encamped by the sea-shore, near the skirts of Mount Olympus, on ground nowhere accessible, and strongly fortified by himself with outworks and defences of wood, Perseus lived in careless security, thinking that by time and expense he should wear out Aemilius's attack. But he, while he busied his mind with every possible mode of assault, perceiving that his army in consequence of its past want of discipline was impatient, and usurped the general's province by proposing all sorts of wild schemes, severely reprimanded the soldiers, and ordered them not to meddle with what was not their concern, but only take care that they and their arms were ready, and to use their swords as Romans should when their general should give the word. He ordered the night sentries to go on guard without their spears, that they might be more attentive and less inclined to sleep, having no arms to defend themselves against the enemy. XIV. The army was chiefly troubled by want of water; for only a very little bad water ran or rather dripped out of a spring near the sea. Aemilius perceiving that Olympus, immediately above him, was a large and well-wooded mountain, and guessing from the greenness of the foliage that it must contain some springs which had their courses underground, dug many pits and wells along the skirts of the mountain, which immediately were filled with pure water, which by the pressure above was driven into these vacant spaces. Yet some say that there are no hidden fountains of water, lying ready in such places as these, and say that it is not because they are dug out or broken into that they flow, but that they have their origin and cause in the saturation of the surrounding earth which becomes saturated by its close texture and coldness, acting upon the moist vapours, which when pressed together low down turn into water. For just as women's breasts are not receptacles full of milk ready to flow, but change the nutriment which is in them into milk, and so supply it, so also the cold places which are full of springs have no water concealed in them, nor any such reservoirs as would be needed to send out deep rivers from any fixed point, but by their pressure they convert the air and vapour which is in them into water. At any rate, those places which are dug over break more into springs and run more with water, in answer to this treatment of their surface, just as women's breasts respond to sucking, for it moistens and softens the vapour; whereas land which is not worked is incapable of producing water, not having the motion by which moisture is obtained. Those who argue thus have given sceptics the opportunity of saying, that if it be true, there can be no blood in animals, but that it gathers about wounds, and that the flow of blood is produced by the air, or some change which takes place in the flesh. They are proved to be wrong by those who sink shafts for mines, and meet with rivers in the depths of the earth, which have not collected themselves by degrees, as would be the case if they derived their origin from the sudden movements of the earth, but flow with a full stream. Also, when mountains and rocks are fissured by a blow, there springs out a gush of water, which afterwards ceases. But enough of this. XV. Aemilius remained quiet for some days, and it is said two such great hosts never were so near together and so quiet. After exploring and trying every place he discovered that there was still one pass unguarded, that, namely, through Perrhaebae by Pythium and Petra. He called a council of war to consider this, being himself more hopeful of success that way, as the place was not watched, than alarmed at the precipices on account of which the enemy neglected it. First of those present, Scipio, surnamed Nasica, son-in-law to Scipio Africanus, afterwards a leading man in the Senate, volunteered to lead the party which was to make this circuitous attack. And next Fabius Maximus, the eldest of the sons of Aemilius, though still only a youth, rose and spiritedly offered his services. Aemilius, delighted, placed under their command not so many troops as Polybius says in his history, but so many as Nasica himself tells us that he had, in a letter which he wrote to one of the princes of that region about this affair. He had three thousand Italians, besides his main body, and five thousand who composed the left wing. Besides these, Nasica took a hundred and twenty horse, and two hundred of Harpalus's light troops, Thracians and Cretans mixed. He began his march along the road towards the sea, and encamped near the temple of Herakles, as though he intended to sail round to the other side of the enemy's camp, and so surround him: but when the soldiers had supped, and it was dark, he explained his real plan to his officers, marched all night away from the sea, and halted his men for rest near the temple of Apollo. At this place Olympus is more than ten furlongs high: and this is proved by the epigram which the measurer wrote as follows: "The height of Olympus' crest at the temple of Pythian Apollo consists of (measured by the plumb line) ten stades, and besides a hundred feet all but four. It was Xenagoras, the son of Eumelus, who discovered its height. King Apollo, hail to thee; be thou propitious to us." And yet geometricians say that neither the height of any mountain nor the depth of any sea is above ten stades (furlongs). However, Xenophanes did not take its altitude conjecturally, but by a proper method with instruments. XVI. Here then Nasica halted. Perseus in the morning saw Aemilius's army quiet in its place, and would have had no idea of what was going on had not a Cretan deserter come and told him of the flank march of the Romans. Then he became alarmed, but still did not disturb his camp, but, placing ten thousand foreign mercenaries and two thousand Macedonians under the command of Milo, ordered him to march swiftly and occupy the passes. Now Polybius says that the Romans fell upon these men when they were in their beds, but Nasica tells us that a sharp and dangerous conflict took place upon the heights. He himself was assailed by a Thracian, but struck him through the breast with his spear. However, the enemy were forced back; Milo most shamefully fled in his shirt, without his arms, and Scipio was able to follow, and at the same time lead his forces on to level ground. Perseus, terrified and despairing when he saw them, at once broke up his camp and retreated. But still he was obliged either to give battle before Pydna, or else to disperse his army among the various cities of the kingdom, and so to await the Romans, who, being once entered into his country, could not be driven out without much slaughter and bloodshed. It was urged by his friends that he had a great numerical superiority, and that the troops would fight desperately in defence of their wives and families, especially if their king took the command and shared their danger. He pitched his camp and prepared for battle, viewed the ground, and arranged the commands, intending to set upon the Romans as soon as they appeared. Now the position both possessed a flat plain for the manoeuvres of the phalanx, which requires level ground, and also hills rising one above another offered refuges and means for outflanking the enemy to his light troops. Also two rivers, the Aeson and Leukus, which ran across as it, though not very deep at that season (late autumn), were expected to give some trouble to the Romans. XVII. Aemilius, on effecting a junction with Nasica, marched in battle array against the enemy. When, however, he saw their position and their numbers, he halted in surprise, considering within himself what he should do. His young officers, eager for battle, rode up to him and begged him not to delay. Conspicuous among these was Nasica, excited by his successful flank march round Olympus. Aemilius smiled at them and answered, "I would do so if I were of your age, but many victories have shown me the mistakes of the vanquished, and prevent my attacking a body of men drawn up in a chosen position with troops on the march and undeployed." He gave orders that those troops who were in front should gather together and appear to be forming in battle array, while those who were behind pitched their palisades and fortified a camp. Then by wheeling off men by degrees from the front line, he gradually broke up his line of battle, and quietly drew all his forces within the ramparts of his camp. When night fell, and after supper the army had betaken itself to sleep and rest, suddenly the moon, which was full and high in the heavens, became obscured, changed colour, and became totally eclipsed. The Romans, after their custom, called for her to shine again by clattering with brass vessels, and uplifting blazing faggots and torches. The Macedonians did nothing of the sort, but dismay spread over their camp, and they muttered under their breath that this portended the eclipse of their king. Now Aemilius was not unacquainted with the phenomena of eclipses, which result from the moon being at fixed periods brought into the shadow of the earth and darkened, until it passes the obscured tract and is again enlightened by the sun, yet being very devout and learned in divination, he offered to her a sacrifice of eleven calves. At daybreak he sacrificed twenty oxen to Herakles without obtaining a favourable response; but with the one-and-twentieth favourable signs appeared and portents of victory for them, provided they did not attack. He then vowed a hecatomb and sacred games in honour of the god, and ordered his officers to arrange the men in line of battle. But he waited till the sun declined and drew towards the west, that his troops might not fight with the morning sun in their eyes. He passed away the day sitting in his tent, which was pitched looking towards the flat country and the camp of the enemy. XVIII. Some writers tell us, that about evening, by a device of Aemilius, the battle was begun by the enemy, the Romans having driven a horse without a bridle out of their camp and then tried to catch it, from which pursuit the battle began; but others say that Roman soldiers who were carrying fodder for the cattle were set upon by the Thracians under Alexander, and that to repel them a vigorous sortie was made with seven hundred Ligurians; that many on both sides came up to help their comrades, and so the battle began. Aemilius, like a pilot, seeing by the motion and disturbance of his camp that a storm was at hand, came out of his tent, and going along the lines of the infantry spoke encouraging words to them, while Nasica, riding up to the skirmishers, saw the whole army of the enemy just on the point of attacking. First marched the Thracians, whose aspect they saw was most terrible, as they were tall men, dressed in dark tunics, with large oblong shields and greaves of glittering white, brandishing aloft long heavy swords over their right shoulders. Next to the Thracians were the mercenaries, variously armed, and mixed with Paeonians. After these came a third corps, of Macedonians, picked men of proved courage, and in the flower of their age, glittering with gilded arms and new purple dresses. Behind them again came the phalanxes from the camp with their brazen shields, filling all the plain with the glittering of their armour, and making the hills ring with their shouts. So swiftly and boldly did they advance that those who were first slain fell two furlongs only from the Roman camp. XIX. When the battle began, Aemilius came up, and found the front ranks of the Macedonians had struck their spear-heads into the Roman shields, so that they could not reach them with their swords. When also the other Macedonians took their shields off their shoulders and placed them in front, and then at the word of command all brought down their pikes, he, viewing the great strength of that serried mass of shields, and the menacing look of the spears that bristled before them, was amazed and terrified, having never seen a more imposing spectacle--and often afterwards he used to speak of that sight, and of his own feelings at it. At the time, however, he put on a cheerful and hopeful look, and rode along the ranks showing himself to the men without helmet or cuirass. But the Macedonian king, according to Polybius, having joined battle, was seized with a fit of cowardice, and rode off to the city on the pretext that he was going to sacrifice to Herakles, a god unlikely to receive the base offerings of cowards or to fulfil their unreasonable prayers; for it is not reasonable that he who does not shoot should hit the mark, nor that he who does not stand fast at his post should win the day, or that the helpless man should succeed or the coward prosper. But the god heard the prayers of Aemilius, for he prayed for victory whilst fighting, sword in hand, and invited the god into the battle to aid him. Not but what one Poseidonius, who says that he took part in these transactions, and wrote a history of Perseus in many volumes, says that it was not from cowardice, or on the pretext of offering sacrifice that he left the field, but that on the day before the battle he was kicked on the leg by a horse; that in the battle, though in great pain, and entreated by his friends to desist, he ordered a horse to be brought, and without armour rode up to the phalanx. Here as many missiles were flying about from both sides, an iron javelin struck him, not fairly with its point, but it ran obliquely down his left side, tearing his tunic, and causing a dark bruise on his flesh, the scar of which was long visible. This is what Poseidonius urges in defence of Perseus. XX. Now as the Romans when they met the phalanx could make no impression upon it, Salovius, the leader of the Pelignians, seized the standard of his regiment and threw it among the enemy. The Pelignians, as the loss of a standard is thought to be a crime and an impiety by all Italians, rushed to the place, and a fierce conflict began there with terrible slaughter. The one party tried to dash aside the long spears with their swords, and to push them with their shields, and to seize them away with their very hands, while the Macedonians, wielding their spears with both hands, drove them through their opponents, armour and all: for no shield or corslet could resist their thrust. They then cast over their own heads the bodies of these Pelignians and Marrucini, who pressed madly like wild creatures up to the line of spears and certain death. When the first rank fell in this manner, those behind gave way: it cannot be said that they fled, but they retreated to a mountain called Olokrus. Poseidonius tells us that Aemilius tore his clothes in despair at seeing these men give ground, while the other Romans were confounded at the phalanx, which could not be assailed, but with its close line of spears, like a palisade, offered no point for attack. But when he saw that, from the inequalities of the ground, and the length of their line, the Macedonian phalanx did not preserve its alignment, and was breaking into gaps and breaches, as is natural should happen in a great army, according to the different attacks of the combatants, who made it bulge inwards in one place, and outward in another, then he came swiftly up, and dividing his men into companies, ordered them to force their way into the spaces and intervals of the enemy's line, and to make their attack, not in any one place all together, but in several, as they were broken up into several bodies. As soon as Aemilius had given these instructions to the officers, who communicated them to the men, they charged into the spaces, and at once some attacked the now helpless Macedonians in flank, while others got into their rear and cut them off. The phalanx dissolved immediately, and with it was lost all the power and mutual assistance which it gave. Fighting in single combats or small groups, the Macedonians struck in vain with their little daggers at the strong shields reaching to their feet carried by the Romans. Their light targets could ill ward off the blows of the Roman sword, which cut right through all their defensive armour. After a useless resistance they turned and fled. XXI. But the fight was a sharp one. Here Marcus, the son of Cato, Aemilius's son-in-law, whilst fighting with great valour let fall his sword. Educated as he had been in the strictest principles of honour, and owing it to such a father to give extraordinary proofs of courage, he thought that life would be intolerable for him if he allowed an enemy to carry off such a trophy from him, and ran about calling upon every friend or acquaintance whom he saw to help him to recover it. Many brave men thus assembled, and with one accord left the rest of the army and followed him. After a sharp conflict and much slaughter, they succeeded in driving the enemy from the ground, and having thus chased it, they betook themselves to searching for the sword. When at last after much trouble it was found among the heaps of arms and corpses, they were overjoyed, and with a shout assailed those of the enemy who still resisted. At length the three thousand picked men were all slain fighting in their ranks. A great slaughter took place among the others as they fled, so that the plain and the skirts of the hills were covered with corpses, and the stream of the river Leukus ran red with blood even on the day after the battle; for, indeed, it is said that more than twenty-five thousand men perished. Of the Romans there fell a hundred, according to Poseidonius, but Nasica says only eighty. XXII. This battle, fraught with such important issues, was decided in a remarkably short time; beginning to fight at the ninth hour, the Romans were victorious before the tenth. The remainder of the day was occupied in pursuit, which being pressed for some fifteen (English) miles, it was late before they returned to their camp. All the officers on their return were met by their servants with torches, and conducted with songs of triumph to their tents, which were illuminated and wreathed with ivy and laurel; but the general himself was deeply dejected. The youngest of the two sons who were serving under him--his own favourite, the noblest of all his children in character--was nowhere to be found; and it was feared that, being high-spirited and generous, though but a boy in years, he must have become mixed up with the enemy, and so perished. The whole army learned the cause of his sorrow and perplexity, and quitting their suppers, ran about with torches, some to the tent of Aemilius, and some outside the camp to look for him among the corpses. The whole camp was filled with sorrow, and all the plain with noise, covered as it was with men shouting for Scipio--for he had won all hearts from the very beginning, having beyond all his kinsfolk the power of commanding the affections of men. Very late at night, after he had been all but given up for lost, he came in with two or three comrades, covered with the blood of the enemies he had slain, having, like a well-bred hound, been thoughtlessly carried along by the joy of the chase. This was that Scipio who afterwards took by storm Carthage and Numantia, and became by far the most famous and powerful of all the Romans of his time. So fortune, deferring to another season the expression of her jealousy at his success, now permitted Aemilius to take an unalloyed pleasure in his victory. XXIII. Perseus fled from Pydna to Pella, his cavalry having, as one would expect, all got safe out of the action. But when the infantry met them, they abused them as cowards and traitors, and began to push them from their horses and deal them blows, and so Perseus, terrified at the disturbance, forsook the main road, and to avoid detection took off his purple robe and laid it before him, and carried his crown in his hand; and, that he might talk to his friends as he walked, he got off his horse, and led him. But one of them made excuse that he must tie his shoes, another that he must water his horse, another that he must get himself a drink, and so they gradually fell off from him and left him, not fearing the rage of the enemy so much as his cruelty: for, exasperated by his defeat, he tried to fasten the blame of it upon others instead of himself. When he came to Pella, his treasurers Euktus and Eulaeus met him and blamed him for what had happened, and in an outspoken and unseasonable way gave him advice: at which he was so much enraged that he stabbed them both dead with his dagger. After this no one stayed with him except Evander a Cretan, Archedamus an Aetolian, and Neon a Boeotian. Of the common soldiers the Cretans followed him, not from any love they bore him, but being as eager for his riches as bees are for honey. For he carried great store of wealth with him, and out of it distributed among the Cretans cups and bowls and other gold and silver plate to the amount of fifty talents. But when he reached first Amphipolis, and then Galepsus, and had got a little the better of his fears, his old malady of meanness attacked him, and he would complain to his friends that he had flung some of the drinking cups of Alexander the Great to the Cretans by mistake, and entreated with tears those who had them to give back and take the value in money. Those who understood his character were not taken in by this attempt to play the Cretan with men of Crete, but some believed him and lost their cups for nothing. For he never paid the money, but having swindled his friends out of thirty talents, which soon fell into the hands of the enemy, he sailed with the money to Samothrace, and took sanctuary in the temple of the Dioskuri as a suppliant. XXIV. The people of Macedon have always been thought to love their kings, but now, as if some main prop had broken, and the whole edifice of government fallen to the ground, they gave themselves up to Aemilius, and in two days constituted him master of the entire kingdom. This seems to confirm the opinion of those who say that these successes were owing to especial good fortune: and the incident of the sacrifice also was clearly sent from Heaven. For when Aemilius was offering sacrifice at Amphipolis, when the sacred rites had been performed, lightning came down upon the altar, and burned up the offering. But in its miraculous character and good luck the swiftness with which the news spread surpasses all these; for on the fourth day after Perseus had been vanquished at Pydna, while the people at Rome were assembled at a horse race, suddenly there arose amongst them a rumour that Aemilius had defeated Perseus in a great battle and had subdued all Macedonia. This report soon spread among the populace, who expressed their joy by applause and shouts throughout the city all that day. Afterwards, as the report could be traced to no trustworthy source, but was merely repeated among them vaguely, it was disbelieved and came to nothing; but in a few days they learned the real story, and wondered at the rumour which had preceded it, combining truth with falsehood. XXV. There is a legend that the news of the battle on the river Sagra in Italy against the natives was carried the same day into Peloponnesus, and that of the battle of Mykale against the Medes was so carried to Plataea. The victory of the Romans over the Latins under the exiled Tarquins was reported at Rome a little after it took place, by two men, tall and fair, who came from the army. These men they conjectured to have been the Dioskuri (Castor and Pollux). The first man who fell in with them as they stood in the forum, near the fountain, found them washing their horses, which were covered with sweat. He marvelled much at their tale of the victory; and then they are said to have smiled serenely and stroked his beard, which instantly changed from black to yellow, thus causing his story to be believed, besides winning for him the soubriquet of Ahenobarbus, which means 'brazen beard.' But that which happened in our own time will make all these credible. When Antonius rebelled against Domitian, and a great war in Germany was expected, Rome was greatly disturbed till suddenly there arose among the people a rumour of victory, and a story ran through Rome that Antonius himself was killed, and that the army under him had been utterly exterminated. And this report was so clear and forcible, that many of the magistrates offered sacrifice for the victory. When the originator of it was sought for, as he could not be found, but the story when traced from one man to another was lost in the vast crowd as if in the sea, and appeared to have no solid foundation, all belief in it died away: but when Domitian set out with his forces to the war, he was met on the way by messengers with despatches describing the victory. The day of this success was the same as that stated by the rumours, though the places were more than two thousand five hundred (English) miles distant. All men of our own time know this to be true. XXVI. Cnaeus Octavius, the admiral under Aemilius's orders, now cruised round Samothrace. He did not, from religious motives, violate Perseus's right of sanctuary, but prevented his leaving the island and escaping. But nevertheless Perseus somehow outwitted him so far as to bribe one Oroandes, a Cretan, who possessed a small vessel, to take him on board. But this man like a true Cretan took the money away by night, and bidding him come the next night with his family and attendants to the harbour near the temple of Demeter, as soon as evening fell, set sail. Now Perseus suffered pitiably in forcing himself, and his wife and children, who were unused to hardships, through a narrow window in the wall, and set up a most pititul wailing when some one who met him wandering on the beach showed him the ship of Oroandes under sail far away at sea. Day was now breaking, and having lost his last hope, he made a hasty retreat to the town wall, and got into it with his wife, before the Romans, though they saw him, could prevent him. But his children he had entrusted to a man named Ion, who once had been a favourite of his, but now betrayed him, and delivered them up to the Romans, thus providing the chief means to compel him, like a wild animal, to come and surrender himself into the hands of those who had his children. He felt most confidence in Nasica, and inquired for him, but as he was not present, after lamenting his fate, and reflecting on the impossibility of acting otherwise, he surrendered himself to Cnaeus. Now he was able to prove that he had a vice yet more sordid than avarice, namely, base love of life; by which he lost even his title to pity, the only consolation of which fortune does not deprive the fallen. He begged to be brought into the presence of Aemilius, who, to show respect to a great man who had met with a terrible misfortune, rose, and walked to meet him with his friends, with tears in his eyes. But Perseus offered a degrading spectacle by flinging himself down upon his face and embracing his knees, with unmanly cries and entreaties, which Aemilius could not endure to listen to; but looking on him with a pained and sad expression, said, "Wretched man: why do you by this conduct deprive fortune of all blame, by making yourself seem to deserve your mishaps, and to have been unworthy of your former prosperity, but worthy of your present misery? And why do you depreciate the value of my victory, and make my success a small one, by proving degenerate and an unworthy antagonist for Romans? Valour, however unfortunate, commands great respect even from enemies: but the Romans despise cowardice, even though it be prosperous." XXVII. However, he raised him from the ground, and, having given him his hand, he entrusted him to Tubero, and then taking into his own tent his sons, sons-in-law, and most of the younger officers, he sat silent, wrapt in thought for some time, to their astonishment. Then he said, "Ought a man to be confident that he deserves his good fortune, and think much of himself when he has overcome a nation, or city, or empire; or does fortune give this as an example to the victor also of the uncertainty of human affairs, which never continue in one stay? For what time can there be for us mortals to feel confident, when our victories over others especially compel us to dread fortune, and while we are exulting, the reflection that the fatal day comes now to one, now to another, in regular succession, dashes our joy. Can we, who in less than an hour have trampled under our feet the successor of Alexander the Great, who was so powerful and mighty, and who see these kings who but lately were guarded by their tens of thousands of foot and thousands of horse, now receiving their daily bread from the hands of their foes, can we suppose that our present prosperity is likely to endure for all time? You, young men, be sure that you lay aside your haughty looks and vainglory in your victory, and await with humility what the future may bring forth, ever considering what form of retribution Heaven may have in store for us to set off against our present good fortune." They say that Aemilius spoke long in this strain, and sent away his young officers with their pride and boastfulness well curbed and restrained by his words, as though with a bridle. XXVIII. After these events he sent the army into cantonments, to rest, and he himself set out to visit Greece, making a progress which was both glorious and beneficent; for in the cities to which he came he restored the popular constitutions, and bestowed on them presents, from the king's treasury, of corn and oil. For so much, they say, was found stored up, that all those who received it and asked for it, were satisfied before the mass could be exhausted. At Delphi, seeing a large square column of white marble, on which a golden statue of Perseus was to have been placed, he ordered his own to be placed there, as the vanquished ought to give place to the victors. At Olympia, as the story goes, he uttered that well-known saying, that Pheidias had carved the very Zeus of Homer. When ten commissioners arrived from Rome, he restored to the Macedonians their country to dwell in, and their cities free and independent, imposing upon them a tribute of a hundred talents, only half what they used to pay to their kings. He exhibited gymnastic spectacles of every kind, and gave splendid sacrifices and feasts in honour of the gods, having boundless resources for the purpose in the king's treasury; and in ordering and arranging each man's place at table, and saluting him according to his merit and degree, he showed such a delicate perception of propriety, that the Greeks were astonished that he should carry his administrative talent even into his amusements, and be so business-like in trifles. But he was always delighted that though many splendid things were prepared, he himself was the chief object of interest to his guests, and when they expressed their surprise at his taking such pains, he would answer that the same mind can array an army for battle in the most terrific fashion, or a feast in the most acceptable one. All men praised to the skies his generous magnanimity, because, when a great mass of gold and silver was collected from the king's treasury, he would not so much as look at it, but handed it over to the quaestors to be put into the public treasury. Of all the spoil, he only allowed his sons, who were fond of reading, to take the king's books; and when distributing prizes for distinguished bravery in action, he gave Aelius Tubero, his son-in-law, a silver cup of five pounds' weight. This Tubero is he whom we said lived with fifteen other kinsfolk on a small farm, which supported them all. And that, they say, was the first piece of plate that ever was seen in the Aelian household, brought there by honourable valour; for before that neither they nor their wives used either gold or silver plate. XXIX. When he had settled all things properly he took leave of the Greeks, and reminding the Macedonians to keep by orderly and unanimous conduct the liberty which the Romans had bestowed upon them, he started for Epirus, as the Senate had passed a decree that the soldiers who had been present in the battle against Perseus should be gratified with the spoil of the cities of Epirus. Desiring therefore to fall upon them all at once and unexpectedly, he sent for ten of the chief men from each city, and ordered them to bring together, on a fixed day, all the gold and silver which they had in their houses and temples. With each party he sent, as if for this purpose, a guard of soldiers and a captain, who was to pretend that he came to seek for and receive the money. But when day broke, they all at the same time fell to sacking and plundering the cities, so that, in one hour, a hundred and fifty thousand people were reduced to slavery, and seventy cities plundered; yet from such ruin and destruction as this, there resulted no more than eleven drachmae for each soldier, while all mankind shuddered at this termination of the war, that a whole nation should be cut to pieces to produce such a pitiful present. XXX. Aemilius, having performed this work, greatly against his real nature, which was kind and gentle, proceeded to Oricum, and thence crossed to Italy with his army. He himself sailed up the river Tiber in the king's own ship of sixteen banks of oars, adorned with the arms of the vanquished, and crowns of victory and crimson flags, so that all the people of Rome came out in a body as if to a foretaste of the spectacle of his triumphal entry, and walked beside his ship as she was gently rowed up the river. But the soldiery, casting longing glances at the king's treasure, like men who had not met with their deserts, were angry and dissatisfied with Aemilius; for this reason really, though the charge they openly put forward was that he was a harsh and tyrannical ruler: so they showed no eagerness for the triumph. Servius Galba,[A] an enemy of Aemilius, who had once commanded a legion under him, hearing this, plucked up spirit to propose openly that he should not be allowed a triumph. He disseminated among the soldiers many calumnies against their general, and so still more exasperately their present temper; next he asked the tribunes of the plebs for another day, as that day would not suffice for his speech, only four hours remaining of it. However, the tribunes bade him speak, and he, beginning a long and abusive speech, consumed all the time. At nightfall the tribunes dismissed the assembly. But the soldiers, now grown bolder, assembled round Galba, and, forming themselves into an organized body, again at daybreak occupied the capitol; for it was thither that the tribunes had summoned the people. [Footnote A: He had been military tribune of the second legion in Macedonia. Liv. xlv. 35.] XXXI. The voting began as soon as it was day, and the first tribe voted against the triumph. Soon the rumour of this spread to the rest of the people and to the Senate. Though the masses were grieved at the shameful treatment of Aemilius, they exhausted themselves in useless clamour, but the leading men of the Senate crying out one to another that what was going on was scandalous, encouraged each other to resist the licentious violence of the soldiers, who, if not restrained, were ready to use any kind of lawless violence to prevent Paulus Aemilius enjoying the reward of his victory. These men pushed the mob aside, and mounting to the capitol in a body, bade the tribunes stop the voting until they had said what they wished to the people. When voting ceased and silence was obtained, Marcus Servilius, a man of consular rank, who had challenged and slain twenty-three enemies in single combat, spoke as follows:--"What a commander Aemilius Paulus must be, you are now best able to judge, seeing with what a disobedient and worthless army he has succeeded in such great exploits; but I am surprised at the people's being proud of the triumphs over the Illyrians and Ligurians, and begrudging itself the sight of the king of Macedon brought alive, and all the glories of Philip and Alexander carried captive to the arms of Rome. Is it not a strange thing that on the unfounded rumour of this victory being circulated, you sacrificed to the gods, praying that you soon might behold this spectacle, yet now that the army has returned after a real victory, you refuse the gods the honour and yourself the pleasure of it, as if you feared to see the extent of your successes, or wished to spare the feelings of your captive enemy; though it would show a nobler feeling than pity for him, not to deprive your general of his triumph for a mean grudge. Your baseness has reached such a pitch that a man without a scar, with his body delicately nurtured in the shade, dares to speak about generalship and triumphs before us who have learned by so many wounds to judge of a general's vice and virtues." As he spoke, he opened his clothes, and showed his breast with an incredible number of scars upon it; then turning to Galba, who had made some remarks not very decent "You laugh," said he, "at these other marks: but I glory in them before my countrymen, for I got them by riding, night and day, in their service. But come, bring them to vote; I will go amongst them and follow them all to the poll, that I may know those who are cowardly and ungrateful, and like rather to be ruled by a demagogue than by a true general." XXXII. These words are said to have caused such remorse and repentance among the soldiers, that all the tribes voted Aemilius his triumph. It is said to have been celebrated thus. The people, dressed in white robes, looked on from platforms erected in the horse course, which they call the Circus, and round the Forum, and in all other places which gave them a view of the procession. Every temple was open, and full of flowers and incense, and many officials with staves drove off people who formed disorderly mobs, and kept the way clear. The procession was divided into three days. The first scarcely sufficed for the display of the captured statues, sculptures, and paintings, which were carried on two hundred and fifty carriages. On the following day the finest and most costly of the Macedonian arms and armour were borne along in many waggons, glittering with newly burnished brass and iron, and arranged in a carefully studied disorder, helmets upon shields, and corslets upon greaves, with Cretan targets, Thracian wicker shields and quivers mixed with horses' bits, naked swords rising out of these, and the long spears of the phalanx ranged in order above them, making a harmonious clash of arms, as they were arranged to clatter when they were driven along, with a harsh and menacing sound, so that the sight of them even after victory was not without terror. After the waggons which bore the arms walked three thousand men, carrying the silver coin in seven hundred and fifty earthen vessels, each carrying three talents, and borne by four men. Others carried the silver drinking horns, and goblets and chalices, each of them disposed so that it could be well seen, and all remarkable for their size and the boldness of their carving. XXXIII. On the third day, at earliest dawn, marched the trumpeters, not playing the music of a march, but sounding the notes which animate the Romans for a charge. After them were led along a hundred and twenty fat oxen with gilded horns, adorned with crowns and wreaths. They were led by youths clad in finely-fringed waistcloths in which to do the sacrifice, while boys carried the wine for the libations in gold and silver vessels. After these came men carrying the gold coin, divided into vessels of three talents each like the silver. The number of these vessels was eighty all but three. Then came those who carried the consecrated bowl which Aemilius had made of ten talents of gold adorned with jewels, and men carrying the plate of Antigonus and Seleukus, and cups of Therikles-ware,[A] and all Perseus's own service of gold plate. [Footnote A: This was a particular kind of pottery, originally made at Corinth.] Next came the chariot of Perseus with his armour; and his crown set upon the top of his armour: and then after a little interval came the captive children of the king, and with them a tearful band of nurses and teachers, who held out their hands in supplication to the spectators, and taught the children to beg them for mercy. There were two boys and one girl, all too young to comprehend the extent of their misfortune. This carelessness made their fallen state all the more pitiable, so that Perseus himself walked almost unnoticed; for the Romans in their pity had eyes only for the children, and many shed tears, while all felt that the sight was more painful than pleasing till the children were gone by. XXXIV. Behind the children and their attendants walked Perseus himself, dressed in a dark-coloured cloak with country boots, seeming to be dazed and stupefied by the greatness of his fall. A band of his friends and associates followed him with grief-laden countenances, and, by their constantly looking at Perseus, and weeping, gave the spectators the idea that they bewailed his fate without taking any thought about their own. However, Perseus had sent to Aemilius asking to be excused the walking in procession; but he, as it seems in mockery of his cowardice and love of life, answered, "That was formerly in his own hands, and is now if he pleases." Meaning that death was preferable to dishonour; but the dastard had not spirit enough for that, but buoyed up by some hope, became a part of his own spoils. After these were borne golden crowns, four hundred in number, which the cities of Greece had sent to Aemilius with deputations, in recognition of his success. Next he came himself, sitting in a splendid chariot, a man worth looking upon even without his present grandeur, dressed in a purple robe sprinkled with gold, and holding a branch of laurel in his right hand. All the army was crowned with laurel and followed the car of the general in military array, at one time singing and laughing over old country songs, then raising in chorus the paean of victory and recital of their deeds, to the glory of Aemilius, who was gazed upon and envied by all, disliked by no good man. Yet it seems that some deity is charged with tempering these great and excessive pieces of good fortune, and skimming as it were the cream off human life, so that none may be absolutely without his ills in this life; but as Homer says, they may seem to fare best whose fortune partakes equally of good and evil. XXXV. For he had four sons, two, as has been already related, adopted into other families, Scipio and Fabius; and two others who were still children, by his second wife, who lived in his own house. Of these, one died five days before Aemilius's triumph, at the age of fourteen, and the other, twelve years old, died three days after it; so that there was no Roman that did not grieve for him, and all trembled at the cruelty of fortune, which had burst into a house filled with joy and gladness, and mingled tears and funeral dirges with the triumphal paeans and songs of victory. XXXVI. Yet Aemilius, rightly thinking that courage is as valuable in supporting misfortunes as it is against the Macedonian phalanx, so arranged matters as to show that for him the evil was overshadowed by the good, and that his private sorrows were eclipsed by the successes of the state, lest he should detract from the importance and glory of the victory. He buried the first child, and immediately afterwards triumphed, as we have said: and when the second died after the triumph, he assembled the people and addressed them, not so much in the words of one who needs consolation, as of one who would console his countrymen, who were grieved at his misfortunes. He said, that he never had feared what man could do to him, but always had feared Fortune, the most fickle and variable of all deities; and in the late war she had been so constantly present with him, like a favouring gale, that he expected now to meet with some reverse by way of retribution. "In one day," said he, "I crossed the Ionian sea from Brundisium to Corcyra; on the fifth day I sacrificed at Delphi; in five more I entered upon my command in Macedonia, performed the usual lustration of the army; and, at once beginning active operations, in fifteen days more I brought the war to a most glorious end. I did not trust in my good fortune as lasting, because every thing favoured me, and there was no danger to be feared from the enemy, but it was during my voyage that I especially feared that the change of fortune would befall me, after I had conquered so great a host, and was bearing with me such spoils and even kings as my captives. However, I reached you safe, and saw the city full of gladness and admiration and thanksgiving, but still I had my suspicions about Fortune, knowing that she never bestows any great kindness unalloyed and without exacting retribution for it. And no sooner had I dismissed this foreboding about some misfortune being about to happen to the state, than I met with this calamity in my own household, having during these holydays had to bury my noble sons, one after the other, who, had they lived, would alone have borne my name. "Now therefore I fear no further great mischance, and am of good cheer; for a sufficient retribution has been exacted from me for my successes, and the triumpher has been made as notable an example of the uncertainty of human life as the victim; except that Perseus, though conquered, still has his children, while Aemilius, his conqueror, has lost his." XXXVII. Such was the noble discourse which they say Aemilius from his simple and true heart pronounced before the people. As to Perseus, though he pitied his fallen fortunes and was most anxious to help him, all he could do was to get him removed from the common prison, called Carcer by the Romans, to a clean and habitable lodging, where, in confinement, according to most authors, he starved himself to death; but some give a strange and extraordinary account of how he died, saying that the soldiers who guarded him became angry with him, and not being able to vex him by any other means, they prevented his going to sleep, watching him by turns, and so carefully keeping him from rest by all manner of devices, that at last he was worn out and died. Two of his children died also; but the third, Alexander, they say became accomplished in repoussé work and other arts. He learned to speak and write the Roman language well, and was employed by the magistrates as a clerk, in which profession he was much esteemed. XXXVIII. The most popular thing which Aemilius did in connection with Macedonia was that he brought back so much money that the people were not obliged to pay any taxes till the consulship of Hirtius and Pausa, during the first war between Antony and Augustus Caesar. This was remarkable about Aemilius, that he was peculiarly respected and loved by the people, though of the aristocratical party; and though he never said or did anything to make himself popular, but always in politics acted with the party of the nobles. Scipio Africanus was afterwards reproached with this by Appius. These were the leading men in the city, and were candidates for the office of Censor: the one with the Senate and nobles to support him, that being the hereditary party of the Appii; the other being a man of mark in himself, and one who ever enjoyed the greatest love and favour with the people. So when Appius saw Scipio coming into the forum surrounded by men of low birth and freed men, yet men who knew the forum, and who could collect a mob and by their influence and noise could get any measure passed, he called out, "O Paulus Aemilius, groan in your grave, at your son being brought into the Censorship by Aemilius the crier and Licinius Philonicus." But Scipio kept the people in good humour by constantly augmenting their privileges, whereas Aemilius, though of the aristocratic party, was no less loved by the people than those who courted their favour and caressed them. They showed this by electing him, amongst other dignities, to the Censorship; which office is most sacred, and confers great power, especially in examining men's lives; for the Censor can expel a senator of evil life from his place, and elect the President of the Senate, and punish licentious young men by taking away their horses. They also register the value of property, and the census of the people. In his time they amounted to three hundred and thirty-seven thousand four hundred and fifty-two. He appointed Marcus Aemilius Lepidus President of the Senate, who four times already had enjoyed that dignity, and he expelled three senators, not men of mark. With regard to the Equites, he and his colleague Marcius Philippus showed equal moderation. XXXIX. After most of the labours of his life were accomplished, he fell sick of a disorder which at first seemed dangerous, but as time went on appeared not to be mortal, but wearisome and hard to cure. At length he followed the advice of his physicians, and sailed to Paestum, in Italy. There he passed his time chiefly in the peaceful meadows near the sea-shore; but the people of Rome regretted his absence, and in the public theatre often would pray for his return, and speak of their longing to see him. When the time for some religious ceremony at which he had to be present approached, and he also considered himself sufficiently strong, he returned to Rome. He performed the sacrifice, with the other priests, the people surrounding him with congratulations. On the next day he again officiated, offering a thank-offering to the gods for his recovery. When this sacrifice was finished, he went home and lay down, and before any one noticed how changed he was, he fell into a delirious trance, and died in three days, having in his life wanted none of those things which are thought to render men happy. Even his funeral procession was admirable and enviable, and a noble tribute to his valour and goodness. I do not mean gold, ivory, and other expensive and vain-glorious apparatus, but love, honour, and respect, not only shown by his own countrymen, but also by foreigners. For of the Iberians, Ligurians, and Macedonians who happened to be in Rome, the strongest carried the bier, while the elder men followed after, praising Aemilius as the saviour and benefactor of their countries. For he not only during his period of conquest had treated them mildly and humanely, but throughout the rest of his life was always bestowing benefits upon them as persons peculiarly connected with himself. His estate, they say, scarcely amounted to three hundred and seventy thousand sesterces,[A] which he left to be shared between his two sons; but Scipio, the younger, consented to give up his share to his brother, as he was a member of a rich family, that of Africanus. Such is said to have been the life and character of Aemilius Paulus. [Footnote A: Little more than £3000.] COMPARISON OF PAULUS AEMILIUS AND TIMOLEON. I. The characters of these men being such as is shown in their histories, it is evident that in comparing them we shall find few differences and points of variance. Even their wars were in both cases waged against notable antagonists, the one with the Macedonians, the other with the Carthaginians: while their conquests were glorious, as the one took Macedonia, and crushed the dynasty of Antigonus in the person of its seventh king, while the other drove all the despots from Sicily and set the island free. Unless indeed any one should insinuate that Aemilius attacked Perseus when he was in great strength and had conquered the Romans before, whereas Timoleon fell upon Dionysius when he was quite worn out and helpless: though again it might be urged on behalf of Timoleon that he overcame many despots and the great power of Carthage, with an army hastily collected from all sources, not, like Aemilius, commanding men who were inured to war and knew how to obey, but making use of disorderly mercenary soldiers who only fought when it pleased them to do so. An equal success, gained with such unequal means, reflects the greater credit on the general. II. Both were just and incorruptible in their conduct: but Aemilius seems to have had the advantage of the customs and state of feeling among his countrymen, by which he was trained to integrity, while Timoleon without any such encouragement acted virtuously, from his own nature. This is proved by the fact that the Romans of that period were all submissive to authority, and carried out the traditions of the state, respecting the laws and the opinions of their countrymen: whereas, except Dion, no Greek leader or general of that time had anything to do with Sicilian affairs who did not take bribes: though many suspected than Dion was meditating making himself king, and that he had dreams of an empire like that of Sparta. Timaeus tells us that the Syracusans sent away Gylippus in disgrace for his insatiable covetousness, and the bribes which they discovered that he received when in command. And many writers had dwelt upon the wicked and treacherous acts which Pharax the Spartan and Kallippus the Athenian committed, when they were endeavouring to make themselves masters of Sicily. Yet, what were they, and what resources had they, that they conceived such great designs: the one being only a follower of Dionysius when he was banished from Syracuse, the other a captain of mercenaries under Dion? But Timoleon, who was sent to the Syracusans as generalissimo at their own request and prayer, did not seek for command, but had a right to it. Yet when he received his power as general and ruler from them of their own free will, he voluntarily decided to hold it only till he should have expelled from Sicily all those who were reigning despotically. In Aemilius again we must admire this, that he subdued so great an empire and yet did not enrich himself by one drachma, and never even saw or touched the king's treasures, although he distributed much of them in presents to others. And still, I do not say that Timoleon is to be blamed for having received a fine house and estate; for there is no disgrace in receiving it by such means, though not to take it is better, and shows almost superhuman virtue, which cares not to take what is lawfully within its reach. Yet, as the strongest bodies are those which can equally well support the extremes of heat and cold, so the noblest minds are those which prosperity does not render insolent and overbearing, nor ill fortune depress: and here Aemilius appears more nearly to approach absolute perfection, as, when in great misfortune and grief for his children, he showed the same dignity and firmness as after the greatest success. Whereas Timoleon, though he acted towards his brother as became a noble nature, yet could not support himself against his sorrow by reason, but was so crushed by remorse and grief that for twenty years he could not appear or speak in the public assembly. We ought indeed to shrink from and feel shame at what is base; but the nature which is over-cautious to avoid blame may be gentle and kindly, but cannot be great. * * * * * LONDON: PRINTED BY WM. CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS. 
44315	----	================================================ Transcriber's note: Chapter numbers in the Index with question marks do not exist in the previous volumes. ================================================ PLUTARCH'S LIVES. Translated from the Greek. WITH _NOTES AND A LIFE OF PLUTARCH_. BY AUBREY STEWART, M.A., _Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge_; AND THE LATE GEORGE LONG, M.A., _Formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge_. IN FOUR VOLUMES. VOL. IV. LONDON: GEORGE BELL & SONS, YORK ST., COVENT GARDEN, AND NEW YORK. 1892. LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS. CONTENTS PAGE LIFE OF AGIS 1 LIFE OF KLEOMENES 19 LIFE OF TIBERIUS GRACCHUS (_by G. Long _) 53 LIFE OF CAIUS GRACCHUS (_by G. Long _) 90 COMPARISON OF TIBERIUS AND CAIUS GRACCHUS WITH AGIS AND KLEOMENES 115 LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES 119 LIFE OF CICERO (_by G. Long_) 146 COMPARISON OF DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO 211 LIFE OF DEMETRIUS 215 LIFE OF ANTONIUS (_by G. Long_) 263 COMPARISON OF DEMETRIUS AND ANTONIUS 348 LIFE OF DION 352 LIFE OF BRUTUS (_by G. Long_) 398 COMPARISON OF DION AND BRUTUS 454 LIFE OF ARTAXERXES 458 LIFE OF ARATUS 485 LIFE OF GALBA 530 LIFE OF OTHO 556 INDEX 573 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. LIFE OF AGIS. I. Many writers have very naturally conceived that the myth of Ixion, who is fabled to have embraced a cloud instead of Hera, and so to have begotten the centaurs, is really typical of ambitious men; for, although they aim at obtaining glory, and set before themselves a lofty ideal of virtue, yet they never succeed in producing any very distinct result, because all their actions are coloured by various human passions and prejudices, just as the herdsmen with their flocks say in Sophokles's play:-- "We needs must serve them, though their lords we be, And to their mute commands obedience pay." These verses really represent the state of those who, in order to obtain the empty title of statesmen and popular leaders, govern a country by following the caprices and impulses of the people. Just as the men stationed in the bows of a ship see what is coming before the steersmen, but yet look up to them as their chiefs and execute their orders; so they who govern with a view solely to their own popularity, although they may be called rulers, are, in truth, nothing more than slaves of the people. II. An absolutely perfect man would not even wish for popularity, except so far as it enabled him to take part in politics, and caused him to be trusted by the people; yet a young and ambitious man must be excused if he feels pride in the glory and reputation which he gains by brilliant exploits. For, as Theophrastus says, the virtue which buds and sprouts in youthful minds is confirmed by praise, and the high spirit thus formed leads it to attempt greater things. On the other hand, an excessive love of praise is dangerous in all cases, but, in statesmen, utterly ruinous; for when it takes hold of men in the possession of great power it drives them to commit acts of sheer madness, because they forget that honourable conduct must increase their popularity, and think that any measure that increases their popularity must necessarily be a good one. We ought to tell the people that they cannot have the same man to lead them and to follow them, just as Phokion is said to have replied to Antipater, when he demanded some disgraceful service from him, "I cannot be Antipater's friend and his toady at the same time." One might also quote the fable of the serpent's tail which murmured against the head and desired sometimes to take the lead, and not always follow the head, but which when allowed to lead the way took the wrong path and caused the head to be miserably crushed, because it allowed itself to be guided by that which could neither see nor hear. This has been the fate of many of those politicians who court the favour of the people; for, after they have once shared their blind impulses, they lose the power of checking their folly, and of restoring good discipline and order. These reflections upon the favour of the people occurred to me when I thought of its power, as shown in the case of Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, men who were well born, well educated, and began their political career with great promise, and yet were ruined, not so much by an excessive craving for popular applause as by a very pardonable fear of disgrace. They both received at the outset great proofs of their countrymen's goodwill, but felt ashamed to remain as it were in their debt, and they ever strove to wipe out their obligations to the people by legislation on their behalf, and by their beneficent measures continually increased their popularity, until, in the heat of the rivalry thus created, they found themselves pledged to a line of policy in which they could not even pause with honour, and which they could not desist from without disgrace. The reader, however, will be able to form his own opinion about them from their history, and I shall now write, as a parallel to them, the lives of that pair of Laconian reformers, Agis and Kleomenes, kings of Sparta, who, like the Gracchi, increased the power of the people, and endeavoured to restore an admirable and just constitution which had fallen into desuetude; but who, like them, incurred the hatred of the governing class, who were unwilling to relinquish their encroachments and privileges. These Lacedæmonians were not indeed brothers, yet they pursued a kindred policy, with the same objects in view. III. After the desire for silver and gold had penetrated into Sparta, the acquisition of wealth produced greed and meanness, while the use and enjoyment of riches was followed by luxury, effeminacy, and extravagance. Thus it fell out that Sparta lost her high and honoured position in Greece, and remained in obscurity and disgrace until the reign of Agis and Leonidas. Agis was of the Eurypontid line, the son of Eudamidas, and the sixth in descent from king Agesilaus, who invaded Asia, and became the most powerful man in Greece. This Agesilaus had a son named Archidamus, who fell in battle against the Messapians at the battle of Mandurium[1] in Italy. He was succeeded by his eldest son Agis, who, being killed by Antipater near Megalopolis, and leaving no issue, was succeeded by his brother, Eudamidas; he, by a son named Archidamus; and Archidamus by another Eudamidas, the father of Agis, the subject of this memoir. Leonidas, the son of Kleonymus, was of the other royal family, that of the Agiadæ, and was eighth in descent from Pausanias who conquered Mardonius at the battle of Plataea. Pausanias had a son named Pleistoanax, whose son was again named Pausanias. This Pausanias[2] fled for his life from Sparta to Tegea, and was succeeded by his eldest son Agesipolis; and he, dying childless, by his younger brother Kleombrotus. Kleombrotus left two sons, Agesipolis and Kleomenes, of whom Agesipolis reigned but a short time, and left no children. Kleomenes succeeded his brother Agesipolis on the throne. Of his two sons, the elder, Akrotatus, died during his father's lifetime, and the younger, Kleonymus, never reigned, as the throne was occupied by Areus[3] the grandson of Kleomenes, and the son of Akrotatus. Areus perished in battle before Corinth, and was succeeded by his son Akrotatus. This Akrotatus was defeated and slain near the city of Megalopolis by the despot Aristodemus, leaving his wife pregnant. When she bore a son, Leonidas the son of Kleonymus was appointed his guardian, and, as the child died before reaching manhood, he succeeded to the throne although he was far from being an acceptable personage to his countrymen; for, though the Spartans at this period had all abandoned their original severe simplicity of living, yet they found the manners of Leonidas in offensive contrast to their own. Indeed, Leonidas, who had spent much of his life at the courts of Asiatic potentates, and had been especially attached to that of Seleukus, seemed inclined to outrage the political feeling of the Greeks by introducing the arrogant tone of an Oriental despot into the constitutional monarchy of Sparta. IV. On the other hand, the goodness of heart and intellectual power of Agis proved so greatly superior not only to that of Leonidas, but of every king since Agesilaus the Great, that before he arrived at his twentieth year, in spite of his having been brought up in the greatest luxury by his mother Agesistrata and his grandmother Archidamia, the two richest women in Sparta, he abjured all frivolous indulgence, laid aside all personal ornament, avoided extravagance of every kind, prided himself on practising the old Laconian habits of dress, food, and bathing, and was wont to say that he would not care to be king unless he could use his position to restore the ancient customs and discipline of his country. V. The corruption of the Lacedæmonians began at the time when, after having overthrown the Athenian empire, they were able to satiate themselves with the possession of gold and silver. Nevertheless, as the number of houses instituted by Lykurgus was still maintained, and each father still transmitted his estate to his son, the original equal division of property continued to exist and preserved the state from disorder. But a certain powerful and self-willed man, named Epitadeus, who was one of the Ephors, having quarrelled with his son, proposed a rhetra permitting a man to give his house and land to whomsoever he pleased, either during his life, or by his will after his death. This man proposed the law in order to gratify his own private grudge; but the other Spartans through covetousness eagerly confirmed it, and ruined the admirable constitution of Lykurgus. They now began to acquire land without limit, as the powerful men kept their relatives out of their rightful inheritance; and as the wealth of the country soon got into the hands of a few, the city became impoverished, and the rich began to be viewed with dislike and hatred. There were left at that time no more than seven hundred Spartans, and of these about one hundred possessed an inheritance in land, while the rest, without money, and excluded from all the privileges of citizenship, fought in a languid and spiritless fashion in the wars, and were ever on the watch for some opportunity to subvert the existing condition of affairs at home. VI. Agis, therefore, thinking that it would be an honourable enterprise, as indeed it was, to restore these citizens to the state and to re-establish equality for all, began to sound the people themselves as to their opinion about such a measure. The younger men quickly rallied round him, and, with an enthusiasm which he had hardly counted upon, began to make ready for the contest; but most of the elder men, who had become more thoroughly tainted by the prevailing corruption, feared to be brought back to the discipline of Lykurgus as much as a runaway slave fears to be brought back to his master, and they bitterly reviled Agis when he lamented over the condition of affairs and sighed for the ancient glories of Sparta. His enthusiastic aspirations, however, were sympathised with by Lysander the son of Libys, Mandrokleidas the son of Ekphanes, and Agesilaus. Lysander was the most influential of all the Spartans, while Mandrokleidas was thought to be the ablest politician in Greece, as he could both plot with subtlety and execute with boldness. Agesilaus was the uncle of King Agis and a fluent speaker, but of a weak and covetous disposition. It was commonly supposed that he was stirred to action by the influence of his son Hippomedon, who had gained great glory in the wars and was exceedingly popular among the younger citizens; but what really determined him to join the reformers was the amount of his debts, which he hoped would be wiped out by a revolution. As soon as Agis had won over this important adherent, he began to try to bring over his mother to his views, who was Agesilaus's sister, and who, from the number of her friends, debtors, and dependants, was very powerful in the state, and took a large share in the management of public affairs. VII. When she first heard of Agis's designs she was much startled, and dissuaded the youth from an enterprise which she thought neither practicable nor desirable. However, when Agesilaus pointed out to her what a notable design it was, and how greatly to the advantage of all, while the young king himself besought his mother to part with her wealth in order to gain him glory, arguing that he could not vie with other kings in riches, as the servants of Persian satraps, and the very slaves of the intendants of Ptolemy and Seleukus possessed more money than all the kings that ever reigned in Sparta; but that, if he could prove himself superior to those vanities by his temperance, simplicity of life, and true greatness of mind, and could succeed in restoring equality among his fellow-countrymen, he would be honoured and renowned as a truly great king. By this means the youth entirely changed his mother's mind, and so fired her with his own ambition, as if by an inspiration from heaven, that she began to encourage Agis and urge him on, and invited her friends to join them, while she also communicated their design to the other women, because she knew that the Lacedæmonians were in all things ruled by their women, and that they had more power in the state than the men possessed in their private households. Most of the wealth of Lacedæmon had fallen into female hands at this time, and this fact proved a great hindrance to the accomplishment of Agis's schemes of reform; for the women offered a vehement opposition to him, not merely through a vulgar love for their idolised luxury, but also because they saw that they would lose all the influence and power which they derived from their wealth. They betook themselves to Leonidas, and besought him, as being the elder man, to restrain Agis, and check the development of his designs. Leonidas was willing enough to assist the richer class, but he feared the people, who were eager for reform, and would not openly oppose Agis, although he endeavoured secretly to ruin his scheme, and to prejudice the Ephors against him, by imputing to him the design of hiring the poor to make him despot with the plunder of the rich, and insinuating that by his redistribution of lands and remission of debts he meant to obtain more adherents for himself instead of more citizens for Sparta. VIII. In spite of all this, Agis contrived to get Lysander appointed one of the Ephors, and immediately brought him to propose a rhetra before the Gerusia, or Senate, the main points of which were that all debts should be cancelled; that the land[4] should be divided, that between the valley of Pellene and Mount Taygetus, Malea, and Sellasia into four thousand five hundred lots, and the outlying districts into fifteen thousand: that the latter district should be distributed among the Perioeki of military age, and the former among the pure Spartans: that the number of these should be made up by an extension of the franchise to Perioeki or even foreigners of free birth, liberal education, and fitting personal qualifications: and that these citizens should be divided into fifteen companies some of four hundred, and some of two hundred, for the public meals, and should conform in every respect to the discipline of their forefathers. IX. When this rhetra was proposed, as the Senate could not agree whether it should become law, Lysander convoked a popular assembly and himself addressed the people. Mandrokleidas and Agesilaus also besought them not to allow a few selfish voluptuaries to destroy the glorious name of Sparta, but to remember the ancient oracles, warning them against the sin of covetousness, which would prove the ruin of Sparta, and also of the responses which they had recently received from the oracle of Pasiphae. The temple and oracle of Pasiphae at Thalamae was of peculiar sanctity. Pasiphae is said by some writers to have been one of the daughters of Atlas, and to have become the mother of Ammon by Zeus, while others say that Kassandra the daughter of Priam died there, and was called Pasiphae because her prophecies were plain to all men. Phylarchus again tells us that Daphne the daughter of Amyklas, while endeavouring to escape from the violence of Apollo, was transformed into the laurel,[5] which bears her name, and was honoured by the god and endowed by him with the gift of prophecy. Be this as it may, the oracular responses which were brought from this shrine bade the Spartans all become equal according as Lykurgus had originally ordained. After these speeches had been delivered, King Agis himself came forward, and, after a few introductory words, said that he was giving the strongest possible pledges of his loyalty to the new constitution; for he declared his intention of surrendering to the state, before any one else, his own property, consisting of a vast extent of land, both arable and pasture, besides six thousand talents of money; and he assured the people that his mother and her friends, the richest people in Sparta, would do the same. X. The people were astounded at the magnanimity of the youth, and were filled with joy, thinking that at last, after an interval of three hundred years, there had appeared a king worthy of Sparta. Leonidas, on the other hand, opposed him as vigorously as he could, reflecting that he would be forced to follow his example, and divest himself of all his property, and that Agis, not he, would get the credit of the act. He therefore inquired of Agis whether he thought Lykurgus to have been a just and well-meaning man. Receiving an affirmative reply, he again demanded, "Where, then, do we find that Lykurgus approved of the cancelling of debts, or of the admission of foreigners to the franchise, seeing that he did not think that the state could prosper without a periodical expulsion of foreigners?" To this Agis answered, that it was not to be wondered at if Leonidas, who had lived in a foreign country, and had a family by the daughter of a Persian satrap, should be ignorant that Lykurgus, together with coined money, had banished borrowing and lending from Sparta, and that he had no hatred for foreigners, but only for those whose profession and mode of life made them unfit to associate with his countrymen. These men Lykurgus expelled, not from any hatred of their persons, but because he feared that their manners and habits would infect the citizens with a love of luxury, effeminacy, and avarice. Terpander, Thales, and Pherekydes were all foreigners, but, since they sang and taught what Lykurgus approved, they lived in Sparta, and were treated with especial honour. "Do you," asked he, "praise Ekprepus, who when Ephor cut off with a hatchet the two additional strings which Phrynis the musician had added to the original seven strings of the lyre, and those who cut the same strings off the harp of Timotheus, and yet do you blame us when we are endeavouring to get rid of luxury, extravagance, and frivolity, just as if those great men did not merely mean thereby to guard against vain refinements of music, which would lead to the introduction of extravagant and licentious manners, and cause the city to be at discord and variance with itself?" XI. After this the people espoused the cause of Agis, while the rich begged Leonidas not to desert them, and by their entreaties prevailed upon the senators, who had the power of originating all laws, to throw out the rhetra by a majority of only one vote. Lysander, who was still one of the Ephors, now proceeded to attack Leonidas, by means of a certain ancient law, which forbade any descendant of Herakles to beget children by a foreign wife, and which bade the Spartans put to death any citizen who left his country to dwell in a foreign land. He instructed his adherents to revive the memory of this law, and threaten Leonidas with its penalties, while he himself with the other Ephors watched for the sign from heaven. This ceremony is conducted as follows:--Every ninth year the Ephors choose a clear moonless night, and sit in silence watching the heavens. If a star shoots across the sky, they conclude that the kings must have committed some act of impiety, and they suspend them from their office, until they were absolved by a favourable oracle from Delphi or Olympia. Lysander now declared that he had beheld this sign, and impeached Leonidas, bringing forward witnesses to prove that he had two children born to him by an Asiatic wife, the daughter of one of the lieutenants of Seleukus, and that having quarrelled with his wife and become hated by her he had unexpectedly returned home, and in default of a direct heir, had succeeded to the throne. At the same time Lysander urged Kleombrotus, the son-in-law of Leonidas, who was also of the royal family, to claim the throne for himself. Leonidas, terrified at this, took sanctuary in the temple of Athena of the Brazen House, and was joined there by his daughter, who left her husband Kleombrotus. When the trial came on, Leonidas did not appear in court, he was removed from the throne, and Kleombrotus was appointed in his stead. XII. At this crisis Lysander was forced to lay down his office, as the year for which he had been elected had expired. The Ephors at once took Leonidas under their protection, restored him to the throne, and impeached Lysander and Mandrokleidas as the authors of illegal measures in the cancelling of debts and the redistribution of the land. As these men were now in danger of their lives, they prevailed upon the two kings to act together and overrule the decision of the Ephors; for this, they declared, was the ancient rule of the constitution, that if the kings were at variance, the Ephors were entitled to support the one whom they judged to be in the right against the other, but their function was merely to act as arbitrators and judges between the kings when they disagreed, and not to interfere with them when they were of one mind. Both the kings agreed to act upon this advice, and came with their friends into the assembly, turned the Ephors out of their chairs of office, and elected others in their room, one of whom was Agesilaus. They now armed many of the younger citizens, released the prisoners, and terrified their opponents by threatening a general massacre. No one, however, was killed by them; for although Agesilaus desired to kill Leonidas, and when he withdrew from Sparta to Tegea, sent men to waylay and murder him on the road, Agis, hearing of his intention, sent others on whom he could rely, who escorted Leonidas safely as far as Tegea. XIII. Thus far all had gone well, and no one remained to hinder the accomplishment of the reforms; but now Agesilaus alone upset and ruined the whole of this noble and truly Spartan scheme by his detestable vice of covetousness. He possessed a large quantity of the best land in the country, and also owed a great sum of money, and as he desired neither to pay his debts nor to part with his land, he persuaded Agis that it would be too revolutionary a proceeding to carry both measures at once, and that, if the moneyed class were first propitiated by the cancelling of debts, they would afterwards be inclined to submit quietly to the redistribution of lands. Lysander and the rest were deceived by Agesilaus into consenting to this, and they brought all the written securities for money which had been given by debtors, which are called by them _klaria_, into the market-place, collected them into one heap, and burned them. As the flames rose up, the rich and those who had lent money went away in great distress, but Agesilaus, as if exulting at their misfortune, declared that he had never seen a brighter blaze or a purer fire. As the people at once demanded the division of the land, and called upon the kings to distribute it among them, Agesilaus put them off with various excuses, and managed to spin out the time till Agis was sent out of the country on military service, as the Achæans, who were allies, had demanded a reinforcement from Sparta, because the Ætolians threatened to invade Peloponnesus through the territory of Megara, and Aratus, the general of the Achæans, who was collecting an army to resist them, sent to Sparta demanding assistance. XIV. The Spartans at once despatched Agis at the head of an army, whose high spirits and devotion to his person filled him with delight. The men were nearly all young and poor; and as they were now relieved from the pressure of their debts, and expected that on their return the land would be distributed amongst them, they behaved with the most admirable discipline. They marched through Peloponnesus without doing the least damage, without offending any one, almost without noise; so that all the cities were astonished at the spectacle thus afforded them, and men began to wonder what a Lacedæmonian army must have been like when led by Agesilaus or Lysander the Great, or by the ancient hero Leonidas, if such awe and reverence was paid by the soldiers to one who was nearly the youngest of them all. Their youthful leader himself was worthy of admiration, and was looked up to by the men because of his simple hard-working habits, and the pride which he took in wearing the same dress and using the same arms as the common soldiers. The revolution which he had effected, however, was very distasteful to the rich, who feared lest it might be taken as an example by the people in other states and lead to further disturbances. XV. Agis joined Aratus at Corinth, while the question of how to repel the invasion was still being debated. His advice was spirited, without being rash or foolhardy. He gave it as his opinion that it was their duty to fight, and not abandon the gate of Peloponnesus and let the enemy into the country, but that he would defer to the decision of Aratus, who was an older man than himself, and was the general of the Achæans, and that he had not come to give them advice or to take the command of them, but to reinforce them and serve as their ally. The historian Baton of Sinope declares that Agis declined to fight although Aratus wished him to do so; but he is mistaken, and clearly has not read the justification which Aratus has written of his conduct, namely, that as the farmers had nearly all finished gathering in their harvest, he thought it better to allow the enemy to enter the country than to hazard everything upon the issue of a single battle. As Aratus decided not to fight, and dismissed his allies with thanks, Agis returned home, greatly honoured by those under his orders, and found the internal affairs of Sparta in great turmoil and confusion. XVI. Agesilaus, who was now Ephor, and who was no longer restrained by the presence of those of whom he had formerly stood in awe, was using the most disgraceful expedients to extort money from the people, and had even intercalated a thirteenth month in the year, although the state of the calendar did not require it, and caused taxes to be paid for it. As he feared those whom he had wronged, and was an object of universal hatred, he had taken a bodyguard of swordsmen into his pay, and walked through the city accompanied by them. As for the kings, he regarded Kleombrotus with contempt, and though he still paid some respect to Agis, he wished it to be thought that he did so because he was nearly related to himself, not because he was king. He also gave out that he intended to remain in office as Ephor for the next year as well. In consequence of this his enemies determined to bring matters to a crisis. They assembled in force, brought back Leonidas publicly from Tegea, and reinstated him as king, to the great joy of most of the citizens, who were angry with the other party because they had been deceived by them about the redistribution of the land. Agesilaus was able to leave the country in safety, owing to the intercession of his son Hippomedon, who was very popular with all classes on account of his bravery. Of the two kings, Agis fled to the temple of Athena of the Brazen House, while Kleombrotus took sanctuary in the temple of Poseidon.[6] It appeared that Leonidas hated Kleombrotus most of the two; for he passed by Agis, but marched in pursuit of Kleombrotus with an armed force, and angrily reproached him that being his own son-in-law he had conspired against him, dethroned him, and driven him into exile. XVII. Kleombrotus could find nothing to say in his defence, and sat silent and helpless; but Chilonis, the daughter of Leonidas, who formerly had taken offence at her father's injurious treatment, and when Kleombrotus usurped the throne had left him, and showed her sympathy with Leonidas in his misfortune by accompanying him in the temple where he took sanctuary, and after he left the country by mourning for him and remaining at variance with her husband Kleombrotus, now changed sides with his changing fortunes, and appeared sitting by her husband's side as a suppliant to the god with him, with her arms cast round him, and her two children on each side of her. All stood amazed and were moved to tears by her noble and affectionate conduct, and she, pointing to her mean dress and dishevelled hair, said, "Father, I have not adopted this posture and this dress out of pity for Kleombrotus, but I have so long been in mourning for your misfortunes and your banishment that it has become customary with me. Am I now to remain in mourning while you are victorious and reign in Sparta, or am I to dress myself in fine clothes as becomes a princess, while I see my husband murdered by your hand? Unless he can move you to compassion, and obtain your pity by the tears of his wife and children, he will suffer a more terrible penalty for his misconduct than you wish to impose, by seeing me his dearest wife die before him; for how can I endure to live among other women, if I prove unable to move either my husband or my father to compassion? Both as a wife and as a daughter I have been fated to suffer with my own kin and to be despised with them. If there is anything which can be urged on behalf of my husband's conduct, I have made it impossible to plead it for him by the part which I have taken in protesting against his conduct to you; but you yourself suggest a sufficient apology for his crime, by showing that you think royalty so great and precious a thing, that to obtain it you are willing to murder your son-in-law and neglect your own child." XVIII. Chilonis, after speaking thus, nestled her face against that of her husband, and glanced round at the spectators with red and tearful eyes. Leonidas, after a short consultation with his friends, bade Kleombrotus rise and leave the country, but besought his daughter to remain with him, and not to leave him who loved her so dearly, and had just spared her husband's life in consequence of her entreaties. He could not, however, prevail upon her to stay, but she rose up with her husband, took one child in her arms, and led the other, and so, after kneeling before the altar, followed her husband, who, if his mind was not entirely corrupted by vain ambition, must have thought exile with such a wife preferable to royalty. After driving Kleombrotus from the throne, ejecting the Ephors from office and substituting others chosen by himself, Leonidas addressed himself to Agis. At first he tried to persuade him to come out of sanctuary and reign as his colleague, saying that the citizens had forgiven him, because they knew that he was young and impetuous, and had been deceived by Agesilaus. However, as Agis saw through these devices and remained where he was, Leonidas left off making these hypocritical offers. Amphares, Damochares, and Arkesilaus were in the habit of going to the temple and conversing with him; and once he came out of the temple in their company to take a bath, and after bathing was conducted back again by them in safety. All three were on intimate terms with him, but Amphares, who had lately borrowed some rich clothing and valuable plate from Agesistrata, was inclined to plot against the king and the royal ladies, that he might not be obliged to restore them. He, therefore, we are told, lent a ready ear to Leonidas's plans, and excited the zeal of the Ephors, one of whom he was. XIX. Since Agis lived entirely in the temple, and only left it in order to bathe, they determined to seize him when he came out for this purpose. Having one day watched him bathing they came up and greeted him in a friendly way, and walked along with him talking and jesting as young men who are on intimate terms are wont to do. When they reached the place where a road branches off to the public prison, Amphares, in virtue of his Ephorship, laid hold of Agis and said: "Agis, I must lead you before the Ephors to give an account of your conduct." At the same time Damochares, a tall and strong man, threw his cloak round Agis's neck and dragged him along by it. Others now appeared by previous arrangement, and pushed him from behind, and as no one came to help him, he was forced into the prison. Hereupon, Leonidas appeared with a band of mercenaries, and surrounded the prison. The Ephors now went in to Agis, and sent for all the senators of their way of thinking to come to the prison in order to go through the form of a trial. Agis laughed at their hypocrisy, but Amphares told him that it was no laughing matter, and that he would soon pay a bitter penalty for his rashness. Another of the Ephors, wishing to offer a means of escape to Agis, inquired of him whether he had acted on his own responsibility, or had been compelled to do so by Agesilaus and Lysander. Agis answered that no man had compelled him, but that he admired and imitated Lykurgus, and had aimed at reviving his institutions. Upon this the same Ephor asked him whether he repented of what he had done. When the brave youth answered that he never would repent of his glorious designs, whatever tortures he might have to suffer for them, the assembly at once condemned him to death, and bade the prison officials at once remove him to the place called Dechas, which is a part of the prison in which criminals are strangled. Seeing that the servants would not lay hands upon Agis, and that even those mercenaries who were present shrunk from such work, because it was held to be unlawful and impious to lay hands upon the person of the king, Damochares, after threatening and abusing them, dragged Agis with his own hands to the place of execution. Many of the citizens had by this time heard of his arrest, and many men had assembled with torches in their hands and were clamouring at the gate of the prison. The mother and grandmother of Agis were also present, and loudly demanded that the king of Sparta should have a fair trial in the presence of his countrymen. For this reason they within hurried on the execution, as they feared that if a larger crowd collected Agis would be rescued during the night. XX. While Agis was being led to execution, he saw one of the servants of the prison weeping and in great distress. "My man," said he, "do not weep for me, for I am a better man than those who are murdering me in this cruel and illegal fashion." With these words he, of his own accord, put the noose round his neck. Meanwhile Amphares proceeded to the prison gate. Here Agesistrata fell at his feet, believing him still to be her friend. Amphares raised her, saying that Agis would suffer no violent treatment, and bade her, if she wished, go in and see her son. As she asked to be accompanied by her mother, Amphares said that there was no objection to that, and after receiving them both within the walls, ordered the prison gates to be closed. He first sent Archidamia, who was now very old, and greatly respected by her countrywomen, to the place of execution, and when she was dead, bade Agesistrata enter. When she saw the corpse of her son lying on the ground, and her mother hanging by a halter, she herself assisted the servants to take her down, laid her body beside that of Agis, and arranged and covered up the two corpses. She then knelt and kissed the face of her son, saying, "My child, thy great piety, goodness, and clemency has brought thee and us to this death." Upon this Amphares, who was watching and listening at the door, came into the room, and said angrily to Agesistrata, "If you approve of your son's deeds, you shall suffer with him." At these words Agesistrata rose and offered her neck to the halter, saying, "I only pray that this may be for the good of Sparta." XXI. When the sad news was known throughout the city, and the three corpses brought out of the prison, the terror which was inspired did not prevent the citizens from manifesting their sorrow at the deed, and their hatred of Leonidas and Amphares. No such wicked or cruel deed, they declared, had been committed in Sparta since the Dorians settled in Peloponnesus. The very enemies of the Lacedæmonians generally seemed unwilling to lay violent hands on their kings when they met them in battle, and turned aside through reverence of their exalted position. For this reason, in all the battles which the Lacedæmonians had fought against the Greeks before the era of Philip of Macedon, only one king, Kleombrotus, had fallen on the field of Leuktra; for though the Messenians aver that Theopompus, a king of Lacedæmon, was slain by Aristomenes, the Lacedæmonians deny it, and say that he was only wounded. This matter is doubtful, but Agis was the first king who was put to death by the Ephors in Lacedæmon, because he had conceived a noble design and one which was worthy of Sparta. He was of an age when men's shortcomings deserve to be pardoned; and deserves to be blamed by his friends more than by his enemies, because with an ill-judged clemency he spared the life of Leonidas, and trusted in the professions of the rest of his political enemies. LIFE OF KLEOMENES. I. After the death of Agis, as has been related, Leonidas was not able to seize the person of his brother Archidamus, who at once fled out of the country, but he brought the wife of Agis with her newly-born child out of her house, and forcibly married her to his own son Kleomenes, who was scarcely come to an age for marriage, because he was unwilling for her to marry any one else. Indeed Agiatis was the daughter of Gylippus, and heiress to a great estate. She was thought to be the most beautiful woman of her time in all Greece, and was of a noble disposition. It is said that she made many entreaties not to be forced into a second marriage, but that after her union with Kleomenes, although she continued to hate his father Leonidas, she made a good and affectionate wife to the young man, who became passionately fond of her, and sympathised with her loving remembrance of Agis, so that he would often ask her to tell him about her late husband, and used to listen with rapt attention while she explained the designs and projects of Agis. For Kleomenes was as eager for honour, and had as noble a mind as Agis himself, and was equally moderate and simple in his way of life; but he lacked the other's discreet and gentle temper, and was of a stirring and vehement nature, eager to embark on any honourable enterprise. He thought it the most glorious position of all to rule over an obedient people; but he took pride also in bending disobedient subjects to his will, and forcibly compelling them to move in the path of honour. II. He was far from satisfied with the state of things at Sparta, where the citizens had given themselves up to luxurious repose, while the king Leonidas cared nothing for public affairs, so long as he was able to gratify his own love of extravagance and self-indulgence. Public virtue was entirely gone, and no man cared to profit his country, but only himself. As for discipline, orderly training of the young, hardiness of body, and equality, all these things had perished with Agis, and it was not safe even to speak of them. We are told that while yet a lad Kleomenes was instructed in the principles of the Stoic philosophy by Sphærus of Borysthenes,[7] who visited Lacedæmon and gave excellent instruction there to the young. This Sphærus was one of the aptest pupils of Zeno of Kitium,[8] and he seems to have admired the manly spirit of Kleomenes and to have encouraged him in the pursuit of honour. The ancient hero Leonidas, when asked what he thought of Tyrtæus, is said to have answered, "He is good at exciting the minds of the youth." Indeed they became filled with enthusiasm by the poems of Tyrtæus, and fought with reckless daring in battle: and so also the Stoic philosophy often renders brave and fiery natures over-daring and venturesome, and yields the best fruit when applied to a grave and gentle nature. III. When after the death of Leonidas, Kleomenes succeeded to the throne, he found the state utterly disorganised, for the rich took no part in politics, and cared for nothing but their own pleasure and profit, while the miserable condition of the poor caused them to fight without spirit in the wars, and to neglect the proper training of their children. He himself was a king only in name, as the Ephors had engrossed all real power. Under these circumstances he at once began to revolve schemes of reform in his mind, and began to sound the opinion of his intimate friend Xenares, by enquiring of him what sort of a king Agis had been, and in what manner, and with what associates he had made his attempts at reform. Xenares at first very willingly gave him a complete narrative of the whole transaction; but as he saw that Kleomenes listened with intense interest, and was deeply excited by the recital of Agis's designs, to which he was never weary of listening, Xenares at last angrily reproached him with not being in his right mind, and at last broke off all intercourse with him. He did not, however, tell any one the reason of their being at variance, but declared that Kleomenes knew well what it was. Kleomenes, after meeting with this rebuff from Xenares, imagining that every one else would be of the same mind, determined to concert his own measures alone. As he thought that there was more chance of effecting reforms during war than in time of peace, he involved Sparta in a war with the Achæans, for which they themselves furnished the pretext. Aratus, the chief of the Achæans, had always desired to unite the whole of the Peloponnesus in one confederacy, and in all his long political career had steadily kept this object in view, as he thought that thus, and thus alone, the people of Peloponnesus would be able to defend themselves against external foes. Nearly all the tribes of Peloponnesus joined his confederacy except the Lacedæmonians, the people of Elis, and such of the Arcadians as were under Lacedæmonian influence. On the death of Leonidas, Aratus began to make plundering expeditions into the territory of the Arcadians, especially those near the Achæan frontier, in order to see what steps the Lacedæmonians would take; for he despised Kleomenes as a young and inexperienced man. IV. Upon this the Ephors first sent Kleomenes to occupy the temple of Athena, near Belbina. This place was situated in a mountain pass leading into Laconia, and it was claimed by the citizens of Megalopolis as belonging to their territory. Kleomenes seized the pass and fortified it, to which Aratus offered no objection, but endeavoured by a night march to surprise the cities of Tegea and Orchomenes. However, the hearts of the traitors within the walls failed them, and so Aratus led his army back, hoping that his object had not been discovered. Kleomenes, by way of jest, now wrote him a letter affecting to enquire of him in the most friendly terms where he had been to in the night. He answered that he had heard that Kleomenes was about to erect fortifications at Belbina, and had marched to prevent his doing so. To this Kleomenes answered that he was satisfied that this had been Aratus's intention. "But," he continued, "if you do not mind, please tell me why you brought scaling ladders and torches with you." Aratus laughed at this home-thrust, and enquired what sort of a youth Kleomenes might be. Damochares, the Lacedæmonian exile, answered, "If you mean to do anything against the Lacedæmonians, you must make haste and do it before this young gamecock's spurs are grown." After this the Ephors ordered Kleomenes, who was encamped in Arcadia with a few horsemen and three hundred foot, to retire, as they feared to go to war. But since, as soon as he had withdrawn, Aratus captured the city of Kaphyæ, they sent him back again. He captured Methydrium, and overran Argolis, upon which the Achæans sent an army of twenty thousand foot and a thousand horse, under the command of Aristomachus, to attack him. Kleomenes met them near Pallantium, and was eager to fight, but Aratus, alarmed at his daring, would not permit the Achæan general to fight, and drew off his forces, incurring thereby the anger of the Achæans, and the ridicule and contempt of the Lacedæmonians, who only amounted to one-fifth of the enemy's numbers. This affair gave Kleomenes great self-confidence, and parodying a saying of one of the ancient kings, he said to his countrymen that it was useless nowadays for the Lacedæmonians to ask either how many their enemies were, or where they were.[9] V. Shortly after, as the Achæans were making war against the Eleans, Kleomenes was sent to aid the latter, and met with the army of the Achæans returning home, near the mountain called Lykæum. He attacked their forces, and utterly routed them, killing many and capturing numbers of prisoners, so that a report spread throughout Greece that Aratus himself had perished. But Aratus, turning the disaster to good account, immediately after the defeat marched to Mantinea, and as no one expected him, captured the city and placed a strong garrison in it. This completely disheartened the Lacedæmonians, who desired to recall Kleomenes and put an end to the war. Kleomenes now sent to Messene and invited back Archidamus, the brother of Agis, who ought to have been on the throne as the representative of the other royal family, imagining that if there were two kings reigning at Sparta at the same time, the power of the Ephors would be weakened. However, the party who had previously murdered Agis perceived this, and as they feared that if Archidamus returned to Sparta he would make them pay the penalty of their crimes, they welcomed him back and assisted him to make a secret entry into the city, but immediately afterwards assassinated him, either against the will of Kleomenes, as we are told by Phylarchus, or else with his connivance, in consequence of the representations of his friends. They indeed bore the chief blame in the matter, as they were thought to have forced Kleomenes into consenting to the murder. VI. Kleomenes, determined to carry out his designs of reform, now proceeded to bribe the Ephors into sending him out on a new military expedition. He also won over a considerable number of supporters among the citizens by means of the lavish expenditure and influence of his mother Kratesiklea, who, though averse to a second marriage, is said to have married one of the leading men in Sparta in order to further her son's interests. Kleomenes now took the field at the head of his army, and captured a small town within the territory of Megalopolis, named Leuktra.[10] The Achæans under Aratus promptly came up, and a battle was fought under the walls of the town, in which part of the army of Kleomenes was defeated. Aratus however refused to follow up his advantage, and kept the main body of the Achæans motionless behind the bed of a torrent. Enraged at his inaction, Lydiades of Megalopolis charged at the head of the cavalry under his own command, but got entangled in the pursuit of the enemy in ground which was cut up by walls and watercourses. Seeing him thrown into disorder, Kleomenes sent his Tarentine and Cretan troops to attack him, by whom Lydiades, fighting bravely, was overpowered and slain. The Lacedæmonians now recovered their spirits, and with loud shouts attacked the Achæans and completely defeated them. Many were slain, and their corpses were given up to the enemy for burial, with the exception of that of Lydiades, which Kleomenes ordered to be brought to himself. He then attired it in a purple robe, placed a garland upon its head, and sent it to the city of Megalopolis. This was that Lydiades who had been despot of Megalopolis, but who abdicated his throne, restored liberty to his countrymen, and brought the city to join the Achæan league. VII. After this victory Kleomenes became inspired with fresh confidence, and was convinced that if he only were allowed undisputed management he would easily conquer the Achæans. He explained to his step-father Megistonous that the time had at length come for the abolition of the Ephors, the redistribution of property, and the establishment of equality among the citizens, after which Sparta might again aspire to recover her ancient ascendancy in Greece. Megistonous agreed, and communicated his intentions to two or three of his friends. It chanced that at this time one of the Ephors who was sleeping in the temple of Pasiphæ dreamed an extraordinary dream, that in the place where the Ephors sat for the dispatch of business he saw four chairs removed, and one alone remaining, while as he wondered he heard a voice from the shrine say "This is best for Sparta." When the Ephor related this dream to Kleomenes, he was at first much alarmed, and feared that the man had conceived some suspicion of his designs, but finding that he was really in earnest recovered his confidence. Taking with him all those citizens whom he suspected to be opposed to his enterprise, he captured Heræa and Alsæa, cities belonging to the Achæan league, revictualled Orchomenus, and threatened Mantinea. By long marches and counter-marches he so wearied the Lacedæmonians that at last at their own request he left the greater part of them in Arcadia, while he with the mercenaries returned to Sparta. During his homeward march he revealed his intentions to those whom he considered to be most devoted to his person, and regulated his march so as to be able to fall upon the Ephors while they were at their evening meal. VIII. When he drew near to the city, he sent Eurykleidas into the dining-room of the Ephors, on the pretence of bringing a message from the army. After Eurykleidas followed Phoebis and Therukion, two of the foster-brothers of Kleomenes, called _mothakes_[11] by the Lacedæmonians, with a few soldiers. While Eurykleidas was parleying with the Ephors, these men rushed in with drawn swords and cut them down. The president, Agylæus, fell at the first blow and appeared to be dead, but contrived to crawl out of the building unobserved into a small temple, sacred to Fear, the door of which was usually closed, but which then chanced to be open. In this he took refuge and shut the door. The other four were slain, and some few persons, not more than ten, who came to assist them. No one who remained quiet was put to death, nor was any one prevented from leaving the city. Even Agylæus, when he came out of his sanctuary on the following day, was not molested. IX. The Lacedæmonians have temples dedicated not only to Fear, but to Death, and Laughter, and the like. They honour Fear, not as a malevolent divinity to be shunned, but because they think that the constitutions of states are mainly upheld by Fear. For this reason, Aristotle tells us that the Ephors, when they enter upon their office, issue a proclamation ordering the citizens to shave the moustache and obey the laws, that the laws might not be hard upon them. The injunction about shaving the moustache is inserted, I imagine, in order to accustom the young to obedience even in the most trivial matters. It seems to me that the ancient Spartans did not regard bravery as consisting in the absence of fear, but in the fear of shame and dread of dishonour; for those who fear the laws most are the bravest in battle; and those who most fear disgrace care least for their own personal safety. The poet was right who said "Where there is fear, is reverence too;" and Homer makes Helen call Priam "My father-in-law dear, Whom most of all I reverence and fear;" while he speaks of the Greek army as obeying "Its chiefs commands in silence and with fear." Human nature, indeed, leads most men to reverence those whom they fear; and this is why the Lacedæmonians placed the temple of Fear close to the dining-hall of the Ephors, because they invested that office with almost royal authority. X. On the following morning Kleomenes published a list containing the names of eighty citizens, whom he required to leave the country, and removed the chairs of the Ephors, except one, which he intended to occupy himself. He now convoked an assembly, and made a speech justifying his recent acts. In the time of Lykurgus, he said, the kings and the senate shared between them the supreme authority in the State; and for a long time the government was carried on in this manner without any alteration being required, until, during the long wars with Messene, as the kings had no leisure to attend to public affairs, they chose some of their friends to sit as judges in their stead, and these persons acted at first merely as the servants of the kings, but gradually got all power into their own hands, and thus insensibly established a new power in the State. A proof of the truth of this is to be found in the custom which still prevails, that when the Ephors send for the king, he refuses to attend at the first and second summons, but rises and goes to them at the third. Asteropus, who first consolidated the power of the Ephors, and raised it to the highest point, flourished in comparatively recent times, many generations after the original establishment of the office. If, he went on to say, the Ephors would have behaved with moderation, it would have been better to allow them to remain in existence; but when they began to use their ill-gotten power to destroy the constitution of Sparta, when they banished one king, put another to death without trial, and kept down by terror all those who wished for the introduction of the noblest and most admirable reforms, they could no longer be borne. Had he been able without shedding a drop of blood to drive out of Lacedæmon all those foreign pests of luxury, extravagance, debt, money-lending, and those two more ancient evils, poverty and riches, he should have accounted himself the most fortunate of kings, because, like a skilful physician, he had painlessly performed so important an operation upon his country: as it was, the use of force was sanctioned by the example of Lykurgus, who, though only a private man, appeared in arms in the market-place, and so terrified King Charilaus, that he fled for refuge to the altar of Athena. He, however, being an honest and patriotic man, soon joined Lykurgus, and acquiesced in the reforms which he introduced, while the acts of Lykurgus prove that it is hard to effect a revolution without armed force, of which he declared that he had made a most sparing use, and had only put out of the way those who were opposed to the best interests of Lacedæmon. He announced to the rest of the citizens that the land should be divided among them, that they should be relieved from all their debts, and that all resident aliens should be submitted to an examination, in order that the best of them might be selected to become full citizens of Sparta, and help to defend the city from falling a prey to Ætolians and Illyrians for want of men to defend her. XI. After this he himself first threw his inheritance into the common stock, and his example was followed by his father-in-law Megistonous, his friends, and the rest of the citizens. The land was now divided, and one lot was assigned to each of those whom he had banished, all of whom he said it was his intention to bring back as soon as order was restored. He recruited the numbers of the citizens by the admission of the most eligible of the Perioeki to the franchise, and organised them into a body of four thousand heavy armed infantry, whom he taught to use the sarissa, or Macedonian pike which was grasped with both hands, instead of the spear, and to sling their shields by a strap instead of using a handle. He next turned his attention to the education and discipline of the youth, in which task he was assisted by Sphærus. The gymnasia and the common meals were soon re-established, and the citizens, for the most part willingly, resumed their simple Laconian habits of living. Kleomenes, fearing to be called a despot, appointed his own brother, Eukleidas, as his colleague. Then for the first time were two kings of the same family seen at once in Sparta. XII. As Kleomenes perceived that Aratus and the Achæans thought that while Sparta was passing through so perilous a crisis her troops were not likely to leave the country, he thought that it would be both a spirited and a useful act to display the enthusiasm of his army to the enemy. He invaded the territory of Megalopolis, carried off a large booty, and laid waste a large extent of country. Finding a company of players on their road from Messene, he took them prisoners, caused a theatre to be erected in the enemy's country, and offered them forty minæ for a performance for one day, at which he himself attended as a spectator, not that he cared for the performance, but because he wished to mock at his enemies, and to show by this studied insult the enormous superiority of which he was conscious. At this period his was the only army, Greek or foreign, which was not attended by actors, jugglers, dancing-girls, and singers; but he kept it free from all licentiousness and buffoonery, as the younger men were nearly always being practised in martial exercises, while the elders acted as their instructors; and when they were at leisure they amused themselves with witty retorts and sententious Laconian pleasantries. The great value of this kind of discipline is described at greater length in the life of Lykurgus. XIII. In everything Kleomenes himself acted as their teacher, and example, offering his own simple, frugal life, so entirely free from vulgar superfluities, as a model of sobriety for them all to copy; and this added greatly to his influence in Greece. For when men attended the courts of the other kings of that period they were not so much impressed by their wealth and lavish expenditure as they were disgusted by their arrogant, overbearing manners; but when they met Kleomenes, who was every inch a king, and saw that he wore no purple robes, did not lounge on couches and litters, and was not surrounded by a crowd of messengers, doorkeepers, and secretaries, so as to be difficult of access, but that he himself, dressed in plain clothes, came and shook them by the hand, and conversed with them in a kindly and encouraging tone, they were completely fascinated and charmed by him, and declared that he alone was a true descendant of Herakles. His dinner was usually served upon a very small Laconian table with three couches,[12] but if he were entertaining ambassadors or foreigners two additional couches were added, and his servants somewhat improved his dinner, not by adding to it made-dishes and pastry, but by serving a greater abundance of food and a more liberal allowance of wine. Indeed he blamed one of his friends, when he heard that when entertaining foreigners at dinner he had placed before them black broth and barley cakes: for he said that in such matters, and when entertaining strangers, it was not well to be too rigidly Spartan. After the table was removed a tripod was brought in which supported a bronze bowl full of wine, two silver pateræ, that held each about a pint, and a number of very small silver cups, from which any one drank who wished, for Kleomenes never forced men to drink against their will. No recitations were performed for the amusement of the guests; for he himself would lead the conversation and entertain them over their wine, partly by asking questions of them and partly by relating anecdotes to them: for he well knew both how to make serious subjects interesting, and to be pleasant and witty without giving offence. He was of opinion that the habit of other princes, of tempting men into their service by presents and bribes, was both clumsy and wicked; but he thought it peculiarly befitting a king to influence and captivate men's minds by the charm of his conversation, and was wont to say that a friend differed only from a mercenary soldier in that a man wins the one by the influence of his character and his conversation, and the other by his money. XIV. First of all the people of Mantinea made overtures to him. They admitted him to their city by night, aided him to drive out the Achæan garrison, and placed themselves unreservedly in his hands. He, however, restored them to the enjoyment of their own laws and original constitution, and marched away the same day to Tegea. Shortly afterwards by a circuitous march through Arcadia he arrived before the Achæan city of Pheræ, desiring either to fight a battle with the Achæans, or to make Aratus incur the disgrace of retreating and leaving him in possession of the country: for although Hyperbates was nominally in command, all real power over the Achæans was in the hands of Aratus. The Achæans took the field with their entire force, and encamped at Dymæ, near the temple called Hekatombæon. When Kleomenes arrived here he was unwilling to establish himself between the hostile city of Dymæ and the army of the Achæans, and challenged them, forced them to fight, and completely routed their phalanx. He killed many, took a large number of prisoners, and then, marching to Langon, drove out the Achæan garrison, and restored the city to the Eleans. XV. As the Achæan power was now quite broken, Aratus, who was usually elected general every other year, refused to take office, and excused himself when they besought him to do so: a dishonourable act, when the times became more stormy, to desert the helm, and give up his power to another. Kleomenes at first used very moderate language to the Achæan ambassadors, but sent others ordering them to acknowledge him for their sovereign, and promising that if they did so he would do them no further hurt, and would at once restore the prisoners and fortresses which he had taken. As the Achæans were willing to accept these terms they invited Kleomenes to a conference at Lerna. It happened, however, that Kleomenes, after a long march, drank a quantity of cold water, which caused him to bring up much blood, and to lose his voice. In consequence of this, although he sent back the most distinguished of his prisoners, he was obliged to postpone the conference, and went home to Lacedæmon. XVI. This mischance ruined Greece, which even now might have recovered herself, and avoided falling into the hands of the insolent and rapacious Macedonians. For Aratus, either because he distrusted and feared Kleomenes, or else because he grudged him his success, and thought that after he had for thirty-three years been chief of the Achæans, it was not to be endured that a young man should overthrow him, and enter into the fruit of his labours, at first tried to oppose the Achæans when they offered to come to terms with the Lacedæmonians; but as they would not listen to him, because they were cowed by the boldness of Kleomenes, and also admitted the justice of the Lacedæmonian claim to be the leading state in Peloponnesus, as their ancestral right, he adopted a course which was a disgraceful one for any Greek, but especially so for him, and one which was most unworthy of his former political life. He determined to invite Antigonus into Greece, and to fill the Pelopennesus with those very Macedonians whom he himself when a lad had chased out of the country by his capture of the Acro-Corinthus, although he was regarded with suspicion by all the kings, and was at variance with them all, and though he had already accused this very Antigonus himself of every conceivable crime in his "Memoirs," which are still extant. Yet he himself has stated that he suffered much, and risked much to free Athens from a Macedonian garrison; though now he led these very men with arms in their hands into his own native country, and up to his own paternal hearth. He thought that Kleomenes, a descendant of Herakles, a king of Sparta, who had restored the simple ancient Dorian constitution of Lykurgus, as one tightens the relaxed strings of a lyre, to bring it into tune, was unworthy to be accounted the ruler of Sikyon and Tritæa; and in his eagerness to avoid the rough Spartan cloak, and the Spartan barley bread, and that with which he especially charged Kleomenes, the destruction of wealth and the encouragement of poverty, threw himself and all Achæa with him, into the arms of the Macedonians, with all their diadems and their purple robes and their habits of oriental despotism. That he might avoid acting under the orders of Kleomenes, he was content to offer sacrifice at festivals in honour of Antigonus, and himself to place a garland upon his head, and to lead the pæan in praise of a man wasted and emaciated by consumption. And this I write, not from any desire to depreciate Aratus, for in many respects he proved himself a truly great and patriotic man, but rather out of pity for the weakness of human nature, which will not allow even the most eminent persons to present us with the spectacle of an entirely unblemished virtue. XVII. When the Achæans again assembled at Argos to hold a conference there, and Kleomenes started to go thither from Tegea, men's minds were full of hope that peace would be finally established. But Aratus, who had already settled the main points of his treaty with Antigonus, and feared that Kleomenes would either by persuasion or force bring the assembly over to his views, sent to him demanding either that he should take three hundred hostages for his safety and come to the conference alone, or else meet them with his army outside the walls at the gymnasium called the Kyllarabium. Kleomenes on hearing this said that he had not been properly treated; for Aratus ought to have warned him of this at once, not have waited till he was almost at the gates of Argos and then expressed suspicions of his honesty of purpose and driven him away. He sent a letter to the assembled Achæans, containing bitter invectives against Aratus, and as Aratus replied by maligning him in a public oration, he broke up his camp and sent a herald with a declaration of war, not to Argos, according to Aratus, but to Ægium, in order to take the Achæans by surprise. The Achæan cities were all ripe for revolt, as the populace hoped for a redistribution of the land and cancelling of debts if they joined the Spartans, while the leading men were all jealous of the power and influence of Aratus, and some of them hated him as the traitor who was bringing the Macedonians into Peloponnesus. Relying upon the prevalence of this feeling Kleomenes invaded Achaia, took Pellene by surprise, and drove out the garrison and the Achæan inhabitants. Soon afterwards he captured the cities of Pheneus and Penteleum. The Achæans of Corinth and Sikyon now began to fear that his partisans were plotting to deliver up those cities to him, and in consequence sent their cavalry and foreign mercenaries away from Argos to guard those towns, while they themselves proceeded to Argos to hold the Nemean festival there. Kleomenes, rightly judging that his appearance at a time when the city was full of a disorderly crowd of people who were come to attend the feasts and games would produce great confusion, marched up to the walls by night, seized the place called the 'Shield,' which is just above the theatre, and is very difficult of access, and so terrified the citizens that no one attempted to offer any resistance. They willingly agreed to admit a Spartan garrison, to give twenty of their chief men as hostages for their loyalty, and to become the allies of the Lacedæmonians, acknowledging their supremacy. XVIII. This exploit added not a little to the reputation and power of Kleomenes. None of the ancient kings of Sparta could ever make themselves masters of Argos, although they often attempted to do so; and even that most brilliant general King Pyrrhus, though he forced his way into the city, could not take it, but perished, and with him a great part of his army. For these reasons, the skill and audacity of Kleomenes were the more admired: and those who had before ridiculed his attempts to bring back the days of Solon and Lykurgus by the cancelling of debts and redistribution of land, now became entirely convinced that these measures had been the cause of the revival of Sparta. The Spartans before this had been so feeble and helpless, that the Ætolians invaded Laconia and carried off a booty of fifty thousand slaves, on which occasion it is said that an old Spartan observed that the enemy had greatly benefited Laconia by relieving it from its burdens. Yet a short time after this, by the restoration of their former constitution, and by re-establishing the ancient system of training, they made as magnificent a display of discipline and valour as if Lykurgus himself were alive and at the head of affairs, for they gained for Sparta the first place in Greece, and won the whole of Peloponnesus by the sword. XIX. The submission of Argos to Kleomenes was soon followed by that of Phlius and Kleonæ. During these events Aratus was at Corinth, busily engaged in searching for the partisans of the Lacedæmonians. When the news of the fall of these cities reached Corinth, as he observed that the city of Corinth was eager to join Kleomenes and leave the Achæan league, he summoned the citizens to meet in the public assembly, and himself made his way unperceived to the gate. He had already sent his horse thither, and mounting, fled to Sikyon. The Corinthians now hurried to Argos to surrender their city to Kleomenes; in such haste, writes Aratus in his 'Memoirs,' that they foundered all their horses. Kleomenes reproached them for allowing Aratus to escape, but shortly afterwards sent Megistonous to him, asking him to hand over the citadel of Corinth, which was in possession of an Achæan garrison, and offering him a large sum of money. He answered that the course of affairs was not in his power, but that he was rather in theirs. These particulars we have extracted from Aratus's own writings. Kleomenes now marched from Argos to Corinth, receiving on the way the submission of Troezene, Epidaurus, and Hermione. As the garrison refused to surrender the citadel, he built a rampart round it, and sending for the friends and representatives of Aratus, bade them take charge of his house and property during his absence. He now sent the Messenian Tritymallus to Aratus, with instructions to propose to him that the garrison of Acro-Corinthus should be composed partly of Spartan and partly of Achæan troops, while he himself privately offered him double the amount of the pension which he received from King Ptolemy of Egypt. However, as Aratus refused to listen to his overtures, but sent his own son with the other hostages to Antigonus, and persuaded the Achæans to pass a decree to hand over the Acro-Corinthus to Antigonus, Kleomenes invaded the territory of Sikyon and laid it waste, and also took the property of Aratus when it was publicly presented to him by the people of Corinth. XX. When Antigonus crossed the Geranean mountains with a large force, Kleomenes did not think it necessary to guard the isthmus, but determined to fortify the mountains called Onea, and by holding that strong position, to protract the war and wear out the Macedonian force, rather than fight a pitched battle with their phalanx. By this line of policy he reduced Antigonus to great straits; for he had made no preparations for feeding his troops for more than a short time, and yet to force his way in over the isthmus was a difficult operation while Kleomenes barred the way. An attempt which he made to steal through by Lechæum[13] at night was repulsed with considerable loss; so that Kleomenes and his friends, elated by their victory, supped merrily together, while Antigonus was at his wit's end to know what to do. He even began to meditate marching to the promontory of Heræum, and conveying his forces over the Corinthian gulf to Sikyon, an operation which would have required much time and many ships. However, late in the evening there arrived certain friends of Aratus by sea from Argos, inviting him to come thither, as the Argives intended to revolt from Kleomenes. The prime mover in this revolt was one Aristoteles, who easily prevailed upon the people to rise, because they were disappointed with Kleomenes, who had not cancelled all their debts as they hoped he would. Aratus now took fifteen hundred of Antigonus's soldiers and proceeded by sea to Epidaurus. Aristoteles however did not wait for his arrival, but led the citizens to attack the garrison in the citadel, assisted by Timoxenus with a body of Achæans from Sikyon. XXI. Intelligence of this movement reached Kleomenes about the second watch of the night. He at once sent for Megistonous, and angrily ordered him at once to go to the assistance of the garrison of Argos; for it was he who had so confidently assured Kleomenes of the loyalty of the Argives, and had dissuaded him from banishing those whom he suspected from the city. Having detached Megistonous with two thousand men on this service, he himself turned his attention to Antigonus, and pacified the people of Corinth by assuring them that nothing had happened at Argos except a slight disturbance which would be easily suppressed. However, as Megistonous was killed while forcing his way into the city, and the garrison were hard pressed, and kept sending messengers to Kleomenes begging for assistance, he, fearing that if the enemy gained Argos they might cut him off from Laconia, and sack the defenceless city of Sparta, withdrew his army from Corinth. He lost this city at once, for Antigonus instantly entered it and placed a garrison in it. He now proceeded to assault the city wall of Argos, and concentrated his troops for this purpose. He broke through the vaults supporting the part of the city called the 'Shield,' forced his way in, and joined his garrison, who were still holding out against the Achæans. He now, by the use of scaling ladders, captured some of the strong places in the city, and cleared the streets of the enemy by means of his Cretan archers. When however he saw Antigonus marching down from the mountains to the plain with his phalanx in battle array, and saw the Macedonian cavalry pouring along towards the city, he despaired of success, and collecting all his troops into one mass, led them safely out of the city. He had in a wonderfully short time effected great things, and had all but made himself master of the whole of Peloponnesus: but now he lost it all as quickly as he had won it, for some of his allies at once deserted him, and many shortly afterwards surrendered their cities to Antigonus. XXII. As Kleomenes was marching into the city of Tegea at nightfall, on his return from this disastrous campaign, he was met by messengers bearing the news of a still greater calamity, the death of his wife Agiatis, of whom he was so fond that even when in the full tide of success he never would remain continuously with his army, but used constantly to return to Sparta to see her. He was terribly grieved and cast down, as one would expect a young man to be on losing so beautiful and excellent a wife, yet he did not allow his noble spirit to be crushed by his sorrow, but without showing any outward signs of grief in his voice or countenance, continued to give his orders to his officers, and to take measures for placing Tegea in a posture of defence. At daybreak next morning he returned to Lacedæmon, and after lamenting his misfortune with his mother and his children, began to consider by what policy he might save his country. Ptolemy, the king of Egypt, now offered him assistance on the condition of receiving his mother and children as hostages. For a long time he shrank from mentioning this proposal to his mother, and often conversed with her without having the courage to allude to it, until she suspected that he had something on his mind, and inquired of his friends whether there was not some subject about which he hesitated to speak to her. At last Kleomenes brought himself to mention Ptolemy's proposal to her. On hearing it, she laughed loudly, and said, "This, then, is that which you have so long been fearing to tell me. Pray place me and the children on board ship as soon as possible, and send us to any place where this body of mine may be useful to Sparta, before it be uselessly consumed by old age at home." When all was prepared for her voyage, Kratesiklea proceeded to Tænarus escorted by Kleomenes with all his troops under arms. Before embarking she retired alone with him into the temple of Poseidon, where, after embracing him as he sorrowed at her departure, she said, "Now, king of the Lacedæmonians, take care when we come out that no one sees us weeping or doing anything unworthy of Sparta. This lies in our own power; but good or evil fortune befalls us according to the will of Heaven." Saying thus, she fixed her eyes upon the ship, walked swiftly to it carrying the child, and bade the pilot start at once. When she reached Egypt, as she heard that Ptolemy had received an embassy from Antigonus, and was told that although the Achæans wished to come to terms with him, he had feared on her account to make peace with them without consulting Ptolemy, she wrote to him bidding him act worthily of Sparta, and consult her interests, and not fear to displease Ptolemy because of what he might do to an old woman and an infant. So great a spirit is she said to have shown in her misfortunes. XXIII. Antigonus now advanced, took Tegea, and allowed his troops to plunder Orchomenus and Mantinea. Kleomenes, who was confined to the territory of Lacedæmon, proceeded to emancipate all helots who could pay a sum of five Attic minæ for their freedom, by which means he raised a sum of five hundred talents. He also organised a special corps of two thousand men, armed after the Macedonian fashion, with which he hoped to be able to meet the Leukaspids,[14] or white-shielded troops of Antigonus, and proceeded to attempt a wonderful and surprising feat of arms. The city of Megalopolis at that time was itself quite as large and as powerful as Sparta, and had close at hand the army of the Achæans, and that of Antigonus himself, whom the people of Megalopolis had been especially eager to invite into Peloponnesus. This city Kleomenes determined to pounce upon: (no other word expresses the speed with which he surprised it). He ordered his troops to provision themselves for five days, and led them to Sellasia, as though he intended to invade Argolis. From Sellasia he marched into the territory of Megalopolis, halted at Rhoeteum for supper, and thence proceeded along the road by Helikus straight towards Megalopolis. When he was close to it he detached Panteus with two regiments to attack a part of the wall lying between two towers, which he had heard was often left unguarded, while he moved slowly forward with the main body. Panteus not only found that spot, but a great extent of the city wall unguarded. While he was engaged in throwing down the wall and killing those who attempted to defend it, Kleomenes came up, and was within the city with his army before the people of Megalopolis knew of his arrival. XXIV. When at last the inhabitants discovered the extent of their misfortune, some snatched up what they could and fled at once, while others got under arms and endeavoured to drive out the enemy. In this they could not succeed, but they enabled the fugitives to escape unmolested, so that no more than a thousand souls remained in the city, as all the rest got safe with their wives and children to Messene. Of those who offered resistance but a few were slain, and a very small number were taken prisoners, amongst whom were Lysandridas and Thearidas, the two most important persons in Megalopolis. On this account the soldiers who took them brought them at once to Kleomenes. Lysandridas, as soon as he saw Kleomenes at a distance, called out loudly to him, "King of the Lacedæmonians, now you have an opportunity to add to your glory by a deed even more noble and more worthy of a king than that which you have achieved!" Kleomenes, suspecting what he meant, asked, "What do you mean, Lysandridas? do you bid me give you back your city?" "That is what I bid you to do," answered Lysandridas; "and I advise you not to ruin so great a city, but to fill it with friends and trusty allies, by restoring it to the people of Megalopolis, and becoming their saviour." To this Kleomenes, after a short silence, replied, "It is hard to believe this; but let us ever prefer honour to profit." Saying this he sent his prisoners to Messene, and a herald with them, who offered to restore the city to the people of Megalopolis, on the condition that they should desert the Achæans and become the friends and allies of the Spartans. However, Philopoemen would not allow his countrymen to break their faith with the Achæans and accept this wise and generous offer. He declared that Kleomenes did not intend to give them back their city, but wanted to get possession of them as well as of their city, and with violent abuse drove Thearidas and Lysandridas out of the Messenian country. This was that Philopoemen who afterwards became the general of the Achæans and won great distinction, as will be found in the life of him which I have written. XXV. When this answer was brought back to Kleomenes, who had hitherto carefully kept the city unharmed, and had not allowed any one to appropriate the most trifling article, he became furious with disappointment. He plundered the city, sent all the statues and pictures to Sparta, utterly destroyed all the best part of the city, and returned home, for he feared Antigonus and the Achæans. They, however, did not offer to attack him: for they were engaged in holding a conference at Ægium. Here Aratus ascended the tribune, and for a long time wept with his face hidden in his gown. At last, as the others in wonder bade him tell them the cause of his grief, he said that Megalopolis had been ruined by Kleomenes. On hearing this the assembly at once broke up. The Achæans were terror-stricken at the suddenness and importance of the blow, and Antigonus determined to proceed to the assistance of the people of Megalopolis, but as it took a long time to assemble his troops from their winter-quarters, he ordered them to stay where they were, and himself with a small force marched to Argos. Kleomenes now engaged in a second enterprise, which appeared completely insane, but which is said by the historian Polybius to show consummate generalship. As he knew that all the Macedonian troops were scattered over the country in winter-quarters, and that Antigonus with a few mercenary troops was spending the winter at Argos with his friends, he invaded the Argive territory, thinking that either he should shame Antigonus into a battle, and beat him, or else that if he did not dare to fight, the Argives would be disgusted with him. And so it fell out. The Argives, seeing their country spoiled by Kleomenes, were greatly enraged, and gathering together before the house in which Antigonus was lodging, excitedly called upon him either to fight or to resign his post as commander-in-chief in favour of a better man. But Antigonus, like a prudent general as he was, thought it more disgraceful to run foolish risks and incur unnecessary danger than to hear himself called hard names by the mob, and refused to leave the city, but stood constant in his original policy. Kleomenes, after marching up to the gates of Argos, ostentatiously ravaged the country, and returned home unmolested. XXVI. Shortly afterwards, hearing that Antigonus had again advanced to Tegea, intending to invade Laconia by that route, Kleomenes quickly assembled his army, marched by a different road, avoiding Antigonus, and at daybreak appeared near the city of Argos, where he ravaged the plain country, not reaping the corn, as invaders usually do, with sickles and swords, but beating down with great clubs, so that his soldiers in sheer sport as they marched along were able to destroy the whole crop without trouble. When they reached the gymnasium of Kyllarabis some of the officers proposed to set it on fire; but Kleomenes forbade it, saying that even in destroying Megalopolis he had been guided by anger rather than by honour. Antigonus at first retired directly towards Argos, but afterwards occupied all the passes by which the Lacedæmonians could retreat. Kleomenes affected to set him at defiance, and sent a herald to Argos to demand the keys of the temple of Hera (between Argos and Mycenæ), in order that he might offer sacrifice there before retiring. After insulting the Argives by this ironical request, he offered sacrifice outside the temple, for the doors remained locked, and led away his army to Phlius. From thence he marched to Mount Oligyrtus, where he defeated the Macedonian troops who guarded the pass, and returned home by way of Orchomenus, having inspired his countrymen with hope and confidence, and having proved to his enemies that he was a consummate general, capable of conducting the most important operations. It was indeed no small feat for him, with only the resources of one small state at his disposal, to make war against the power of Macedonia and all the cities of the Peloponnesus, with Antigonus for their paymaster, and not only to prevent the enemy's setting foot in Laconia, but to lay waste their country, and take such large and important cities from them. XXVII. However, he who first called money the sinews of war must have had this war in his mind. So also Demades, when the Athenians wished to man a fleet at a time when they had no money, observed that they must make bread before they could make a voyage. Archidamus, too, who was king of Sparta at the opening of the Peloponnesian war, when his allies asked him to fix the limit of their several contributions, answered that the consumption of war is unlimited. For just as trained athletes in time overpower their antagonist in spite of his strength and skill, so Antigonus, having vast resources to draw upon, wearied out and overpowered Kleomenes, who had the greatest difficulty in paying his mercenary troops and feeding his countrymen. In other respects the long duration of the contest was in Kleomenes's favour, as Antigonus had troubles at home which made the contest a more equal one. The barbarians, in his absence, always overran and plundered the outskirts of the kingdom of Macedonia, and at this period an army of Illyrians had invaded the country from the north, against whose depredations the Macedonians besought Antigonus to return and protect them. The letter calling upon him to return was very nearly delivered to him before the decisive battle of the war; and had he received it, he would no doubt have returned home at once and taken a long farewell of the Achæans. However, fortune, who delights to show that the most important events are decided by the merest trifles, caused the embassy with the letters for the recall of Antigonus to reach him just after the battle of Sellasia, in which Kleomenes lost his army and his country. This makes the misfortune of Kleomenes yet more pitiable; for if he had avoided a battle for two days longer, he never need have fought at all, as the Macedonians would have retreated, and left him to make what terms he pleased with the Achæans: whereas, as has been explained, his want of money forced him to fight, and that too when, according to Polybius, he had only twenty thousand men to oppose to thirty thousand. XXVIII. In the battle he acted like a great general, and the Spartans fought with desperate courage, while the mercenary troops also behaved well; but he was overpowered by the Macedonian armament and by the irresistible weight of their phalanx. The historian Phylarchus says that Kleomenes was ruined by treachery, for Antigonus sent his Illyrians and Akarnanians to make a flank march and attack one of the enemy's wings, which was commanded by Eukleidas, the brother of Kleomenes, and there placed the rest of his army in battle array. Kleomenes, who was watching the enemy from an eminence, could not see the Illyrian and Akarnanian troops, and suspected some manoeuvre of the kind. He sent for Damoteles, the chief of the Spartan secret-service,[15] and ordered him to explore the ground on both flanks, and see that no attack was meditated in that direction. As Damoteles, who is said to have been bribed by Antigonus, answered that all was well on the flanks, and that he had better give his entire attention to the enemy in front, Kleomenes believed him, and at once charged the army of Antigonus. The furious attack of the Spartans drove back the Macedonian phalanx, and Kleomenes forced it to retreat before him for a distance of about five stadia. Then, as he found that his brother Eukleidas on the other wing was surrounded by the enemy, he halted, and looking towards him, said, "You are gone, my dearest brother; you have fought bravely, and are a noble model to the Spartan youth, a noble theme for Spartan maidens' songs." Then, as the entire division under Eukleidas was cut to pieces, and the victors attacked his own men, who were thrown into confusion and could no longer stand their ground, he escaped from the field as best he could. It is said that many of the mercenaries were slain, and that of the Lacedæmonians, who were six thousand in all, only two hundred remained alive. XXIX. Kleomenes, when he reached Sparta, advised the citizens whom he met to submit to Antigonus, and declared that he himself, whether he lived or died, would do what was best for Sparta. As he saw the women running up to those who had accompanied him in his flight, taking their arms from them and offering them drink, he retired into his own house, where his mistress, a girl of a good family of Megalopolis, whom he had taken to live with him after his wife's death, came up to him as usual, and wished to attend upon him on his return from the wars. But he would neither drink, although excessively thirsty, nor sit down, weary though he was, but in his armour as he was took hold of one of the columns with his hand, leaned his face upon his elbow, and after resting a short time in this posture while he revolved in his mind every kind of plan, proceeded with his friends to Grythium. Here they embarked on a ship which had been prepared in case of such a disaster, and sailed away. XXX. After the battle Antigonus advanced upon Sparta, and made himself master of the city. He treated the Lacedæmonians with kindness, and offered no kind of insult to their glorious city, but permitted them to retain their laws and constitution, sacrificed to the gods, and on the third day withdrew, as he had learned that a terrible war was raging in Macedonia, and that his kingdom was being ravaged by the barbarians. His health was already affected by a disease, which ended in consumption. However, he bore up against it, and was able to die gloriously after having recovered his kingdom, won a great victory over the barbarians, and killed a great number of them. Phylarchus tells us that he ruptured his lungs by shouting in the battle itself, and this seems the most probable account, but the common report at the time was that while shouting aloud after the victory, "O happy day!" he brought up a vast quantity of blood and fell sick of a fever, of which he died. Such was the fate of Antigonus. XXXI. Kleomenes sailed from Kythera to another island, named Ægialea. As he was about to cross over from this place to Cyrene, one of his friends named Therykion, a brilliant warrior and a man of lofty, unbending spirit, said to him in private, "My king, we have lost the opportunity of falling by the noblest of deaths in the battle, although we publicly declared that Antigonus should never enter Sparta unless he first passed over the dead body of the king. However, the course which is next to this in honour is still open to us. Why should we recklessly embark on this voyage merely in order to exchange our misfortunes at home for others in a distant country? If it be not disgraceful for the sons of Herakles to submit to the successors of Philip and Alexander, we shall save ourselves a long voyage by delivering ourselves up to Antigonus, who is probably as much better than Ptolemy as the Macedonians are better than the Egyptians. If, on the other hand, we scorn to become the subjects of our conqueror, why should we become subject to one who has not conquered us, and so prove ourselves inferior to two men instead of one, by becoming the courtiers of Ptolemy as well as fleeing before Antigonus? Is it on account of your mother that we are going to Egypt? If so, you will indeed make a glorious appearance before her, and you will be much to be envied when she shows her son to the ladies of Ptolemy's court, an exile instead of a king. While we are still masters of our own swords, and are still in sight of Laconia, let us put ourselves beyond the reach of further misfortunes, and make amends to those who died for Sparta at Sellasia, rather than settle ourselves in Egypt, and inquire whom Antigonus has been pleased to appoint satrap of Lacedæmon?"[16] To these remarks of Therykion Kleomenes answered, "Wretch, do you think that by suicide, the easiest way out of all difficulties, and one which is within every man's reach, you will gain a reputation for bravery, and will not rather be flying before the enemy more disgracefully than at Sellasia? More powerful men than ourselves have ere now been defeated, either by their own evil fortune or by the excessive numbers of their enemy: but the man who refuses to bear fatigue and misery, and the scorn of men, is conquered by his own cowardice. A self-inflicted death ought to be an honourable action, not a dishonourable means of escape from the necessity for action. It is disgraceful either to live or to die for oneself alone: yet this is the course which you recommend, namely, that I should fly from my present misery without ever again performing any useful or honourable action. I think that it is both your duty and mine, not to despair of our country: for when all hope fails us, we can easily find means to die." To this Therykion made no answer, but as soon as he had an opportunity left Kleomenes, sought a retired spot upon the beach, and killed himself. XXXII. Kleomenes sailed from Ægialea to Libya, where he was received with royal honours and conducted to Alexandria. At his first interview Ptolemy[17] treated him with mere ordinary politeness, but when by conversation with him he discovered his great abilities, and in the familiar intercourse of daily life observed the noble Spartan simplicity of his habits, and saw with how proud and unbroken a spirit he bore his misfortunes, he thought him a much more trustworthy friend than any of the venal throng of courtiers by whom he was surrounded. Ptolemy felt real regret at having neglected so great a man, and allowed Antigonus to gain so much glory and power at his expense. He showed Kleomenes great kindness and honour, and encouraged him by promising that he would place a fleet and a sum of money at his disposal, which would enable him to return to Greece and recover his throne. He settled upon him a yearly allowance of twenty-four talents, the most part of which he and his friends, who still retained their simple Spartan habits, distributed in charity among the Greek refugees who had found an asylum in Egypt. XXXIII. The elder Ptolemy died before he could accomplish his promise of attempting to restore Kleomenes to his throne; and amidst the drunken licence of the court of his successor, the affairs of Kleomenes were entirely neglected. The young king[18] was so given up to wine and women, that his soberest moments were spent in organising religious ceremonies in the palace, and in carrying a kettledrum in honour of the mother of the gods. The whole of the public business of the kingdom was managed by Agathoklea, the king's mistress, her mother, and the brothel-keeper Oenanthes. Yet even here it seems that the assistance of Kleomenes was needed, for the king, fearing his brother Magas, who through his mother had great influence with the army, attached himself in a special manner to Kleomenes, and made him a member of his own secret council, desiring to make use of him to kill his brother. Kleomenes, although every one in the court bade him do this, refused, saying that it would rather be his duty, if it were possible, to raise up more brothers for the king, to strengthen and confirm his throne. When Sosibius, the most powerful of the king's favourites, said that the mercenary troops were not to be depended upon while Magas was alive, Kleomenes answered that he might be quite easy on that score, for more than three thousand of the mercenaries were Peloponnesians, and at the slightest sign from him would seize their arms and rally round him. This speech was thought at the time to be a great proof of the loyalty of Kleomenes, and gave the courtiers a great idea of his power; but afterwards, as Ptolemy's weakness of character produced cowardice, and after the manner of empty-headed men he began to think it safest to suspect every one, these words made the courtiers fear Kleomenes, as having a dangerous power over the mercenaries; and many of them were wont to say, "This man moves among us like a lion among a flock of sheep." Indeed the demeanour of Kleomenes in the Egyptian palace, as he calmly and quietly watched the course of events, naturally suggested this simile. XXXIV. Kleomenes gave up asking for a fleet and an army; but hearing that Antigonus was dead, and that the Achæans were involved in a war with the Ætolians, while his presence was imperatively demanded at home, as all Peloponnesus seemed to be going to ruin, he desired to be sent home alone with his friends. However, he could persuade no one to accede to this request, as the king thought of nothing but his concubines and his revels, and Sosibius, upon whom devolved the whole conduct of affairs, although he knew that Kleomenes would be dangerous and hard to manage if kept in Egypt against his will, yet feared to set at large so daring and enterprising a man, who had gained a thorough insight into the utter rottenness of the Ptolemaic dynasty. For Kleomenes could not be bribed into remaining quiet, but as the bull[19] sacred to Apis, although he is abundantly fed and supplied with every luxury, yet longs to frisk and range about as nature intended, so he cared for none of their effeminate pleasures, "but wore his soul away" like Achilles, "Idling at home, though eager for the fray." XXXV. While his affairs were in this posture, there arrived at Alexandria one Nikagoras, a Messenian, who pretended to be a friend to Kleomenes, but really hated him bitterly, because he had once sold him a fair estate, but had never received the money, either because Kleomenes intended to cheat him, or because he was unable to pay him on account of the wars. As this man was disembarking from his ship, Kleomenes, who happened to be walking upon the quay, saw him, and at once warmly greeted him, and inquired what business had brought him to Egypt. Nikagoras returned his salutation with equal friendliness, and said that he had brought over some fine horses for the king's use in the wars. At this Kleomenes laughed, and said, "I had rather you had brought singing-girls or beautiful boys, for they are what please the king best." Nikagoras listened to this remark with a smile, but a few days afterwards he reminded Kleomenes of the estate which he had bought, and asked him to pay the price, saying that he would not have pressed for it if he had not sustained losses on his cargo. As Kleomenes replied that all his pension from the king was spent, Nikagoras in a rage repeated to Sosibius the sarcasm which he had used. Sosibius was much pleased to hear of it, but as he wished to have some graver matter of which to accuse him to the king, he persuaded Nikagoras to write a letter before he left Egypt, accusing Kleomenes of a design to make himself master of Cyrene, if the king put him in possession of a fleet and army. Nikagoras wrote the letter, and sailed away to Greece; and after forty days Sosibius took the letter and showed it to Ptolemy, as though he had just received it. By this means he so wrought upon the young king's mind, that he confined Kleomenes in a large house, and placed a guard before all the doors, although he continued to allow him his pension as before. XXXVI. This treatment was in itself sufficiently grievous to Kleomenes, and made him fear that something worse was in store. Now Ptolemy, the son of Chrysermes, who was a friend of the king's, had always been on good terms with Kleomenes, and they had been in the habit of conversing familiarly together. This man now, at Kleomenes's own request, came to see him, and talked amicably with him, explaining away all which had appeared suspicious about the king's conduct. As he was leaving the house, without noticing that Kleomenes had followed him to the door, he harshly reproved the guard for keeping such careless watch over so great and savage a monster. Kleomenes himself heard him say this, and before Ptolemy observed him, retired and told his friends what he had heard. They at once abandoned all hope, and fiercely determined to avenge themselves on Ptolemy for his wickedness and arrogance, and die as became Spartans, not wait to be butchered like fat cattle. They thought that it was intolerable that Kleomenes should have disdained to make terms with Antigonus, who was a soldier and a man of action, and should sit waiting for the pleasure of a timbrel-playing king, who as soon as he was at leisure from his kettle-drummings and revellings, intended to murder him. XXXVII. As soon as they had formed this resolution, as it happened that Ptolemy had gone to Canopus, they spread a report that the king had given orders for the guard to be removed. Next, observing the custom of the kings of Egypt, which was to send a dinner and various presents to those who are about to be released from confinement, the friends of Kleomenes prepared many presents of this kind and sent them to him, deceiving the guard, who believed that they had been sent by the king. Kleomenes offered sacrifice, and gave the soldiers on guard an ample share of the meat, while he himself put on a garland and feasted with his friends. It is said that they proceeded to action sooner than had been originally intended, because Kleomenes perceived that one of the servants who was in the plot had left the house, though he had only gone to visit his mistress. Fearing that he meant to denounce them, as soon as it was noon, and the guard were sleeping off their wine, Kleomenes put on his tunic, slit up the seam over the right shoulder, seized his naked sword, and sallied forth with his friends similarly arrayed, thirteen in all. One of them named Hippitas, who was lame, came boldly out with the rest, but finding that they proceeded slowly to enable him to keep up with them, begged them to kill him, and not spoil their plot by waiting for a useless man. It happened that one of the Alexandrians was leading a horse past the door; they at once took it, placed Hippitas on its back, and ran quickly through the streets, calling upon the populace to rise and set itself free. The people, it appears, had spirit enough to admire Kleomenes, but no one dared to follow or help him. Three of the conspirators met Ptolemy, the son of Chrysermes, coming out of the palace, and killed him: and when another Ptolemy, the governor of the city, drove towards them in a chariot, they rushed to meet him, scattered his bodyguard, dragged him out of the chariot and killed him. They now made their way to the citadel, intending to break open the prison and make use of the prisoners to swell their numbers; but the guardians of the prison had closed the gates effectually before they arrived, and Kleomenes, failing in this attempt, roamed through the city without finding any one to join him, as all fled in terror at his approach. At last he stopped, and said to his friends, "No wonder women bear rule in a city where men fear to be free." He now bade them all end their lives worthily of him and of themselves. First of all Hippitas, at his own request, was struck dead by one of the younger men; after which, each man deliberately and fearlessly inflicted upon himself a mortal stab, with the exception of Panteus, who had been the first to break into the city of Megalopolis. This man, the handsomest and best warrior of all the Spartan youth, was especially loved by the king, and was ordered by him to wait till all the rest were dead, and then to put an end to his life. When they had all fallen, Panteus pricked each man with his dagger, to make certain that none of them were alive. When he pricked Kleomenes in the ankle he saw his face contract. He kissed him and sat down beside him until he was quite dead, and then, embracing the corpse, killed himself upon it. XXXVIII. Thus perished Kleomenes, after having reigned over Sparta for thirteen years, as described above. The news of his death was soon bruited abroad, and Kratesiklea, although a woman of high spirit, was so overcome by her misfortune that she embraced the children and wept for Kleomenes. Upon this the eldest boy leaped up, and before any one knew what he was going to do, threw himself headlong from the roof of the house. He was much hurt, but not killed, and was taken up, crying out and reproaching his friends because they would not allow him to die. When Ptolemy heard the news, he ordered the corpse of Kleomenes to be flayed and exposed on a gibbet, and his children, his mother, and her attendants to be put to death. Among these was the wife of Panteus, the fairest and noblest-looking of them all. She and her husband had only recently been married when their misfortunes began. When Panteus left Sparta she wished to accompany him, but her parents would not allow her to do so, and locked her up in their house. But she shortly afterwards procured a horse and a little money, and made her escape by night. She rode all the way to Taenarum, where she found a ship about to sail to Egypt, on board of which she crossed the sea, joined her husband, and cheerfully shared his exile. She now, when the soldiers came to lead away Kratesiklea, took her by the hand, held up the train of her dress, and bade her be of good courage; although Kratesiklea herself was not afraid to die, but only asked one favour, that she might die before her children. When they arrived at the place of execution, the children were first killed before the eyes of Kratesiklea, and then she herself. All she said was: "My children, whither have you come?" The wife of Panteus, being a tall and robust woman, girded up her robe, and arranged each of the corpses as decently as her means permitted. After she had paid the last offices to each of them she prepared herself for death, bared her neck, allowed no one to approach her but the executioner, and died like a heroine, without requiring any one to arrange her corpse. Thus the modesty which she had observed throughout her life, did not desert her even when she was dead. XXXIX. Thus gloriously, even during its last days, did Lacedæmon, whose women are taught to vie with men in courage, prove that virtue is superior to Fortune. A few days afterwards, those who were watching the body of Kleomenes as it hung upon the gibbet, observed a large snake which wound its body round his head and covered his face, so that no ravenous bird could alight upon it. On hearing this, the king was struck with superstitious terror, fearing that he had offended the gods by the murder of one who was evidently a favourite of Heaven, and something more than mortal. All the ladies of his court began to offer sacrifices of atonement for his sin, and the people of Alexandria went to the place and worshipped Kleomenes as a hero and child of the gods, until they were restrained by the learned, who explained that as from the corrupted bodies of oxen are bred bees, from horses wasps, and from asses beetles, so human bodies, by the melting and gathering together of the juices of the marrow, produce serpents. This was observed by the ancients, who therefore considered that of all animals the serpent was peculiarly appropriated to heroes. LIFE OF TIBERIUS GRACCHUS. I. Having finished the first History,[20] it remains to contemplate equal calamities in the pair of Roman Lives, in a comparison of Tiberius and Caius Gracchus with Agis and Kleomenes.[21] Tiberius and Caius were the sons of Tiberius Gracchus,[22] who was censor and twice consul, and celebrated two triumphs, but was still more distinguished for his personal character, to which he owed the honour of having for his wife Cornelia, the daughter of Scipio,[23] the conqueror of Hannibal, whom he married after Scipio's death, though Tiberius had not been a friend of Scipio, but rather a political opponent. A story is told that Tiberius once caught a couple of snakes[24] in his bed, and the diviners, after consulting on the matter, told him that he must not kill both nor yet let both go; as to the male, they said, if it were killed, the death of Tiberius would follow, and if the female were killed, Cornelia would die. Now Tiberius, who loved his wife and thought it would be more suitable for him to die first, as he was an elderly man and his wife was still young, killed the male snake and let the female go; and he died no long time after, leaving twelve children by Cornelia. Cornelia undertook the care of her family and her husband's property, and showed herself so prudent, so fond of her children, and of so exalted a character, that Tiberius was judged to have done well in dying in place of such a wife. And though Ptolemæus,[25] the king of Egypt, invited Cornelia to share his crown, and wooed her for his wife, she refused the offer and continued a widow. All her children died before her, except one daughter, who married the younger Scipio,[26] and two sons, of whom I am going to speak, Tiberius and Caius, who were brought up by their mother so carefully that they became, beyond dispute, the most accomplished of all the Roman youth, which they owed, perhaps, more to their excellent education than even to their natural good qualities. II. Now as the figures of the Dioscuri,[27] whether sculptured or painted, though resembling one another, still present such an amount of difference as appears when we contrast a boxer with a runner, so in these two youths, with all their resemblance in courage, temperance, generous temper, eloquence, and magnanimity, yet great contrasts also in their actions and polity blossomed forth, so to speak, and displayed themselves, which I think it well to set forth. First in the character and expression of his countenance, and in his movements, Tiberius was mild and sedate; Caius was animated and impetuous. When Tiberius harangued the people, he would stand composedly on one spot; but Caius was the first Roman who moved about on the rostra[28] and pulled his toga from his shoulder while he was speaking, as Kleon[29] the Athenian is said to have been the first popular orator at Athens who threw his cloak from him and struck his thigh. The manner of Caius was awe-striking and vehemently impassioned; the manner of Tiberius was more pleasing and calculated to stir the sympathies: the language of Tiberius was pure and elaborated to great nicety; that of Caius was persuasive and exuberant. In like manner, in his mode of life and his table, Tiberius was frugal and simple; compared with others, Caius was moderate and austere, but, contrasted with his brother, luxurious and curious, as we see by Drusus charging him with buying silver dolphins[30] at the price of twelve hundred and fifty drachmæ for every pound that they weighed. The differences in their character corresponded to their respective styles of speaking: Tiberius was moderate and mild; Caius was rough and impetuous, and it often happened that in his harangues he was carried away by passion, contrary to his judgment, and his voice became shrill, and he fell to abuse, and grew confused in his discourse. To remedy this fault, he employed Licinius, a well-educated slave, who used to stand behind him when he was speaking, with a musical instrument,[31] such as is used as an accompaniment to singing, and whenever he observed that the voice of Caius was becoming harsh and broken through passion, he would produce a soft note, upon which Caius would immediately moderate his vehemence and his voice, and become calm. III. Such were the contrasts between the two brothers, but in courage against the enemy, in justice to the subject nations, in vigilance in the discharge of public duties, and in self-control over indulgence, they were both alike. Tiberius was the elder by nine years, a circumstance which caused their political career to be separated by an interval, and greatly contributed to the failure of their measures, for they did not rise to eminence at the same time nor unite their strength in one effort, which from their union, would have been powerful and irresistible. I must accordingly speak of each separately, and of the elder first. IV. Immediately on attaining man's estate, Tiberius had so great a reputation that he was elected a member of the college of augurs,[32] rather for his excellent qualities than his noble birth. Appius Claudius,[33] a man of consular and censorian rank, who in consideration of his dignity was appointed Princeps Senatus,[34] and in loftiness of character surpassed all his contemporaries, showed his opinion of Tiberius; for when the augurs were feasting together, Appius addressed Tiberius with many expressions of friendship, and solicited him to take his daughter to wife. Tiberius gladly accepted the proposal, and the agreement was forthwith made. As Appius was entering the door on his return home, he called out to his wife in a loud voice, "Antistia, I have given our daughter Claudia to wife." Antistia in surprise replied, "What is the need or the hurry, unless you have got Tiberius Gracchus for her husband?" I am aware that some writers tell this story of Tiberius the father of the Gracchi and of Scipio Africanus; but the majority have the story as I give it, and Polybius[35] says that after the death of Scipio Africanus, his kinsmen selected Tiberius to be the husband of Cornelia, and that she had neither been given in marriage nor betrothed by her father in his lifetime. Now the younger Tiberius served in the army in Africa[36] with the second Scipio,[37] who had married his sister, and by living in the general's tent he soon learned his character, which exhibited many and great qualities for virtuous emulation and practical imitation. Tiberius, also, soon surpassed all the young soldiers in attention to discipline and in courage; and he was the first to mount the enemy's wall, as Fannius[38] says, who also asserts that he mounted the wall with Tiberius and shared the honour with him. While he was in the army Tiberius won the affection of all the soldiers, and was regretted when he went away. V. After that expedition he was elected quæstor,[39] and it fell to his lot to serve in that capacity under the consul Caius Mancinus,[40] no bad man, but the most unlucky of Roman generals. Accordingly in adverse fortune and critical affairs the prudence and courage of Tiberius became the more conspicuous, and not only his prudence and courage, but what was truly admirable, his consideration and respect for his general, whose reverses almost made him forget who he was. Having been defeated in several great battles, Mancinus attempted to leave his camp by night and make a retreat. The Numantines, however, perceived his movements, and immediately seizing the camp, fell on the Romans in their flight and killed those in the rear; and at last, when they were surrounding the whole army and driving them to unfavourable ground, from which escape was impossible, Mancinus, despairing of all chance of saving himself by resistance, sent to treat for a truce and terms of peace. But the Numantines declared that they would trust nobody except Tiberius, and they bade Mancinus send him. The Numantines had come to this resolution as well from a knowledge of the young man's character, for there was much talk about him in this campaign, as from the remembrance of his father Tiberius, who, after carrying on war against the Iberians and subduing many of them, made peace with the Numantines, and always kept the Roman people to a fair and just observance of it. Accordingly Tiberius was sent, and had a conference with the Numantines, in which he got some favourable conditions, and, by making some concessions, obtained a truce, and thus saved twenty thousand Roman citizens, besides the slaves and camp-followers. VI. All the property that was taken in the camp became the booty of the Numantines; and among it were the tablets of Tiberius, which contained the entries and accounts of his administration as quæstor. Being very anxious to recover them, though the army had already advanced some distance, he returned to the city with three or four companions, and calling forth the magistrates of Numantia, he begged to have back his tablets, in order that his enemies might not have an opportunity of calumniating him if he should not be able to give an account of his administration of the public money. The Numantines were pleased at the opportunity of doing him a service, and invited him to enter the city; and when he stood hesitating, they came near and clung to his hands, and were urgent in entreating him not to consider them as enemies any longer, but as friends, and to trust them. Tiberius determined to do so, as he was very anxious to get the tablets, and feared to irritate the Numantines if he should seem to distrust them. When he had entered the city, the first thing they did was to prepare an entertainment, and to urge him most importunately to sit down and eat with them. They afterwards gave him back the tablets, and bade him take anything else he liked. Tiberius, however, would have nothing except the frankincense which he wanted for the public sacrifices, and after a friendly embrace he took his leave of them. VII. On his return to Rome, the whole transaction was greatly blamed as dishonourable and disgraceful to Rome. The kinsfolk and friends of the soldiers, who were a large part of the people, crowded about Tiberius, charging the general with the disgraceful part of what had happened, and declaring that Tiberius had been the saviour of so many citizens. Those who were the most vexed at the events in Iberia,[41] recommended that they should follow the example of their ancestors; for in former times the Romans stripped of their clothes and delivered up to the Samnites[42] those who had purchased their safety on dishonourable terms, both the generals and all who had any share or participation in the treaty, quæstors and tribunes all alike, and on their heads they turned the violation of the oaths and the infraction of the agreement. It was on this occasion particularly, that the people showed their affection and zeal towards Tiberius: for they decided to deliver up the consul, stripped and in chains, to the Numantines, but they spared all the rest on account of Tiberius. It appears that Scipio also, who was then the most powerful man in Rome, gave his assistance in this matter, but nevertheless he was blamed for not saving Mancinus, and not making any exertion to ratify the treaty with the Numantines, which had been concluded by his relation and friend Tiberius. But whatever difference there was between Scipio and Tiberius on this occasion, perhaps originated mainly in jealousy and was owing to the friends of Tiberius and the sophists, who endeavoured to prejudice him against Scipio. There was, however, no irreconcilable breach made between them, and no bad result from this affair; indeed, it seems to me that Tiberius would never have been involved in those political measures which cost him his life, if Scipio Africanus had been at Rome while they were going on. But it was while Scipio was carrying on the war at Numantia[43] that Tiberius commenced his legislation, to which he was led from the following motives. VIII. Whatever territory the Romans acquired from their neighbours in war, they sold part, and retaining the other part as public property,[44] they gave it to the poorer citizens to cultivate, on the payment of a small sum to the treasury. But as the rich began to outbid the poor, and so to drive them out, a law was passed which forbade any one to have more than five hundred jugera of land. This law restrained the greediness of the rich for a short time, and was a relief to the poor, who remained on the land which they had hired, and cultivated the several portions which they originally had. But in course of time their rich neighbours contrived to transfer the holdings to themselves in the names of other persons, and at last openly got possession of the greater part of the public lands in their own names, and the poor, being expelled, were not willing to take military service and were careless about bringing up families, in consequence of which there was speedily a diminution in the number of freemen all through Italy, and the country was filled with ergastula[45] of barbarian slaves, with whom the rich cultivated the lands from which they had expelled the citizens. Now Caius Lælius,[46] the friend of Scipio, attempted to remedy this mischief, but he desisted through fear of the disturbances that were threatened by the opposition of the rich, whence he got the name of wise or prudent, for such is the signification of the Roman word "sapiens." Tiberius, on being elected tribune,[47] immediately undertook the same measures, as most say, at the instigation of the orator Diophanes and the philosopher Blossius.[48] Diophanes was an exile from Mitylene: Blossius was an Italian from Cumæ, and had been an intimate at Rome with Antipater of Tarsus, who had done him the honour of dedicating to him some of his philosophical writings. Some give part of the blame to Cornelia also, the mother of Tiberius, who frequently reproached her sons that the Romans still called her the mother-in-law of Scipio, but not yet the mother of the Gracchi. Others say that jealousy of one Spurius Postumius,[49] a contemporary of Tiberius, and a rival of his reputation as an orator, was the immediate motive: for it is said that when Tiberius returned to Rome from his military service, he found that Postumius had far out-stripped him in reputation and influence, and seeing the distinction that Postumius had attained, he determined to get the advantage over him by engaging in measures which were attended with hazard, but promised great results. But his brother Caius in a certain book has recorded, that as Tiberius was passing through Tyrrhenia (Tuscany), on his road to Numantia, he observed the deserted state of the country, and that the cultivators and shepherds were foreign slaves and barbarians; and that he then for the first time conceived those political measures which to them were the beginning of infinite calamities. But the energy and ambition of Tiberius were mainly excited by the people, who urged him by writing on the porticoes, the walls, and on the tombs, to recover the public land for the poor. IX. He did not, however, draw up the law without assistance, but took the advice of the citizens most eminent for character and reputation, among whom were Crassus[50] the pontifex maximus, Mucius Scævola,[51] the jurist, who was then consul, and Claudius Appius, his father-in-law. Never was a measure directed against such wrong and aggression conceived in more moderate and gentle terms; for though the rich well deserved to be punished for their violation of law and to be compelled to surrender under penalties the land which they had been illegally enjoying, the law merely declared that they should give up their unjust acquisitions upon being paid the value of them, and should allow the lands to be occupied by the citizens who were in want of this relief. Though the reform of this abuse was so moderate and reasonable, the people were satisfied to take no notice of the past and to secure themselves against wrong for the future. But the rich and those who had possessions detested the proposed law because of their greediness, and the proposer of it was the object of their indignation and jealousy; and accordingly they attempted to divert the people from the measure, by insinuating that Tiberius was proposing a division of land merely to disturb the state and to bring about a revolution. But they failed altogether; for Tiberius, supporting a measure in itself honourable and just, with an eloquence[52] calculated to set off even a meaner subject, showed his power and his superiority over his opponents, whenever the people were crowded round the rostra and he addressed them about the poor. "The wild beasts of Italy," he would say, "had their dens and holes and hiding-places, while the men who fought and died in defence of Italy enjoyed, indeed, the air and the light, but nothing else: houseless and without a spot of ground to rest upon, they wander about with their wives and children, while their commanders, with a lie in their mouth, exhort the soldiers in battle to defend their tombs and temples against the enemy, for out of so many Romans not one has a family altar or ancestral tomb, but they fight to maintain the luxury and wealth of others, and they die with the title of lords of the earth,[53] without possessing a single clod to call their own." X. Such language as this, proceeding from a lofty spirit and genuine feeling, and delivered to the people, who were vehemently excited and roused, none of the enemies of Tiberius attempted to refute. Abandoning, therefore, all idea of opposing him by words, they addressed themselves to Marcus Octavius,[54] one of the tribunes, a young man of sober and orderly disposition, and a companion and friend of Tiberius. At first Octavius, from regard to Tiberius, evaded the proposals, but being urged and importuned by many of the powerful nobles,[55] and as it were, driven to it, he set himself in opposition to Tiberius, and prevented the passing of the law. Now all the power is virtually in the hands of the dissentient tribune, for the rest can do nothing if a single tribune oppose them. Irritated at this, Tiberius withdrew his moderate measure and introduced another, more agreeable to the people and more severe against the illegal possessors of land; this new measure ejected persons out of the lands which they had got possession of contrary to existing laws. There was a daily contest between him and Octavius at the rostra, but though they opposed one another with great earnestness and rivalry, it is said they never uttered a disparaging word against one another, and that no unbecoming expression ever escaped either of them against the other. It is not, then, in bacchanalian revelries[56] only, as it seems, but also in ambitious rivalry and passion, that to be of noble nature and to have been well brought up, restrains and governs the mind. Tiberius, observing that Octavius himself was obnoxious to the law and possessed a considerable tract of the public land, begged him to desist from his opposition, offering to pay him the value of the land out of his own purse, though he was by no means in affluent circumstances. Upon Octavius rejecting the proposal, Tiberius by an edict forbade all the other magistrates to transact any public business until the people had voted upon his law; and he placed his private seals on the temple of Saturn,[57] that the quæstors might not be able to take anything out of it or pay anything in, and he gave public notice that a penalty would be imposed on the prætors if they disobeyed; in consequence of which all the magistrates were afraid and ceased from discharging their several functions. Upon this the possessors changed their dress and went about the Forum in a piteous and humble guise, but in secret they plotted against Tiberius and endeavoured to procure assassins to take him off; in consequence of which, Tiberius, as everybody knew, wore under his dress a short sword, such as robbers use, which the Romans call dolo.[58] XI. When the day came and Tiberius was calling the people to the vote, the voting-urns[59] were seized by the rich and the proceedings were put into great confusion. However, as the partisans of Tiberius, who had the superiority in numbers, were collecting in order to make resistance, Manlius[60] and Fulvius, both consular men, falling down at the knees of Tiberius, and clinging to his hands with tears, begged him to desist. Tiberius, seeing that matters were near coming to extremities, and from regard to the men also, asked them what they would have him do; to which they replied, that they were not competent to advise on so important a matter, and they urged him to refer it to the senate, and at last he consented. The senate met, but did nothing, owing to the opposition of the rich, who had great influence in the body; upon which Tiberius had recourse to the unconstitutional and violent measure of depriving Octavius of his office, finding it impossible to put his proposed law to the vote in any other way. In the first place, he publicly entreated Octavius, addressing him affectionately and clinging to his hands, to yield to and gratify the people, who asked for nothing but their rights, and would only get a small matter in return for great dangers and sufferings. Octavius rejected this proposition; upon which Tiberius reminded him that both of them were magistrates and were contending with equal power on a weighty matter, and that it was not possible for this struggle to continue without coming to open hostility; that he saw no remedy except for one of them to give up his office; and he bade Octavius put it to the people to vote on his case first, and said that he would immediately descend to the station of a private man, if the citizens should desire it. As Octavius refused this proposal also, Tiberius said that he would put the question about Octavius retiring from the tribunate to the people, if Octavius did not change his resolution. XII. Thus ended the assembly of that day. On the following day Tiberius mounted the rostra and again endeavoured to persuade Octavius; but as he would not yield, Tiberius proposed a law by which Octavius should be deprived of his tribunate, and he forthwith summoned the citizens to vote upon it. Now, there were five and thirty tribes,[61] and when seventeen of them had already given their vote, and the addition of one more tribe would reduce Octavius to a private condition, Tiberius stopped the voting, and again entreated Octavius, embracing him in the presence of the people and urgently praying him not to be careless about being deprived of his office, and not to bring on him the blame of so severe and odious a measure. It is said that Octavius was not entirely untouched or unmoved by these entreaties, and his eyes were filled with tears and he was silent for some time. But when he looked to the rich and the possessors, who were standing together in one body, through fear of losing their good opinion, as it seems, he boldly determined to run every risk, and he told Tiberius to do what he pleased. Accordingly the law was passed, and Tiberius ordered one of his freedmen to drag Octavius from the rostra, for Tiberius employed his own freedmen as officers; a circumstance which made the spectacle of Octavius dragged from the rostra with contumely still more deplorable. At the same time the people made an assault on Octavius, and though the rich all ran to his assistance and disengaged him from their hands, it was not without difficulty that he was rescued and made his escape from the mob. But one of his faithful slaves, who had placed himself in front of his master to defend him, had his eyes torn out. This violence was quite contrary to the wishes of Tiberius, who, on seeing what was going on, speedily made his way to the disturbance. XIII. The law about the land was now immediately carried, and triumviri[62] were appointed for ascertaining its bounds and distributing it; the triumviri were Tiberius, and his father-in-law Claudius Appius, and Caius Gracchus, his brother, who, however, was not at Rome, but serving under Scipio against Numantia. All this Tiberius accomplished quietly without any opposition, and he also procured to be elected tribune in the room of Octavius, not a person of rank, but one Mucius[63] a client[64] of his own. The nobles, who were vexed at all these measures and feared the growing power of Tiberius, treated him in the senate with contumely; and upon his asking, according to custom, for a tent from the treasury for his use while he was distributing the land, they refused it to him, though others had often had one allowed them on less important occasions; and they only gave him for his expenses nine oboli[65] a day, which was done on the motion of Publius Nasica,[66] who entered violently into the opposition against Tiberius, for he was in possession of a very large amount of public land, and was greatly annoyed at being forcibly ejected from it. But the people now became still more violent. A friend of Tiberius happened to die suddenly, and suspicious marks immediately showed themselves on the body. The people cried out that he was poisoned, and collecting in great numbers at the funeral, they carried the bier and stood by while the body was burnt. And the suspicion of poison appeared to have some reason, for the body burst on the pile and sent forth such a quantity of corrupt humours as to quench the flame; and though a light was again applied, the body would not burn till it was removed to another place, where, after much trouble, the fire at last laid hold of it. Upon this Tiberius, with the view of exciting the people still more, changed his dress, and showing his children to the people, begged that they would protect them and their mother, for he now despaired of his own safety. XIV. On the death of Attalus[67] Philometor, Eudemus of Pergamum brought his will to Rome, in which the Roman people were made the king's heir. In order to please the people, Tiberius promulgated a law to the effect that as soon as the king's treasures were received, they should be distributed among those who had assignments of land, in order to enable them to stock the farms and to assist them in their cultivation. With respect to the cities included within the kingdom of Attalus, he said that the senate had no right to decide about them, but he would bring the subject before the popular assembly. This measure gave violent offence to the senate, and Pompeius[68] getting up, said that he lived near Tiberius, and so knew that Eudemus of Pergamum had given a diadem out of the royal treasures and a purple robe to Tiberius, who designed to make himself king in Rome. Quintus Metellus[69] reproached Tiberius by reminding him, that whenever his father, during his censorship, was returning home from supper, the citizens used to put out the lights for fear it might be supposed that they were indulging too much in entertainments and drinking, but that the most insolent and needy of the citizens accompanied Tiberius with lights at night. Titus Annius,[70] who was not a man of good repute or sober behaviour, but in any contest of words by way of question and answer was considered to be unequalled, challenged Tiberius to answer definitely whether he had or had not branded with infamy his brother tribune, though by the law he was sacred and inviolable. As the question was received with signs of approbation, Tiberius, hastily quitting the senate-house, convoked the people and ordered Annius to be brought before them, with the intention of accusing him. But Annius, who was much inferior to Tiberius both in eloquence and reputation, had recourse to his tricks, and called on Tiberius to answer a few questions before he began his speech. Tiberius assented, and as soon as there was silence, Annius said, "If you intend to deprive me of my rank, and disgrace me, and I appeal to one of your brother tribunes, and he shall come to my aid, and you shall then fall into a passion, will you deprive him of his office?" On this question being put, it is said that Tiberius, though no man was readier in words or bolder in action, was so confused that he made no reply. XV. For the present Tiberius[71] dissolved the assembly, seeing that his proceedings with respect to Octavius were not liked either by the nobles or the people, for they considered that the high and honourable dignity of the tribunate, which had been kept unimpaired up to that time, had been destroyed and trampled upon. He made an harangue to the people, a few of the arguments of which it will not be out of place to mention, for the purpose of showing the persuasive eloquence and the subtlety of the man. He said that a tribune was sacred and inviolate, only because he was dedicated to the people and was the guardian of the people. If then a tribune should deviate from his duty and wrong the people, abridge their power and deprive them of the opportunity of voting, he had by his own act deprived himself of his rank, by not fulfilling the conditions on which he received it. Now we must consider a tribune to be still a tribune, though he should dig down the Capitol and burn the naval arsenal. If he should commit such excesses as these, he is a bad tribune; but if he should attempt to deprive the people of their power, he is not a tribune at all. And is it not a monstrous thing if a tribune shall have power to order a consul to be put in prison, and the people shall not be able to deprive a tribune of his power when he is using it against the people who gave it to him? for both tribune and consul are equally chosen by the people. Now the kingly office, besides comprehending within it all civil power, is consecrated to the divinity by the discharge of the chief ceremonials of religion; and yet the state ejected Tarquinius for his wrong-doing, and for the violence of one man the ancient power which established Rome was overthrown. And what is there at Rome so sacred, so venerated as the virgins who guard the ever-burning fire? but if any of them offends, she is buried alive; for when they sin against the gods, they no longer retain that inviolable sanctity which they have by being devoted to the gods. In like manner, neither has a tribune when he is wronging the people any right to retain the inviolable character which he receives from the people, for he is destroying the very power which is the origin of his own power. And indeed, if he has legally received the tribunitian power by the votes of a majority of the tribes, how is it that he cannot even still more legally be deposed by the vote of all the tribes? Now, nothing is so sacred and inviolable as things dedicated to the gods; but yet no one has ever hindered the people from using such things, moving them, and changing their places as they please. It is therefore legal for the people to transfer the tribunate, as a consecrated thing, from one man to another. And that the tribunate is not an inviolable thing, nor an office of which a man cannot be divested, is clear from this that many magistrates have abdicated their office and prayed to be excused from it of their own free will. XVI. Such were the heads of the justification of Tiberius. His friends, seeing the threats of his enemies and their combination, thought that he ought to be a candidate for the tribunate for the next year; and Tiberius attempted to strengthen his popularity by promising to carry new measures,[72] such as a diminution of the period of military service, an appeal to the people from the judices, an intermixture of an equal number of the Equites with the Senators, from whom alone the judices were then taken; and in every way he attempted to abridge the power of the Senate, influenced rather by passion and ambition, than justice and the interests of the state. While the voting was going on, the friends of Tiberius, seeing that their enemies were gaining the advantage, for all the people were not present,[73] at first attempted to prolong the time by abusing the other tribunes, and next they dissolved the meeting and appointed it for the following day. Tiberius, going down to the Forum, supplicated the citizens in humble manner and with tears in his eyes; he then said that he feared his enemies would break into his house by night and kill him, and thus he induced a great number of the citizens to take their station about his house and watch there all night. XVII. At daybreak the man came to bring the birds which the Romans use in their auspices, and he threw them food. But the birds would not come out of the basket[74] with the exception of one, though the man shook it hard; and even this one would not touch the food, but after raising its left wing and stretching out a leg it ran back to the basket. This reminded Tiberius of another omen that had happened. He had a helmet which he wore in battle, elaborately worked and splendid. Some snakes had got into the helmet unobserved, and laid their eggs and hatched them there. This made Tiberius still more uneasy about the signs from the fowls. Nevertheless he advanced up the city on hearing that the people was assembled about the Capitol; but before he got out of the house he stumbled over the threshold, and the blow was so violent that the nail of his great toe was broken, and the blood ran out through his shoe. He had not got far before some crows were seen fighting on the roof of a house on the left hand, and though a great crowd was passing by, as was natural on such an occasion, a stone which was pushed off by one of the crows fell by the feet of Tiberius. This made even the boldest of his adherents hesitate; but Blossius of Cumæ, who was present, said it would be a shame and a great disgrace if Tiberius, a son of Gracchus and a grandson of Scipio Africanus, and a defender of the Roman people should not obey the summons of the people for fear of a crow, and that his enemies would not treat this cowardly act as a matter of ridicule, but would make it the ground of calumniating him to the people as playing the tyrant and treating them with contempt. At the same time many persons ran up to Tiberius with a message from his friends in the Capitol, to hasten there, as all was going on favourably. And indeed everything promised well at first, for as soon as he appeared he was greeted with friendly cheers, and as he ascended the Capitol he was joyfully received, and the people crowded about him to prevent any stranger from approaching. XVIII. Now, Mucius began to summon the tribes again, but nothing could be conducted with the usual forms on account of the confusion that prevailed among those who were on the outskirts of the assembly, where they were struggling with their opponents, who were attempting to force their way in and mingle with the rest. At this juncture Flavius Flaccus,[75] a senator, posted himself in a conspicuous place, and as it was not possible to make his voice heard so far, he made a signal with his hand that he wished to say something in private to Tiberius. Tiberius bade the crowd let Flaccus pass, who, with great difficulty making his way up to Tiberius, told him that the Senate was sitting, that as they could not prevail on the consul, the rich were resolving to kill Tiberius themselves, and that they had armed many of their slaves and friends for this purpose. XIX. Upon Tiberius reporting this to those who were standing about him, they forthwith tucked up their dress, and breaking the staves which the officers use to keep the crowd back, distributed the fragments among them and made ready to defend themselves against their assailants. While those at a distance were wondering at what was going on, and asking what it meant, Tiberius touched his head with his hand, since his voice could not be heard, intending thereby to signify to the people that his life was in danger. His enemies on seeing this ran to the Senate and told them that Tiberius was asking for a crown, and that his touching his head was a proof of it. On this the whole body was greatly disturbed; Nasica entreated the consul[76] to protect the state and put down the tyrant. The consul however answered mildly that he would not be the first to use violence, and that he would not take any citizen's life without a regular trial; if however, he said, the people should come to an illegal vote at the instigation of Tiberius, or from compulsion, he would not respect any such decision. Upon this Nasica springing up exclaimed, "Well then, as the consul betrays the state, do you who wish to maintain the laws follow me." As he uttered these words he drew the skirt of his dress over his head, and hastened to the Capitol; and the senators who followed him, wrapping their dress about them with one hand, pushed all the people they met out of the way, no one opposing them, from respect to their rank, but taking to flight and trampling down one another. The followers of the senators had clubs and sticks which they had brought from home; but the senators seizing the fragments and legs of the benches which were broken by the people in their hurry to escape, made right to Tiberius, and struck all those who were in their road. The people were all put to flight or killed. As Tiberius was attempting to make his escape, some one laid hold of his dress, on which he dropped his toga and fled in his tunic; but he stumbled over some persons who were lying on the ground and was thrown down. While he was endeavouring to rise, he received the first blow, as it is universally admitted, from Publius Satyreius, one of his colleagues, who struck him on the head with the leg of a bench. Lucius Rufus claimed the credit of giving him the second blow, as if that were a thing to be proud of. Above three hundred persons lost their lives by sticks and stones, but none by the sword. XX. This is said to have been the first disturbance at Rome since the abolition of the kingly power, which ended in bloodshed and the death of citizens. All previous disputes, though they were neither trifling nor about trifling matters, were settled by mutual concession: the nobles yielded through fear of the people, and the people yielded from respect to the Senate. Even on this occasion it is probable that Tiberius would have given way to persuasion without any difficulty, and still more readily if his assailants had not come to bloodshed and blows, for those about him were not above three thousand in number. But the combination against him seems to have proceeded rather from the passion and hatred of the rich citizens, than from the reasons which they alleged; and the brutal and indecent treatment of his dead body is a proof of this. For they would not listen to his brother's request[77] to take up the body and bury it at night, but it was thrown into the Tiber with the other bodies. And this was not all; they banished some of his friends without trial, and others they seized and put to death, among whom was Diophanes the orator. One Caius Villius[78] they shut up in a vessel with snakes and vipers, and thus he died. Blossius of Cumæ, being brought before the consuls and questioned about what had passed, admitted that he had done everything at the bidding of Tiberius. On Nasica asking[79] him, "What if Tiberius had told you to burn the Capitol?" Blossius said, that Tiberius would never have given him any such order. The same question being often put to him, and by several persons, he said, "If he had commanded me to burn the Capitol, it would have been a good deed for me to do; for Tiberius would not have given such an order unless it were for the interest of the people." Blossius, however, was set at liberty, and afterwards went to Aristonikus[80] in Asia, on the ruin of whose affairs he killed himself. XXI. The Senate, under present circumstances, endeavoured to soothe the people; they made no opposition to the distribution of the public land, and they allowed the people to elect another commissioner in place of Tiberius. Having come to a vote, they elected Publius Crassus[81] a relation of Gracchus, for his daughter Licinia was the wife of Caius Gracchus. Cornelius Nepos,[82] indeed, says that Caius did not marry the daughter of Crassus, but the daughter of Brutus[83] who triumphed over the Lusitanians: however, the majority of writers state the matter as I have done. Now, as the people were sore about the death of Tiberius, and were manifestly waiting for an opportunity to be revenged, and Nasica[84] was threatened with prosecutions, the Senate, fearing for his safety, made a decree for sending him to Asia, though they had nothing for him to do there. For when men met Nasica they did not conceal their hostility, but broke out into violence, and abused him wherever they fell in with him, calling him accursed, and tyrant, who had stained with the blood of an inviolable and sacred functionary the most sacred and revered of all the holy places in the city. Accordingly, Nasica left Italy, though bound by the most sacred functions, for he was Pontifex Maximus; and, rambling about despised from place to place, he died no long time after in the neighbourhood of Pergamum. It is no wonder if Nasica was so much hated by the people, when even Scipio Africanus, whom the Romans considered inferior to no man in integrity, and loved as well as any, narrowly escaped losing the popular favour, because, on receiving the news of the death of Tiberius, at Numantia, he exclaimed in the verse of Homer, So perish[85] all who do the like again. Subsequently, when Caius and Fulvius asked him, before an assembly of the people, what he thought of the death of Tiberius, he showed by his answer that he was not pleased with the measures of Tiberius. This made the people interrupt him with their shouts when he was speaking, as they had never done before; and Scipio was so far transported with passion as to break out into invectives against them. But of this I have spoken more particularly in the Life of Scipio.[86] LIFE OF CAIUS GRACCHUS. I. Caius Gracchus at first, either through fear of his enemies or with the view of making them odious, withdrew from the Forum[87] and kept quiet at home, like a man humbled for the present, and intending for the future to keep aloof from public affairs; which gave occasion for some people to say that he disliked the measures of Tiberius, and had abandoned them. He was also still quite a youth, for he was nine years younger than his brother, and Tiberius was not thirty[88] when he was killed. But in the course of time, as his character gradually displayed itself in his aversion to indolence, luxury, wine, and all matters of private profit, and it was clear, from his application to the study of eloquence, that he was preparing, as it were, his pinions for public life, and that he would not remain quiet; and further, when he showed by his defence of Vettius, one of his friends, who was under prosecution, the people all around him being wild and frantic with delight, that the rest of the orators were mere children, the nobles were again alarmed, and there was much talk among them that they would not allow Caius to obtain the tribunate. It happened without any set design that the lot fell on him to go as quæstor to Sardinia,[89] under Orestes[90] the consul, which pleased his enemies, and was not disagreeable to Caius. For he was fond of war, and equally disciplined for military service and speaking in the courts of justice; but he still shrunk from public affairs and the Rostra, and as he could not resist the invitations of the people and his friends, he was well pleased with this opportunity of leaving Rome. It is true it is a common opinion that Caius was a pure demagogue, and much more greedy of popular favour than Tiberius. But it was not so in fact, and Caius seems to have been involved in public affairs rather through a kind of necessity than choice. Cicero the orator also says that Caius declined all offices, and had determined to live in retirement, but that his brother appeared to him in a dream,[91] and said, "Caius, why do you linger? There is no escape: one life for both of us, and one death in defence of the people is our fate." II. Now, Caius during his stay in Sardinia exhibited his excellent qualities in every way; he far surpassed all the young men in military courage, in upright conduct to the subject people, in loyalty and respect to the commander; and in temperance, frugality, and attention to his duties he excelled even his elders. The winter having been severe and unhealthy in Sardinia, the general demanded clothing for his soldiers from the cities, upon which they sent to Rome to pray to be relieved from this imposition. The Senate granted their petition, and ordered the general to get supplies for the troops by other means; but as the general was unable to do this, and the soldiers were suffering, Caius went round to the cities and induced them voluntarily to send clothing and to assist the Romans. This, being reported to Rome, made the Senate uneasy, for they viewed it as a preliminary to popular agitation. Ambassadors also arrived at Rome from Libya, with a message from King Micipsa,[92] that the king had sent corn to the commander in Sardinia, out of respect for Caius Gracchus. The Senate, taking offence at the message, would not receive the ambassadors, and they passed a decree that fresh troops should be sent out to replace those in Sardinia, but that Orestes should stay; intending by this measure to keep Caius there also, in respect of his office. On this being done, Caius immediately set sail in a passion, and appearing at Rome contrary to all expectation, was not only blamed by his enemies, but even the people considered it a strange thing for the quæstor to leave his general behind. However, when the matter was brought before the Censors,[93] he asked for permission to make his defence, and he produced such a change in the opinions of his audience, that he was acquitted, and considered to have been exceedingly ill used: he said that he had served in the army for twelve years, while others were only required to serve ten years, and that he had exercised the functions of quæstor to the commander for three years, though the law allowed him to return after one year's service; he added that he was the only soldier who took out a full purse with him and brought it back empty, while the rest took out with them only jars of wine, which they had emptied in Sardinia, and brought them back full of gold and silver. III. After this, his enemies brought fresh charges against him, and harassed him with prosecutions on the ground of causing the defection of the allies and having participated in the conspiracy which had been detected at Fregellæ.[94] But he cleared himself of all suspicion, and having established his innocence, immediately set about canvassing for the tribunate. All the men of distinction, without exception, opposed him; and so great a multitude flocked to Rome from all parts of Italy, to the Comitia, that many of them could not find lodgings, and the Campus Martius[95] being unable to contain the numbers, they shouted from the house-tops and tilings. However, the nobility so far prevailed against the people as to disappoint the hopes of Caius, inasmuch as he was not returned first, as he expected, but only fourth. But upon entering on his office he soon made himself first, for he surpassed every Roman in eloquence,[96] and his misfortunes gave him a licence for speaking freely when lamenting the fate of his brother. He took every opportunity of directing the thoughts of the people to this subject, reminding them of former times, and contrasting the conduct of their ancestors, who went to war with the Falisci on behalf of Gemicius, a tribune, who had been insulted by them, and condemned Caius Veturius to death because he was the only man that did not make way for a tribune as he was passing through the Forum. "But before your eyes," he exclaimed, "these men beat Tiberius to death with staves, and his body was dragged through the midst of the city to be thrown into the Tiber; and all his friends who were caught were put to death without trial. And yet it is an old usage among us, if a man is accused of a capital charge and does not appear, for a trumpeter to come to the door of his house in the morning and summon him by the sound of the trumpet, and the judices cannot vote upon the charge till this has been done. So circumspect and careful were the Romans of old in the trials of persons accused." IV. Having first stirred up the people by such harangues as these (and he had a very loud voice, and was most vigorous in speech), he promulgated two laws:[97] one, to the effect that if the people had deprived any magistrate of his office, he should be incapacitated from holding office a second time; and the other, which rendered a magistrate liable to a public prosecution if he had banished any citizen without trial. One of these rogations had the direct effect of branding with infamy Marcus Octavius, who had been deprived of the tribunate by Tiberius; and Popillius[98] came within the penalties of the other, for during his prætorship he had banished the friends of Tiberius. Popillius did not stand his trial, and he fled from Italy; but the other law Caius himself withdrew, saying that he refrained from touching Octavius at the request of his mother Cornelia. The people admired his conduct on this occasion, and gave their consent, for they respected Cornelia no less for the sake of her sons than her father; and afterwards they set up a bronze statue[99] of her, with the inscription--Cornelia, Mother of the Gracchi. There are recorded several things that Caius said in defence of his mother in a rhetorical and coarse way, in reply to one of his enemies. "What," said he, "do you abuse Cornelia, the mother of Tiberius?" And as the man laboured under the imputation of being a dissolute fellow, he added, "How can you have the impudence to compare yourself with Cornelia? Have you been a mother, as she has?"--and more to the like effect, but still coarser. Such was the bitterness of his language, and many like things occur in his writings. V. Of the laws[100] which he promulgated with the view of gaining the popular favour and weakening the Senate, one was for the establishment of colonies and the distribution of Public Land among the poor; another provided for supplying the soldiers with clothing at the public expense, without any deduction on this account being made from their pay, and exempted youths under seventeen years of age from being drafted for the army; a third was in favour of the allies, and put the Italians on the same footing as the citizens with respect to the suffrage; another related to grain, and had for its object the lowering of the price for the poor; the last related to the judices, a measure which most of all encroached on the privileges of the senate--for the senate alone supplied judices for the trials, and this privilege rendered that body formidable both to the people and the equites. The law of Gracchus added three hundred equites to the senate, who were also three hundred in number, and it made the judices eligible out of the whole six hundred. In his endeavours to carry this law he is said to have made every exertion; and in particular it is recorded that all the popular leaders who preceded him turned their faces to the senate and the comitium while they were speaking, but he was the first who turned his face the other way to the Forum while haranguing the people, and he continued to do so; and by a small deviation and alteration in attitude he stirred a great question, and in a manner transformed the government from an aristocratical to a democratical form, by this new attitude intimating that the orators should direct their speeches to the many and not to the senate. VI. The people not only passed this law, but empowered Gracchus to select from the equites those who were to act as judices, which conferred on him a kind of monarchical authority, and even the senate now assented to the measures which he proposed in their body. But all the measures which he proposed were honourable to the senate; such, for instance, was the very equitable and just decree about the grain which Fabius the proprætor sent from Iberia. Gracchus induced the senate to sell the grain and to return the money which it produced to the Iberian cities, and further to censure Fabius for making the Roman dominion heavy and intolerable to the subject nations; this measure brought him great reputation and popularity in the provinces. He also introduced measures for sending out colonies, the construction of roads, and the building of public granaries; and he made himself director and superintendent for the carrying all these measures into effect. Though engaged in so many great undertakings, he was never wearied, but with wonderful activity and labour he effected every single object as if he had for the time no other occupation, so that even those who thoroughly hated and feared him were struck with amazement at the rapidity and perfect execution of all that he undertook. But the people looked with admiration on the man himself, seeing him attended by crowds of building-contractors, artificers, ambassadors, magistrates, soldiers, and learned men, to all of whom he was easy of access; and while he maintained his dignity, he was affable to all, and adapted his behaviour to the condition of every individual, and so proved the falsehood of those who called him tyrannical or arrogant or violent. He thus showed himself more skilful as a popular leader in his dealings with men, and in his conduct, than in his harangues from the Rostra. VII. But Caius busied himself most about the construction of roads,[101] having in view utility, convenience, and ornament. The roads were made in a straight line, right through the country, partly of quarried stone and partly with tight-rammed masses of earth. By filling up the depressions, and throwing bridges across those parts which were traversed by winter torrents or deep ravines, and raising the road on both sides to the same uniform height, the whole line was made level and presented an agreeable appearance. He also measured all the roads by miles (the Roman mile is not quite eight Greek stadia), and fixed stone blocks to mark the distances. He placed other stones at less distances from one another on each side of the road, that persons might thus easily mount their horses without assistance. VIII. As the people extolled him for all these services, and were ready to show their good will towards him in any way, he said on one occasion when he was addressing them, that he would ask a favour, which he would value above everything if it was granted, but if it were refused, he should not complain. It was accordingly expected that he would ask for the consulship, and everybody supposed that he would be a candidate for the consulship and the tribunate at the same time. When the consular comitia were near, and all were at the highest point of expectation, Caius appeared conducting Caius Fannius into the Campus Martius, and canvassing with his friends for Fannius.[102] This gave Fannius a great advantage. Fannius was elected consul, and Caius tribune for the second time, though he was neither a candidate nor canvassed, but his election was entirely due to the zeal of the people. Perceiving, however, that the senate was clearly opposed to him, and that the kind feeling of Fannius towards him cooled, he forthwith endeavoured to attach the people by other measures, by proposing to send colonies to Tarentum and Capua, and by inviting the Latins to a participation in the Roman franchise. The senate, fearing that Gracchus would become irresistible, attempted a new and unusual method of diverting the people from him, by opposing popular measures to his, and by gratifying the people, contrary to sound policy. Livius Drusus was one of the colleagues of Caius, a man by birth and education inferior to none in Rome, and in character, eloquence, and wealth equal to any who enjoyed either honour or power by the aid of these advantages. To him accordingly the chief nobles applied, and they urged him to attack Caius, and to unite with them against him, not by adopting violent measures, nor coming into collision with the many, but by a course of administration adapted to please, and by making such concessions as it would have been honourable to refuse, even at the risk of unpopularity. IX. Livius, having agreed to employ his tribunitian authority on the side of the senate, framed measures which had neither any honourable nor any useful object: he only had in view to outbid Caius in the popular favour, just as it is in a comedy, by making himself busy and vying with his rival. This showed most clearly that the senate were not displeased with the measures of Caius, but only wished to destroy him or completely humble him. When Caius proposed to send out ten colonies consisting of citizens of the best character, the senate accused him of truckling to the people; but they co-operated with Livius, who proposed twelve colonies, each of which was to consist of three thousand needy citizens. They set themselves in opposition to Caius when he proposed to distribute land among the poor, subject to a yearly payment to the treasury from each, on the ground that he was trying to gain the popular favour; but they were satisfied when Livius proposed to relieve the colonists even from this payment. Further, Caius gave them offence by proposing to confer on the Latins the Roman suffrage; but when Livius brought forward a measure which forbade any Latin to be beaten with rods even while serving in the army, they supported it. And indeed Livius himself, in his harangues to the people, always said that he only proposed what was agreeable to the senate, who had a regard for the many; which indeed was the only good that resulted from his measures. For the people became more pacifically disposed towards the senate; and though the most distinguished of them were formerly suspected and hated by the people, Livius did away with and softened their recollection of past grievances and their ill feeling, by giving out that it was in accordance with the wish of the senate that he had entered upon his popular career and framed measures to please the many. X. But the best proof to the people of the good intentions and honesty of Livius was, that he proposed nothing for himself or in behalf of his own interests; for he appointed other persons to superintend the establishment of the colonies, and he did not meddle with the administration of the money, while Caius had assigned to himself most of such functions, and the most important of them. It happened that Rubrius, one of the tribunes, had proposed a measure for the colonisation of Carthage, which had been destroyed by Scipio; and as the lot fell on Caius, he set sail to Libya to found the colony. In his absence, Drusus, making still further advances, insinuated himself into the favour of the people, and gained them over mainly by calumniating Fulvius.[103] This Fulvius was a friend of Caius and a joint commissioner for the distribution of lands; but he was a noisy fellow, and specially disliked by the senate; he was also suspected by others of stirring up the allies, and secretly encouraging the Italians to revolt; and though this was said without proof or inquiry, Fulvius himself gave it credit by his unwise and revolutionary policy. This more than anything else destroyed the popularity of Caius, who came in for his share of the odium against Fulvius. And when Scipio[104] Africanus died without any obvious cause, and certain signs of blows and violence were supposed to be visible on the body, as I told in the Life of Scipio, the suspicion fell chiefly on Fulvius, who was his enemy, and on that day had abused Scipio from the Rostra. Suspicion attached to Caius also. So abominable a crime committed against the first and greatest of the Romans went unpunished, and there was not even an inquiry; for the many opposed it and stopped the investigation through fear for Caius, lest he should be discovered to be implicated in the murder. These events, indeed, belong to an earlier period. XI. In Libya, as to the foundation of Carthage,[105] which Caius named Junonia, which is the same as Heraea, it is said there were many supernatural hindrances. For the first standard was seized and broken by a violent gust of wind, though the standard-bearer stuck to it vigorously; and the victims which were lying on the altars were dispersed by a tempest, and scattered beyond the stakes which marked the limits of the city, and the stakes were torn up by the wolves and carried a long way off. However Caius, after settling and arranging everything in seventy days, returned to Rome upon hearing that Fulvius was hard pressed by Drusus, and that affairs required his presence. Lucius Opimius, a man who belonged to the faction of the oligarchs,[106] and had great influence in the senate, failed on a former occasion when he was a candidate for the consulship, at the time when Caius brought forward Fannius and canvassed against Opimius; but now, being supported by a powerful party, it was expected that Opimius would be elected consul and would put down Caius, whose influence was already in some degree on the wane, and the people also were tired of such measures as his, for there were many who sought their favour, and the senate easily gave way. XII. On his return from Libya, Caius removed from the Palatium to the neighbourhood of the Forum, as being a more popular place of residence, for it happened that most of the lowest classes of the poor lived there; he next promulgated the rest of his measures, intending to take the vote of the people upon them. As crowds were collecting from all parts to support Caius, the senate prevailed on the consul Fannius to drive out of the city all who were not Romans. Accordingly a strange and unusual proclamation was made, to the effect that none of the allies or friends of the Roman state should appear in Rome during those days; on which Caius published a counter edict, in which he criminated the consul and promised his support to the allies if they remained in Rome. But he did not keep his promise; for though he saw one of them, who was his own friend and intimate, dragged off by the officers of Fannius, he passed by without helping him, whether it was that he feared to put to the test his power which was now on the decline, or that he did not choose, as he said, to give his enemies the opportunity which they were seeking of coming to a collision and a struggle. It also chanced that he had incurred the ill-will of his fellow-colleagues, in the following manner:--The people were going to see an exhibition of gladiators in the Forum, and most of the magistrates had constructed seats round the place, with the intention of letting them for hire. But Caius urged them to remove the seats, that the poor might be able to see the show without paying. As no one took any notice of what he said, he waited till the night before the show, when he went with the workmen whom he had under him, and removed the seats, and at daybreak he pointed out to the people that the place was clear; for which the many considered him a man, but he offended his colleagues, who viewed him as an audacious and violent person. Owing to this circumstance, it is supposed, he lost his third tribunate, though he had most votes, for it is said that his colleagues acted illegally and fraudulently in the proclamation and return. This, however, was disputed. Caius did not bear his failure well: and to his enemies, who were exulting over him, he is said to have observed, with more arrogance than was befitting, that their laugh was a sardonic laugh,[107] for they knew not what a darkness his political measures had spread all around them. XIII. After effecting the election of Opimius to the consulship, the enemies of Caius began to repeal many of his laws and to disturb the settlement of Carthage, for the purpose of irritating Caius, in order that he might give them some cause of quarrel, and so be got rid of. He endured this for some time, but his friends, and especially Fulvius, beginning to urge him on, he again attempted to combine his partisans against the consul. On this occasion it is said that his mother also helped him, by hiring men from remote parts and sending them to Rome in the disguise of reapers, for it is supposed that these matters are obscurely alluded to in her letters[108] to her son. Others, on the contrary, say that this was done quite contrary to the wishes of Cornelia. On the day on which the party of Opimius intended to repeal the laws of Caius, the Capitol had been occupied by the opposite faction early in the morning. The consul had offered the sacrifices, and one of his officers, named Quintus Antyllius,[109] was carrying the viscera to another part, when he said to the partisans of Fulvius, "Make way for honest men, you rascals." Some say that as he uttered these words he also held out his bare arm with insulting gestures. However this may be, Antyllius was killed on the spot, being pierced with large styles[110] said to have been made expressly for the purpose. The people were greatly disturbed at the murder, but it produced exactly opposite effects on the leaders of the two parties. Caius was deeply grieved at what had happened, and abused his party for having given a handle to their enemies, who had long been looking for it; but Opimius, as if he had got the opportunity which he wanted, was highly elated, and urged the people to avenge the murder. XIV. A torrent of rain happened to fall just then, and the meeting was dissolved. Early on the following day Opimius summoned the senate to transact business. In the mean time the naked body of Antyllius was placed on a bier, and, according to arrangement, carried through the Forum past the senate-house with loud cries and lamentations. Opimius, though he knew what was going on, pretended to be surprised at the noise, and the senators went out to see what was the matter. When the bier had been set down in the midst of the crowd, the senators began to express their indignation at so horrible and monstrous a crime; but this only moved the people to hate and execrate the oligarchs, who, after murdering Tiberius Gracchus in the Capitol, a tribune, had treated his body with insult; while Antyllius, a mere servant, who perhaps had not deserved his fate, yet was mainly to blame for what happened, was laid out in the Forum, and surrounded by the Roman senate lamenting and assisting at the funeral of a hireling; and all this merely to accomplish the ruin of the only remaining guardian of the people's liberties. On returning to the senate-house, the senators passed a decree[111] by which the consul Opimius was directed to save the state in such way as he could, and to put down the tyrants. Opimius gave notice to the senators to arm, and each eques was commanded to bring in the morning two armed slaves. On the other side, Fulvius also made preparation and got together a rabble; but Caius as he left the Forum stood opposite his father's statue, and looking at it for some time without speaking, at last burst into tears, and fetching a deep sigh, walked away. The sight of this moved many of the spectators to compassion, and blaming themselves for deserting the man and betraying him, they came to the house of Caius and passed the night at his door; but not in the same manner as those who watched about the house of Fulvius, for they spent the night in tumult and shouting, drinking, and bragging what they would do. Fulvius himself, who was the first to get drunk, spoke and acted in a way quite unseemly for a man of his age. The followers of Caius, viewing the state of affairs as a public calamity, kept quiet, thinking of the future, and they passed the night watching and sleeping in turns. XV. At daybreak Fulvius was with difficulty roused from his drunken sleep, and his partisans, arming themselves with the warlike spoils in his house, which he had taken in his victory over the Gauls during his consulship, with loud threats and shouts went to seize the Aventine Hill.[112] Caius would not arm, but went out in his toga just as if he was proceeding to the Forum, with only a short dagger at his side. As he was going out at the door, his wife met him, and throwing one arm round him, while she held in the other their little child, said, "Caius, not as in time past do I take my leave of you going to the Rostra as tribune and as legislator, nor yet going to a glorious war, where, if you died in the service of your country, you would still leave me an honoured grief; but you are going to expose yourself to the murderers of Tiberius: 'tis right indeed to go unarmed, and to suffer rather than do wrong, but you will perish without benefiting the state. The worst has now prevailed; force and the sword determine all controversies. If your brother had died at Numantia, his body would have been restored to us on the usual terms of war; but now perchance I too shall have to supplicate some river or the sea to render up to me your corpse from its keeping. What faith can we put in the laws or in the deities since the murder of Tiberius?" While Licinia was thus giving vent to sorrow, Gracchus gently freed himself from his wife's embrace, and went off in silence with his friends. Licinia, as she attempted to lay hold of his dress, fell down on the floor, and lay there some time speechless, until her slaves took her up fainting, and carried her to her brother Crassus. XVI. When they were all assembled, Fulvius, at the request of Caius, sent his younger son with a caduceus[113] to the Forum. He was a most beautiful youth, and with great decorum and modesty, and with tears in his eyes he addressed to the consul and the senate the message of conciliation. The majority who were present were not disinclined to come to terms; but Opimius replied, that Fulvius and Gracchus must not attempt to bring the senate to an accommodation through the medium of a messenger; they must consider themselves as citizens who had to account for their conduct, and come down and surrender, and then beg for mercy; he further told the youth that these were the terms on which he must come a second time, or not at all. Now Caius, it is said, wished to go and clear himself before the senate, but as no one else assented, Fulvius again sent his son to address the senate on their behalf in the same terms as before. But Opimius, who was eager to come to blows, forthwith ordered the youth to be seized and put in prison, and advanced against the party of Fulvius with many legionary soldiers and Cretan bowmen[114] who mainly contributed to put them into confusion by discharging their arrows and wounding them. The partisans of Fulvius being put to flight, he made his escape into a bath that was not used where he was soon discovered and put to death with his elder son. Caius was not observed to take any part in the contest, but greatly troubled at what was taking place, he retired to the temple of Diana, and was going to kill himself there, but was prevented by his faithful friends Pomponius and Licinius, who took the sword away and induced him to fly. It is said that he went down on his knees in the temple, and stretching out his hands to the statue of the goddess, prayed that the Roman people, for their ingratitude and treachery to him, might always be slaves; for the greater part of them had openly gone over to the other side upon an amnesty[115] being proclaimed. XVII. In his flight Caius was followed by his enemies, who were near overtaking him at the wooden bridge,[116] but his two friends, bidding him make his escape, opposed the pursuers and allowed no man to pass the head of the bridge till they were killed. Caius was accompanied by a single slave, named Philocrates,[117] and though all the spectators urged him to fly, just as if they were shouting at a race, yet no one, though he prayed for it, would come to his aid or lend him a horse: for the pursuers were close upon him. He just escaped into a sacred grove of the Furies,[118] and there he fell by the hand of Philocrates, who killed himself on the body of his master. Some say both of them were taken alive by their enemies, and that the slave embraced his master so closely, that Caius could not be struck until the slave had been dispatched first, and with many blows. It is said that a man cut off the head of Caius and was carrying it away, but it was taken from him by a friend of Opimius named Septimuleius; for proclamation had been made at the beginning of the contest, that those who brought the heads of Caius and Fulvius should have their weight in gold. The head of Caius was brought to Opimius by Septimuleius stuck on a spear, and it weighed seventeen pounds and two-thirds in the scales. Septimuleius was a scoundrel and a knave[119] here also, for he had taken out the brain and dropped melted lead in its place. Those who brought the head of Fulvius got nothing, for they belonged to the lower class. The bodies of Caius and Fulvius and their partisans were thrown into the river, the number of dead being three thousand: their property was sold and the produce paid into the treasury. They also forbade the women to lament for their relatives, and Licinia was deprived of her marriage portion. But their conduct was most cruel to the younger son of Fulvius, who had neither raised up his hand against them nor been among the combatants; for he was seized before the battle, when he came to treat of terms, and was put to death after the battle. But what most of all vexed the people was the circumstance of Opimius erecting a temple to Concord, which was viewed as an evidence of his insolence and arrogance, and as a kind of triumph for the slaughter of so many citizens. Accordingly by night some person wrote under the inscription on the temple the following line:-- The work of Discord[120] makes the temple of Concord. XVIII. This Opimius,[121] the first man that ever exercised the dictatorial power in the office of consul, and who had condemned without trial three thousand citizens, and among them Caius Gracchus and Fulvius Flaccus[122]--Flaccus, a consular, who had enjoyed a triumph; Gracchus, the first man of his age in character and reputation--this Opimius did not keep himself free from corruption. Being sent as a commissioner to Jugurtha, the Numidian, he was bribed by him, and being convicted of most shameful corruption, he spent the last years of his life in infamy, hated and insulted by the people, who, though humbled and depressed for the time, soon showed how much they desired and regretted the Gracchi. For they had statues of the two brothers made and set up in public places, and the spots on which they fell were declared sacred ground, to which people brought all the first fruits of the seasons, and many persons daily offered sacrifices there and worshipped, just as at the temples of the gods. XIX. Cornelia is said to have borne her misfortunes with a noble and elevated spirit, and to have said of the sacred ground on which her sons were murdered, that they had a tomb worthy of them. She resided in the neighbourhood of Misenum, without making any change in her usual mode of life. She had many friends, and her hospitable table was always crowded with guests; Greeks and learned men were constantly about her, and kings sent and received presents from her. To all her visitors and friends she was a most agreeable companion: she would tell them of the life and habits of her father Africanus, and, what is most surprising, would speak of her sons without showing sorrow or shedding a tear, relating their sufferings and their deeds to her inquiring friends as if she was speaking of the men of olden time. This made some think that her understanding had been impaired by old age or the greatness of her sorrows, and that she was dull to all sense of her misfortunes, while in fact such people themselves were too dull to see what a support it is against grief to have a noble nature, and to be of honourable lineage and honourably bred; and that though fortune has often the advantage over virtue in its attempts to guard against evils, yet she cannot take away from virtue the power of enduring them with fortitude.[123] COMPARISON OF TIBERIUS AND CAIUS GRACCHUS WITH AGIS AND KLEOMENES. I. Now that we have completed the narrative of these men's lives, it remains for us to compare them with one another. As for the Gracchi, not even their bitterest enemies could deny that they were the most virtuous of all the Romans, or that they were excellently well nurtured and educated; while Agis and Kleomenes appear to have excelled them in strength of mind, because they both, after having been brought up in the same fashion by which their elders had been corrupted, became the restorers of temperance and simplicity of life. Furthermore, the Gracchi, who lived at a period when Rome was at the height of its greatness and renown, felt ashamed to fall short of the glorious achievements of their forefathers; while the virtuous impulses of the others were not checked by their fathers having pursued the opposite course of policy, or by the miserable and distracted condition of their country. The greatest proof of the unselfishness and indifference to money of the Gracchi is that they filled various offices in the state, and yet kept their hands clean from dishonest gains; while it would be an insult to Agis to praise him for not having taken other men's money, as he gave up to his countrymen his own private property, which alone was worth six hundred talents. If then he thought it discreditable for him to be richer than any of his countrymen, even though his riches were lawfully acquired, what must have been his abhorrence of those who obtain money wrongfully. II. There was also a great difference in the boldness and extent of their schemes of reform. The Gracchi were chiefly engaged in the construction of roads and the founding of cities, and Tiberius's most important measure of reform was the division of the public lands among the people, while the best act of his brother Caius was the establishment of a mixed tribunal by adding to the three hundred Senators three hundred Roman Knights. The revolution effected by Agis and Kleomenes was of quite a different kind. They thought, in Plato's words, that to proceed by slow degrees was merely cutting off the heads of the hydra,[124] and therefore they by one comprehensive measure swept away all abuses at once: although it would be nearer the truth to say that they swept all abuses out of the state by restoring to it its original constitution. It may also be observed that the reforms of the Gracchi were opposed by some of the most powerful men in Rome, whereas the legislation which was begun by Agis, and completed by Kleomenes, followed a famous and ancient precedent, the rhetras on sobriety and equality which had been communicated to their ancestors by Lykurgus with the sanction of the Pythian Apollo. It is also most important to notice that the reforms of the Gracchi made Rome no greater than she was before, while the acts of Kleomenes enabled him in a short time to make Sparta mistress of the whole of Peloponnesus, and to engage in a contest with the most powerful man of his time, with the object of ridding Greece from Illyrian and Gaulish mercenary troops, and of renewing its ancient glories under the rule of the Herakleidæ. III. I think too that the deaths of these men show a certain difference in their courage. The Gracchi fought with their countrymen, and were slain by them while flying, while of the other two, Agis may almost be said to have died voluntarily, because he would not put a citizen to death, while Kleomenes, when insulted and ill-treated, fiercely attempted to avenge himself, and as circumstances prevented his succeeding, bravely killed himself. It may be said on the other side that Agis never distinguished himself in the field, and we may set against the many brilliant victories of Kleomenes the scaling of the wall of Carthage by Tiberius Gracchus, no slight achievement, and the peace which he made with the Numantines, by which he saved the lives of twenty thousand Roman soldiers, who could not otherwise have hoped to survive; while Caius, in several campaigns both in Italy and Sardinia, showed great military skill; so that they both might have rivalled the fame of the greatest generals of Rome, had they not been cut off so soon. IV. In political matters Agis appears to have shown weakness, as he allowed Agesilaus to cheat the citizens out of their promised redistribution of lands, and in a feeble and vacillating manner announced his intention and then abandoned it. The cause of his irresolution was his extreme youth; while Kleomenes on the other hand effected his revolution with too great promptitude and daring, putting the Ephors to death without a trial, when it would have been easy for him to have won them over to his side, and banishing many of the citizens. It is not the part either of a wise physician or of a good politician to use the knife except in the last extremity, but it shows a want of skill in both, and in the latter case it is unjust as well as cruel. Of the Gracchi, neither would begin a civil war, and Caius is said not even to have defended himself when struck, but though forward enough in battle he was loth to fight in a party quarrel; for he appeared in public unarmed, and retired when fighting began, and evidently took more pains not to do any harm than not to suffer any. For this reason we must regard the flight of both the Gracchi as a proof, not of cowardice, but of caution; for they must either have retreated when attacked or have retaliated upon their opponents. V. The heaviest charge that can be brought against Tiberius is that he deposed his colleague from the tribuneship, and afterwards sought a second tribuneship for himself. As for the murder of Antyllius, Caius Gracchus was most falsely and unjustly accused of it, for he did not wish him to die, and was grieved at his death. Again Kleomenes, not to speak of his massacre of the Ephors, set all the slaves at liberty, and practically made himself despot of the kingdom, although for form's sake he associated his brother with him, who was of the same family. And when Archidamus, who was the next heir to the throne of the other royal house, was persuaded by him to return from Messene to Sparta, as Kleomenes did not avenge his death, he caused men to suspect that he himself had some share in it. Yet Lykurgus, whom he affected to imitate, abdicated the throne of his own free will in favour of his nephew Charilaus, and fearing that if the child died by any mischance he might be thought guilty of having caused its death, he travelled abroad for a long time and did not return until Charilaus had begotten a son to succeed him. However, no Greek can bear comparison with Lykurgus; yet we have proved that Kleomenes effected greater reforms, and showed less respect to the laws than any of the others. Both the Greeks have been blamed for having from the very outset aimed at being nothing more than warlike despots; while the worst enemies of the Romans only charge them with an immoderate ambition, and admit that they became so excited by the contest with their political opponents that the natural heat of their temper drove them in spite of themselves like a baleful gust of wind to advocate extreme measures. What indeed can be more just or honourable than the objects with which they started; for their troubles were brought upon them by the opposition which the rich offered to their laws, so that the one was forced to fight to save his own life, while the other endeavoured to avenge his brother, who was slain without law or justice? From what has been said the reader can himself form an opinion about their respective merits, but if I must say what I think of each, I should give the highest place in respect of virtue to Tiberius Gracchus; I think that the young Agis committed the fewest crimes; while in daring and action Caius fell far short of Kleomenes. LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. I. The writer of the Ode to Alkibiades on the occasion of his winning the chariot-race at Olympia, whether he was Euripides, as is commonly supposed, or some other poet, my friend Sossius tells us that the first thing necessary for a perfectly happy man is that he should be born a citizen of some famous city. But for my own part I believe that for the enjoyment of true happiness, which depends chiefly upon a man's character and disposition, it makes no difference whether he be born in an obscure state or of an ill-favoured mother, or not. It would indeed be absurd if one were to suppose that the town of Iulis, which is only a small part of the little island of Keos or Ægina, which some Athenian bade his countrymen clear away because it was an eyesore to Peiræus, should be able to produce good actors and poets, and yet be unable to bring forth a just, virtuous, sensible and high-minded man. We may reasonably expect that those arts by which men gain glory or profit should be neglected and fall into decay in small and obscure towns; but virtue, like a hardy plant, can take root in any country where it meets with noble natures and industrious disposition. I myself therefore must lay the blame of my intellectual and moral shortcomings, not upon the insignificance of my native city, but upon myself. II. However, when a man is engaged in compiling a history from materials which are not ready to his hand, but for the most part are to be found scattered through other foreign towns, it becomes really of the first importance that he should live in some famous, cultivated, and populous city, where he can have unlimited access to books of all kinds, and where he can also personally collect and inquire into the truth of those stories which, though not reduced to writing, are all the more likely to be true because they rest upon universal popular tradition. The work of a historian who is deprived of these advantages must necessarily be defective in many essential particulars. Now I, who belong to a small city, and who love to live in it lest it should become even smaller, when I was at Rome, and during my travels in Italy, found my time so taken up with political business and with the care of my pupils in philosophy, that I had no leisure to learn the Roman language, and have only applied myself to Latin literature at a very advanced period of life. In this reading of Latin books, singular as it may appear, I did not find that the words assisted me to discover the meaning, but rather that my knowledge of the history enabled me to find out the meaning of the words. I think that to speak the Latin language with elegance, to understand it readily, and to use its various idioms and phrases correctly, is for a literary man both useful and interesting; but the amount of study and practice which it requires is considerable and should only be undertaken by those who are younger than myself, and who have more leisure time to devote to the acquisition of such accomplishments. III. In consequence of these considerations, in this my fifth book of Parallel Lives, which deals with the lives of Demosthenes and Cicero, I intend to describe their several characters, and to compare them with one another by means of their political acts, but I do not mean to examine minutely into their respective speeches, or to decide which of the two was the more pleasing or the more able orator. Were I to attempt such a task, I should be forgetting Ion's proverb about a "fish out of water," like the all-accomplished Cæcilius, who has boldly taken upon himself to write a comparison of Demosthenes with Cicero. Perhaps, however, we might begin to doubt the divine origin of the commandment "know thyself," if we found men always ready to apply it. Indeed Heaven appears to have originally intended to form the characters of Demosthenes and Cicero on the same model, and in some instances to have implanted in them precisely the same qualities, such as great personal ambition, love of freedom, and want of courage in the wars, yet to have left much to chance. I think it would be difficult to find an instance of any two other orators who both rose from a humble station to great power and influence, who both opposed absolute monarchs, both lost favourite daughters, were both exiled and brought back with honour, who both when flying from their country a second time fell into the hands of their enemies, and with whose deaths the liberties of their countrymen were finally extinguished; so that it is hard to say whether their resemblance is due more to nature, which originally moulded their characters alike, or to fortune, which placed then in exactly similar circumstances. First, then, I will relate the life of the elder of the two. IV. The father of Demosthenes was also named Demosthenes, and belonged, according to Theopompus, to the best class of Athenian citizens. He was commonly called "the sword cutler," because he possessed a large workshop and many slaves skilled in cutlery. As for the accusation which the orator Æschines brings against his mother, that she was the daughter of one Gylon, who was banished for treason, by a foreign woman, we cannot tell whether it is true or only a calumnious imputation. Demosthenes was left an orphan at the age of seven years, and was the heir to considerable property, amounting in all to no less than fifteen talents. He was scandalously ill-used by his guardians, who appropriated much of his income, and neglected the rest so much that he was unable to pay his teachers. He grew up ignorant of much that a boy of good birth is expected to learn, partly for this reason, and partly on account of his weak health, which caused his mother to keep him away from school. He was a sickly child, and it is said that the opprobrious nickname of Batalus was bestowed upon him by his school-fellows because of his bodily weakness. Batalus, according to some writers, was an effeminate flute-player, whose habits were satirized in a comic drama written by Antiphanes. Others assert that Batalus was a poet who wrote in a drunken licentious style; and there seems also some foundation for the belief that this word was used for a certain part of the human body by the Athenians of that time. The other nickname of Demosthenes, Argas, either alludes to his savage and harsh temper, for some poets use the word to mean a snake; or else it refers to his speeches, as wearying those who heard them; for Argas was the name of a poet whose verses were bad and tiresome. And, as Plato says, so much for this. V. We are told that he was first led to turn his attention, to oratory by the following incident. When Kallistratus was going to make a speech in court about the affair of Oropus[125] great interest was taken in the trial because of the ability of the orator, who at that time was at the height of his reputation, and also because of the important character of the law suit. Demosthenes, hearing his teachers and attendants making arrangement to be present at the trial, persuaded his own servant by great entreaties to take him to hear the speeches. The man, who was intimate with the doorkeepers of the court, managed to obtain a place for Demosthenes, in which the boy could sit unseen by the public and hear all that was said. Kallisthenes spoke very brilliantly and was much admired. He excited the envy of Demosthenes by the honours which he received, as he was escorted home by a long train of friends who congratulated him upon his success; but the boy was even more impressed by the power of his eloquence, which enabled him to deal with everything just as he pleased. In consequence of this Demosthenes neglected all other branches of learning, neglected all the sports of childhood, and laboriously practised and exercised himself in the art of oratory, meaning some day to become an orator himself. He studied rhetoric under Isaeus, although Isokrates was giving lessons at the same time, either, according to some writers, because, being an orphan, he was unable to raise the sum of ten minæ which Isokrates demanded as a fee, or because he thought that the vigorous invective of Isaeus was more what he required to learn. Hermippus informs us that he read in some anonymous work that Demosthenes was a scholar of Plato, and learned much of the art of speaking from him, while he mentions having heard from Ktesibius that Demosthenes had been lent the works of Isokrates and Alkidamas by one Kallias, a Syracusan, and some others, and that he used to read and practise himself in them in secret. VI. When he came of age he at once brought a series of actions against his guardians for malversation of his property, while they resorted to every species of legal subtlety and chicanery to avoid making restitution. By publicly pleading his cause, as Thucydides says, "he learned his trade by dangers," and succeeded in recovering some of his paternal estate, though but a small part of that to which he was entitled. He gained, however, confidence and practice as a public speaker, and the fascinating excitement and sense of power which he experienced in these contests emboldened him to become a professional orator and to deal with political matters. We are told that Laomedon of Orchomenus, by the advice of his physicians, used to run long distances as a remedy for a disease of the spleen from which he suffered, until he not only overcame his disorder, but was able to enter for races at the games, and became one of the best long-distance runners of his time. Even so Demosthenes, who was forced by his private misfortunes to make his first appearance as a speaker, gained such skill and power by his success in the law-courts that he soon took the lead among the speakers in the public assembly. Yet when he first addressed the people he was violently coughed down, interrupted and ridiculed, because his speech was found dull and tiresome, being confused in style and strained and artificial in argument. It is said that his voice was weak, and his pronunciation indistinct, and that, as he was frequently obliged to pause for want of breath, it was difficult to follow the meaning of his sentences. At last he left the public assembly and wandered about Peiræus in despair. Here he was met by an old man named Eunomus of Thriasia,[126] who reproved him and told him that he did himself great wrong, because, having a manner of speech extremely like that of Perikles, he permitted himself to be disheartened by failure, and did not face the clamour of the rabble boldly, and did not train his body to be strong enough to support the strain of such contests, but allowed himself to fall into a weakly and effeminate condition. VII. After a second failure, as he was going home overwhelmed with shame hiding his face in his cloak, Satyrus the actor is said to have followed him and joined him. Demosthenes told him with tears in his eyes that although he had taken more pains than any other speaker, and had devoted all his energes to the study of eloquence, yet he could not gain the ear of the people, but that ignorant drunken sailors were listened to when they mounted the tribune, while he was treated with scorn. On hearing this Satyrus answered, "Demosthenes, what you say is very true, but I will soon apply a remedy, if you will recite to me one of the long speeches from the plays of Sophokles or Euripides." After Demosthenes had recited a speech, Satyrus recited the same speech in turn, and so altered it and gave it so much more grace, by throwing into it the expression which the verses required, that it appeared to Demosthenes to be quite different. Having thus learned how much a speech gains by a really artistic delivery, Demosthenes perceived that it was of but little use for him to study the matter of a speech, unless he also paid attention to the form in which it was to be presented to his audience. He now built for himself an underground study, which remained entire down to the present day, where he daily practised himself in gesture and declamation, and exercised his voice, and where he sometimes spent two or three months at a time with half of his head shaved, so that even if he wished he could not go out of doors. VIII. He took, however, his themes and subjects for declamation from the various topics of the day, which he learned from those who came to visit him. As soon as they left him he used to return to his study, and repeated aloud in the form of a speech all the news which he had heard, and made comments upon it. He also used to work up any conversations which he heard, into sentences and periods for his orations, and would alter, correct and paraphrase both his own remarks and those of his friends. This gave rise to the opinion that he was not really a man of ability, but that his power and skill as an orator was obtained by laborious study. A great proof of this was thought to be that Demosthenes seldom spoke on the spur of the moment, but often when he was present in the assembly and was called upon by the people to speak, he would remain silent unless he had prepared and meditated over his speech. Many of the other orators ridiculed him for this, and Pytheas in derision said that his arguments smelt of the lamp. To this Demosthenes made the bitter retort, "My lamp, Pytheas, sees very different work from yours." In conversation with others, however, he did not altogether deny the practice, but said that although he never spoke without having made notes, yet that he often spoke without having written down everything that he was going to say. He used to say that this careful preparation of his speeches showed that he was a true lover of the people, and felt a due reverence for them; while, on the contrary, to speak without caring how the people take one's words proves a man to be of an overbearing oligarchical disposition, who would use force rather than persuasion. Many writers allege, as a proof that Demosthenes dared not speak on the spur of the moment, that when he attacked Demades he was always immediately answered by him, but that he never so answered Demades. IX. How then, one might ask, was it that Æschines in his orations speaks of Demosthenes as a man of unbounded impudence? or how was it that when Python of Byzantium was pouring forth a flood of invective against Athens, Demosthenes alone rose and answered him? Moreover, when Lamachus of Mytilene, who had written an encomium upon the Kings of Macedon, Philip and Alexander, which was full of abuse of the Thebans and Olynthians, read his composition in public at the Olympic festival, Demosthenes came up to him and in a fine speech proved from history how great things the Thebans and inhabitants of Chalkidike had done for Greece, and what evils had arisen from the baseness of those who flattered the Macedonians, till the audience were so much wrought upon by his eloquence that Lamachus was forced to flee for his life. The answer to this appears to be that Demosthenes, although he did not copy Perikles in all respects, imitated his reserve and dignity of manner, and his reluctance to speak upon every trivial occasion; and that he was not so much attracted by the credit which he might gain by engaging in these encounters, as he was unwilling rashly to place his power and reputation at the mercy of fortune. Indeed, his spoken orations had more fire and daring than the written ones, if we may trust Eratosthenes, Demetrius of Phalerum, and the comic poets. Eratosthenes tells us that in his speeches he used to rave like a Bacchanal, while Demetrius says that once, as if inspired, he recited the metrical oath: "By earth, by fountains, and by waterfloods." One of the comic poets also calls him "the random talker," while another mocks at his fondness for antithesis in the following verses: "_1st Citizen._ He got it as he got it back. _2nd Citizen._ Demosthenes would willingly have spoken words like these." Unless indeed Antiphanes meant by this to allude to the oration on Halonesus, in which Demosthenes advised the Athenians not to take that island, but to take it back from Philip. X. Yet all admitted that Demades, by his own natural wit, without art, was invincible; and that he often, speaking on the spur of the moment, would demolish the carefully studied orations of Demosthenes. Ariston of Chios has preserved the opinion of Theophrastus about these two orators. Theophrastus, when asked what kind of orator he thought Demosthenes to be, replied, "an orator worthy of Athens." When again asked his opinion of Demades, he replied that he thought him "Too great for Athens." The same philosopher relates that Polyeuktus of Sphettus, one of the chief Athenian statesmen of the time, used to declare that Demosthenes was the best orator, but that Phokion was the most powerful speaker, because his speeches contained the greatest possible amount of meaning in the fewest words. Demosthenes himself, whenever Phokion rose to answer him, was wont to whisper to his friends, "Here comes the cleaver of my harangues." It is not clear whether by this Demosthenes alluded to Phokion's oratorical skill, or to his blameless life and high reputation, meaning that the slightest sign given by a man in whom the people felt such confidence carried more weight than the longest oration by anyone else. XI. Demetrius of Phalerum has recorded the devices by which Demosthenes overcame his bodily defects, which he says he heard from Demosthenes's own lips when he was an old man. He corrected the indistinctness of his articulation and his tendency to lisp by declaiming long speeches with pebbles in his mouth, while he strengthened his voice by running or walking up hill, talking the while, and repeating orations or verses. He also had a large mirror in his house, and used to stand before it and study oratorical gestures. We are told that once a man called upon him and asked him to act as his counsel in a lawsuit against a man by whom he had been beaten. "But," said Demosthenes, "you have not suffered any of this ill-treatment which you complain of." At this the man raised his voice and excitedly exclaimed, "Do you say, Demosthenes, that I have not been ill-treated?" "Yes," answered he, "now I hear the voice of one who has really been ill-used." So important did he think the action and the tone of voice of a speaker to be in carrying conviction to the minds of his hearers. His manner in speaking marvellously pleased the common people, though men of taste, such as Demetrius of Phalerum, thought it vulgar and affected. Hermippus informs us that Æsion,[127] when asked to give his opinion about the orators of former times and those of his own day, said that the ancient orators used to address the people in a surprisingly decorous and dignified manner, but that the speeches of Demosthenes when read aloud, appeared to him to be much more carefully constructed and more forcible. It is indeed unnecessary to say that the written speeches of Demosthenes are bitter and angry compositions; but in his impromptu repartees, he often was genuinely witty and pleasant. As for example, when Demades exclaimed, "Demosthenes teach me! Will a sow teach Athena?" Demosthenes answered, "This Athena was caught in adultery in Kollytus[128] the other day." And when the thief who was surnamed Chalkus, that is, Brazen-face, attempted to sneer at him for sitting up late at night writing, Demosthenes answered, "I know that my habit of burning a lamp at night must disconcert you. But, men of Athens, need we wonder at the thefts which take place, when we see that our thieves are brazen, and our walls are only made of clay." However, although I could relate several more anecdotes of this kind, I must now stop, as we ought to discover what remains of the disposition and character of Demosthenes from a survey of his political acts. XII. He first began to take an active part in public affairs during the Phokian war, as we learn from his own words, and as we may also gather from his Philippic orations, some of which were pronounced after that war was ended, while the earlier ones touch on those matters most nearly connected with it. It is evident that when he prepared the oration against Meidias he was thirty-two years of age, and had not as yet acquired any fame or reputation. This appears to me to be the chief reason for his having made up his quarrel with Meidias for a sum of money, for he was far from being a "mild-mannered" man, but keen and savage in avenging the injuries which he received. It must have been because he saw, that to ruin a man who was so rich, so able a speaker, and so well-befriended as Meidias, was too difficult a task for a man of his political power, and so yielded to the entreaties of those who begged him to let the action drop; for I do not believe that the bribe of three thousand drachmae which he received would by itself have caused Demosthenes to lay aside the rancorous hatred which he bore to Meidias, if he had entertained any hopes of obtaining a verdict against him. In the defence of the liberties of Greece against the encroachments of Philip, Demosthenes found a noble theme for political oratory, which he treated in a manner worthy of the subject, and soon acquired such renown by his able and fearless speeches, that he was courted by the king of Persia himself, and was more talked about in the court of Philip than any of the other statesmen of the time, while even his bitterest antagonists admitted that they had to deal with no mean adversary; for both Æschines and Hypereides own as much in their invectives against him. XIII. I cannot, therefore, understand what Theopompus meant by saying that he was of an inconstant disposition, and not able to remain long associated with any party or any line of policy. It appears rather that he remained throughout the consistent advocate of the same principles, and a member of the same political party to which he originally belonged, and that he not only never changed his politics in his life, but even lost his life because he would not change them. He was not like Demades, who to excuse himself for changing sides pleaded that he had oftentimes gone against his own words, but never against the interests of the state. Still less can he be compared with Melanopus, the political opponent of Kallistratus, who was often bribed by him to allow some measure to pass, and on these occasions would say to the people, "The man is my personal enemy, but I postpone my personal feelings to the good of my country." Nikodemus of Messene, who first took up with Kassander, and afterwards became the advocate of Demetrius, used to declare that he never was inconsistent, because it was always best to obey the strongest party. But in the case of Demosthenes, unlike these men, we can say that he never deviated either in word or deed from the one direct line of policy which he unswervingly pursued to the end. The philosopher Panætius declares that in most of his orations, as in that about the Crown, that against Aristokrates, that on behalf of the persons exempted from taxation (against Leptines), and in the Philippics, we can trace the principle that honour ought to be pursued for its own sake; for in all these he urges his countrymen not to adopt the most pleasant, the most easy, or the most profitable line of policy, but often thinks that caution and even safety should be regarded as of less importance than honourable conduct; so that if to his noble principles and high-minded eloquence he had joined warlike courage and clean hands from bribery, he would have been worthy to rank, not with Moerokles, Polyeuktus, and Hypereides, but with Kimon, Thucydides, Perikles, and other great men of old. XIV. Indeed, of his contemporaries, Phokion, although we cannot approve of the strong Macedonian bias of his policy, was nowise inferior to Ephialtes, Aristeides, or Kimon, either in courage or in just dealing; while Demosthenes, who could not be trusted, as we are told by Demetrius, to stand his ground in battle, and who was not altogether proof against the seductions of money--for though he never would receive a bribe from Philip or from Macedonia, yet he was overwhelmed by the torrent of gold which poured from Susa and Ekbatana--was better able than any one else to praise the great deeds of his ancestors, but was not equally capable of imitating them. Yet in spite of these shortcomings, his life was more virtuous than that of any statesman of his time, with the exception of Phokion. He used plainer language to the people than any one else, opposed their wishes, and sharply reproved them for their mistakes, as we learn from his orations. Theopompus has recorded that once when the Athenians called upon him to impeach some person, and became riotous when he refused, he rose and said, "Men of Athens, I will always give you my advice, whether you bid me or not; but I will not accuse men falsely because you bid me." His mode of dealing with Antiphon also was by no means like that of a man who courts the favour of the people, for when the public assembly acquitted Antiphon, Demosthenes dragged him before the court of the Areopagus, and in defiance of the expressed opinion of the people, proved him guilty of having promised Philip that he would set fire to the dockyard. The wretched man was condemned by the court and executed. He also impeached the priestess Theoris for various evil practices, and especially for teaching slaves to cheat their masters. He obtained a verdict against her, and caused her also to be put to death. XV. It is stated that the speech by which Apollodorus obtained sentence against the general Timotheus, and had him condemned to pay a large fine, was written for him by Demosthenes: and he also wrote the speeches against Phormio and Stephanus, which, as may be supposed, brought great disgrace upon him. For Phormio actually used a speech written by Demosthenes to combat Apollodorus, which was just as if out of one armourer's shop he had sold them each daggers to kill one another with. Of his public speeches, those against Androtion, Timokrates and Aristokrates were written for other persons, as he had not at the time of their composition began to speak in public, being only twenty-seven or twenty-eight years of age. The oration against Aristogeiton, he himself pronounced, as he did also that against Leptines, out of regard for Ktesippus the son of Chabrias, according to his own account of the matter, though some say that he was paying his addresses to the young man's mother at the time. He did not, however, marry her, but married a Samian woman, as we learn from the treatise of Demetrius of Magnesia on Synonyms. It is not clear whether the oration against Æschines for the dishonest embassage was ever spoken; although we are told by Idomeneus that Æschines was only acquitted by thirty votes. This, however, cannot be true, judging from the speeches of Demosthenes and Æschines "on the Crown:" for neither of them distinctly alludes to that affair as having ever come into court. This point, therefore, I shall leave for others to determine. XVI. Before the war broke out no one could doubt which side Demosthenes would take, as he never allowed any act of the King of Macedonia to pass unnoticed, but seized every opportunity of rousing and exciting his countrymen to oppose him. In consequence of this his name became well known at the court of Philip, and when he was sent with nine others to Macedonia on an embassy, Philip listened to the speeches of them all, but replied to his speech with the greatest care. He did not, however, pay so much attention to Demosthenes in the entertainment which he provided for the ambassadors, but took especial pains to win the favour of Æschines and Philokrates. Hence, when these men praised Philip as being more eloquent, more handsome, and to crown all, able to drink more than any one else, Demosthenes sneeringly replied that the first of these qualities was excellent in a sophist, the second in a woman, and the third in a sponge, but that they were none of them such as became a king. XVII. When war finally broke out, as Philip was unable to remain quiet, while the Athenians were urged on by Demosthenes, his first measure was to prevail upon the Athenians to recover Euboea, which had been handed over to Philip by its local rulers. In pursuance of a decree which bore the name of Demosthenes, the Athenians crossed into the island and drove out the Macedonians. Next, as Philip was besieging Byzantium and Perinthus, Demosthenes prevailed upon his countrymen to lay aside their anger and forget the wrongs which they had received from the people of those cities in the social war, and to send them a reinforcement by which they were saved. After this he travelled through Greece, exciting a spirit of resistance to Philip by his speeches, until he succeeded in forming nearly all the Greek cities into a confederacy against Philip, organised an army of fifteen thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry, besides the local forces of each city, and induced them to subscribe cheerfully for the maintenance of the mercenaries and the expenses of the war. At this time, we are told by Theophrastus that, when the allies demanded that their contributions should be limited to some fixed sum, Krobylus the Athenian orator answered that war feeds not by a fixed allowance.[129] Greece was now in a flutter of expectation, and the people of Euboea, Achaia, Corinth, Megara, Leukas and Korkyra were all in arms. Yet the hardest task of all still remained for Demosthenes to accomplish, namely, to induce the Thebans to join the alliance, because their territory bordered upon that of Athens, and their army was very important, for at that time Thebes was the most warlike state in Greece. It was no easy matter to win over the Thebans, who had just received signal assistance from Philip in their war against the Phokians, and so were inclined to take his side, besides which, their being such near neighbours to the Athenians caused perpetual jealousies and quarrels between the two countries, which were renewed upon the most trifling occasions. XVIII. Yet when Philip, excited by his success at Amphissa, suddenly marched to Elatea and made himself master of Phokis, when all the Athenians were panic-stricken, and no one dared to ascend the bema, or knew what to say, Demosthenes alone came forward and advised them to stand by the Thebans; and after having, after his wont, encouraged and comforted the people, he was sent with some others as ambassador to Thebes. We learn from the historian Marsyas that Philip, too, sent the Macedonians Amyntas and Klearchus, the Thessalian Daochus, and Thrasydaeus to Thebes to argue on his behalf. The Thebans on this occasion saw clearly enough on which side their interests lay, for the sufferings they had just endured in the Phokian war were still fresh in their memories; but we read in the history of Theopompus that the eloquence of Demosthenes so roused and inflamed their courage that all cold-blooded calculation of the chances, fear of the enemy, and considerations of expediency were entirely lost sight of in the honourable enthusiasm created by his speech. So powerful did his oratory prove, that Philip at once sent an embassy to ask for terms of peace, while Greece stood erect and watchful. Not only the Athenian generals, but even the Boeotarchs took their orders from Demosthenes, and he was as powerful in the public assembly of the Thebans as in that of Athens, being beloved by both nations and possessed of a power which was not beyond his deserts, as Theopompus says, but which he well deserved. XIX. But some fatal destiny seemed now to have brought round the hour for the extinction of the liberties of Greece, and both counteracted his efforts, and also gave many ominous indications of what was to come. The Pythia at Delphi uttered terrible predictions, and an old oracle of the Sibyls was in every one's mouth, which ran as follows:-- "Far from the battle, on that fatal day Beside Thermodon may I flee away, Or view it as an eagle from the sky; There shall the vanquished weep, the victor die." It is said that the Thermodon is a little rivulet near my own town of Chæronea which runs into the Kephisus. We Chæroneans nowadays do not know of any rivulet which is so called, but we suppose that the stream which we call Hæmon was at that period called the Thermodon; for it runs past the temple of Herakles, where the Greek army encamped: and we imagine that when the battle took place this stream was filled with blood and corpses, and became known by its present name. Yet the historian Douris writes that the Thermodon was not a river at all, but that some men while digging a trench round their tent found a small stone image, with an inscription saying that it represented a man named Thermodon carrying a wounded Amazon in his arms. Concerning this there was another oracle current, as follows:-- "Watch for Thermodon's field, thou sable crow, There shalt thou feed on human flesh enow." XX. It is hard in these matters to determine the exact truth: but, be this as it may, Demosthenes was greatly encouraged to see such a force of armed Greeks at his disposal, and, elated by their confidence and eagerness for battle would not allow them to pay any attention to oracles and predictions, but hinted that the Pythia was in Philip's pay, and reminded the Thebans of Epameinondas, and the Athenians of Perikles, both of whom regarded such considerations as mere pretexts for cowardice. Up to this point he behaved as a brave man should; but in the battle[130] itself he performed no honourable exploit worthy of his speeches, but left his place in the ranks and ran away in a most shameful manner, throwing away his arms that he might run faster, and not hesitating to disgrace the motto of "Good Luck," which Pytheas tells us was written in golden letters upon his shield. Immediately after the victory Philip, in insolent delight at his success, danced in a drunken revel among the corpses and sang the opening words of a decree of Demosthenes, which happened to form an iambic verse, as follows:-- "Demosthenes Pæanian, son of Demosthenes," &c. When, however, he came to himself, and comprehended how great his danger had been, he trembled at the ability and power of an orator who had been able to force him in a few hours of one day to risk both his empire and his life. The fame of Demosthenes reached even to the King of Persia, and he sent letters to the Satraps who governed the provinces near the sea, bidding them offer money to Demosthenes, and pay him more attention than any other Greek, because he was able to effect a diversion in favour of Persia by keeping the King of Macedonia's hands full. This was afterwards discovered by Alexander, who found at Sardis letters from Demosthenes and papers belonging to the King's lieutenant, containing an account of the various sums of money which they had transmitted to him. XXI. When this great misfortune befell Greece, the political opponents of Demosthenes at once impeached him for his conduct; but the people not only acquitted him of the charges which they brought against him, but continued to treat him with great honour, and to ask for his advice. When the remains of those who had fallen at Chæronea were brought home and buried, they chose him to make the funeral oration over them, and generally they bore their misfortunes with a noble spirit, not being excessively humbled and cast down, as Theopompus relates in his history, with a view to dramatic effect, but by showing especial honour and esteem for their principal adviser they proved that they did not repent of the policy which they had followed. Demosthenes pronounced the funeral oration over the fallen, but he never again proposed a decree in the popular assembly in his own name, but always in that of some one of his friends, in order to avoid the evil omen of his own unlucky name, until he again took courage at the death of Philip, which took place shortly after his victory at Chæronea. This, it seems, was the meaning of the last verse of the oracle, "There shall the vanquished weep, the victor die." XXII. Demosthenes had secret intelligence of Philip's death, before it was publicly known. In order to inspirit the Athenians, he went with a cheerful countenance into the senate, and declared that he had dreamed that some great good fortune was in store for them. Not long afterwards messengers arrived with the news of Philip's death. Upon this the Athenians made sacrifices of thanksgiving to the gods, and decreed a crown to Pausanias who slew Philip. Demosthenes also came abroad in a gay dress, and wearing a garland of flowers on his head, although his daughter had only been dead seven days. This circumstance is reported by Æschines, who reviles him for his conduct, and calls him an unnatural father, though he only proves the weakness and vulgarity of his own nature by supposing that noisy demonstrations of grief show tenderness of heart, and blaming those who bear their sorrows with dignity and composure. Yet I will not say that the Athenians did right to wear garlands and make merry at the death of a king who, after his victory, had dealt so gently with them when they were at his mercy; for it deserved the anger of the gods, and was a thoroughly low-minded act to honour a man while he lived and elect him a citizen of Athens, and then when he fell by the hand of a stranger not to be able to contain themselves for joy, but to dance over his corpse and to sing pæans of victory, as if they themselves had done some great feat of arms. On the other hand, I praise Demosthenes for leaving his own home troubles to be wept for by the women of his household, and himself coming forward and doing what he imagined was best for his country. This shows a manly and patriotic spirit, which ever looks to the good of the community at large; and I think that in forcing his private grief to give way to the public joy he acted well, and even outdid those actors who represent kings and autocrats on the stage, and who laugh or wail not as their own feelings bid them, but as the argument of the play requires. Apart from these considerations, it is our duty not to forsake a man when he is in sorrow, but to administer consolation to him and to turn his thoughts to pleasanter subjects, as physicians bid weak-eyed patients turn their eyes away from a distressing glare of light and direct them to green and soothing colours; and what better means of consolation could one possibly find when one's country is fortunate, than to bid one's friend merge his private grief in the public joy? I have been led to make these reflections by observing that this speech of Æschines has had undue influence with many persons, because it makes a mistaken appeal to their tenderer feelings. XXIII. Now Demosthenes a second time began to rouse the states of Greece and reorganise the confederacy. The Thebans attacked their Macedonian garrison, and killed many of them, with arms furnished by Demosthenes, and the Athenians began to prepare to fight as their allies. Demosthenes reigned supreme in the popular assembly, and wrote to the Persian generals in Asia endeavouring to induce them to attack Alexander, whom he scoffed at as a child, and nicknamed Margites.[131] But when Alexander, after settling the affairs of his kingdom, marched with his army into Boeotia, the courage of the Athenians deserted them. Demosthenes himself quailed in terror, and the Thebans, forsaken by their allies, fought against Alexander alone, and were utterly ruined. Upon this the Athenians, in an agony of terror, sent Demosthenes and several other orators on an embassy to Alexander; but he, fearing Alexander's fury, went no further than Mount Kithæron, and then returned home. Alexander now at once sent to Athens to demand that ten of her chief orators should be given up to him, according to the historians Idomeneus and Douris, though most of the more trustworthy writers say that he only asked for the eight following:--Demosthenes, Polyeuktus, Ephialtes, Lykurgus, Moerokles, Demon, Kallisthenes and Charidemus. On this occasion Demosthenes told the people the fable of the sheep who gave up their watch-dogs to the wolves, explaining that he and the other orators were the watch-dogs who guarded the people, and calling Alexander the "great wolf of Macedon." "Moreover," said he, "by delivering us up you really deliver up yourselves also, just as you see merchants selling whole cargoes of corn by small samples of a few grains which they carry about in a cup." This we learn from Aristobulus of Kassandrea.[132] As the Athenians were quite at their wit's end, and knew not what to do, Demades at last agreed with the orators whose extradition was demanded, that in consideration of a sum of five talents he would himself go to the king of Macedonia and intercede for them, either because he trusted in the friendship which existed between him and Alexander, or because he thought that he should find him like a lion that has been satiated with slaughter. Demades succeeded in saving their lives, and arranged terms of peace between the Athenians and Alexander. XXIV. After Alexander's departure Demades and his party were all powerful at Athens, and Demosthenes was completely humbled. He made an effort to assist the abortive attempts of Agis[133] King of Sparta, but as the Athenians would not take part in the proposed rising, and the Lacedæmonians were crushed, he again retired into obscurity. At this time also the action bought by Æschines against Ktesiphon about the Crown came on for trial. This action had been formally begun during the archonship of Chærondas, a short time before the battle of Chæronea, but it was not decided until ten years later, in the archonship of Aristophon. This, although a private action, attracted greater interest than any public one, both on account of the eloquence of the speakers on both sides and the spirited behaviour of the judges, who refused to truckle to the party in power, which had banished Demosthenes and which was slavishly subservient to Macedonia, but acquitted Demosthenes by such a splendid majority that Æschines did not obtain the fifth part of the votes. He in consequence at once left the city, and spent the remainder of his life at Rhodes and the other cities of the Ionian coast as a sophist and teacher of rhetoric. XXV. Shortly after this, Harpalus arrived in Athens from Asia, fleeing from Alexander, whom he feared to meet, both because he had grossly misconducted himself while in command of a province, and because Alexander had now become a capricious tyrant, terrible even to his friends. When he sought refuge with the Athenians, and placed himself, his ships, and his treasure in their hands, the other orators, casting longing glances at his wealth, at once pleaded for him, and advised the Athenians to receive and protect the suppliant. Demosthenes at first advised them to send Harpalus away, and take care not to involve the city in war by such unjust and uncalled-for proceedings: but a few days afterwards when an inventory was being taken of Harpalus's property, he, seeing that Demosthenes was admiring a golden Persian drinking cup and examining the sculptures with which it was enriched, bade him take it in his hands and observe the weight of the gold. Demosthenes was surprised at the weight, and asked how much it would fetch. Harpalus answered with a smile, "It will fetch you twenty talents:" and as soon as it was dark he sent the cup and the twenty talents to the house of Demosthenes. Harpalus had very cleverly fathomed the character of Demosthenes by observing the loving and eager glances with which he eyed this cup; for he received the bribe and went over to the side of Harpalus, just as if he were a city which had received a foreign garrison. Next morning he carefully bandaged his throat with woollen wrappers, and proceeded to the assembly, where, when called upon to rise and speak, he made signs that he had lost his voice. Witty men said that the orator had not caught a sore throat, but a silver quinsy during the night. Soon the whole people learned that he had been bribed, and as they would not listen to him when he rose to explain his conduct, but hooted and groaned, some one rose and said, "Men of Athens, will you not listen to a man who has such a golden tongue?" The people thereupon sent Harpalus away, and fearing that inquiry might be made after the treasure which the orators had received, they instituted a vigorous search through every man's house, except that of Kallikles the son of Arrhenides, which they would not allow to be searched because his newly-married wife was there. These particulars we learn from the history of Theopompus. XXVI. Demosthenes, wishing to put a good face on the matter, passed a decree in the assembly, that the senate of the Areopagus should enquire into the matter, and punish those who were found guilty. However he was one of the first whom the senate found guilty: and, although he came into court and pleaded his cause, he was condemned to pay a fine of fifty talents, and was imprisoned in default. Overwhelmed with shame at this disgrace, and being also in weak health, he could not bear to remain in prison, and made his escape with the secret assistance of his keepers. We read that after he had got a short distance from Athens he saw that he was being pursued by several of his political opponents, and tried to hide from them. When, however, they came up to him, addressed him by his name, and begged him to receive money for his journey from them, assuring him that they had brought it to give to him and had pursued him for no other reason, Demosthenes burst into tears and exclaimed: "I may well be sorry to leave a home where my very enemies treat me with more kindness than any friends I am likely to find abroad will do." Demosthenes was much depressed by his banishment, and spent most of his time in Troezene or Ægina, looking towards Attica with tears in his eyes. He is said during his exile to have uttered many unmanly sentiments, very unworthy of his bold speeches when in power. On leaving the city he stretched out his hands towards the Acropolis and exclaimed: "Athena, patroness of Athens, why dost thou delight in those three savage creatures, the owl, the snake, and the people?" He used to dissuade the young men whom he met and conversed with during his travels from taking part in political life, and would say that such were the miseries, the fears, the jealousies, backbitings, and ceaseless struggles by which a public man is beset, that if at the outset of his life he had known them, and had been offered his choice between two courses, one leading to the bema and the public assembly, and the other to utter annihilation, he would unhesitatingly have chosen the latter. XXVII. While he was in exile Alexander died, and the Hellenic confederacy was again revived under Leosthenes, a brave general, who shut up Antipater in Lauria and besieged him there. Now, Pytheas the orator and Kallimedon, surnamed the "crab," who were exiled from Athens, joined Antipater, and travelled about Greece in company with his friends and ambassadors, urging the cities not to join the Athenians and revolt from Macedonia. Demosthenes, on the other hand, joined the embassy sent out by Athens and co-operated with them, striving to induce the Greeks to rise against the Macedonians and drive them out of Greece. In Arcadia, Phylarchus tells us that a wordy battle took place between Pytheas and Demosthenes at a public meeting in which Pytheas was advocating the cause of Macedonia, and Demosthenes that of Greece. Pytheas said that we may always know that there is sickness in a house if we see asses' milk carried into it, and that a city must be in a bad way if it received an embassy from Athens. To this Demosthenes answered by turning his own illustration against him, for, he said, asses' milk is brought into houses to cure the sick, and Athenians come into other cities to save them from ruin. The people of Athens were so delighted with the conduct of Demosthenes in this matter that they decreed his restoration. The decree was proposed by Demon, one of the township of Pæania, and a cousin of Demosthenes; and a trireme was sent to Ægina to fetch him home. When he landed at Peiræus he was met by the whole people, and by all the priests and archons, all of whom greeted him warmly. On this occasion, Demetrius of Magnesia relates that he raised his hands to heaven and congratulated himself on having returned home more gloriously than Alkibiades, because he had persuaded, not forced, his countrymen to receive him back. As the fine imposed upon him still remained in force, for the people could not alter a verdict at their pleasure, they made use of a legal fiction. It was the custom at the festival of Zeus the Preserver to pay a sum of money to those who ornamented the altar for the sacrifice: they charged Demosthenes with this office, and ordered him to execute it for the sum of fifty talents, which was the amount of his fine. XXVIII. He did not, however, long enjoy his restoration, for the Greeks were soon utterly ruined. In the month of Metageitnion[134] the battle of Krannon took place, in Boedromion a Macedonian garrison entered Munychia, and in Pyanepsion Demosthenes was put to death in the following manner:--As soon as it became known that Antipater and Kraterus were marching upon Athens, Demosthenes and his party escaped out of the city, and the people, at the instance of Demades, condemned them to death. As they had dispersed to all quarters of Greece, Antipater sent men in pursuit of them, the chief of whom was Archias, who was surnamed the Exile-hunter. This man, who was a citizen of Thurii, is said once to have been a tragic actor, and to have studied his art under the celebrated Polus of Ægina. Hermippus reckons Archias among the pupils of the orator Lakritus, while Demetrius tells us that he was a student of philosophy of the school of Anaximenes. This Archias tore away from the shrine of Æakus at Ægina the orator Hypereides, Aristonikus of Marathon, and Himeræus, the brother of Demetrius of Phalerum, who had taken sanctuary there, and sent them to Antipater at Kleonæ, where they were put to death. It is even said that Hypereides had his tongue cut out. XXIX. Hearing that Demosthenes was sitting as a suppliant in the temple of Poseidon at Kalauria,[135] Archias crossed over thither in some small boats with a guard of Thracian mercenaries, and tried to persuade Demosthenes to leave the temple and accompany him to Antipater, promising that he should not be ill-treated. Demosthenes had a strange dream the night before that he was contending with Archias in acting a play, and that although he acted well and delighted his audience, yet he was beaten by Archias, who was better furnished with stage properties and appliances. Wherefore, when Archias tried to cajole him, Demosthenes looked him full in the face, and, without rising, said, "Archias, your acting never affected me on the stage, nor will your promises now." Upon this Archias became angry, and savagely threatened him. "Now," said Demosthenes, "you speak like the true Macedonian that you are; but just now you were acting a part. So now wait for a little while until I have sent a letter home." Saying this, he retired into the inner part of the temple, took his tablets as though about to write, placed his pen in his mouth and bit it, as he was wont to do when meditating what he should write, and after remaining so for some time, covered his head with his robe and leaned it on his arms. The soldiers standing at the door of the temple jeered at him for a coward, and Archias walked up to him and bade him rise, repeating his assurance that he would make Antipater his friend. Demosthenes, as soon as he perceived that the poison was beginning to work upon him, uncovered his head, and, looking steadfastly at Archias, said, "Now, as soon as you please, you may play the part of Kreon in the play, and throw my body to the dogs without burial. But I, good Poseidon, leave thy temple while I am yet alive, and will not profane the sanctuary by my death there, though Antipater and his Macedonians have not feared to pollute it with murder." Having spoken these words, he asked them to support him by the arms, as his strength was fast failing him, and as they were assisting him to walk past the altar he fell with a groan and died there. XXX. As for the poison, Ariston says that it was contained in his pen,[136] as has been related. But one Pappas, from whom Hermippus has borrowed his account of the scene, says that when Demosthenes fell before the altar, in his tablets were found written the opening words of a letter, "Demosthenes to Antipater," and nothing more. All were surprised at the suddenness of his death, but the Thracian mercenaries at the door declared that they saw him take the poison out of a little cloth and put it into his mouth. They imagined that what he swallowed was gold; but a maid-servant that waited on him told Archias, in answer to his inquiries, that Demosthenes had for a long time carried about a packet containing poison, to be used in case of need. Eratosthenes himself writes that Demosthenes carried the poison in a hollow bracelet which he wore on his arm. It would be tedious to notice all the discrepancies to be found in the numerous accounts which have been written of the death of Demosthenes; but I will mention that Demochares, a relative of Demosthenes, states his belief that he did not die by poison, but by the provident care of the gods, who rescued him from the cruelty of the Macedonians by a swift and painless death. He perished on the sixteenth day of the month Pyanepsion, which is observed as a day of the strictest fasting and humiliation by the women who celebrate the festival of the Thesmophoria.[137] The people of Athens soon afterwards bestowed on Demosthenes the honours which he deserved, by erecting a brazen statue in memory of him, and decreeing that the eldest of his family should be maintained in the Prytaneum for ever. On the base of the statue was inscribed the celebrated couplet: "Could'st thou have fought as well as thou could'st speak, The Macedonian ne'er had ruled the Greek." It is a complete mistake to suppose, as some writers do, that Demosthenes himself composed this couplet in Kalauria just before he took the poison. XXXI. A short time before my own first visit to Athens, the following incident is said to have taken place. A soldier, being summoned by his commanding officer to be tried for some offence, placed all his money in the hands of the statue of Demosthenes, which are represented as clasped together. Beside the statue grew a small plane-tree, and several leaves of this tree, either blown there by chance, or placed there on purpose by the soldier, concealed and covered up the money, so that it remained there a long while. At last the soldier returned and found it, and as the circumstance became widely known, many literary men seized the opportunity of making epigrams on this striking proof of the incorruptible honesty of Demosthenes. Demades did not long enjoy the honour which he had won, for the gods, in order to avenge Demosthenes, led him to Macedonia, where he perished miserably by the hands of those whose favour he had so basely courted. He had long been disliked by the Macedonian court, and at last a clear proof of his treasonable practices was discovered in an intercepted letter of his to Perdikkas, in which he urged him to seize the throne of Macedonia and save the Greeks, who were now hanging by an old and rotten thread (meaning Antipater). On the evidence of this letter, Deinarchus of Corinth charged him with treason, and Kassander was so infuriated at his perfidy that he first stabbed Demades's own son while in his father's arms, and then ordered him to be put to death. Thus, by inflicting on him the greatest misery which a man could suffer, he proved to him the truth of that saying of Demosthenes which he had never before believed, that traitors first of all betray themselves. You now, my friend Sossius, know all that I have either read or heard concerning the life of Demosthenes. LIFE OF CICERO. I. They say that Cicero's mother Helvia[138] was of good family and conversation, but as to his father the accounts are in opposite extremes. For some say that the man was born and brought up in a fuller's workshop; but others carry back his pedigree to Tullus Attius,[139] who reigned with distinction among the Volsci and fought against the Romans with no small vigour. However, the first of the family who got the cognomen of Cicero[140] must have been a man of note, and this was the reason why his descendants did not reject the name, but were well pleased with it, though it was a matter of jeering to many: for the Latins call a vetch Cicer, and the first Cicero had at the end of his nose a cleft or split, slightly marked as we may suppose, like the cleft in a vetch, whence he got the cognomen. Indeed Cicero himself, the subject of this Life, on his friends advising him when he was first a candidate for office and began to engage in public life, to get rid of the name and take another, is reported to have boldly replied that he would strive to make the name of Cicero more glorious than that of Scaurus and Catulus. While he was quæstor in Sicily, and causing a silver offering to the gods to be made, he had inscribed on it his first two names, Marcus and Tullius, but in place of the third he jocosely ordered the artist to cut the figure of a vetch by the side of the characters. This then is what is recorded about the name. II. They say that Cicero's mother gave birth[141] to him, after a painless and easy labor, on the third day of the new calends, on which the magistrates now offer up prayers and sacrifices on behalf of the Emperor. It is said that a vision appeared to his nurse and foretold her that she was nurturing a great blessing for all Romans. Such things as these are generally considered to be mere dreams and idle talk, but in his case Cicero soon showed that it was a real prophecy when he was of age to be taught, for he was conspicuous for his natural talent and got a name and reputation among the boys, so that their fathers used to visit the schools out of desire to see Cicero, and to inquire of his famed quickness and capacity for learning; but the ill-educated part were angry with their sons when they saw them giving Cicero a place in the midst of them in the public roads by way of honour. Cicero, who had a talent, such as Plato[142] requires in a nature that loves learning and loves wisdom, for embracing all knowledge and undervaluing no kind of learning and discipline, happened to show a strong inclination to poetry: and indeed a small poem of his is still preserved, which was written when he was a boy: it is entitled Pontius Glaucus,[143] and is in tetrameter verse. In the course of time he applied himself to the Muse of such arts with still more versatility, and got the reputation of being not only the first orator, but also the best poet[144] among the Romans. Now his oratorical reputation continues to the present day, though there has been no small innovation in matters that concern eloquence; but as to his poetical reputation, owing to many poets of genius who have come after him, its fate has been to die away altogether unknown to fame and unhonoured. III. After being released from his youthful studies, he heard Philo[145] of the Academy, whom of all the scholars of Kleitomachus, the Romans admired most for his eloquence and loved most for his manners. At the same time by his intimacy with the Mucii,[146] who were statesmen and leaders in the Senate, he was aided in getting some knowledge of the law; and for a time, also, he served in the army under Sulla in the Marsic war.[147] But seeing that matters were coming to a civil war, and from a civil war to a pure monarchy, betaking himself to a life of quiet and contemplation, he kept company with learned Greeks and applied himself to the sciences, until Sulla had got the mastery, and the state seemed to have received a settlement. During this time Chrysogonus,[148] a freedman of Sulla, having laid an information about a man's property as being one of those who were put to death during the proscriptions, bought it for two thousand drachmæ. Roscius, the son and heir of the dead man, complained of this, and showed that the property was of the value of two hundred and fifty talents, on which Sulla, being convicted, was angry, and with the assistance of Chrysogonus instituted a prosecution against Roscius for parricide. No one gave Roscius help, but all were deterred through fear of the severity of Sulla, on which the young man in his desolate condition had recourse to Cicero, who was also importuned by his friends, who urged that he would never again have a more splendid opportunity of gaining a reputation nor a more honourable. Accordingly Cicero undertook the defence, and gained credit by his success; but, being afraid of Sulla, he went into Greece,[149] giving out that his bodily health required care. And indeed he was lean and had little flesh, and owing to weakness of stomach, he took little food, and that of a light kind late in the day; his voice was full and good, but hard and unmanageable, and owing to the vehemence and passion of his language being continually carried through the higher notes it gave him alarm about his health. IV. On his arrival at Athens[150] he became a hearer of Antiochus of Askalon, being pleased with the easy flow of his speech and his graceful manner, but he did not like his doctrinal innovations. For Antiochus was now seceding from what is called the New Academy, and deserting the sect of Karneades; whether it was that he was influenced by the evidence and by the senses, or as some say, through rivalry and differences with the followers of Kleitomachus and the partisans of Philo, he was changing to be a cultivator of the Stoic principle in most things. But Cicero liked the other doctrines better, and attached himself to them in preference, intending, if he should altogether be excluded from public affairs, to remove himself to Athens from the Forum and public life and live there in tranquillity with philosophy. But when news came that Sulla was dead, and his body being strengthened by discipline was attaining a vigorous habit, and his voice being now brought under management had become pleasant to the ear and powerful, and was suitably adapted to his habit of body, and his friends from Rome were sending him many letters and exhortations, and Antiochus strongly urged him to engage in public affairs, he began anew to fashion his oratorical power, as if it were an instrument, and to rouse afresh his political capacity, by exercising himself in the proper discipline and attending the rhetoricians of repute. Accordingly he sailed to Asia and Rhodes;[151] and among the Asiatic orators he attended the instruction of Xenokles of Adramyttium, and Dionysius of Magnesia, and Menippus of Caria; and in Rhodes, the rhetorician Apollonius, the son of Molo, and the philosopher Poseidonius. It is said that Apollonius, who did not understand the Latin language, requested Cicero to perform his exercises in Greek; and that Cicero readily complied, thinking that his faults would thus be better corrected. When he had finished his exercise, all the rest were amazed, and vied with one another in their praises, but Apollonius, while he was listening to Cicero, showed no approbation, and when Cicero had finished he sat for a long time wrapped in thought; and as Cicero showed his dissatisfaction, he said, "You indeed, Cicero, I commend and admire, but I pity the fortune of Greece, seeing that the only excellent things which were left to us have been transferred to the Romans by you, learning and eloquence." V. Now Cicero, full of hope in his course to a political career, had his ardour dulled by an oracular answer. For on consulting the god at Delphi[152] how he might get most fame, the Pythia bade him make his own nature, and not the opinion of the many, his guide in life. At first he lived with reserve at Rome, and was slow in offering himself for magistracies, and was undervalued, being called Greek and pedant, names current among and familiar to the lowest citizens. But as he was naturally ambitious and was urged on by his father and friends, he devoted himself to assisting persons in their causes, and he did not approach the highest distinction by gradual steps, but at once blazed forth in reputation, and was far superior to those who exerted themselves in the Forum. It is said that he was as defective as Demosthenes in action, and that accordingly he carefully devoted himself first to Roscius[153] the comedian, and then to Æsopus the tragedian. Of this Æsopus it is told, that when he was representing on the stage Atreus deliberating how he should revenge himself on Thyestes, and one of the servants suddenly ran past him, being transported out of his reason by his feelings he struck the man with his sceptre and killed him. Cicero derived no small power of persuasion from his action.[154] He used scoffingly to say of the orators who bawled loud,[155] that because of their weakness they had recourse to shouting, like lame men leaping on horses. His readiness at sarcasm and other sharp sayings was considered well adapted to courts of justice and clever, but by over use of it he gave offence to many and got the character of an ill-disposed person. VI. Being elected quæstor[156] at a time of scarcity of corn, and having got Sicily as his province, he gave offence to the people at first by compelling them to send corn to Rome. But afterwards, when they had proof of his care and justice and mildness, they respected him as they never had any governor before. And when many young Romans of good repute and noble birth, who were under a charge of neglect of discipline and bad behaviour in the war, were sent up to the prætor of Sicily, Cicero pleaded for them in a remarkable manner, and gained their acquittal. Being accordingly greatly elated at all this, on his journey to Rome, as he tells us, a ludicrous incident happened to him. In Campania[157] falling in with a man of rank, whom he considered to be a friend of his, he asked him what the Romans said about his conduct in Sicily, and what they thought of it, supposing that the city was full of his name and of his measures, and upon the man replying, "But where have you been all this time Cicero?" he was completely dispirited that his fame was lost in the city as in a boundless sea and had produced no glorious result to his reputation; but on reflection he abated much of his ambition, considering that he was striving for fame as for a thing indefinite and one which had no attainable limit. However all along there abided in him an exceeding love of praise and a strong passion for fame, which, often disturbed much of his sound judgment. VII. But when he began to engage more actively in public concerns, he thought it a shame that artisans, who make use of inanimate instruments and tools, should be acquainted with the name of each and its place and use, and that the political man, whose public acts are effected by the agency of men, should be indolent and indifferent about the knowledge of his fellow-citizens. Accordingly he not only accustomed himself to remember persons' names, but he also knew the place in which every man of note dwelt, and the spot where he had his property, and the friends with whom he was familiar and his neighbours; and whatever road in Italy he was traversing, Cicero could easily tell and point out the lands and houses of his friends. As he had only a small property, though sufficient and adequate to his expenses, he obtained credit by accepting neither pay nor presents for his services as an advocate, and most particularly by his undertaking the prosecution against Verres,[158] who had been prætor of Sicily. Verres, who had been guilty of great malversation, was prosecuted by the Sicilians, and Cicero caused his conviction, not by speeches, but in a manner, as one may say, by not speaking at all. For as the prætors favoured Verres, and were putting off the trial to the last day by adjournments and tricks, and it was clear that the space of one day would not be sufficient for the speeches and the trial would not be brought to a conclusion, Cicero got up and said that the case required no speeches, and bringing forward the witnesses and taking their evidence he told the judices to give their vote. Yet many lively sayings of his at that trial are recorded. The Romans call a castrated hog "verres." Now when a man of the class of libertini named Cæcilius, who was under the imputation of Judaism, wished to put aside the Siceliots and be the prosecutor of Verres, Cicero said "What has a Jew to do with a verres?" Verres also had a son grown up, who was reputed not to have regard to his youthful beauty as a person of free birth ought to have. Accordingly when Cicero was reviled for his effeminacy by Verres, he replied, "A man should find fault with his sons at home."[159] The orator Hortensius did not venture directly to defend the cause of Verres, yet he was induced to give him his assistance when the damages were assessed, for which he had received an ivory sphinx as his reward. Upon Cicero saying something to him in an oblique way, and Hortensius replying that he had no skill in solving ænigmas, Cicero answered, "And yet you have the sphinx[160] at home." VIII. Verres being convicted, Cicero laid the damages at seventy-five ten thousands, and yet he fell under suspicion of having lowered the damages[161] for a bribe. However the Siceliots were grateful, and during his ædileship[162] they came and brought many things from the island, from none of which did Cicero make any gain, but he availed himself of the men's desire to honour him so far as to cheapen the market. He possessed a fine place at Arpi,[163] and he had an estate near Naples, and another near Pompeii,[164] neither of them large: he had also the marriage portion of his wife Terentia[165] to the amount of ten ten thousands, and a bequest which amounted to nine ten thousands of denarii. With these means he lived honourably and moderately, enjoying the company of the Greeks who were familiar with him, and of the Romans of learning: he rarely, if ever, lay down to table before sunset, and not so much because of his occupations, as because of his health, which suffered much from the stomach. He was also exact and careful in other matters that concerned the care of his body, and he employed both friction and walking a fixed number of times. By thus regulating his habit of body he maintained it free from disease, and equal to undergo many and great trials and labours. He gave up his father's house to his brother, and he fixed his own residence on the Palatine, in order that those who paid their respects to him might not be troubled by coming a great distance; and people used to come daily to his doors to pay their respects, no fewer than those who waited on Crassus because of his wealth, and on Pompeius because of his influence with the soldiers, which two were at that time highest in repute and chief of the Romans. Pompeius also courted Cicero, and Cicero's policy contributed greatly to the power and credit of Pompeius. IX. Though there were many candidates with him for the prætorship,[166] and men of note, he was proclaimed first of all; and he was considered to have discharged his judicial functions with integrity and skill. It is said that Licinius Macer, a man who of himself had great weight in the city, and who was also supported by Crassus, being tried before Cicero for peculation, was so confident in his power and the exertions made on his behalf, that while the judices were giving their votes he went home, and after cutting his hair with all speed, and putting on a clean dress, as if he had been acquitted, he was about to return to the Forum; but on Crassus meeting him near the hall door and telling him that he was condemned by all the votes, he turned back, took to his bed and died. And the circumstance brought Cicero credit for his careful administration of justice. Vatinius[167] was a man whose manner was somewhat rough and contemptuous towards the magistrates when he was pleading before them, and his neck was full of swellings: on one occasion when he was before Cicero, he made a certain demand, and as Cicero did not grant it forthwith, but deliberated some time, Vatinius said that he should not hesitate about it if he were prætor, on which Cicero quickly answered, "But I have not such a neck as you." While Cicero had still two or three days in his office, some person brought Manilius[168] before him on a charge of peculation; but Manilius had the goodwill of the people and their zeal in his favour, as it was considered that he was attacked on account of Pompeius, whose friend he was. On Manilius asking for time Cicero gave him only one day, which was the next; and the people were angry, inasmuch as the prætors were accustomed to allow ten days at least to those who were accused. The tribunes also brought Cicero to the Rostra and found fault with him, but he prayed to be heard, and he said that as he had always behaved to accused persons with forbearance and kindness, so far as the laws allowed, he thought it would be harsh not to do so in the case of Manilius, and accordingly he had purposely limited him to the only day which was at his disposal as prætor, for that to throw the trial into the period of another prætor's jurisdiction was not the part of one who was willing to help another. These words wrought a wonderful change in the people, and with many expressions of goodwill they prayed him to undertake the defence of Manilius. Cicero readily undertook it, and chiefly for the sake of Pompeius who was absent, and coming before the people he again harangued them, in bold terms censuring the oligarchal faction and the enviers of Pompeius. X. Cicero was invited to the consulship[169] no less by the aristocratical party than by the many who for the interest of the state gave him their aid, and for the following reason. The changes which Sulla had introduced into the constitution at first appeared unseasonable, but now they seemed to the many by length of time and usage to have received a kind of settlement, and not a bad one; but there were those who sought to shake and change the present condition of affairs for the sake of their own gain and not for the public good, while Pompeius was still fighting with the kings in Pontus and Armenia, and there was no power in Rome able to resist those who were for change. These men had for their head a bold man and an ambitious and one of versatile temper, Lucius Catilina, who in addition to other great crimes had once laboured under the imputation of unlawful commerce with his virgin daughter, and of murdering his own brother,[170] and being afraid of being punished for this he persuaded Sulla to proscribe his brother among those who were doomed to die, as if he were still alive. Him the evil-minded took for their leader, and they gave various pledges to one another, and among these they sacrificed a man and ate of his flesh.[171] Catilina had corrupted a large part of the youth in the city by supplying every one of them with pleasure and banquets, and amours with women, and furnishing unsparingly the expense for all this. All Etruria was roused to revolt, and the greater part of Gaul within the Alps: and Rome was exposed to the greatest hazard of change, on account of the inequality in properties, for those who had most reputation and lofty bearing had impoverished themselves by theatrical expenses and entertainments, and love of magistracies and building, and the wealth had all come into the hands of men of mean birth and low persons, so that things needed only a slight inclination, and it was in the power of every man who had courage for the thing to unsettle the state, which of itself was in a diseased condition. XI. However Catilina, wishing to secure a stronghold, was a candidate for the consulship, and he was high in hope that he should be the colleague of Caius Antonius, a man who of himself was not calculated to be a leader either for good or bad, but one who would add force to another who was a leader. It was from seeing this that the majority of the honourable and the good encouraged Cicero to the consulship, and as the people readily seconded them, Catilina was rejected, and Cicero and Caius Antonius were elected. And yet Cicero alone of the candidates was the son of an eques, not of a senator. XII. Now the designs of Catilina still remained unknown to the many, but great struggles awaited the consulship of Cicero. For in the first place, those who by the laws of Sulla were excluded from magistracies, being neither weak nor few, became candidates and attempted to gain popular favour, and they made many charges against the tyranny of Sulla which were indeed true and just, but yet they were disturbing the state of affairs at an unfit time and out of season; and in the next place the tribunes brought forward measures to the same purpose, in which they proposed an administration composed of ten men[172] with full powers, whose instructions were to have authority to sell the public property in all Italy and in all Syria, and all that had lately been acquired by Pompeius, to try whom they pleased, to send them into exile, to colonise cities, to take money from the treasury, and to maintain and raise as many soldiers as they might require. Accordingly others of the nobles were in favour of the law, and especially Antonius, the colleague of Cicero, who expected to be one of the ten. It was supposed also that he was acquainted with the designs of Catilina, and was not averse to them on account of the magnitude of his debts, which chiefly gave alarm to the nobles. And this was the first object that Cicero directed his attention to, and he caused the province of Macedonia[173] to be given to Antonius, and Gaul, which was offered to himself, he declined; and by these favours he gained over Antonius like a hired actor to play a second part to himself on behalf of his country. Now when Antonius was gained and had become tractable, Cicero, being emboldened, opposed himself to those who were for making change. Accordingly, in the Senate, he made an attack upon the law, and so alarmed the promoters of it that they had nothing to say against him. When they made a second attempt, and being fully prepared invited the consuls to appear before the people, Cicero, nothing alarmed, bade the Senate follow him, and coming forward, he not only caused the rejection of the law, but made the tribunes give up even the rest of their measures and to yield to his overpowering eloquence. XIII. For this man most of all showed the Romans what a charm eloquence adds to a good thing, and that justice is invincible if it be rightly expressed in words, and that it befits him who duly directs political affairs, always in his acts to choose the good instead of that which merely pleases, and in his speech to deprive what is useful of that which gives pain. And a sample of his persuasive eloquence was what happened in his consulship with respect to the public exhibitions. In former times those of the equestrian class were mingled with the crowd in the theatres and were spectators among the people, just as chance would have it; but Marcus Otho[174] in his prætorship was the first who, for the sake of distinction, separated the equites from the rest of the citizens, and gave them a particular place, which they still retain. The people took this as a disparagement of themselves, and when Otho appeared in the theatre, they hissed for the purpose of insulting him, but the equites received him with loud applause. Again the people began to hiss louder, and the equites to make still greater plaudits. Upon this they fell to abusing one another, and kept the theatre in confusion. When Cicero heard of this he came, and summoning the people to the temple of Bellona both rebuked and admonished them, on which they went back to the theatre and loudly applauded Otho, and vied with the equites in doing honour to the man and showing their respect. XIV. The conspirators with Catilina[175] at first crouched and were afraid, but they recovered heart, and assembling together urged one another to take matters in hand with more courage before Pompeius returned, who was said to be now coming home with his force. Catilina was chiefly stirred up by the old soldiers of Sulla, who were planted all through Italy, but the greatest number and the most warlike of them were distributed in the Tuscan cities, and were again forming visions of robbery and plunder of the wealth that existed. These men, with Manlius[176] for their leader, one of those who had served with distinction under Sulla, were on the side of Catilina, and came to Rome to assist at the Comitia; for Catilina was again a candidate for the consulship, and had resolved to kill Cicero in the tumult of the elections. The dæmon also seemed to pre-signify what was going on by earthquakes and lightnings and sights. The information from human testimony was indeed clear, but not sufficient for conviction of a man of reputation and great power, like Catilina. Wherefore Cicero deferred the day of election, and summoning Catilina to the Senate questioned him about what was reported. Catilina, thinking that there were many in the Senate who were desirous of change, and at the same time wishing to make a display before the conspirators, gave Cicero an insane answer: "What am I doing so strange, if when there are two bodies, one lean and wasted, but with a head, and the other headless, but strong and large, I myself furnish it with a head?"[177] This allusion of his was to the Senate and to the people, which made Cicero more alarmed, and putting on his armour he was conducted by all the nobles from his house and by many of the young men to the Campus Martius. And he purposely let the people have a glimpse of his armour by loosing his tunic from his shoulders, and he showed the spectators there was danger. The people were enraged and rallied round him, and at last by their votes they again rejected Catilina, and chose Silanus[178] and Murena consuls. XV. Not long after the men in Etruria came together to support Catilina, and were forming themselves into companies; and the appointed day for executing their plan was near, when there came to Cicero's house about midnight men who were among the first and most powerful in Rome, Marcus Crassus, and Marcus Marcellus,[179] and Scipio Metellus; and knocking at the door and calling the doorkeeper, they bade him rouse Cicero and tell him that they were there. And the matter was thus: after Crassus had supped, the doorkeeper gave him letters brought by some unknown man, which were addressed to different persons, and one to Crassus himself without a signature. Crassus, having read this letter only, and seeing that the letter intimated that there would be great bloodshed caused by Catilina and that it urged him to quit the city, did not open the rest, but went forthwith to Cicero in alarm at the danger, and desiring to acquit himself somewhat of the blame which he bore on account of his friendship with Catilina. Accordingly Cicero after deliberating convened the Senate at daybreak, and taking the letters gave them to the persons to whom they were directed, and bade them read the letters aloud: and all the letters alike gave notice of a conspiracy. When Quintus Arrius, a man of prætorian rank, reported the forming of armed companies in Etruria, and news arrived that Manlius with a large force was hovering about those cities expecting every moment something new from Rome, a decree of the Senate was made to put affairs in the hands of the consuls, and that the consuls on receiving this commission should administer the state as they best could, and save it. The Senate is not used to do this frequently, but only when they apprehend great danger. XVI. Cicero upon receiving this authority intrusted affairs out of the city to Quintus Metellus; he undertook the care of the city himself, and he daily went forth guarded by so large a body of men, that when he entered the Forum those who accompanied him occupied a large part of the ground, whereupon Catilina, no longer enduring delay, resolved to make his escape to Manlius, and he commissioned Marcius[180] and Cethegus to arm themselves with swords, and going to Cicero's door in the morning on pretence of paying their respects, to fall on him and kill him. Fulvia,[181] a woman of rank, reported this to Cicero by night, and exhorted him to be on his guard against Cethegus and his associate. The men came at daybreak, and as they were not permitted to enter, they fell to railing and abuse at the doors, which made them still more suspected. Cicero going out called the Senate to the temple of Jupiter the Stayer, whom the Romans call Stator, which is situated at the commencement of the Sacred Road as you go up to the Palatine. Catilina also came there with the rest to make his defence, but none of the senators would sit down with him, and all moved from the bench. Catilina began to speak, but he was interrupted by cries, and at last Cicero got up and bade him leave the city; for he said it was fit that as he was administering affairs with words and Catilina with arms, there should be a wall[182] between them. Accordingly Catilina immediately left the city with three hundred armed men, and surrounding himself with fasces and axes as if he were a magistrate, and raising standards he marched to Manlius; and as about twenty thousand men altogether were collected, he visited the cities and endeavoured to persuade them to revolt, so that there was open war, and Antonius was sent to fight with the new rebels. XVII. Those who remained in the city of the persons who had been corrupted by Catilina were assembled and encouraged by Cornelius Lentulus Sura,[183] a man of illustrious birth, but who had lived a bad life and been already expelled from the Senate on account of his licentious habits. He was then prætor for the second time, as is the custom for those who recover the senatorial dignity. It is said that he got the name Sura from the following circumstance. In the times of Sulla he was quæstor, and lost and wasted much of the public money. Sulla was angry at this, and called him to account before the Senate; but Lentulus, coming forward in a very indifferent and contemptuous way, said that he had no account to give, but he offered his leg, as boys were wont to do when they had made a miss in playing at ball. From this he got the nickname of Sura, for the Romans call the leg 'sura.' Again, being brought to trial he bribed some of the judices, and was acquitted by two votes only, whereon he said that what he had given to one of the judices was fairly wasted, for it was enough to be acquitted by a single vote. Such being the character of the man, and being stirred up by Catilina, he was further corrupted by the vain hopes held out by false prophets and jugglers, who recited forged verses and predictions, alleged to be from the Sibylline books, which declared that it was the law of fate that three Cornelii should be monarchs in Rome, two of whom had fulfilled their destiny, Cinna[184] and Sulla, and that the dæmon was come and had brought the monarchy to him the third of the Cornelii, and he ought by all means to accept it, and not to spoil the critical opportunity by delay like Catilina. XVIII. Accordingly Lentulus designed nothing small or trivial, but he determined to kill all the senators, and as many of the rest of the citizens as he could, and to burn the city, and spare nobody except the children of Pompeius, whom they intended to seize and keep in their power as securities for coming to terms with Pompeius, for already there was strong and sure report of his returning to Rome from his great expedition. A night had been fixed for the attempt, one of the Saturnalia,[185] and they took and hid in the house of Cethegus swords and tow and brimstone. They also appointed a hundred men, and assigned by lot as many parts of Rome to each, in order that by means of many incendiaries the city might be in a blaze in a short time on all sides.[186] Others were to stop up the water conduits and to kill those who attempted to get water. While this was going on, there happened to be at Rome two ambassadors of the Allobroges,[187] a nation which especially at that time was in a bad condition and oppressed by the supremacy of Rome. The partizans of Lentulus, considering them suitable persons for stiring up Gaul to revolt, made them privy to the conspiracy. They gave these men letters to their Senate and letters to Catilina, promising liberty to the Senate, and urging Catilina to free the slaves and to march upon Rome. They also sent with them to Catilina one Titus[188] of Croton to carry the letters. But inasmuch as the conspirators were unsteady men, who for the most part met one another over wine and in company with women, and Cicero followed up their designs with labour and sober consideration and unusual prudence, and had many men out of their body to keep watch and to help him in tracking out their doings, and as he had secret conversation with many of those who were considered to be in the conspiracy and whom he trusted, he became acquainted with their communication with the strangers, and laying an ambuscade by night he seized the man of Croton and the letters, with the secret assistance of the Allobroges. XIX. At daybreak[189] Cicero, assembling the Senate at the temple of Concord, read the letters and examined the informers. Silanus Junius also said that some persons had heard Cethegus say, that three consuls and four prætors were going to be killed. Piso, a man of consular rank, gave evidence to the same effect. Caius Sulpicius, one of the prætors, being sent to the house of Cethegus, found there many missiles and arms, and a great quantity of swords and knives newly sharpened. At length the Senate having by a vote promised a pardon to the man of Croton on condition of his giving information, Lentulus being convicted abdicated his office, for he happened to be prætor, and laying down his robe with the purple hem before the Senate assumed a dress suitable to the occasion. Lentulus and his associates were delivered up to the prætors to be kept in custody, but without chains. It was now evening, and the people in crowds were waiting about the temple, when Cicero came forth and told the circumstance to the citizens, by whom he was conducted to the house of a neighbouring friend, for his own house was occupied by the women who were celebrating the mysterious rites to a goddess whom the Romans called Bona,[190] and the Greeks call Gynæceia. A sacrifice is made to the goddess annually in the house of the consul by his wife or his mother in the presence of the Vestal Virgins. Cicero, going into the house, deliberated with a very few persons what he should do with the men: for he had some scruples about inflicting the extreme punishment and that which was due to such great crimes; and he hesitated about it both from the humanity of his disposition, and because he feared that he might seem to be too much elated with his power and to be handling severely men who were of the highest rank and had powerful friends in the State; and if he treated them leniently, he dreaded danger from them. For he considered that they would not be well content if they were punished short of death, but would break forth in all extravagance of audacity and add fresh indignation to their old villainy; and that he should be judged a coward and a weak man, especially as the many had by no means a good opinion of his courage. XX. While Cicero was thus doubting, there was a sign to the women who were sacrificing: for though the fire seemed to have gone out, the altar sent forth from the ashes and burnt bark a large and brilliant blaze.[191] This alarmed the women, except the sacred virgins, who urged Terentia, the wife of Cicero, to go with all speed to her husband and tell him to take in hand what he had resolved on behalf of his country, for the goddess was displaying a great light to lead him to safety and honour. Terentia, who generally was not a woman of a mild temper nor naturally without courage, but an ambitious woman, and as Cicero himself says,[192] more ready to share in his political perplexities than to communicate to him her domestic matters, reported this to her husband and stimulated him against the conspirators: in like manner too his brother Quintus and Publius Nigidius, one of his philosophical companions, whose advice he used in the most and chiefest of his political measures. On the following day[193] there was a discussion in the Senate about the punishment of the conspirators, when Silanus, who was first asked his opinion, said that they ought to be taken to prison and suffer the extreme punishment: and all who spoke in succession acceded to this opinion, till it came to the turn of Caius Cæsar, who was afterwards Dictator. Cæsar, who was then a young man and in the very beginning of his rise to power, and already in his policy and his hopes had entered on that road by which he changed the state of Rome into a monarchy, though he eluded the penetration of the rest, caused great suspicion to Cicero, without however giving him any hold for complete proof; but there were some heard to say that he came near being caught and yet had escaped from Cicero. However, some say that Cicero purposely overlooked and neglected the information against Cæsar through fear of his friends and his power, for it was plain to every man, that the conspirators would rather become an appendage[194] to Cæsar's acquittal, than Cæsar would become an appendage to their punishment. XXI. When, then, it came to Cæsar's[195] turn to deliver his opinion, he rose and expressed it against putting the men to death, but he proposed to confiscate their property and remove them to the cities of Italy of which Cicero might approve, and there keep them confined till Catilina was defeated. The proposal was merciful and the speaker most eloquent, and Cicero added to it no small weight, for when Cicero rose[196] he handled the matter both ways, partly arguing in favour of the first opinion and partly in favour of Cæsar's; and all his friends thinking that Cæsar's opinion was for the advantage of Cicero, for he would be subject to less blame if he did not condemn the men to death, chose the second opinion rather, so that even Silanus himself changed and made his explanation, saying that neither had he delivered his opinion for death, for that the extreme punishment to a Roman senator was the prison. After the opinion was given, Catulus Lutatius was the first to oppose it; and he was followed by Cato, who in his speech vehemently urged suspicion against Cæsar, and so filled the Senate with passion and resolution that they passed a vote of death against the men. With respect to the confiscation of their property Cæsar made opposition, for he did not think it fair that they should reject the merciful part of his proposition and adopt the most severe part. As many of them made violent resistance, he invoked the tribunes, who however paid no attention to the call, but Cicero himself gave way and remitted that part of the vote which was for confiscation. XXII. Cicero went with the Senate to the conspirators, who were not all in the same place, but kept by the different prætors. He first took Lentulus[197] from the Palatine and led him through the Sacred Road and the middle of the Forum, with the men of highest rank in a body around him as his guards, the people the while shuddering at what was doing and passing by in silence, and chiefly the youth, who felt as if they were being initiated with fear and trembling in certain national rites of a certain aristocratical power. When Cicero had passed through the Forum and come to the prison, he delivered Lentulus to the executioner and told him to put him to death; he then took down Cethegus and every one of the rest in order and had them put to death. Seeing that there were still many members of the conspiracy standing together in the Forum, who did not know what had been done and were waiting for the night, supposing that the men were still alive and might be rescued, Cicero said to them in a loud voice, "They have lived." In these terms the Romans are used to speak of death when they do not choose to use words of bad omen. It was now evening, and Cicero went up from the Forum to his house, the citizens no longer accompanying him in silence or in order, but receiving him with shouts and clapping as he passed along and calling him the saviour and founder of his country. And numerous lights illuminated the streets, for people placed lamps and torches at their doors. The women too showed lights from the roofs to honour the man and in order to see him going home, honourably attended by the nobles; most of whom, having brought to an end great wars and entered the city in triumph, and added to the Roman possessions no small extent of land and sea, walked along confessing to one another that the Roman people were indebted for wealth and spoils and power to many living commanders and generals, but for their security and safety to Cicero alone, who had removed from them so great a danger. For it was not the preventing of what was in preparation and the punishing of the doers which appeared worthy of admiration, but that he had quenched the greatest of dangers that ever threatened the State with the least evils, and without disturbance and tumult. For most of those who had flocked to Catilina[198] as soon as they heard of the fate of Lentulus and Cethegus left him and went away: and Catilina, after fighting a battle with those who remained with him against Antonius, perished and his army with him. XXIII. However there were some who were ready to abuse Cicero for this and to do him harm, and they had for their leader among those who were going to hold magistracies, Cæsar as prætor, and Metellus[199] and Bestia as tribunes. Upon entering on office, while Cicero had still a few days in authority, they would not let him address the people, and placing their seats above the Rostra they would not permit him to come forward to speak; they told him that he might, if he chose, take the oath usual on giving up office and then go down. Upon this Cicero came forward as if he were going to take the oath, and when he had procured silence, he swore not the usual oath, but one of his own and a new oath, to the effect that he had saved his country and preserved the supremacy of Rome: and the whole people confirmed the truth of his oath. At this Cæsar and the tribunes, being still more vexed, contrived other cavils against Cicero, and a law was brought forward by them that Pompeius and his army should be recalled on the pretext of putting down the power of Cicero. But Cato, who was then tribune, was a great help to Cicero and to the whole State, and he opposed himself to Cæsar's measures with equal authority and greater good opinion. For he easily stopped other measures, and he so extolled the consulship of Cicero in a speech to the people, that they voted to him the greatest honours that had ever been conferred and called him the father of his country; for it seems that Cicero was the first on whom this title was conferred, upon Cato having so entitled him before the people. XXIV. Cicero, who had at that time the chief power in the State, made himself generally odious, not by any ill acts, but by always praising and glorifying himself to the great annoyance of many people. For there was neither assembly of Senate nor people nor court of justice in which a man had not to hear Catilina talked of and Lentulus. Finally, he filled his books and writings with his own praises, and though his oratory was most agreeable and had the greatest charm, he made it wearisome and odious to the hearers by his unseemly habit, which stuck to him like a fatality. However, though he had such unmingled ambition, he was far removed from envying others, for he was most bountiful in his praises of those before him and those of his own time, as we may see from his writings. There are also many sayings of his recorded; for instance, he said of Aristotle, that he was a river of flowing gold, and of the dialogues of Plato, that Jupiter, if it were his nature to use language, would speak like him. Theophrastus he was used to call his own special luxury. Being asked about the speeches of Demosthenes,[200] which he thought the best, he answered, the longest. Yet some of those who pretend to be imitators of Demosthenes, dwell on an expression of Cicero, which is used in a letter to one of his friends, that Demosthenes sometimes nodded in his speeches; but the great and admirable praise which he often bestows on the man, and that he entitled his own orations on which he bestowed most labour, those against Antonius, Philippics, they say nothing about. Of the men of his own time who gained a reputation for eloquence and learning, there is not one whose reputation he did not increase either by speaking or writing in favourable terms of him. When Cæsar was in power he obtained from him the Roman citizenship for Kratippus[201] the Peripatetic, and he prevailed on the Areopagus to pass a vote and to request him to stay in Athens and instruct the young, as being an ornament to the city. There are letters from Cicero to Herodes,[202] and others to his son, in which he exhorts to the study of philosophy under Kratippus. He charged Gorgias[203] the rhetorician with leading the young man to pleasure and drinking, and banished him from his society. This and a letter to Pelops of Byzantium are almost the only Greek letters of his which are written with any passion, in which he properly rebukes Gorgias, if he was worthless and intemperate, as he was considered to be; but his letter to Pelops is in a mean and complaining tone, and charges Pelops with having neglected to procure for him certain honours and public testimonials from the Byzantines. XXV. All this proceeded from his ambition, and also the circumstance that he was often carried away by the impetuosity of his oratory to disregard propriety. He once spoke in favour of Munatius,[204] who after being acquitted prosecuted Sabinus, a friend of Cicero, who is said to have been so transported with passion as to say, "Do you suppose, Munatius, that you were acquitted on your trial for your own merits, and not because I spread much darkness over the court when there was light?" He gained applause by a panegyric on Marcus Crassus from the Rostra, and a few days after he abused him, on which Crassus observed, "Did you not lately praise me in the same place?" to which Cicero replied, "Yes, for practice sake, exercising my eloquence on a mean subject." Crassus having remarked on one occasion that none of the Crassi had lived in Rome to be more than sixty years of age, and afterwards denying that he had said so, and observing, What could have led him to say this? Cicero replied, "You know that the Romans would be glad to hear it and so you wished to get their favour." When Crassus observed that he liked the Stoics, because they proved that the good man was rich,[205] "Consider," said Cicero, "if they do not rather prove that the wise man possesses everything." Now Crassus was charged with being fond of money. One of the sons of Crassus who was considered to resemble a certain Axius, and so to attach ill fame to his mother in respect to Axius, had made a speech in the Senate with applause, and Cicero being asked what he thought of him said, He is Axius Crassus.[206] XXVI. When Crassus[207] was about to set out for Syria, he wished Cicero to be his friend rather than his enemy, and he said in a friendly manner that he wished to sup with him, and Cicero received him readily. A few days after when some of his friends spoke with him about Vatinius, and said that Vatinius sought a recollection and to be on good terms with him, for he was then at enmity with Cicero. "Surely," said Cicero, "Vatinius too does not want to sup with me." Such was his behaviour to Crassus. As to Vatinius, who had tumours in his neck, and was on one occasion pleading a cause, Cicero called him a tumid orator. Hearing that Vatinius was dead, and being shortly after certainly informed that he was still living, "Ill betide the man," said he, "who lied so ill." Many of the senators were dissatisfied with Cæsar's carrying a measure for the distribution of the land in Campania among the soldiers, and Lucius Gellius,[208] who was also one of the oldest of them, said, that it should never take place while he lived. "Let us wait," said Cicero, "for Gellius asks for no long delay." There was a certain Octavius[209] who had the ill-repute of being a native of Libya, and on the occasion of a certain trial he said that he could not hear Cicero. "And yet," said Cicero, "your ear is not without a hole in it." Metellus Nepos observing that Cicero by giving testimony against persons had caused more to be condemned than he had caused to be acquitted by undertaking their cause, "Well," said he, "I admit that I have more credit than eloquence." A certain youth who was charged with giving poison to his father in a cake, spoke with great confidence, and said that he would abuse Cicero; "I would rather have this from you," said Cicero, "than a cake." Publius Sextius[210] had Cicero with others as his advocate in a cause, but he chose to say everything himself and would let nobody else speak, and when it was plain that he would be acquitted and the judices were giving their votes, Cicero said, "Make the most of your opportunity to-day, for to-morrow you will be a mere nobody." One Publius Consta,[211] who set up for a lawyer, but was an ignorant and stupid fellow, was called as a witness by Cicero on a trial. On Consta saying that he knew nothing, "Perhaps," said Cicero, "you suppose that you are asked about legal matters." Metellus Nepos during a dispute with Cicero often repeated, "Who is your father?" on which Cicero said, "As for yourself, your mother has made this answer rather difficult for you." Now the mother of Nepos was considered to be an unchaste woman, and himself a fickle kind of man. On one occasion he suddenly deserted his office of tribune and sailed off to join Pompeius[212] in Syria, whence he returned with just as little reason. Nepos had buried his teacher Philagrus with more than usual respect, and set upon his tomb a raven of stone: "In this," said Cicero, "you have acted wiser than your wont, for he taught you to fly rather than to speak." Marcus Appius in a certain trial prefaced his speech with saying that his friend had prayed him to exhibit vigilance and judgment and fidelity: "Are you then," said Cicero, "so iron-hearted as to exhibit not one of such great qualities as your friend prayed you to do?" XXVII. Now the use of bitterish taunts against enemies or opposing advocates may be considered as belonging to the orator's business; but the attacking of any persons whom he fell in with, for the purpose of making them ridiculous, brought great odium upon him. I will record a few instances of this also. He called Marcus Aquinius,[213] Adrastus,[214] because he had two sons-in-law who were in exile. Lucius Cotta,[215] who held the office of censor, was very fond of wine, and it happened that Cicero during his canvass for the consulship was athirst, and as his friends stood around him while he was drinking, "You have good reason to be afraid," said he, "lest the censor should deal harshly with me for drinking water." Meeting Voconius,[216] who was conducting three very ugly daughters, he said aloud: "'Gainst Phoebus' will his children he begat." Marcus Gellius,[217] who was supposed not to be the son of free parents, was once reading some letters to the Senate with a clear and loud voice, when Cicero said, "Don't be surprised; he too is one of those who have practised their voices." When Faustus,[218] the son of Sulla who had been dictator in Rome and proscribed many to the death, having got into debt and squandered most of his substance, advertised his household stuff for sale, Cicero said that he liked this proscription better than his father's. XXVIII.[219] He thus became odious to many, and the partizans of Clodius combined against him on the following occasion. Clodius was a man of noble birth, young in years, but bold and impudent in his designs. Being in love with Pompeia, Cæsar's wife, he got into his house secretly by assuming the dress and the guise of a lute-player; for the women were celebrating in Cæsar's house those mysterious rites which the men were not allowed to see; and as there was no man there, Clodius being still a youth and not yet bearded hoped to slip through to Pompeia with the women. But as it was night when he got into a large house, he was perplexed by the passages; and as he was rambling about a female slave of Aurelia, Cæsar's mother, saw him and asked him his name. Being compelled to speak, he said that he was looking for a servant of Pompeia, named Abra, but the woman perceiving that it was not a female voice cried out and called the women together. They shut the doors and searching every place found Clodius, who had hid himself in the chamber of the girl with whom he came into the house. The affair being noised abroad Cæsar put away Pompeia, and a prosecution[220] for an offence against religion was instituted against Clodius. XXIX. Now Cicero was a friend of Clodius, and in the affair of Catilina found him a most zealous assistant and guardian of his person; but as Clodius in answer to the charge relied on not having been in Rome at the time, and maintained that he was staying in places at a very great distance, Cicero bore testimony that Clodius had come to his house[221] and spoken with him on certain matters; which was true. However people did not suppose that Cicero gave his testimony from regard to truth, but by way of justifying himself to his wife Terentia.[222] For Terentia had a grudge against Clodius on account of his sister Clodia, who was supposed to wish to marry Cicero, and to be contriving this by the aid of one Tullus, who was one of the nearest companions and intimates of Cicero, and as Tullus was going to Clodia, who lived near, and paying attention to her, he excited suspicion in Terentia. Now as Terentia was of a sour temper and governed Cicero, she urged him to join in the attack on Clodius and to give testimony against him. Many men also of the highest character charged Clodius by their testimony with perjury, disorderly conduct, bribing of the masses, and debauching of women. Lucullus also produced female slaves to testify that Clodius had sexual commerce with his youngest sister when she was the wife of Lucullus. There was also a general opinion that Clodius debauched his other two sisters, of whom Marcius Rex had Terentia and Metellus Celer had Clodia to wife, who was called Quadrantaria, because one of her lovers put copper coins for her in a purse pretending they were silver and sent them to her; now the smallest copper coin the Romans called Quadrans. It was with regard to this sister that Clodius was most suspected. However as the people on that occasion set themselves against those who bore testimony and combined against Clodius, the judices being afraid procured a guard for their protection, and most of them gave in their tablets with the writing on them confused.[223] It turned out that those who were for acquitting him were the majority, and some bribery was also said to have been used. This led Catulus to say when he met the judices, "Indeed you did ask for a guard to protect you, for you were afraid that some one should take your money from you." Upon Clodius saying to Cicero that his evidence had no credit with the judices, Cicero replied, "However, five-and-twenty[224] of the judices gave me credit, for so many of them voted against you; but thirty of them gave you no credit, for they did not vote for your acquittal till they had received their money." Cæsar, however, when called, gave no evidence against Clodius, and he denied that he had convicted his wife of adultery, but that he had put her away, because Cæsar's wife ought not only to be free from a shameful act, but even the report of it. XXX. Clodius,[225] having escaped the danger, as soon as he was elected tribune commenced his attack on Cicero, drawing together and agitating against him every thing and all persons. For he gained the favour of the people by popular laws, and caused great provinces to be assigned to each of the consuls, Macedonia to Piso and Syria to Gabinius, and he contrived to associate many of the poor citizens in his designs and kept armed slaves about him. Of the three men who then had the chief power, Crassus was openly at enmity with Cicero, and Pompeius was playing an affected part towards both; and as Cæsar was about to march into Gaul[226] with his army, Cicero paying court to him, though he was not his friend, but an object of suspicion owing to the affair of Catilina, asked to accompany him as a legatus. Cæsar accepted the proposal, but Clodius, seeing that Cicero was escaping from his tribunitian power, pretended to be disposed to come to terms with him, and by laying most blame on Terentia, and always speaking of Cicero in moderate terms and using words which imported a favourable disposition, as a man who had no hatred or ill feeling towards him, but had certain reasonable grounds of complaint to be urged in a friendly way, he completely stopped Cicero's fears, so that he declined a legation under Cæsar and again applied himself to public affairs. At which Cæsar, being irritated, encouraged Clodius against Cicero, and completely alienated Pompeius from him, and he himself declared before the people that he did not consider it right or lawful for men to be put to death without trial, like Lentulus and Cethegus. For this was the charge, and to this Cicero was called to answer. Being therefore in danger and under prosecution he changed his dress and with his hair unshorn went about supplicating the people. But Clodius met him everywhere in the streets with violent and audacious men about him, who, with many insolent jeers at Cicero's reverse and attire, and after pelting him with mud and stones, hindered his suppliant applications. XXXI. However at first nearly all the body of equites changed their dress when Cicero did, and not less than twenty thousand young men accompanied him with their hair uncut and joined in his suppliant entreaties. When the Senate had met in order to pass a vote that the people should change their dress as a public calamity,[227] and the consuls opposed it, and Clodius was in arms about the Senate-house, no small number of the senators ran out tearing their clothes and calling aloud. But as this sight neither procured respect nor pity, and Cicero must either go into exile or try force and the sword against Clodius, he entreated Pompeius to aid him, who had purposely gone out of the way and was staying on his estate at the Alban hills. And first he sent his son-in-law Piso[228] to entreat for him, and then he went himself. Pompeius hearing of his coming did not wait to see him, for he had a strong feeling of shame towards a man who had made great efforts on his behalf, and had carried many public measures to please him, but as he was Cæsar's son-in-law, he gave up old obligations at his request, and slipping out by a different door evaded meeting with Cicero. Cicero being thus betrayed by him and left deserted, fled for refuge to the consuls. Gabinius still maintained his hostility, but Piso spoke[229] more kindly, and advised him to go out of the way and to yield to the impetuosity of Clodius and to submit to the change in circumstances, and again to be the saviour of his country, which was involved in civil commotion and misfortune through Clodius. Having got this answer Cicero consulted with his friends, of whom Lucullus advised him to stay and said that he would gain the superiority; but others advised him to fly, inasmuch as the people would soon long for him when they were satiated with the madness and desperation of Clodius. This was Cicero's own judgment; and he carried to the Capitol the statue of Athene,[230] which for a long time had stood in his house, and to which he paid especial honour, and dedicated it with the inscription, "To Athene the guardian of Rome;" and receiving from his friends persons to conduct him safely, he left the city about midnight and went by land through Lucania, designing to stay in Sicily. XXXII. When it was known that he had fled, Clodius put to the vote the question of his banishment, and issued an edict to exclude him from fire and water, and that no one should furnish him with a shelter within five hundred miles[231] of Italy. Now others paid not the slightest regard to the edict, for they respected Cicero, and showed him all manner of kindness and set him on his way: but in Hipponium, a city of Lucania, which the Romans call Vibo,[232] Vibius, a Sicilian, who had derived many advantages from Cicero's friendship and had been præfect of the Fabri during his consulship, would not receive Cicero in his house, but sent him word that he would assign him a spot of ground; and Caius Vergilius,[233] the prætor of Sicily, who had been most intimate with Cicero, wrote to tell him to keep away from Sicily. Whereat desponding he set out for Brundusium, and thence attempted to pass over to Dyrrachium[234] with a fair wind; but as it began to blow against him when he was out at sea, he came back the day after, and again set sail. It is said that when he had reached Dyrrachium and was going to land, there was a shaking of the earth and a violent motion in the sea at the same time; from which the diviners prognosticated that his flight would not be lasting, for these were signs of change. And though many men visited him from good will and the Greek cities vied in sending deputations to him, yet he passed his time in despondency[235] and exceeding grief, for the most part looking to Italy, like those who are desperately in love, and in his bearing became very mean and humbled by reason of his calamity, and so downcast as no one would have expected from a man who had spent his life in such philosophical pursuits. And yet he often asked his friends to call him not an orator, but a philosopher,[236] for he said that he had chosen philosophy as his occupation, but that he employed oratory as an instrument for his purposes in his public life. But opinion is powerful to wash out reason from the mind as if it were dye, and to imprint the affects of the many[237] by the force of intercourse and familiarity on those who engage in public life, unless a man be strictly on his guard and come in contact with things external in such wise as to have communion with the things themselves, not with the affects towards the things. XXXIII. Clodius, after driving out Cicero, burnt his villas, and burnt his house, and built on the ground a temple to Liberty: the rest of Cicero's property[238] he offered for sale, and announced it daily, but nobody would buy. In consequence of these measures being formidable to the aristocratical party, and dragging along with him the people, who were let loose to great violence and daring, he made an attack on Pompeius, ripping up some of the things that were settled by him in his military command. By which Pompeius losing some of his reputation blamed himself for giving up Cicero; and changing again he used every effort in conjunction with Cicero's friends to effect his return. As Clodius resisted this, the Senate resolved to ratify nothing in the mean time and to do no public business, unless Cicero was restored. When Lentulus[239] was consul, and the disorder went on increasing so that tribunes were wounded in the Forum, and Quintus the brother of Cicero only escaped by lying among the bodies as if he were dead, the people began to undergo a change of opinion, and one of the tribunes, Annius Milo, was the first to venture to bring Clodius to trial for violence, and many sided with Pompeius both from among the people and the neighbouring cities. Coming forward with them and driving Clodius from the Forum, he called the citizens to the vote: and it is said that the people never confirmed any measure with so much unanimity. The Senate vying with the people passed a decree in honour of those cities which had served Cicero in his exile, and for the restoration[240] at the public expense of his house and villas, which Clodius had destroyed. Cicero was restored in the sixteenth month[241] after his exile, and so great was the joy of the cities and the zeal of all men to meet him, that what was afterwards said by Cicero fell short of the truth: for he said that Italy bore him on her shoulders and carried him into Rome. On which occasion Crassus also, who was his enemy before his exile, readily met him, and was reconciled to him, to please his son Publius, as he said, who was an admirer of Cicero. XXXIV. After the lapse of no long time, watching the opportunity when Clodius was away, Cicero went with a number of persons to the Capitol and pulled down and broke the tribunitian tablets[242] which contained the records of the administration. When Clodius made this a charge against him, Cicero said that Clodius had illegally passed from the patrician body to the tribunate, and that none of his acts were valid, at which Cato took offence and spoke against him, not indeed in commendation of Clodius, but expressing his mortification at his measures; however he showed that it was an unusual and violent measure for the Senate to vote for the rescinding of so many decrees and acts, among which was his own administration at Cyprus and Byzantium. This led to a collision between him and Cicero, which did not proceed to anything open, but the consequence was that their friendly disposition to one another was weakened. XXXV. After this Clodius[243] was killed by Milo, who being prosecuted for murder got Cicero for his advocate. But the Senate, being afraid lest there should be some disturbance in the city on the trial of Milo, who was a man of high repute and bold spirit, intrusted to Pompeius the superintendence of this and other trials, and commissioned him to provide for the security of the city and of the courts of justice. Pompeius in the night surrounded the Forum with soldiers on the heights, and Milo, fearing that Cicero might be disturbed at the unusual sight and manage his case worse, persuaded him to be carried in a litter to the Forum and to rest there till the judices met and the court was formed. But Cicero, as it appears, was not only without courage in arms, but was timid even when he commenced speaking, and hardly ceased shaking and trembling in many trials till his eloquence had reached its height and attained steadiness. When he was the advocate of Murena, on his prosecution by Cato, he was ambitious to surpass Hortensius, who spoke with great applause, and he took no rest the night before, in consequence of which exceeding anxiety and wakefulness, his powers were impaired and he was considered to have fallen short of his fame. On this occasion when he came out of the litter to the trial of Milo and saw Pompeius seated on an elevated place as in a camp and arms flashing all around the Forum, he was confounded and scarcely commenced his speech for trembling and hesitation, though Milo himself bravely and courageously assisted at the trial and would not deign to let his hair grow or to change his dress for a dark one, which seems in no small degree to have contributed to his condemnation. But Cicero in all this was considered rather to have shown his attachment to his friend than any cowardice. XXXVI. Cicero became also one of the priests, whom the Romans called Augurs,[244] in place of the younger Crassus after his death among the Parthians. The province of Cilicia[245] being allotted to him and an army of twelve thousand legionary soldiers and two thousand six hundred horse, he set sail with instructions to keep Cappadocia friendly and obedient to Ariobarzanes.[246] He accomplished this, and arranged it without any blame and without war; and as he observed that the Cilicians were inclined to a rising on occasion of the defeat of the Romans by the Parthians and the movements in Syria, he pacified them by a mild administration. Nor would he receive any presents when the kings offered them, and he relieved the provincials from giving entertainments: and he himself daily received those who were agreeable to him at banquets, not in a costly way, but liberally. And there was no doorkeeper to his house, nor was he ever seen by any one lying down, but in the morning he would be standing or walking about in front of his chamber, where he received those who paid their respects[247] to him. It is said that he neither punished any one with rods nor allowed any man's garment to be rent, nor vented abuse in passion, nor inflicted any penalty accompanied with contumelious treatment. By discovering that much of the public property was embezzled he enriched the cities, and he maintained in their civil rights those who made restoration, without letting them suffer anything further. He engaged also in a war in which he defeated the robbers of Mount Amanus, for which he was saluted by his soldiers with the title of Imperator.[248] When Cæcilius[249] the orator requested Cicero to send him panthers from Cilicia to Rome for a certain spectacle, Cicero, who was proud of his exploits, wrote in reply that there were no panthers in Cilicia, for they had fled into Caria, indignant that they were the only things warred upon, while all others were enjoying peace. On his voyage back from his province he first put in at Rhodes, and next tarried at Athens with gladness out of the pleasant recollection of his former residence. After associating with men the first for wisdom, and visiting his old friends and intimates and receiving due honours from Greece, he returned to Rome at a time when affairs, as if from violent inflammation, were bursting out into the Civil War. XXXVII. In the Senate, when they were proposing to vote him a triumph, he said that he would more gladly follow Cæsar in his triumph, if a settlement could be effected; and he privately gave much advice by writing to Cæsar, and much by entreating Pompeius, and attempting to mollify and pacify both of them. But when things were past remedy, and Cæsar was advancing, and Pompeius did not stay, but quitted the city with many men of character, Cicero did not join in this flight, and it was supposed that he was attaching himself to Cæsar. And it is plain that in his resolves he was much perplexed both ways and suffered much; for he says in his letters[250] that he did not know which way to turn himself, and that Pompeius had an honourable and good cause to fight for, but that Cæsar managed things better and was better able to save himself and the citizens, so that he knew whom to fly from, but not whom to fly to. Trebatius, one of Cæsar's friends, wrote to the purport, that Cæsar thought that before all things Cicero ought to put himself on Cæsar's side and to share his hopes, but if he declined by reason of his age, he advised him to go to Greece and there to seat himself quietly out of the way of both; but Cicero, being surprised that Cæsar himself did not write, replied in passion that he would do nothing unworthy of his political life. What appears in his letters is to this effect. XXXVIII. When Cæsar had set out to Iberia, Cicero immediately sailed to Pompeius. The rest were well pleased that he was come, but Cato on seeing him rated him in private greatly for joining Pompeius: he said it was not seemly in himself to desert that line of policy which he had chosen from the first; but that Cicero, though he could do more good to his country and his friends if he remained at Rome an indifferent spectator and shaped his conduct by the result, without any reason or necessity had become an enemy of Cæsar and had come there to share in great danger. These words disturbed the resolve of Cicero, and also that Pompeius did not employ him in anything of weight. But he was the cause of this himself, inasmuch as he made no secret of repenting of what he had done, and depreciated the resources of Pompeius, and privately showed his dissatisfaction at his plans, and abstained not from scoffing and saying any sharp thing of the allies, though he himself always went about in the camp without a smile and with sorrowful countenance; but he gave cause of laughter to others who had no occasion for it. It is better to mention a few of these things. Domitius[251] was placing in a post of command a man of no warlike turn, and said, How modest he is in his manner and how prudent; "Why then," said Cicero, "do you not keep him to take care of your children?" When some were commending Theophanes[252] the Lesbian, who was a Præfectus of Fabri in the camp, for his excellent consolation of the Rhodians on the loss of their fleet, "What a huge blessing it is," he said, "to have a Greek Præfect!" When Cæsar was successful in most things and in a manner was blockading them, he replied to the remark of Lentulus that he heard that Cæsar's friends were dispirited, "You mean to say that they are ill-disposed[253] to Cæsar?" One Marcius, who had just arrived from Rome, said that a report prevailed in Rome that Pompeius was blockaded. "I suppose you sailed hither then," said Cicero, "that you might see it with your own eyes and believe." After the defeat Nonnius observed that they ought to have good hopes, for that seven eagles were left in the camp of Pompeius, "Your advice would be good," said Cicero, "if we were fighting with jack-daws." When Labienus was relying on certain oracular answers, and saying that Pompeius must get the victory, "Yes," said Cicero, "it is by availing ourselves of such generalship as this that we have lost the camp." XXXIX. After the battle at Pharsalus, in which he was not present by reason of illness, and when Pompeius had fled, Cato, who had a large army at Dyrrachium and a great fleet, asked Cicero to take the command according to custom, and as he had the superior dignity of the consulship. But as Cicero rejected the command and altogether was averse to joining the armament, he narrowly escaped being killed, for the young Pompeius and his friends called him a traitor and drew their swords, but Cato stood in the gap and with difficulty rescued Cicero and let him go from the army. Having put in at Brundusium he stayed there waiting for Cæsar, who was delayed by affairs in Asia and in Egypt. But when news came that Cæsar was landed at Tarentum[254]; and was coming round by land to Brundusium, Cicero went to him, not being altogether without hope, but feeling shame in the presence of many persons to make trial of a man who was his enemy and victorious. However there was no need for him to do or say anything unworthy of himself; for when Cæsar saw Cicero coming to meet him at a great distance before all the rest, he got down, and embraced him and talking with him alone walked several stadia. From this time he continued to show respect to Cicero and friendly behaviour, so that even in his reply to Cicero, who had written a panegyric on Cato, he commended his eloquence and his life, as most resembling those of Perikles and Theramenes.[255] Cicero's discourse was called Cato, and Cæsar's was entitled Anticato. It is said also that when Quintus Ligarius[256] was under prosecution, because he had been one of Cæsar's enemies and Cicero was his advocate, Cæsar said to his friends, "What hinders us listening after so long an interval to Cicero's speech, since the man has long been adjudged a villain and an enemy?" But when Cicero had begun to speak and was making a wonderful sensation, and his speech as he proceeded was in feeling varied and in grace admirable, the colour often changed in Cæsar's face, and it was manifest that he was undergoing divers emotions in his mind; but at last when the orator touched upon the battle at Pharsalus, he was so affected that his body shook and he dropped some of the writings from his hands. Accordingly he acquitted the man of the charge perforce. XL. After this, as the constitution was changed to a monarchy, Cicero[257] detaching himself from public affairs applied himself to philosophy with such young men as were disposed; and mainly from his intimacy with the noblest born and the first in rank, he again got very great power in the state. His occupation was to compose philosophical dialogues and to translate and to transfer into the Roman language every dialectical or physical term; for it is he, as they say, who first or mainly formed for the Romans the terms Phantasia, Syncatathesis, Epoche, and Catalepsis, and also Atom, and Indivisible, and Vacuum, and many other like terms, some of which by metaphor, and others by other modes of assimilation he contrived to make intelligible and to bring into common use: and he employed his ready turn for poetry to amuse himself. For it is said that when he was disposed that way, he would make five hundred verses in a night. The greatest part of his time he now spent in his lands at Tusculum, and he used to write to his friends that he was living the life of Laertes,[258] whether it was that he said this in jest, as his manner was, or whether from ambition he was bursting with desire to participate in public affairs and was dissatisfied with matters as they were. He seldom went down to the city, and when he did, it was to pay court to Cæsar, and he was foremost among those who spoke in favour of the honours given to him and were eager always to be saying something new about the man and his acts. Of this kind is what he said about the statues of Pompeius, which Cæsar ordered to be set up after they had been taken away and thrown down, and they were set up again. For Cicero said that by this mild behaviour Cæsar placed the statues of Pompeius, but firmly fixed his own. XLI. His intention being, as it is said, to comprehend in one work the history of his country and to combine with it much of Greek affairs and in fine to place there the stories and myths which he had collected, he was prevented by public and many private affairs contrary to his wish, and by troubles, most of which seem to have been of his own causing. For first of all, he divorced his wife Terentia,[259] because he had been neglected by her during the war, so that he set out in want even of necessaries for his journey, and did not even on his return to Italy find her well-disposed to him. For she did not go to him, though he was staying some time in Brundusium, and when her daughter, who was a young woman, was going so long a journey, she did not supply her with suitable attendance, nor any means, but she even made Cicero's house void of everything and empty, besides incurring many great debts. These are the most decent reasons for the separation which are mentioned. But Terentia denied that these were the reasons, and Cicero made her defence a complete one by marrying no long time after a maid;[260] as Terentia charged it, through passion for her beauty, but as Tiro[261] the freedman of Cicero has recorded it, to get means for paying his debts. For the young woman was very rich and Cicero had the care of her property, being left fiduciary heir. Being in debt to the amount of many ten thousands he was persuaded by his friends and relatives to marry the girl, notwithstanding the disparity of age, and to get rid of his creditors by making use of her property. But Antonius, who made mention of the marriage in reply to the Philippics, says that he put out of doors his wife with whom he had grown old, and at the same time he made some cutting jibes on the housekeeping habits of Cicero as a man unfit for action and for arms. No long time after his marriage Cicero's daughter died in child-birth, for she had married Lentulus after the death of her former husband Piso. The philosophers from all quarters came together to console Cicero, but he bore his misfortune very ill, and even divorced his wife because he thought that she was pleased at the death of Tullia.[262] XLII.[263] Such were Cicero's domestic affairs. He had no share in the design that was forming against Cæsar, though he was one of the most intimate friends of Brutus and was supposed to be annoyed at the present state of affairs and so long for the old state more than anybody else. But the men feared his temper as being deficient in daring, and the occasion was one in which courage fails even the strongest natures. When the deed was accomplished by the partisans of Brutus and Cassius, and Cæsar's friends were combining against the conspirators, and there was fear of the city again being involved in civil wars, Antonius, who was consul, brought the Senate together and said a few words about concord; and Cicero, after speaking at length and suitably to the occasion, persuaded the Senate to imitate the Athenians and decree an amnesty[264] for what had been done to Cæsar, and to give provinces to Brutus and Cassius. But none of these things came to a conclusion. For the people of themselves being transported to pity, when they saw the corpse carried through the Forum, and Antonius showed them the garments filled with blood and slashed in every part by the swords, maddened by passion sought for the men in the Forum and ran with fire in their hands to their houses to burn them. The conspirators escaped the danger by being prepared for it, but as they expected other great dangers, they quitted the city. XLIII. Antonius was forthwith elated, and was formidable to all, as about to become sole ruler; but to Cicero most formidable. For Antonius seeing that Cicero's power was recovering strength in the State, and knowing that he was closely allied with Brutus, was annoyed at his presence. And there existed even before this some ill-will between them on account of the unlikeness and difference in their lives. Cicero fearing these things, first made an attempt to go with Dolabella[265] to Syria as legatus: but the consuls for the next year, Irtius and Pansa,[266] who were good men and admirers of Cicero, prayed him not to desert them, and they undertook if he were present to put down Antonius. Cicero, neither distrusting altogether nor trusting gave up his design as to Dolabella, and agreed with Irtius to spend the summer in Athens, and when they had entered on their office, to come back, and he sailed off by himself. But as there was some delay about the voyage, and new reports, as the wont is, reached him from Rome that Antonius had undergone a wonderful change, and was doing and administering everything conformably to the pleasure of the Senate, and that matters only required his presence to be brought to the best arrangement, himself blaming his excessive caution turned back to Rome. And he was not deceived in his first expectations, so great a crowd of people through joy and longing for him poured forth to meet him, and near a whole day was taken up at the gates and upon his entrance with greetings and friendly reception. On the following day Antonius summoned a Senate and invited Cicero, who did not come, but was lying down pretending to be indisposed from fatigue. But the truth appeared to be that he was afraid of some design against him, in consequence of certain suspicions and of information which reached him on the road. Antonius was irritated at the calumny and sent soldiers with orders to bring Cicero or burn his house, but as many persons opposed Antonius and urged him by entreaties he took securities only and desisted. And henceforward they continued to pass by without noticing one another and to be mutually on their guard, till the young Cæsar[267] having arrived from Apollonia took possession of the inheritance of the elder Cæsar, and came to a quarrel with Antonius about the two thousand five hundred ten thousands[268] which Antonius detained of his substance. XLIV. Upon this, Philippus[269] who was married to young Cæsar's mother, and Marcellus, who was married to his sister, came with the young man to Cicero, and made a compact that Cicero should lend to Cæsar both in the Senate and before the people the power that he derived from his eloquence and his political position, and that Cæsar should give to Cicero the security that could be derived from money and from arms. For the young man had about him many of those who had served under Cæsar.[270] There appeared also to have been some stronger reason for Cicero readily accepting the friendship of Cæsar. For, as the story goes, while Pompeius and Cæsar were living, Cicero dreamed[271] that some one summoned the sons of the senators to the Capitol, as Jupiter was going to appoint one of them chief of Rome, and that the citizens ran eagerly and placed themselves around the temple and the youths seated themselves in their prætextæ in silence. The doors opened suddenly and one by one the youths rising walked round before the god, who looked at them all and dismissed them sorrowing. But when young Cæsar was advancing towards him, the god stretched out his hand and said, "Romans, there is an end to civil wars when this youth becomes your leader." They say that Cicero having had such a dream as this had imprinted on his memory the appearance of the youth and retained it distinctly, but he did not know him. The following day as he was going down to the Campus Martius, the boys who had taken their exercise were returning, and the youth was then seen by Cicero for the first time just as he appeared to him in his dream, and being struck with surprise Cicero asked who were his parents. Now his father was Octavius, not a man of very illustrious station, but his mother was Attia, a niece of Cæsar. Accordingly Cæsar, who had no children of his own, gave the youth his property and family name by his will. After this they say that Cicero took pains to notice the youth when he met him, and the youth received well his friendly attentions; for it had also happened that he was born in Cicero's consulship. XLV. These were the reasons which were mentioned; but his hatred of Antonius in the chief place, and then his disposition, which was governed by ambition, attached him to Cæsar in the expectation of adding to his own political influence Cæsar's power. For the young man went so far in paying his court to Cicero as to call him father.[272] At which Brutus being much annoyed blamed Cicero in his letters to Atticus, that through fear of Antonius he was courting Cæsar and was thus manifestly not procuring liberty for his country, but wooing for himself a kind master. However Cicero's son,[273] who was studying philosophy at Athens, was engaged by Brutus and employed in command in many things which he did successfully. Cicero's power in the city was then at its height, and as he could do what he liked, he drove Antonius out and raised a faction against him and sent out the two consuls Irtius and Pansa[274] to fight against him, and he persuaded the Senate by a vote to give Cæsar lictors and the insignia of a prætor, as if he were fighting in defence of their country. But when Antonius had been defeated and on the death of the two consuls after the battle the forces joined Cæsar, and the Senate through fear of a youth who had enjoyed splendid success was attempting by honours and gifts to call away from him the armies, and to divide his power, on the ground that there was no need of troops to defend the state now that Antonius was fled, under these circumstances Cæsar being alarmed secretly sent messengers to Cicero, to entreat and urge Cicero to get the consulship for the two, but to manage matters as he thought best, and to have the power, and to direct the young man who was only desirous of a name and reputation. And Cæsar himself admitted that it was through fear of his troops being disbanded and the danger of being left alone, that he had availed himself in a time of need of Cicero's love of power by urging him to take the consulship, and promising that he would act with him and assist in the canvass at the same time. XLVI. In this way indeed Cicero being very greatly pushed on, he an old man by a young one, and cajoled, assisted at the canvass of Cæsar[275] and got the Senate in his favour, for which he was blamed by his friends at the time, and he shortly after saw that he had ruined himself and betrayed the liberty of the people. For when the youth was strengthened and had got the consulship, he gave himself no concern about Cicero, but making friends with Antonius and Lepidus[276] and uniting his forces with theirs, he divided the chief power with them, just as if it were a piece of property. And a list of above two hundred men was made out, who were doomed to die. The proscription of Cicero caused most dispute among them in their discussions, for Antonius was not inclined to come to any terms unless Cicero was the first to be doomed to death, and Lepidus sided with Antonius, but Cæsar held out against both. They held their meeting by themselves in secret near the city Bononia[277] for three days, and they met in a place at some distance from the camps which was surrounded by a river. It is said that during the first two days Cæsar struggled in behalf of Cicero, but that he yielded on the third and gave up the man. And the matter of their mutual surrender was thus. Cæsar was to give up Cicero, and Lepidus his brother Paulus,[278] and Antonius was to give up Lucius Cæsar, who was his uncle on the mother's side. So far did they through resentment and rage throw away all human feeling, or rather they showed that no animal is more savage than man when he has gotten power added to passion. XLVII.[279] While this was going on, Cicero was on his lands at Tusculum, and his brother with him; and on hearing of the proscriptions they determined to remove to Astura,[280] a place belonging to Cicero on the sea-coast, and thence to sail to Macedonia to Brutus, for there was already a rumour about him that he had a force. They were conveyed in litters, being worn out by grief; and halting by the way and placing their litters side by side they lamented to one another. Quintus[281] was the more desponding, and he began to reflect on his needy condition, for he said that he had brought nothing from home; and indeed Cicero was but scantily provided for his journey; it was better then, he said, for Cicero to hurry on in his flight, and for him to hasten back and to provide himself from home with what he wanted. This was agreed, and embracing one another with tears they separated. Now Quintus, not many days after, was betrayed by his slaves to those who were in search of him and put to death with his son. Cicero arrived at Astura, and finding a vessel he immediately embarked, and sailed along the coast to Circæum,[282] the wind in his favour. When the sailors were wishing to set sail immediately from thence, whether it was that he feared the sea, or had not quite despaired of all trust in Cæsar, he landed, and went on foot about a hundred stadia on the road to Rome. But again perplexed and changing his mind he went down to the sea of Astura; and there he spent the night in dreadful and desperate reflections, so that he even formed a design to get secretly into Cæsar's house, and by killing himself on the hearth to fasten on him an avenging dæmon. But the fear of tortures drove him from this measure also; and after perplexing himself with other schemes and shifting from one to another, he put himself in the hands of his slaves to convey him by sea to Capitæ,[283] for he had lands there and a place of retreat which was very agreeable in summer, when the Etesian winds blow most softly. The place has also a temple of Apollo, a little above the sea. A flock of crows winging their flight from thence with loud cawing approached the vessel of Cicero as it was rowing to land, and settling at each end of the sail-yard some made a noise, and others gnawed the end of the ropes, and all were of opinion that the omen was bad. Cicero landed, and going to the villa he lay down to rest. But most of the crows perched themselves on different parts of the window, cawing clamorously; and one of them, going down to the couch where Cicero lay wrapped up, by degrees removed with its beak the covering from his face. The slaves seeing this, and considering it a reproach to them if they should wait to be spectators of their master's murder, while even brute beasts came to his aid and cared for him in his unmerited misfortune, but they themselves were giving no help, partly by entreaty, partly using force, took him up and carried him in a litter towards the sea. XLVIII. In the meantime the murderers with their helpers came on, Herennius[284] a centurion, and Popilius a tribune, who had once been prosecuted for parricide and Cicero was his advocate. Finding the doors closed they broke them open, and as Cicero was not seen and those who were within denied that they knew where he was, it is said that a youth who had been brought up by Cicero in liberal studies and learning, and was a freedman of Cicero's brother Quintus, Philologus by name, told the tribune that the litter was being conveyed through the wooded and shady paths to the sea. Accordingly the tribune, taking a few men with him, ran round to the outlet. And as Herennius was running along the paths, Cicero saw him and bade the slaves place down the litter there; and, as his wont was, holding his chin with his left hand he looked steadily on the murderers, being all squalid and unshorn, and his countenance wasted by care, so that most of them covered their faces while Herennius was killing him. He stretched his neck[285] out of the litter and was killed, being then in his sixty-fourth year. Herennius cut off his head and the hands, pursuant to the command of Antonius, with which he wrote the Philippics. For Cicero himself entitled Philippics the speeches which he wrote against Antonius, and to the present day they are called Philippics. XLIX. When the head and hands[286] were brought to Rome, Antonius happened to be holding an election of magistrates, and when he heard the news and saw what had been done, he called out that the proscriptions were now at an end. He ordered the head and hands to be placed above the Rostra on the place whence the orators spoke, a sight that made the Romans shudder, who thought that they saw, not the face of Cicero, but an image of the soul of Antonius. Still he showed herein one sentiment of just dealing, for he delivered up Philologus to Pomponia the wife of Quintus, who having got him into her power, inflicted terrible vengeance upon him, and among other things compelled him to cut off his flesh bit by bit, and to roast and eat it. Thus some of the historians have told the story, but Tiro, who was Cicero's freedman, makes no mention at all of the treachery of Philologus.[287] I have heard that Cæsar a long time after once went to see one of his daughter's sons,[288] and as the youth had in his hands one of Cicero's writings, he was afraid and hid it in his vest; the which Cæsar observing took the book and read a good part of it while he was standing, and then returning the book to the boy said, "A wise man, my boy, a wise man and a lover of his country." As soon as Cæsar had finally defeated Antonius, he took Cicero's son[289] to be his colleague in the consulship, in whose magistracy the Senate threw down the statues of Antonius and destroyed all other testimonials in honour of him, and further decreed that no Antonius should bear the name of Marcus. That the dæmon reserved for the family of Cicero the final vengeance on Antonius. COMPARISON OF DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO. I. The above is all I have been able to find out that is worth being recorded about Demosthenes and Cicero. Without attempting to compare their different styles of oratory, I think it necessary to remark that Demosthenes devoted all his powers, natural and acquired, to the study of eloquence alone, so that he surpassed all his rivals in the law courts and public assembly in perspicuity and ability, all the writers of declamations in splendour and pomp of diction, and all the professional sophists in accuracy and scientific method. Cicero, on the other hand, was a man of great learning and various literary accomplishments. He wrote a considerable number of philosophic treatises modelled on the works of the Academic school, and in all his forensic and political speeches we can detect a desire to let his audience know that he was a man of letters. In their speeches, too, we can discern the impress of their respective characters. The eloquence of Demosthenes never stoops to jest, and is utterly without ornament, but has a terrible concentrated earnestness, which does not smell of the lamp, as Pytheas sneeringly said, but which reminds us of the ungenial, painstaking, acrimonious nature of the man: while Cicero often is carried by his love of jesting to the verge of buffoonery, and in his pleadings treats serious matters in a tone of most unbecoming levity and flippancy, as in the oration for Cæcilius he argues that in an age of such luxury and extravagance there can be nothing to wonder at if a man takes his pleasure; for not to help oneself to the pleasures which are within one's reach is the part of a madman, seeing that the most eminent philosophers have declared the chief felicity of man to consist in pleasure. It is related that when Cato prosecuted Murena, Cicero, who was consul at the time, defended him, and cracked many jokes on Cato as an adherent of the Stoic philosophy, and on the absurdity of the paradoxes which it maintains. The audience, and even the judges, laughed heartily; but Cato merely remarked to those near him, with a quiet smile, "Gentlemen, what a witty consul we have." Cicero, indeed, seems to have been fond of laughter and mirth, and his countenance was calm and smiling; while that of Demosthenes always bore the marks of gloomy, anxious thought, which caused his enemies, as he himself tells us, to call him disagreeable and ill-natured. II. In their speeches we may observe that Demosthenes praises himself with great moderation, in a manner which can offend no one, and only when he has some more important object in view, while he is usually modest and cautious in his language; whereas Cicero's show a ridiculous amount of egotism and craving for applause, when, he demands that "arms shall yield to the toga, and the triumphal laurel[290] give place to his tongue." At last he took to praising not only his own deeds, but even his spoken and written[291] orations, as though he were engaged in some contest with professional rhetoricians like Isokrates or Anaximenes, rather than endeavouring to lead and reform the Roman people-- "Savage and rude, whose sole delight Was with their foes to strive in fight." A politician must of necessity be a powerful speaker, but it is a contemptible thing for him to be too greedy and covetous of applause for his fine speeches. Wherefore, in this respect Demosthenes appears far graver, and of a nobler nature; for he himself declared that his eloquence came only by practice, and depended on the favour of his audience, and that he regarded those who boasted of their oratorical powers as vulgar and despicable characters. III. They were both alike in their power and influence with the people, which caused even the commanders of armies in the field to look to them for support; for Demosthenes was courted by Chares, Diopeithes, and Leosthenes, as was Cicero by Pompeius and the younger Cæsar,[292] as Cæsar himself admits in his memoirs addressed to Mæcenas and Agrippa. We cannot judge of Demosthenes by that which is said to afford the most certain test of a man's true character--his conduct when in power--for he has not afforded us any opportunity of doing so, as he would not even take the command of the confederacy which he himself organised to oppose Philip. Now Cicero was sent to Sicily as quæstor, and to Cilicia and Cappadocia as proconsul, at a period when the love of wealth was at its height, and when the Roman generals and governors, thinking it beneath them to steal money, used to resort to open robbery. It was not thought discreditable to plunder a province, but he who did so with moderation was esteemed as an excellent governor. Cicero on these occasions gained great credit by the many proofs which he gave of indifference to money, and of goodness and kindness of heart. At Rome itself also, he was elected nominally consul, but really dictator with unlimited powers to deal with Catilina's conspiracy, and he then proved the truth of Plato's aphorism, that a state finds rest from its misfortunes when by good luck a powerful and able man is found to rule it with justice. Demosthenes again is said to have made money dishonourably by writing speeches for other men, as in the case of the speeches with which he secretly furnished Phormio and Apollodorus, when they were opposed to one another. He also was suspected of receiving bribes from the King of Persia, and was caught in the act of taking a bribe from Harpalus. Even if we suppose these charges, supported as they are by the testimony of so many writers, to be false, yet it is impossible to deny that Demosthenes, who trafficked in that peculiarly discreditable form of usury, marine insurances,[293] would not have been able to refuse a present offered in all honour by a king, while we have already related how Cicero refused to take money from the Sicilians when he was quæstor,[294] and from the Cappadocians when he was proconsul, and even from his friends, who pressed him to accept large sums when he was exiled from Rome. IV. Moreover, Demosthenes was exiled in great disgrace, after he had been convicted of having received a bribe, while Cicero's banishment was the consequence of the noblest action of his life, the ridding his country of wicked men. Wherefore, no one could plead for Demosthenes when he left the country, but the Senate publicly put on mourning for Cicero, grieved for his absence, and refused to transact any business before voting that he should be restored to Rome. Yet Cicero spent his exile idly in Macedonia, while Demosthenes carried out an important part of his policy while in exile; for, as has been related, he accompanied the Athenian embassy to the various states of Greece, discomfited the Macedonian ambassadors, and proved himself a far better citizen than Themistokles or Alkibiades under similar circumstances: moreover, after his restoration to Athens, he continued to pursue the same policy of unceasing opposition to Antipater and the Macedonians, while Lælius reproached Cicero for sitting silent in the senate-house when young Octavius Cæsar, before his beard was grown, petitioned to be allowed to sue for the consulship in spite of the law. Brutus also blamed him for having fostered a greater and harsher tyranny than that which he put down. V. In conclusion, we must regard the death of Cicero as most pitiable, that an old man, through cowardice, should be carried hither and thither by his slaves, seeking to escape death, and hiding himself from his foes, although he could in any case have but a short time to live, and then be murdered after all; while Demosthenes, though he did beg somewhat for his life, must be admired for his forethought in providing himself with the poison, and also for the use which he made of it, to escape from the cruelty of Antipater even when surrounded by his soldiers, and to betake himself to a greater sanctuary, as that of the god was unable to protect him. LIFE OF DEMETRIUS. I. He who first compared the arts to our senses seems to me to have especially alluded to the power which they both exhibit of dealing with objects of completely contrary qualities. In this respect they coincide; but they differ in respect of the use and purpose of the object of which they take cognisance. Our senses are influenced indifferently by things white or black, sweet or bitter, soft or hard, for the proper function of each sense is merely to receive all these impressions and to convey them to the mind. But the arts, which have been invented in order to cultivate the qualities proper to their own nature and to eschew those which are foreign to it, view some with especial favour, as partaking of their own essence, and avoid others as mere untoward accidents. Thus the art of medicine deals with diseases and the art of music deals with discord merely with a view to produce their respective opposites; while self-control, justice and wisdom, which are the most perfect of all arts, because they decide not only what is honourable, righteous and useful but likewise what is hurtful, shameful, and unjust, do not praise innocency which prides itself upon inexperience of evil, but think it to be folly and ignorance of what all who intend to live as becomes them ought to know. The ancient Spartans at their feasts used to compel their helots to drink a large quantity of wine, and then brought them into the banqueting-hall, in order to show the young Spartans what drunkenness was like. I think that to instruct one class of men by the ruin of another is neither humane nor politic, yet I conceive that it may be useful to insert among my Parallel Lives some examples of men who have been careless of their own reputation, and who have used their great place and power only to make themselves notorious for evil. The description of such men's lives is not indeed an agreeable task, or a pleasant mode of employing my leisure, still, as Ismenias the Theban, when instructing his scholars how to play the flute, used to say, "Thus you should play;" and again, "Thus you should not play," while Antigenides even thought that the young would take more pleasure in listening to good flute-players, if they had first heard bad ones, so I think that we shall be more inclined both to admire and to imitate the lives of good men, if we are well acquainted with those of bad ones. This book, then, will contain the lives of Demetrius, surnamed the City-taker, and of Antonius the Triumvir, men who bear signal witness to the truth of Plato's remark, that great men have great vices as well as great virtues. Both alike loved passionately, drank deep, and fought bravely; both were freehanded, extravagant and arrogant. Fortune served them both alike, not only in their lives, for each of them had great successes and great disasters, each won great empire and lost it again, each unexpectedly fell and rose again; but also in their deaths, as the one was captured by his enemies, and the same fate all but befell the other. II. Antigonus[295] had two sons by Stratonike the daughter of Korragus, one of whom he named Demetrius after his brother, and the other Philip after his father. This is the account given by most historians, though some say that Demetrius was not the son, but the nephew, of Antigonus; but that, as his father died while he was still an infant and his mother at once married Antigonus, he was commonly regarded as his son. His brother Philip, who was a few years younger than himself, died soon, but Demetrius grew up to be a tall man, though not so tall as his father. His face and figure were of extraordinary beauty, which baffled all the attempts of painters and sculptors to do it justice. His expression was at once sweet, commanding and terrible; and his countenance showed all the eagerness and fire of youth combined with the calm dignity of a hero and a king. In like manner his disposition was one which was equally capable of inspiring terror or love. He was the pleasantest of companions, more given to wine-drinking and the enjoyment of luxurious idleness than any other king of his age, and yet he displayed remarkable energy and persistence in action; so that he emulated the fame of the god Dionysus,[296] being like him a famous warrior, and when the war was over most capable of thoroughly enjoying the arts of peace. III. He was remarkably fond of his father; and the love and respect which he paid to his father and mother seem to have been prompted by true affection, not by a wish to stand well with those in power. Once when Antigonus was receiving an embassy from some foreign state, Demetrius, who had been out hunting, came up to his father, kissed him, and sat down beside him just as he was, with his javelins still in his hand. When the ambassadors had transacted their business and were about to leave his presence, Antigonus said to them in a loud voice, "And, gentlemen, you may carry home this news about me and my son, that these are the terms on which we live," thinking that so great a proof of his trust in his son's loyalty would add considerable strength to his throne. So much mistrust and suspicion is bred by absolute power, and so hard a thing is it for a king to have a companion, that the eldest and greatest of the successors of Alexander publicly boasted that he was not afraid to have his own son sitting by his side with a spear in his hand. Indeed, this was the only royal family which through many generations remained unpolluted by this species of crime, for of all the successors of Antigonus only one, Philip, assassinated his son. All the records of other dynasties are full of murders of sons, mothers and wives; for the murder of brothers had grown to be considered, like an axiom in mathematics, as a necessary precaution to be taken by all kings on ascending to the throne. IV. The following anecdote seems to prove that Demetrius when young was of a kind and loving nature. Mithridates, the son of Ariobarzanes, was his friend and companion, and was a good subject of Antigonus, of thorough and unsuspected loyalty, but at length incurred the suspicion of Antigonus in consequence of a dream. Antigonus dreamed that he walked over a large and fair plain, sowing it with gold dust; and that shortly afterwards, returning that way again, he found nothing but stubble left. While grieving over this he heard some men say that Mithridates had gone away to Pontus on the Euxine, after having gathered the golden harvest. Antigonus was much disturbed at this vision, and after having compelled his son to swear that he would keep silence about it, told him of the vision, and added that he had made up his mind to make away with the man. Demetrius was greatly grieved at hearing this, and when the young man, as he was wont to do, again joined him, and spent the day with him, Demetrius dared not tell him by word of mouth what danger he was in, because of the oath; but he drew him aside into a quiet place, and there, as soon as they were alone together, he wrote on the ground with the but-end of his spear, in sight of the other, the words "Fly, Mithridates!" Mithridates understood his meaning, and ran away that very night to Cappadocia. Not long afterwards, he showed Antigonus what was the real meaning of his dream; for he made himself master of an extensive territory, and became the founder of the dynasty of the kings of Pontus, which was overthrown by the Romans in about the eighth generation after him. By this example we may perceive the noble and loyal nature of Demetrius. V. As the elements, because of their mutual attraction and repulsion, are, according to Empedokles, always at variance with one another, and especially with those with which they happen to be in contact, so, while all the successors of Alexander were always at war, circumstances from time to time caused hostilities between two or more of them to take an especially active form. At this time Antigonus was at war with Ptolemy, and, hearing that Ptolemy had left the island of Cyprus, had landed in Syria and was ravaging that country, he himself remained in Phrygia, but sent his son Demetrius to oppose him. Demetrius was now two and twenty years of age, and was now for the first time entrusted with the sole management of an important campaign. As might be expected of so young and untried a commander, when pitted against a man trained to war under Alexander, and who had since his death waged many wars with success, Demetrius was defeated near the city of Gaza with a loss of fifteen thousand killed and eight thousand prisoners. He also lost his own tent, his property, and all his personal attendants. These, however, were restored to him, with all his captured friends, by Ptolemy, who sent him a kindly-worded message to the effect that they ought not to fight as mortal foes, but only for honour and empire. Demetrius, after receiving this message and his property, prayed to the gods that he might not long remain in Ptolemy's debt, but that he might soon recompense him in like manner. He did not behave himself like a youth who has received a check at the outset of his first campaign, but repaired his failure like an old and wary commander, enrolling fresh soldiers, providing new supplies of arms, keeping a firm hold over the cities near him and carefully drilling his new levies. VI. Antigonus when he heard of the defeat remarked that Ptolemy had conquered beardless boys, but that he would have to fight his next battle with grown men. He yielded however to his son's entreaty to be allowed to repair his fault by himself, and, as he did not wish to damp his spirits, left him in sole command. Soon after this Killes, Ptolemy's lieutenant, arrived in Syria with a large force, meaning to chase Demetrius, whom he supposed to be disheartened by his defeat, quite out of Syria. But Demetrius by a sudden attack surprised his army and struck it with panic. He captured the enemy's camp and their general, and took eight thousand prisoners and a great quantity of booty. He was overjoyed at this, not because he meant to keep what he had won, but to give it back, and did not so much value the glory and wealth which he had gained as the opportunity now offered him for repaying the courtesy of Ptolemy. He did not presume to do this on his own responsibility, but wrote first to his father. On receiving permission from him to deal as he pleased with the fruits of his victory, he gave costly presents to Killes and his friends, and sent them back to Ptolemy. This battle forced Ptolemy to retire from Syria, and brought Antigonus from Kelænæ rejoicing at the victory and eager to see his son. VII. After this Demetrius was sent to subdue the Nabathean Arabs, in performing which service he incurred great danger by journeying through waterless deserts; but his intrepid courage overawed the barbarians, and he returned loaded with plunder, having captured seven hundred camels. Seleukus had once lost his capital city, Babylon, which Antigonus took from him; but he had since recovered it by his own arms, and at this time was marching with an army to attempt the conquest of the nations bordering upon India, and the provinces near mount Caucasus. Demetrius, hoping that he might find Mesopotamia in a defenceless condition, suddenly crossed the Euphrates, took Babylon by surprise, and made himself master of one of its two citadels, driving out the garrison placed there by Seleukus. Demetrius placed seven thousand of his own troops in the citadel, ordered his troops to enrich themselves by the plunder of the surrounding country, and then returned to the sea-coast, leaving Seleukus more firmly established on his throne than before; for by plundering the country he seemed to admit that he had no claim to it. As Ptolemy was now besieging Halikarnassus, he quickly marched thither and succeeded in saving the city. VIII. As the glory which he won by this action was very great, he and his father Antigonus conceived a strong desire to liberate the whole of Greece from the tyranny of Ptolemy and Kassander. None of the successors of Alexander ever waged a more just or honourable war than this; for Demetrius and Antigonus, to gain themselves honour by freeing the Greeks, spent upon them the treasure which they had won in their victories over the barbarians. They determined first of all to attack Athens, and when one of the friends of Antigonus advised him, if he captured that city, to keep it in his own hands because it was the key of Greece, Antigonus replied that the best key to a country was the goodwill of its people, and that Athens was the watch-tower of the world, from whence the glory of his deeds should shine like a beacon-light to all mankind. Demetrius now set sail for Athens with five thousand talents of silver, and a fleet of two hundred and fifty vessels. At this time Demetrius of Phalerum governed the city as Kassander's lieutenant, and a garrison was placed in Munychia. By good fortune and good management the fleet arrived on the twenty-fifth day of the month Thargelion, without anyone being aware of its coming. When the ships were seen, they were thought to form part of Ptolemy's fleet, and preparations were made to give them a friendly reception. At last the officers in command discovered their mistake, and a scene of great confusion ensued, as they hastily made preparations to resist the enemy, who were already in the act of disembarking; for Demetrius, finding the mouths of the harbours open, sailed straight in, and could be seen distinctly by all standing on the deck of the ship, and making signs to the Athenians to be quiet and keep silence. When this was done, he bade a herald proclaim that his father Antigonus had sent him thither in an auspicious hour to liberate the Athenians, drive out their Macedonian garrison, and restore to them their own laws and ancient constitution. IX. Upon hearing this proclamation the greater part of the people laid down their shields at their feet, clapped their hands, and shouted to Demetrius to come ashore, calling him their saviour and benefactor; while Demetrius of Phalerum thought it necessary to admit so powerful a man to the city, even though he might have no intention of performing any of his promises. He therefore sent ambassadors to make their submission. Demetrius received them graciously and sent back with them Aristodemus of Miletus, one of his father's friends. As the Phalerean, in consequence of this sudden turn of fortune, was more afraid of his own countrymen than of the enemy, Demetrius, who admired his courage and public spirit, took care to have him conveyed in safety to Thebes, to which town he himself wished to go. Demetrius himself now declared that, although he was very eager to view the city, he would not do so until he had completely set it free and expelled its garrison. He therefore surrounded Munychia with a ditch and rampart, cutting it off from the rest of the city, and then sailed to attack Megara, which town was held by a garrison of Kassander's troops. As he heard that Kratesipolis, the wife of Alexander the son of Polysperchon, a celebrated beauty, was at Patræ, and was not unwilling to grant him an interview, he left his army encamped in the territory of Megara and proceeded thither with only a few lightly equipped followers. When he was near the place, he pitched his own tent apart from his men, that the lady might not be seen when she came to visit him. Some of the enemy discovered this, and made a sudden attack upon him. He only escaped by putting on a mean cloak and running away alone; so that his licentiousness very nearly exposed him to ignominious capture. When Megara was taken the soldiers were about to plunder the city, but the Athenians with great difficulty prevailed upon Demetrius to spare it. He drove out the Macedonian garrison and made the city independent. While he was doing this he remembered Stilpon the philosopher, who was reputed to have chosen for himself a life of retirement and study. Demetrius sent for him, and inquired whether anything had been stolen from him. "Nothing," replied Stilpon. "I saw no one taking away any knowledge." As, however, nearly all the slaves were stolen, after Demetrius had talked graciously to Stilpon and at length dismissed him with the words, "My Stilpon, I leave you a free city;" "Quite true," replied Stilpon, "for you have not left us a single slave." X. Demetrius now returned to Munychia, encamped before it, dislodged the garrison, and demolished the fort. And now at the invitation of the Athenians he proceeded into the city, where he assembled the people and re-established the ancient constitution. He also promised that his father Antigonus would send them one hundred and fifty thousand bushels of wheat and timber enough to build a fleet of one hundred ships of war. Thus did the Athenians recover their democratic constitution fifteen years after it had been dissolved; for during the period between the Lamian war and the battle of Krannon their government had nominally been an oligarchy, but practically had been a despotism, on account of the great power of Demetrius of Phalerum. The benefits which Demetrius conferred upon the Athenians rendered him indeed great and glorious; but they rendered his fame invidious by the extravagant honours which they conferred upon him. They were the first of all men who bestowed upon Antigonus and Demetrius the title of Kings, a name which they greatly disliked because of its association, and which moreover belonged at that time in an especial manner to the descendants of Philip and Alexander, being the only one of their ensigns of royalty which had not been adopted by other princes. The Athenians too were the only people who styled Antigonus and Demetrius their saviour gods, and they even abolished the ancient office of the archon from whom the year received its name, and elected in his place every year a priest to minister at the altar of the saviour gods. They also decreed that their images should be woven into the sacred peplus of Athena,[297] with those of the gods. They consecrated the spot where Demetrius first set his foot on the ground when he alighted from his chariot, and built an altar upon it which was called the altar of "The Descending Demetrius." They added two to the number of their tribes, and called them Demetrias and Antigonis; and consequently they raised the number of the senators from five to six hundred, because each tribe supplied it with fifty members. XI. But the most outrageous of these devices of Stratokles, for it was he who invented all these new extravagancies of adulation, was a decree that ambassadors sent to Antigonus or to Demetrius should wear the same holy title which had hitherto been given to the envoys who conducted the public sacrifices to the great festivals at Olympia and at Delphi. Indeed, in all other respects Stratokles was a man of shameless effrontery and debauched life, who appeared to imitate the scurrility of Kleon in ancient times by the reckless contempt with which he treated the people. He publicly kept a courtesan named Phylakion; and one day when she had bought some necks and brains in the market, he said to her, "Why, you have bought us the same things for dinner which we politicians play at ball with." When the Athenians were defeated in the great sea-fight at Amorgos, he reached Athens before the news of the disaster, and drove though the Kerameikus with a garland on his head, telling all the people that a victory had been won. He decreed a sacrifice of thanksgiving, and had meat publicly distributed among the tribes for entertainments. Shortly afterwards the scattered ships began to arrive, coming home as well as they could after the defeat. When the people angrily turned upon him, resenting the trick which he had played them, he met their clamour with the utmost impudence, and said, "What harm have I done you, in giving you two days of happiness?" Such was the audacity of Stratokles. XII. There were, however, other marks of servility, "hotter than fire," as Aristophanes calls it. One Athenian surpassed Stratokles himself by passing a decree that Demetrius, whenever he visited Athens, should be received with the same divine honours which were paid to Demeter and Dionysius, and that money should be granted from the public treasury to the person who should celebrate the festival of the reception with the greatest magnificence, in order that with it he might erect some memorial of his success. At last the name of the month Munychion was changed to Demetrion, and the first day of it named Demetrias, while the name of the festival of the Dionysia was changed to Demetria. Most of these acts produced manifest signs of the displeasure of the gods. The peplus, upon which, according to the decree, the images of Zeus and Athena were woven together with those of Antigonus and Demetrius, was rent in two by a violent gust of wind as it was being conveyed in procession through the Kerameikus, while a great quantity of hemlock grew up round the altars which were erected in their honour, although it was not a common plant in the neighbourhood. On the day of the festival of Dionysius the procession was put a stop to by excessive cold, which came entirely out of season, and a severe frost not only destroyed all the fig-trees and vines, but even cut off a great part of the corn in the blade. In consequence of this, Philippides, who was an enemy of Stratokles, made the following allusion to him in one of his comedies: "Who was it caused the peplus to be rent? Who was it caused the frost to blight our vines? The wretch, who worships mortals like to gods, His crimes destroy us, not my harmless rhymes?" This Philippides was a friend of Lysimachus, who for his sake conferred many benefits on the Athenians. Lysimachus imagined that the sight of Philippides before any campaign or expedition was a certain omen of good luck; while Philippides was beloved by him on other grounds, because he gave no trouble and never veiled his thoughts in courtly periphrases. Once Lysimachus, meaning to be very civil to him said, "Philippides, which of my possessions shall I bestow upon you?" "Whichever you please," answered he, "except your secrets." I have mentioned these incidents in the life of Philippides, in order to mark the distinction between the comic poet and the mob-orator. XIII. The most extraordinary of all the honours conferred upon Demetrius was the proposal made by Demokleides of Sphettus to go and ask for an oracular response from him about the consecration of the shields at Delphi. I will write down the exact words of the law as it was proposed. "In a happy hour the people decree that one man shall be chosen from the citizens of Athens, who shall go to our saviour, and after he has done sacrifice unto him, shall ask Demetrius, our saviour, in what manner the people may, with greatest holiness and without delay, make consecration of their offerings; and whatever oracle it shall please him to give them, the people shall perform it." By this absurd flattery the intellect of Demetrius, at no time very powerful, was thrown completely off its balance. XIV. While he was living at Athens he married Eurydike, a descendant of the ancient hero Miltiades, who was the widow of Opheltas, King of Cyrene, and had returned to Athens after her husband's death. The Athenians were greatly delighted at this marriage, which they regarded as an honour to their city; though Demetrius made no sort of difficulty about marriage, and had many wives at the same time. The chief of his wives, and the one whom he most respected, was Phila, the daughter of Antipater, and the widow of Kraterus, who was the most popular with the Macedonians of all the successors of Alexander during his life, and the most lamented by them after his death. Demetrius when very young was forced by his father to marry this woman, who was too old to be a suitable match for him. It is said that when Demetrius expressed his unwillingness to marry her, his father whispered in his ear the line of Euripides: "To gain a fortune, marriage must be dared." substituting the word "marriage" for "bondage," which occurs in the original. However, the respect which Demetrius paid to her and to his other wives did not prevent his intriguing with various courtesans and mistresses, but he had a worse reputation in this respect than any other king of his age. XV. His father now ordered him to proceed to Cyprus, and to attack Ptolemy, who was in possession of that island. He was forced to obey this summons, but as he was very unwilling to desist from the war in defence of the liberties of Greece, a much more noble and glorious struggle, he first endeavoured to bribe Ptolemy's lieutenant in command of the garrison of Sikyon and Corinth to evacuate those cities and render them independent. As this attempt failed he quickly set sail, collected a large force, and proceeded to Cyprus. Here he fought a battle with Menelaus, Ptolemy's brother, and at once defeated him. Shortly afterwards Ptolemy himself came to Cyprus with an immense fleet and army. The two commanders now interchanged messages of scornful defiance. Ptolemy bade Demetrius put to sea before his own host assembled and overwhelmed him, while Demetrius offered to permit Ptolemy to withdraw from Cyprus on condition that he would give up Corinth and Sikyon. The battle which ensued was one of the deepest interest, not merely to the combatants themselves, but to all the other princes, since its issue would determine not only the fate of Cyprus and Syria, but would at once render the victor the most powerful man in all the world. XVI. Ptolemy advanced with a fleet of one hundred and fifty sail, and ordered Menelaus, when the battle was at its hottest, to sally out from Salamis with his sixty ships and throw the fleet of Demetrius into disorder by attacking it in the rear. Demetrius sent ten ships to oppose these sixty, for the mouth of the harbour (of Salamis) was so narrow that this number sufficed to close it. He himself now got his land force under arms, disposed it upon several neighbouring promontories, and put to sea with one hundred and eighty ships. He bore straight down upon the enemy's fleet, and completely defeated it. Ptolemy himself, when all was lost, escaped with only eight ships, the sole survivors of his fleet. All the rest were sunk, except seventy which were captured with their crews on board. All his numerous train of servants, friends and wives, all his arms, money and military engines, which were stationed near the fleet in transports, were captured by Demetrius, who at once conveyed them to his own camp. Among the spoil was the celebrated Lamia, who had at first been brought into notice by her musical skill, for she was an admirable flute-player, and who had afterwards become notorious by her amours. Her beauty was at this time somewhat faded, yet, although Demetrius was much younger than herself, she so fascinated and enslaved him by her charms, that, though many other women wished for his love, he cared only for her. After the sea-fight, Menelaus held out no longer, but surrendered Salamis to Demetrius, with all his ships, and a land army of twelve hundred cavalry and twelve thousand heavy-armed infantry. XVII. Demetrius added to the glory of this brilliant victory by his generous and humane conduct in burying the enemy's dead with great honour, and in setting free all his prisoners. He sent a present to the Athenians of twelve hundred complete suits of armour from the spoils which he had taken. He also sent Aristodemus of Miletus to bear the news of the victory to his father. Of all his courtiers, this man was the boldest flatterer, and on this occasion he surpassed himself. After his passage from Cyprus, he would not allow his ship to approach the land, but cast anchor, bade all the crew remain on board, and himself rowed ashore in a small boat. He now walked up to the palace of Antigonus, who was in a state of great excitement and impatience to learn the issue of the battle, as may easily be imagined, considering the importance of the stake. When he heard that Aristodemus was come, his anxiety reached its highest pitch. He could scarcely keep himself indoors, and sent messenger after messenger, both servants and his own friends, to learn from Aristodemus what had taken place. Aristodemus returned no answer to any of them, but walked leisurely on with immovable countenance. Antigonus could bear the suspense no longer, but came to the door of his palace to meet Aristodemus, who was now accompanied by a large crowd. When he came near, he stretched forth his right hand, and in a loud voice exclaimed, "Hail, King Antigonus. We have defeated Ptolemy in a sea-fight. We are masters of Cyprus, and have taken sixteen thousand eight hundred prisoners." To this Antigonus answered, "Hail to you, also; but you shall pay the penalty of having tortured us so long: you shall wait long before you receive the reward for your good news." XVIII. After this success, the people for the first time saluted Antigonus and Demetrius with the title of kings. The friends of Antigonus at once placed a diadem upon his head, and he sent one to Demetrius, with a letter in which he addressed him as king. The Egyptians, when they heard of this, also proclaimed Ptolemy king, that they might not appear to be dispirited by their defeat. Their example was soon followed by the other successors of Alexander, out of rivalry, for Lysimachus and Seleukus now began to wear the diadem in the presence of Greeks, though Seleukus had long before adopted the royal style in his dealings with Asiatics. Kassander, however, although every one both in interviews and letters addressed him as king, never used the title in his own letters, but signed them simply with his own name as he had been wont to do. The assumption of this title produced more important results than a mere empty change of name and style. It caused its bearers to be more exalted in their ideas, more extensive in their ambition, and more pompous and stately in their demeanour, just as actors when they put on royal robes adopt also the lofty port and the haughty voice and carriage of a king. They also became more severe in their administration of justice, because they now laid aside that dissimulation by which they had hitherto concealed their power, and which had rendered them so much more lenient and gentle in their treatment of their subjects. So great was the power of the voice of one flatterer, and such great changes did it effect in the entire world. XIX. Antigonus, elated by the successes of Demetrius at Cyprus, at once marched to attack Ptolemy. He himself led the land force, while Demetrius accompanied him along the coast with an enormous fleet. But Medius, a friend of Antigonus, was warned in a dream of what was destined to be the issue of the campaign. He dreamed that Antigonus with all his army was running a race in the circus. At first he appeared to be running strongly and fast, but soon his strength seemed to be ebbing away, and at last when he turned round the extreme point of the course and began to return, he was so weak and out of breath that he could hardly recover himself. Indeed Antigonus by land met with many disasters, while Demetrius at sea met with a terrible storm, and narrowly escaped being driven ashore upon an iron-bound coast. He lost many ships, and returned without having accomplished anything. Antigonus was now very near eighty years of age, and was incapacitated for active service by his size and unwieldiness rather than by his age. He consequently entrusted the management of the war to Demetrius, who had already by his good fortune and skill conducted several most important campaigns with success. Antigonus was not alarmed at his amours, his extravagancies, or his carousals, for he knew that, although in time of peace Demetrius used to indulge unrestrainedly in these pleasures, yet that in war he was as sober as though it were natural to him to be so. It is said that, in allusion to the empire which Lamia had now gained over Demetrius, once when he affectionately embraced his father on his return from a journey, Antigonus said, "My boy, you seem to think that you are caressing Lamia." Another time, when Demetrius spent several days in drinking, and excused himself by saying that he had been laid up with a severe cold, Antigonus answered, "So I understood, but was the cold Chian or Thasian?" Once Antigonus heard that Demetrius had a fever, and went to see him. At the door he met one of his favourites coming out. He went in, sat down by his bedside, and took him by the hand. When Demetrius said that the fever had just left him, Antigonus answered, "Yes, I met it just now at the door." So gently did he deal with the vices of Demetrius, because of his many other good qualities. The Scythians have a custom of twanging their bows while they are drinking and carousing, as though to recall their courage while it is melting away in pleasure; but Demetrius used to give up his whole thoughts at one time to pleasure, and at another to serious work, concentrating his entire attention upon the matter in hand, so that his amusements never interfered with his preparations for war. XX. He appears indeed to have been better able to make preparations for war than to use them, for he always liked to be more than sufficiently provided with stores of every kind, and always wished to construct larger ships, and more powerful battering engines, in the working of which he took an especial delight. He was intelligent and clever, and did not waste his mechanical ingenuity in mere pastime, like other princes, who have amused themselves by playing on the flute, painting, or working in metal. Æropus, king of Macedonia, used to employ his leisure time in making little tables and lamps; while Attalus, surnamed Philometor, amused himself by cultivating poisonous herbs, not merely hyoscyamus and hellebore, but even hemlock, aconite and dorycnium.[298] These he used to plant and tend with his own hands in the royal gardens, and made it his business to know their various juices and fruit, and to gather it in due season. The kings of Parthia, too, used to pride themselves upon sharpening the points of their own javelins. But the mechanics of Demetrius were always upon a royal scale, and his engines were of enormous size, showing by their admirable and ingenious construction the grand ideas of their inventor; for they appeared worthy not only of the genius and wealth, but of the hand of a king. Their size astonished his friends, while their beauty charmed even his enemies, and this praise is far from being as exaggerated as it sounds; for his enemies actually stood in crowds along the sea-shore to admire his ships of fifteen and sixteen banks of oars, while his "city-takers"[299] were regarded as wonders even by the towns against which they were employed, as we may see in a notable example. Lysimachus, who of all the kings of his time was the bitterest enemy of Demetrius, when he was endeavouring to force Demetrius to raise the siege of Soli in Cilicia, sent a message to him asking to be allowed to see his siege engines and his ships of war. Demetrius indulged his curiosity, and after viewing them he retired home. The Rhodians also, after they had stood a long siege, when they came to terms with Demetrius, begged for some of his machines, which they wished to keep both as a memorial of his power and of their own courage. XXI. Demetrius went to war with the Rhodians because they were the allies of Ptolemy, and brought up to their walls his largest "city-taker," a machine with a square base, each side of which measured eight-and-forty cubits at the bottom. It was sixty-six cubits in height, and its upper part was much narrower than the base. Within, it was divided into many separate storeys and chambers, with windows on each storey opening towards the enemy, through which missiles of every kind could be shot, as it was full of soldiers armed with every kind of weapon. It never shook nor trembled, but rolled steadily onwards, upright and firm, with a regular, equable motion, which filled all spectators with terror and delight. Two steel corslets were brought from Cyprus for Demetrius to use in this war, each of which weighed forty minæ.[300] The maker, Zoilus, in order to show their strength and power of resisting a blow, bade Demetrius shoot a dart out of a catapult at one of them at a distance of twenty paces. Where it struck, the iron remained unbroken, and only showed a trifling scratch, such as might be made by a stilus, or iron pen for writing on wax. This corslet Demetrius wore himself. He gave the other to Alkimus of Epirus, the bravest and most warlike man in all his army, who wore a suit of armour weighing two talents,[301] while that of all the rest weighed only one talent. This man fell during the siege of Rhodes, in a battle near the theatre. XXII. The Rhodians defended themselves with great spirit, and Demetrius was unable to accomplish anything against them; but he still continued the siege out of anger, because they had captured a ship in which his wife Phila had sent him letters, clothes and bedding, and had sent it at once to Ptolemy, just as it was. In this they were far from imitating the courtesy of the Athenians, who, when Philip was at war with them, captured a messenger and read all the letters which he carried except one written by Olympias, which they did not open, but sent it on to him with the seal unbroken. However, although Demetrius was much nettled by the conduct of the Rhodians, he did not stoop to retaliation upon them, although he soon had an opportunity of doing so. Protogenes of Kaunus happened at that time to be painting a picture of Ialysus[302] for the Rhodians, and Demetrius found the picture very nearly completed in one of the suburbs of the city. The Rhodians sent a herald and begged him to spare the work, and not destroy it, to which he answered, that he would rather burn his father's statues than such a precious work of art. Apelles tells us that when he saw this picture, the sight at first took away his breath; and that at last he said, "Indeed this is a wonderful piece of work, and must have cost great labour." Yet it has not that grace which gives so divine a charm to the works of Apelles himself. This picture shared the common lot of all Greek works of art, being taken to Rome, where it was destroyed by fire. As the Rhodians gallantly held their own in the war, Demetrius became weary of the siege, and gladly accepted the offer of the Athenians to act as mediators. They made peace between them on condition that the Rhodians should act as the allies of Antigonus and Demetrius, except against Ptolemy. XXIII. The Athenians now invited Demetrius to come to their aid, as Kassander was besieging Athens. Demetrius arrived with three hundred and thirty ships, and a large land force. He not only drove Kassander out of Attica, but pursued him as far as Thermopylæ, where he defeated him in a battle, and gained possession of the city of Heraklea, which voluntarily surrendered to him. A body of six thousand Macedonians also deserted from Kassander and joined him. On his return he freed the Greeks south of Thermopylæ from Macedonian domination, formed an alliance with the Boeotians and took Kenchreæ. He destroyed the forts at Phyle and Panaktum in Attica, which had been garrisoned by Kassander's troops, and restored them to the Athenians. They, although they appeared to have exhausted every possible form of adulation during his former visit, yet contrived to flatter him by the invention of fresh honours. They assigned the interior of the Parthenon to him for his lodging; and there he dwelt with the title of "the guest of Athena," though he was a very ill-behaved guest to be quartered in the house of a virgin goddess. Yet once, when his father heard that his brother Philip was staying in a house where there were three young women, he said nothing to Philip, but in his presence sent for the quartermaster and said to him, "Will you be so good as to find some less crowded quarters for my son." XXIV. Demetrius, however, without paying the least respect to Athena, although he was wont to call her his elder sister, filled the Acropolis with such a series of outrages on well-born youths and women of the upper classes that the place became comparatively decent when he contented himself with holding an orgie in the society of the celebrated courtesans, Chrysis, Lamia, Demo and Antikyra. For the sake of the city I will say no more about his other debaucheries, but I cannot refrain from mentioning the virtue and chastity shown by Demokles. He was very young, and his beauty did not escape the notice of Demetrius; indeed his nickname betrayed him, for he was always spoken of as Demokles the Handsome. He turned a deaf ear to all advances, presents, or threats, and at last ceased to frequent the gymnasium and the palæstra, and used only a private bath. Demetrius watched his opportunity, and surprised him there alone. The boy, when he saw that he was caught where no one could help him, rather than suffer violence, took off the lid of the copper, leaped into the boiling water, and destroyed himself. He deserved a better fate, but the spirit which prompted the act was worthy of his country and of his beauty, and was very different to that of Kleaenetus the son of Kleomedon, who, when his father was condemned to pay a fine of fifty talents, obtained a remission of it from Demetrius, and showed a letter from Demetrius to the Athenian people signifying his pleasure in the matter; by which conduct Kleaenetus not only disgraced himself, but threw the whole city into a ferment. Kleomedon's fine was remitted, but the people decreed that no citizen should ever again bring them a letter from Demetrius. However, as Demetrius was greatly incensed at this, and did not conceal his displeasure, the Athenians in terror not only reversed the decree, but put to death some of those who had advocated it, and banished others. Moreover, they actually decreed that "the entire people of Athens should regard anything which King Demetrius might be pleased to command as both righteous in respect of the gods, and legal as regards men." When one of the better class of citizens observed that Stratokles must be mad to propose such a decree, Demochares[303] of Leukonoe answered "He would be mad not to be mad,"[304] for Stratokles made a great fortune by his flattery of Demetrius. This speech was reported to Stratokles, and Demochares was forced to go into exile. Such was the conduct of the Athenians when they were relieved of their Macedonian garrison and were thought to have become a free people. XXV. Demetrius now proceeded to Peloponnesus, where he met with no resistance, as the enemy fled before him, and surrendered their cities to him. He made himself master of the district known as Akte, and of the whole of Arcadia, except Mantinea, while he set free Argos, Sikyon and Corinth, by bribing their garrisons to evacuate them with a hundred talents. At Argos he acted as president of the games at the festival of Hera, which took place whilst he was there. On this occasion he held a solemn assembly of all the Greeks, and publicly married Deidameia, a daughter of Æakides, king of the Molossi, and sister of Pyrrhus. He remarked to the people of Sikyon that they lived out of their proper city, and prevailed upon them to remove to the spot which they now inhabit. He changed the name as well as the situation of the city, and instead of Sikyon named it Demetrias. At a largely attended meeting held at the Isthmus, Demetrius was proclaimed chief of Greece, as Philip and Alexander had been in former days; though Demetrius considered himself to be not a little superior to either of them, being elated by his good fortune and the immense force at his disposal. Alexander never deprived a king of his title, nor did he ever call himself king of kings, though he raised many to the dignity and style of kings; but Demetrius scoffed at those who called any one king, except himself and his father, and was much pleased at his carousals to hear toasts drunk to the health of Demetrius the King, Seleukus the Commander of the Elephants, Ptolemy the Admiral, Lysimachus the Treasurer, and Agathokles of Sicily the Lord of the Isles. The other princes laughed at these sallies of Demetrius, and only Lysimachus was angry that Demetrius should think him a eunuch; for it was a pretty general custom to appoint eunuchs to the post of treasurer. Indeed Lysimachus hated him more bitterly than all of the rest, and, sneering at his passion for Lamia, used to declare that he had never before seen a whore act in a tragedy: to which Demetrius retorted that his whore was a more respectable woman than Lysimachus's Penelope. XXVI. Demetrius now set out for Athens, and sent a letter to the Athenians informing them that he desired to be initiated, and that he wished to go through the whole course, including both the lesser and the greater mysteries. This is not lawful, and never took place before, as the minor initiation used to take place in the month Anthesterion, and the greater in Boedromion. When the letter was read, no one ventured to offer any opposition except Pythodorus the torchbearer,[305] and he effected nothing; for, at the instance of Stratokles, the Athenians decreed that the month Munychion should be called Anthesterion, and in it celebrated the mysteries of Demeter which are held at Agræ.[306] After this the name of the month Munychion was changed again from Anthesterion to Boedromion, and Demetrius was admitted to the second degree, and allowed the privileges of an "epoptes." In allusion to this Philippides rails at Stratokles in his verses as the man "Who crowds into one month the entire year." And, in allusion to the lodging of Demetrius in the Parthenon, he wrote "Who treats Acropolis as t'were an inn And makes the Virgin's shrine a house of sin." XXVII. But of all the outrages and illegal acts of which Demetrius was guilty at this period, nothing seems to have enraged the Athenians so much as his ordering them speedily to levy a sum of two hundred and fifty talents, which, when it had been raised by a most harsh and pitiless series of exactions, was publicly presented by Demetrius to Lamia and her sisterhood to furnish their toilet-tables. It was the disgrace of the whole business and the scorn which it brought upon them, which stung them to the quick, more than the loss of the money. Some writers say that it was the people of Thessaly, not the Athenians, whom he treated in this manner. However, besides this, Lamia extorted money from many citizens on pretence of providing a supper for the king. This supper was so famous on account of the enormous sum which it cost, that a history of it was written by Lynkeus of Samos. For this reason one of the comic poets very cleverly called Lamia a "city-taker." Demochares of Soli called Demetrius himself "Mythus," or "Fable," because he too had his Lamia.[307] Indeed the passion of Demetrius for Lamia caused not only his wives but his friends to dislike her and be jealous of her. Some of them went on an embassy to Lysimachus, and he when at leisure showed them on his thighs and arms the scars of deep wounds caused by a lion's claws, telling them of how King Alexander had fastened him in the same cage with the beast, and the battle he had fought with it. On hearing this they laughingly said that their master also frequently showed upon his neck the marks of a savage beast called Lamia, which he kept. The wonder was that Demetrius, who had objected to Phila as being past her first youth, should yet be so captivated by Lamia, who was now far advanced in years. Once when Lamia was playing on the flute at a banquet, Demetrius asked the courtesan Demo, who was surnamed Mania, what she thought of her. "I think her an old woman, my king," replied she. Again when the sweetmeats were placed on the table, Demetrius said to Demo, "Do you see what fine things Lamia sends me?" "My mother," answered Demo, "will send you many more if only you will sleep with her." A saying of Lamia's about the well-known judgment of Bocchoris has been recorded. A certain Egyptian became enamoured of the courtesan Thonis, but she set too high a price upon her favours for him. Afterwards he dreamed that he had enjoyed her, and his passion for her cooled. Upon this Thonis sued him in court for the money, and Bocchoris, having heard the case argued, ordered the man to place the exact sum which she demanded in a glass vessel, and to wave it backwards and forwards while she clutched at the shadow, because the young man's dream had been a shadow of the reality.[308] Lamia said that she did not think this decision a just one, because the woman's desire for the gold was not satisfied by the shadow, as the young man's passion had been by his dream. XXVIII. But now the fortunes and deeds of the subject of our narrative force us to pass from a comic to a tragic scene, for all the other kings conspired against Antigonus, and united their forces together. Demetrius hereupon sailed away from Greece and joined his father, who was making wonderful exertions for a man of his age, and who was greatly encouraged by his son's arrival. Yet it appears as though Antigonus, if only he would have made some small concessions and restrained his excessive love of power, might have enjoyed his supreme dignity to the end of his life, and might have bequeathed to his son his position of chief of all the successors of Alexander. Being, however, by nature haughty and disdainful, and even harsher in word than in deed, he alienated from himself and exasperated many young and powerful men; and even now he boasted that he would scatter the confederacy by which he was menaced as easily as a man scares a flock of birds away from a field. He took the field with more than seventy thousand infantry, ten thousand cavalry, and seventy-five elephants, while his enemies' army numbered sixty-four thousand infantry, five hundred more cavalry than his own, four hundred elephants, and one hundred and twenty war-chariots. When they drew near he became less hopeful rather than less determined. He was always wont to show a lofty and boastful spirit in the hour of danger, speaking in a loud tone, using confident language, and after making some jest when in the presence of the enemy, to show his own assurance of success and contempt for his opponents. Now, however, he was thoughtful and silent, and presented his son to the army as his successor. But what astonished every one most of all was that he held council with Demetrius alone in the tent, although he never before had shared his secret thoughts even with his son, but had always privately formed his own plans, and publicly carried them out on his own responsibility. It is said that Demetrius, when still very young, once asked him at what hour he proposed to march, to which Antigonus angrily answered, "Do you fear, that you alone will not hear the sound of the trumpet?" XXIX. On this occasion it appears that they were also disheartened by sinister omens. Demetrius dreamed that Alexander appeared before him in shining armour, and inquired what would be their watchword for the battle. When Demetrius answered "Zeus and victory," Alexander replied, "I will go away now, and tell this to the enemy; for I am going over to them." Antigonus, too, as he stepped out of his tent to see his line formed stumbled and fell heavily upon his face. When he rose, he lifted his hands to heaven and prayed to the gods that they would either grant him victory or a painless death before his army was routed. When the battle began, Demetrius with the flower of the cavalry charged Antiochus the son of Seleukus, and brilliantly routed the enemy, but he lost the day by his headstrong eagerness to pursue too far. He was unable to rejoin the infantry, for the enemy's elephants interposed between him and the phalanx, which was thus left without any cavalry to cover its flanks. Seeing this, Seleukus kept the rest of his cavalry ever threatening to charge, but never actually doing so, hovering near the phalanx and both terrifying it and giving the men an opportunity of changing sides, which indeed took place; for a great mass of Antigonus's infantry came over to Seleukus, and the rest fled. Many enemies now beset Antigonus, and one of his attendants said to him, "My king, it is you whom they are making for." "Why," replied he, "what other mark could they have but me? But Demetrius will soon be here to the rescue." While he looked round hoping in vain to see his son, a shower of darts fell, and laid him low. All his friends and attendants now fled, except one named Thorax, a native of Larissa, who remained by the corpse. XXX. After this battle the victorious kings proceeded to divide the empire of Antigonus and Demetrius amongst them, each annexing the portion which lay nearest to his own dominions, as though they were cutting slices out of some huge slaughtered beast. Demetrius fled with five thousand infantry and four thousand cavalry, and directed his march with the utmost speed towards Ephesus. All imagined that in his distress for money he would not spare the rich temple there, and he himself, fearing lest his soldiers should do so, set sail as quickly as possible for Greece, as his chief hopes now lay in Athens. Indeed he had left there a part of his fleet, some treasure and his wife Deidameia, and imagined that he could find no surer refuge in his adversity than Athens, where he felt assured of the loyalty of the people. But while he was passing the Cyclades he met an embassy from Athens begging him not to approach that city, since the people had decreed that none of the kings should be admitted within its walls. The ambassadors added that his wife Deidameia had been escorted with due honour and respect to Megara. On hearing this, Demetrius, who had borne the rest of his misfortunes with the utmost serenity, and had never hitherto allowed an unworthy expression to escape him, became transported with anger. He was, in truth, bitterly grieved at being thus unexpectedly betrayed by the Athenians, and at finding that their apparent enthusiasm in his cause had all the while been unreal and fictitious. Apparently the bestowal of excessive honours upon kings and potentates by the people is but a poor test of their real loyalty, for the essence of these honours lies in their being freely offered, and they are worthless if prompted by fear; and men fawn upon those they fear just as they do upon those whom they really love. For this reason sensible men know how to value the erection of their statues, flattering decrees, and other public honours, by reflecting upon what they themselves have done for their admirers; for by this means they can discern whether these are really genuine expressions of respect, or are extorted by terror; for peoples frequently confer these very distinctions upon men whom they hate and abhor, but whom they are forced to honour against their will. XXXI. Demetrius, although he considered that he had been very badly treated by the Athenians, was powerless to resent their conduct. He sent an embassy to Athens, gently complaining of their conduct, and requesting that they would restore his ships, one of which was a vessel of thirteen banks of oars. Having received them he coasted along as far as the Isthmus, where he found that all his garrisons had been driven out of the cities, and that the whole country had gone over to his enemies. He now left Pyrrhus to act as his lieutenant in Greece, and himself sailed to the Chersonese.[309] Here he enriched his troops at the expense of Lysimachus by plundering the country, and soon found means again to collect a very considerable army. The other kings paid no regard to Lysimachus, thinking that he was no better a man than Demetrius, and more to be feared because he was more powerful. Not long after this Seleukus sent an embassy to Demetrius to make proposals for the hand of Stratonike, the daughter of Demetrius by his wife Phila. Seleukus already had one son named Antiochus by his wife Apama, a Persian lady, but he thought that his empire would suffice for more than one heir, and he desired to form an alliance with Demetrius, because Lysimachus had recently married one of Ptolemy's daughters himself, and taken the other for his son Agathokles. To Demetrius this offer of marriage from Seleukus was a most unexpected piece of good fortune. He placed his daughter on board ship, and sailed with his entire fleet to Syria. On his way he was forced to land several times to obtain supplies, especially on the coast of Cilicia, which province, after the battle in which Antigonus fell, had been bestowed upon Pleistarchus, the brother of Kassander. Pleistarchus took umbrage at the intrusion of Demetrius into his territory, and retired to Macedonia to complain to his brother that Seleukus was betraying the other kings by making terms with the common enemy of them all. XXXII. Demetrius, when he discovered the intentions of Pleistarchus, proceeded at once to Quinda, where he found the sum of twelve hundred talents still remaining. Having made himself master of this, he quickly reembarked and put to sea. He was now joined by his wife Phila, and met Seleukus at Rhossas. Here the two princes conversed together in a truly royal style, without the least suspicion or fear of treachery. First Seleukus feasted Demetrius in his tent in the midst of his camp, and afterwards Demetrius entertained him at a banquet on board his great thirteen-banked ship. They also talked freely together for a long time, spending several days in friendly intercourse without any bodyguard or arms, till at length Seleukus took Stratonike, and escorted her with great pomp to Antiocheia.[310] Demetrius now made himself master of Cilicia, and sent his wife Phila to her brother, Kassander, to answer the accusations brought against him by Pleistarchus. During this time Deidameia sailed from Greece and joined Demetrius, but not long after her arrival she sickened and died. By the good offices of Seleukus, Demetrius was now reconciled with Ptolemy, and arranged to take Ptolemäis, Ptolemy's daughter, for his wife. So far Seleukus behaved very well; but he could not prevail upon Demetrius to give up Cilicia to him for a sum of money, and when he angrily demanded the surrender of Tyre and Sidon, his conduct appears very overbearing and ungenerous, as though he, who had made himself master of all the country between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, were so poor and needy as to be obliged to squabble with his father-in-law about two cities, at a time, too, when the latter was suffering from a great reverse of fortune. How strongly does this bear out the truth of Plato's maxim, that he who wishes to be really rich ought to lessen his desires rather than increase his property, because if a man places no bounds to his covetousness, he never will be free from want and misery. XXXIII. Demetrius on this occasion showed no want of spirit. He declared that not if he had lost ten thousand fields like Ipsus would he consent to buy Seleukus for his son-in-law. He strengthened the garrisons of the cities,[311] and hearing that Lachares, taking advantage of the factions into which the Athenians were divided, had made himself despot of that city, he thought that if he only were to show himself before Athens he might easily obtain possession of it. He crossed the sea in safety with a large fleet, but when off the coast of Attica he encountered a violent storm, in which he lost most of his ships and a great number of his men. He himself escaped unhurt, and at once began to make war against the Athenians. As, however, he could not effect anything, he sent his lieutenants to collect another fleet, and meanwhile proceeded to Peloponnesus. Here he laid siege to Messene, and during an assault nearly lost his life, for he was struck full in the face by a dart from a catapult, which pierced through his jaw into his mouth. He recovered from his wound, received the submission of several insurgent cities, and returned to Attica, where he made himself master of Eleusis and Rhamnus, and ravaged the country. He captured a ship loaded with wheat bound for Athens, and hanged the captain and pilot, which measure terrified the other merchants so much that they avoided Athens, and a terrible famine took place there, and the want of food brought about a scarcity of everything else. A medimnus[312] of salt was sold for forty drachmas, and a modius[313] of corn sold for three hundred drachmas. The Athenians gained a short respite from their sufferings by the appearance near Ægina of a fleet of a hundred and fifty sail, which was sent by Ptolemy to aid them. Soon, however, Demetrius collected from Peloponnesus and Cyprus a fleet of three hundred ships, before which those of Ptolemy were forced to retire. Upon this the despot Lachares made his escape and abandoned the city to its fate. XXXIV. The Athenians, although they had decreed that anyone who proposed to make peace and come to terms with Demetrius should be put to death, now at once opened their nearest gates and sent an embassy to him; not that they expected to be well treated by him, but acting under the pressure of starvation. It was said that, among other painful incidents, it happened that a father and a son were sitting in the same room, without any hopes of surviving, when a dead mouse fell from the roof, upon which they both started up and began to fight for it. We are told that during this time the philosopher Epikurus kept his disciples alive by counting out to them a fixed allowance of beans every day. This was the condition of the city when Demetrius made his entry into it. He ordered all the Athenians to assemble in the theatre, occupied the stage with armed men, placing his own bodyguard round the part usually reserved for the actors, and made his appearance, like a tragic actor, through the entrance at the back.[314] The Athenians were greatly terrified at these proceedings, but the first words of his address put an end to their fears. He spoke in a mild and conciliatory tone, briefly and gently, complained of their conduct towards him, and announced his forgiveness of them. He distributed among them one hundred thousand medimni of wheat, and appointed the most popular men in the city to the vacant magistracies. Dromokleides the orator, seeing that the people could scarcely find enough means to express their delight, and that they were eager to outdo the panegyrics which were being lavished upon Demetrius from the bema, proposed that the ports of Peiræus and Munychia should be handed over to King Demetrius. When this was agreed to, Demetrius himself placed a garrison in the Museum, by which he intended to curb the people in case they should grow restive and take off his attention from his other enterprises. XXXV. Being now master of Athens, Demetrius at once began to attack Lacedæmon. He met the King of Sparta, Archidamus, near Mantinea, defeated him, and invaded Laconia, driving the beaten army before him. He fought a second battle before the walls of Sparta itself, in which he killed two hundred Spartans, and took five hundred prisoners; and he very nearly took the city itself, which up to that time had never been taken. Fortune, however, seems to have introduced greater and more sudden vicissitudes into the life of Demetrius than into that of any other prince, for he was constantly rising from the most abject poverty to the highest pinnacles of wealth and power, and then being as suddenly cast down again. He himself is said, when his fortunes were at their lowest, to have quoted the verse of Æschylus, "Thou raisest up, and thou dost bring me down." So at this time, when everything seemed to be succeeding, and his empire and power constantly increasing, Demetrius received the news that Lysimachus had taken all the cities in Asia which had belonged to him, and that Ptolemy had made himself master of Cyprus with the exception of Salamis, which he was besieging, in which city was the mother and the children of Demetrius. Yet, like the woman spoken of by the poet Archilochus, who deceitfully offers water in one hand, while she holds a firebrand in the other, the fortune of Demetrius, after soaring him away from the conquest of Sparta by these terrifying pieces of intelligence, at once offered him hopes of accomplishing a new and mighty enterprise, in the following manner. XXXVI. After the death of Kassander, his eldest son Philip ascended the throne, but not long afterwards died. Upon this Kassander's two younger sons each aspired to the crown. One of them, Antipater, murdered his mother Thessalonike, upon which the other[315] invited Pyrrhus to come from Epirus, and Demetrius from Peloponnesus, to support his claims. Pyrrhus was the first to arrive, and demanded so large a portion of the kingdom of Macedonia as the price of his assistance, that he soon became an object of terror to Alexander. When Demetrius, in answer to the appeal of Alexander, arrived with his army, Alexander was even more terrified, because of his great renown. He met Demetrius near Dium, and welcomed him as an honoured guest, but gave him to understand that he no longer stood in need of his services. Upon this each began to suspect the other, and Demetrius, when he was proceeding to a banquet to which he had been invited by the young prince, was warned that his host intended to assassinate him while they were drinking after dinner. Demetrius was not in the least disturbed at this intelligence, but merely delayed going to the banquet for a short time, while he ordered his officers to keep their men under arms, and bade his personal followers and pages, who far out-numbered the retinue of Alexander, to enter the banqueting hall with him, and to remain there until he left the table. Alarmed by these precautions, Alexander did not venture to offer him any violence; and Demetrius soon left the room, excusing himself on the ground that his health would not permit him to drink wine. On the following day Demetrius made preparations for departure, announcing that he had received news which made this necessary. He begged Alexander to pardon him for so sudden a retreat, and promised that when he was more at leisure he would pay him another visit. Alexander was delighted at this, thinking that Demetrius was leaving the country of his own free-will, and not as an enemy; and he escorted him as far as the borders of Thessaly. When they reached Larissa, each again invited the other to a banquet, each intending to murder the other. This decided the fall of Alexander, who fell into his own trap, being loth to show any distrust of Demetrius, lest Demetrius should distrust him. He accepted Demetrius's invitation to a banquet, during which Demetrius suddenly rose. Alexander in alarm also started to his feet, and followed Demetrius towards the door. Demetrius as he passed the door said to his bodyguard, "Kill the man who follows me," and walked on. Alexander, who followed him, was cut down by the guard, as were his friends, who rushed to his assistance. One of these men when dying is said to have remarked that Demetrius had got the start of them by one day. XXXVII. The night was spent in tumult and alarm. At daybreak the Macedonians, who had feared an attack from the army of Demetrius, became reassured, as nothing of the kind took place; and when Demetrius intimated to them his wish to address them and to explain his conduct, they received him in a friendly manner. When he appeared, he had no need to make a long speech, for the Macedonians, who hated Antipater for having murdered his mother, and who knew not where to look for a better sovereign, saluted Demetrius as King of the Macedonians, and at once conducted him into Macedonia. The new reign was not displeasing to the remainder of the Macedonians, who had never forgotten the disgraceful conduct of Kassander after the death of Alexander. If any remembrance of the moderation of their old governor Antipater still remained amongst them, Demetrius reaped the benefit of it, as his wife Phila was the daughter of Antipater, and his son,[316] by her, who was nearly grown up, and accompanied his father on this campaign, was now the heir to the throne. XXXVIII. After this brilliant piece of good fortune, Demetrius received the news that his mother and children had been set at liberty by Ptolemy, who had given them presents and treated them with respect; while he also heard that his daughter, who had been given in marriage to Seleukus, was living with his son Antiochus, with the title of "queen of the native tribes of the interior." It appears that Antiochus fell violently in love with Stratonike, who was quite a young girl, though she had already borne a child to Seleukus. After making many fruitless efforts to resist his passion, he reflected upon the wickedness of indulging a love which he was unable to restrain, and decided that he would put an end to his life. Under pretence of illness he refused to take nourishment, neglected his person, and was quietly sinking. Erasistratus, his physician, had without much difficulty perceived that he was in love, but could not guess with whom. He consequently spent the entire day in the same room with Antiochus, and whenever any young persons came to visit him, narrowly watched his countenance and those parts by which emotion is especially betrayed. He found that his condition was unaltered except when Stratonike came to see him, either alone or with her husband, Seleukus, and that then all the symptoms mentioned by Sappho were visible in him, such as stammering, fiery blushes, failure of eyesight, violent perspiration, disturbed and quickened pulse, and at length, as his passions gained the mastery over him, pallor and bewilderment. Erasistratus, after making these observations, reflected that it was not probable that the king's son would starve himself to death in silence for love of any other woman than his mother-in-law. He judged it to be a perilous enterprise to explain the real state of the case, but, nevertheless, trusting to the love of Seleukus for his son, he one day ventured to tell him that love was really the disorder from which young Antiochus was suffering, and that it was a hopeless and incurable passion. "How incurable?" inquired Seleukus. "Because," answered Erasistratus, "he is in love with my wife." "Well, then," said Seleukus, "will you not give her up, Erasistratus, and marry her to my son, who is your friend, especially as that is the only way out of this trouble for us?" "No," said Erasistratus, "I will not. Why, you yourself, although you are his father, would not do this, if Antiochus were enamoured of Stratonike." To this Seleukus replied, "My friend, I would that by any means, human or divine, his passion could be directed to her; for I would willingly even give up my crown if I could thereby save Antiochus." When Seleukus, in a tone of deep feeling and with tears in his eyes, made this avowal, Erasistratus took him by the hand, in token of good faith, and declared that his own services were quite useless, for that Seleukus himself was best able to heal the disorders which had arisen in his household. After this Seleukus convoked a general assembly of his people, and declared to them that he had determined to nominate Antiochus king, and Stratonike queen of all the nations of the interior, and that they were to be married. He believed, he said, that his son, who had always been accustomed to obey him, would raise no objection to the marriage; and that if his wife was discontented with it on the ground of its illegality, he begged his friends to argue with her and persuade her to regard everything as legal and honourable which the king decided upon as expedient. In this manner it is said to have come to pass that Antiochus was married to Stratonike. XXXIX. After obtaining Macedonia, Demetrius made himself master of Thessaly also. As he possessed the greater part of Peloponnesus, besides Megara and Athens, he now marched against Boeotia. At first the Boeotians came to terms, and formed an alliance with him, but afterwards, when Kleonymus of Sparta came to Thebes with an army, and Pisis, the most influential citizen of Thespiæ, encouraged them to recover their liberty, they revolted from Demetrius. Upon this, Demetrius brought up his famous siege train to attack their cities.[317] Kleonymus was so terrified that he secretly withdrew, and the Boeotians were scared into submission. Demetrius, though he garrisoned all their cities with his own troops, levied a large sum of money, and left Hieronymus[318] the historian as governor of the province, was thought to have dealt very mildly with the Boeotians, especially because of his treatment of Pisis; for he not only dismissed him unharmed when brought before him as a prisoner, but conversed with him in a friendly manner, and nominated him polemarch of Thespiæ. Not long after these events, Lysimachus was taken prisoner by Dromichætus. Upon this, Demetrius at once hurriedly marched towards Thrace, hoping to find it unguarded. The Boeotians seized the opportunity of his absence to revolt, while news was brought to Demetrius that Lysimachus had been dismissed by his captors. Enraged at this, he speedily returned, and finding that the Boeotians had been defeated in a pitched battle by his son Antigonus, he a second time laid siege to Thebes. XL. However, as Pyrrhus was now overrunning Thessaly, and had pushed even as far as Thermopylæ, Demetrius left Antigonus to prosecute the siege, and himself marched to attack Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus beat a hasty retreat, and Demetrius, leaving ten thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry in Thessaly, returned to press the siege of Thebes. He now brought up his great machine, called the "City-taker," which was moved by levers with great difficulty on account of its enormous weight; so that it is said that in two months it hardly moved two furlongs, The Boeotians made a vigorous defence, and Demetrius frequently forced his soldiers to engage in battle with them, more out of arrogance than through any real necessity for fighting. After one of these battles, Antigonus, grieved at the number of men who had fallen, said, "My father, why do we allow all these men to perish, when there is no occasion for it?" Demetrius sharply answered, "Why do you take offence at this? Do you have to pay the dead?" Yet Demetrius, not wishing it to be thought that he was lavish of other men's blood and not of his own, but being anxious to fight among the foremost, was wounded by a dart thrown from a catapult, which pierced through his neck. He suffered much from this wound, but still continued the siege, and at length took Thebes for the second time. When he entered the city, he inspired the citizens with the most intense terror, as they expected to be treated with the greatest severity. He was satisfied, however, with putting to death thirteen of the citizens, and banishing a few others. Thus was Thebes taken twice within less than ten years since it was first rebuilt. As the time for the Pythian games had now come round, Demetrius took upon himself to make a most startling innovation. As the passes leading to Delphi were held by the Ætolians, he celebrated the games in Athens, declaring that it was right that especial honour should be paid there to Apollo, who is the tutelary god of the Athenians, and is said to have been the founder of their race. XLI. Demetrius now returned to Macedonia. As he could not bear a life of repose, and found that his subjects were more easily governed on a campaign, since they were troublesome and turbulent when at home, he marched against the Ætolians. After laying waste their country he left Pantauchus there with a large portion of his army, and with the rest marched to attack Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus was equally eager to meet him, but they missed each other, so that Demetrius invaded and ravaged Epirus, while Pyrrhus[319] fell in with Pantauchus and fought with him. He himself exchanged blows with Pantauchus and put him to flight, killing many of his followers, and taking five thousand prisoners. This did more damage to the cause of Demetrius than anything else; for Pyrrhus was not so much disliked for the harm which he had done them, as he was admired for his personal prowess. His fame became great in Macedonia after this battle, and many Macedonians were heard to say that he alone, of all the princes of the time, revived the image of Alexander's daring courage, while the rest, and especially Demetrius, only imitated his demeanour by their theatrical pomp and trappings of royalty. Indeed, Demetrius gave himself the most extravagant airs, wearing magnificent purple robes and hats with a double crown, and even wore shoes of purple felt embroidered with gold. There was a cloak which was for a long time being embroidered for his use, a most extravagantly showy piece of work, upon which was depicted a figure of the world and of the heavenly bodies. This cloak was left unfinished when Demetrius lost his crown, and none of his successors on the throne of Macedonia ever presumed to wear it, although some of them were very ostentatious princes. XLII. The spectacle of this unusual pomp irritated the Macedonians, who were not accustomed to see their kings thus attired, while the luxury and extravagance of Demetrius's mode of life also gave offence to them. They were especially enraged at his haughty reserve, and the difficulty of obtaining access to him; for he either refused to grant an interview, or else treated those who were admitted to his presence with harshness and insolence. He kept an embassy of the Athenians, whom he respected beyond all other Greeks, waiting for two years for an audience; and when one ambassador arrived from Lacedæmon, he construed it as a mark of disrespect, and was angry. But when Demetrius said to the ambassador:--"What is this that you tell me? the Lacedæmonians have sent one ambassador!" "Yes," answered he cleverly and laconically, "one ambassador to one king." One day when Demetrius came out of his palace he appeared to be in a more affable humour than usual, and willing to converse with his subjects. Upon this, many persons ran to present him with written statements of their grievances. As he received them all and placed them in the folds of his cloak, the petitioners were greatly delighted, and accompanied him; but when he came to the bridge over the Axius, he emptied them all out of his cloak into the river. This conduct greatly exasperated the Macedonians, who declared that they were insulted instead of being governed by him, and who remembered or were told by older men how gentle and easy of access Philip was always wont to be. Once an old woman met him when he was walking, and begged repeatedly for a hearing. When he replied that he had no leisure to attend to her, she loudly cried out, "Then be king no more." Stung by this taunt he returned to his palace, and gave audiences to all who wished it, beginning with the old woman, and so continued for many days. Indeed nothing becomes a king so much as to do justice to his subjects. As Timotheus the poet has it, Ares is a despot, but Pindar tells us that law is lord of all. Homer also says that kings have been entrusted by Zeus, not with City-takers or brazen-bound ships, but with justice, which they must keep and respect; and that Zeus does not love the most warlike or the most unjust of kings, but the most righteous, and calls him his friend and disciple. Demetrius however rejoiced in being called by a name most unlike that of the Lord of Heaven, for his title is "The Preserver of Cities," while Demetrius was known as "The Besieger." Thus through the worship of mere brute force, the bad gradually overcame the good side of his character, and his fame became sullied by the unworthy acts with which it was associated. XLIII. While Demetrius lay dangerously ill at Pella, he very nearly lost his kingdom, as Pyrrhus invaded the country and briskly overran it as far as Edessa. However, on his recovery, Demetrius easily drove Pyrrhus out of Macedonia, and then made terms with him, because he did not wish to be entangled in a border warfare, which would interfere with the realisation of his more important projects. He meditated a colossal enterprise indeed, nothing less than the recovery of the whole of his father's empire. His preparations were on a commensurate scale, for he had collected a force of ninety-eight thousand foot soldiers and nearly twelve thousand horse, while at Peiræus, Corinth, Chalkis, and the ports near Pella he was engaged in the construction of a fleet of five hundred ships. He himself personally superintended the works, visiting each dockyard and giving directions to the artificers; and all men were astounded not only at the number, but at the size of the vessels which were being built. Before his time no one had ever seen a ship of fifteen or sixteen banks of oars, although in later times Ptolemy Philopator built a ship of forty banks of oars, which measured two hundred and eighty cubits in length, and forty-eight cubits in height. This ship was navigated by four hundred sailors, four thousand rowers, and, besides all these, had room upon its decks for nearly three thousand soldiers. But this ship was merely for show, and differed little from a fixed building, being totally useless, and only moved with great risk and labour; whereas the beauty of the ships of Demetrius did not render them less serviceable, nor was their equipment so elaborate as to interfere with their use, but they were no less admirable for speed and strength as for greatness of size. XLIV. When this great armament, the largest ever collected since the death of Alexander, began to menace Asia, the three princes, Ptolemy, Seleukus, and Lysimachus, formed a confederation to oppose it. They next sent a joint letter to Pyrrhus, in which they urged him to attack Macedonia, and not to pay any regard to a peace by which Demetrius had not made any engagement not to go to war with him, but had merely obtained time to attack the others first. Pyrrhus agreed to this proposal, and Demetrius, before his preparations were completed, found himself involved in a war of considerable magnitude: for Ptolemy sailed to Greece with a large fleet and caused it to revolt from Demetrius, while Lysimachus from Thrace and Pyrrhus from Epirus invaded Macedonia and ravaged the country. Demetrius left his son to command in Greece, and himself marched to attack Lysimachus, in order to free Macedonia from the enemy. He shortly, however, received the news that Pyrrhus had taken the city of Beroea, and when the Macedonians heard this, there was an end to all discipline, for the camp was full of tears and lamentations, and abuse of Demetrius. The men no longer cared to remain with him, but became eager to go away, nominally to their homes, but really to desert to Lysimachus. Demetrius upon this determined to place the greatest possible distance between Lysimachus and himself, and accordingly marched to attack Pyrrhus; reasoning that Lysimachus was a native of Macedonia, and was popular with many of the Macedonians because he had been a companion of Alexander, while he thought that the Macedonians would not prefer a foreigner like Pyrrhus to himself. However, in this expectation he was greatly deceived: for as soon as he encamped near Pyrrhus, his soldiers had a constant opportunity of admiring his personal prowess in battle, and they had from the most ancient times been accustomed to think that the best warrior is the best king. When besides this they learned how leniently Pyrrhus had dealt with the captives, as they had long been determined to transfer their allegiance from Demetrius to some one else, they now gladly agreed that it should be to Pyrrhus. At first they deserted to him secretly and few at a time; but soon the whole camp became excited and disturbed, and at last some had the audacity to present themselves before Demetrius, and bid him seek safety in flight, for the Macedonians were tired of fighting to maintain his extravagance. Compared with the harsh language held by many other Macedonians, this appeared to Demetrius to be very reasonable advice, and so proceeding to his tent, as though he were really a play-actor and not a king, he changed his theatrical cloak for one of a dark colour, and made his way out of the camp unobserved. Most of his soldiery at once betook themselves to plundering, and while they were quarrelling with one another over the spoils of the royal tent, Pyrrhus appeared, encountered no resistance, and made himself master of the camp. Pyrrhus and Lysimachus now divided between them the kingdom of Macedonia, which had for seven consecutive years been ruled by Demetrius. XLV. After this great disaster, Demetrius retired to Kassandreia. His wife Phila was greatly grieved at his fall, and could not bear to see Demetrius a miserable fugitive and exile after having been a king. Despairing of ever seeing better days, and bitterly reflecting how far her husband's good luck was outweighed by his misfortunes, she ended her life by poison. Now Demetrius, anxious to save what he could from the wreck of his fortunes, proceeded to Greece, and there collected his generals and forces. The verses spoken by Menelaus in Sophokles's play-- "But ever whirling on the wheel of fate My fortune changes, like the changing moon That never keeps her form two nights the same. At first she comes with flattering countenance And fills her orb; but when she is most bright She wanes again, and loses all her light," seems to express very well the strange waxing and waning of the fortunes of Demetrius, who, as in the present instance, sometimes appeared to be quite extinguished, and then burst forth again as brilliant as ever, as little by little his power increased until he was able to carry out his plans. At first he visited the various cities of Greece dressed as a private man, without any of the insignia of royalty. One of the Thebans seeing him in this guise, cleverly applied to him the verses of Euripides: "A god no more, but dressed in mortal guise, He comes to where the springs of Dirké rise." XLVI. When he again hoped to regain the style of royalty, and began to gather around him the form and substance of an empire, he permitted the Thebans to remain independent. The Athenians, however, revolted from him. They erased the name of Diphilus, who was inscribed upon the rolls as "priest of the Saviours,"[320] and decreed that archons should be elected after their ancestral custom; and they also sent to Macedonia to invite Pyrrhus to come and help them, as they perceived that Demetrius was becoming more powerful than they had expected. Demetrius indeed angrily marched upon Athens, and began to besiege the city, but the philosopher Krates, an able and eloquent man, who was sent to make terms with him by the Athenian people, partly by entreaties, and partly by pointing out in what quarter his true interests lay, prevailed upon him to raise the siege. Demetrius now collected what ships he could, and with eleven thousand infantry and a few cavalry soldiers sailed to Asia, intending to detach the provinces of Lydia and Karia from Lysimachus's dominions. At Miletus he was met by Eurydike,[321] the sister of Phila, who brought him her daughter Ptolemäis, who had been long before promised to him in the treaty concluded by the mediation of Seleukus. Demetrius married her, and immediately after the wedding betook himself to gaining over the cities of Ionia, some of which joined him of their own accord, while others were forced to yield to his arms. He also captured Sardis, and several of the officers of Lysimachus deserted to him, bringing him both soldiers and money. When, however, Lysimachus's son Agathokles came to attack him with a large force, he withdrew into Phrygia, meaning if possible to gain possession of Armenia, stir up Media to revolt, and make himself master of the provinces in the interior, among which a fugitive could easily find an abundance of places of refuge. Agathokles pressed him hard, and Demetrius, although victorious in all the skirmishes which took place, was reduced to great straits, as he was cut off from his supplies of provisions and forage, while his soldiers began to suspect him of meaning to lead them to Armenia and Media. Famine now began to distress his army, and he also lost a large body of men, who were swept away in crossing the river Lykus through mistaking the ford. Yet the men did not cease to joke; and one of them wrote before the tent of Demetrius the first verses of the play of OEdipus at Kolonus, slightly altered: "Child of Antigonus, the blind old man, What place is this, at which we have arrived?" XLVII. At last famine, as usually happens, produced a pestilence, because the men ate whatever they could find; and Demetrius, after losing no less than eight thousand, gave up his project, and led back the remainder. He proceeded to Tarsus, and would, if possible, have abstained from living on the neighbouring country which belonged to Seleukus, and so giving him an excuse for attacking him. However, this was impossible, as his soldiers were reduced to the last extremities of want, and Agathokles had fortified the passes of the Taurus range of mountains. Demetrius now wrote a letter to Seleukus, containing a long and piteous account of his misfortunes, and begging Seleukus as a relative to take pity on one who had suffered enough to make even his enemies feel compassion for him. Seleukus seems to have been touched by this appeal. He wrote to his generals, ordering them to show Demetrius the respect due to royalty, and to supply his troops with provisions; but now Patrokles, who was thought to be a man of great wisdom, and who was a friend of Seleukus, pointed out to him that the expense of feeding the troops of Demetrius was not a matter of great importance, but that it was a grievous error to allow Demetrius himself to remain in his territory. He reminded him that Demetrius had always been the most turbulent and enterprising of princes, and that he was now in a position which would urge the most moderate and peaceable of men to deeds of reckless daring and treachery. Struck by this reasoning, Seleukus started for Cilicia in person, at the head of a large army. Demetrius, astonished and alarmed at this rapid change in Seleukus's attitude, retreated to a strong position at the foot of the Taurus mountains, and in a second letter requested Seleukus to allow him to conquer some native territory occupied by independent tribes, in which he might repose after his wanderings, or at least to let him maintain his forces in Cilicia during the winter, and not to drive him out of the country and expose him to his enemies in a destitute condition. XLVIII. Seleukus viewed all these proposals with suspicion, and offered to let him pass two months of the winter in Cataonia, but demanded his chief officers as hostages, and at the same time began to secure the passes leading into Syria. Demetrius, who was now shut up like a wild beast in a trap, was driven to use force, overran the country, and fought several slight actions successfully with Seleukus. On one occasion he withstood a charge of scythed chariots, and routed the enemy, and he also drove away the garrison of one of the passes, and gained the command of the road to Syria. He now became elated by success, and perceiving that his soldiers had recovered their confidence, he determined to fight Seleukus for his kingdom. Seleukus himself was now in difficulties. He had refused Lysimachus's offer of assistance, through suspicion, and he feared to engage with Demetrius in battle, dreading the effects of his despair and the sudden turns of his fortune. However, at this crisis Demetrius was seized by a disorder which nearly carried him off, and utterly ruined his prospects; for some of his soldiers deserted to the enemy, and some dispersed to their own homes. After forty days he was able to place himself at the head of the remaining troops, and with them marched so as to lead the enemy to suppose that he meant to return to Cilicia; but as soon as it was dark he started without any sound of trumpet in the opposite direction, crossed the pass of Amanus, and began to plunder the plain of Kyrrhestis. XLIX. Shortly afterwards Seleukus made his appearance, and pitched his camp hard by. Demetrius now got his men under arms in the night and started to surprise Seleukus, whose army expected no attack, and was for the most part asleep. When he was informed of his danger by some deserters he leaped up in terror, and began putting on his boots and shouting to his friends that a savage beast was coming to attack them. Demetrius, observing from the noise which filled the enemy's camp that they had notice of his attempt, quickly marched back again. He was attacked at daybreak by Seleukus, and gained some advantage by a flank attack. But now Seleukus himself dismounted, took off his helmet, and with only a small shield in his hand went up to the mercenary troops of Demetrius, showing himself to them and inviting them to join him. They knew that he had for a long time refrained from attacking them out of a wish to spare their lives, and not for the sake of Demetrius; and they all greeted him, saluted him as King, and joined his army. Demetrius, who had seen so many turns of good and ill fortune, felt that this blow was final. He fled towards the pass of Amanus, and with a few friends and attendants took refuge in a thick wood for the night, hoping to be able to gain the road to Kaunus and so to reach the sea, where he hoped to find his fleet assembled. But when he found that his party had not enough money to procure them provisions even for one day, he was forced to adopt other plans. Soon, however, he was joined by Sosigenes, one of his friends, who had four hundred gold pieces in his belt, and with this treasure they hoped to be able to reach the sea, and started as soon as it grew dark to make their way over the mountains. But when they saw the enemy's watch-fires blazing all along the heights, they despaired of effecting their passage by that route, and returned to the place whence they had set out, diminished in numbers, for some had deserted, and greatly disheartened. When one of them ventured to hint that Demetrius ought to surrender himself to Seleukus, Demetrius seized his sword and would have made away with himself, but his friends stood round him, and at length talked him over into giving himself up. He sent a messenger to Seleukus, putting himself unreservedly in his hands. L. Seleukus, when he heard what had happened, said that it was his own good fortune, not that of Demetrius, which had saved Demetrius's life, and had given himself an opportunity of displaying his clemency and goodness as well as his other virtues. He at once sent for his servants and bade them construct a royal tent, and make every preparation for the reception of Demetrius in a magnificent fashion. There was one Apollonides at the court of Seleukus, who had been an intimate friend of Demetrius, and Seleukus at once sent him to Demetrius, to bid him be of good cheer, and not fear to meet his friend and relative Seleukus. When the King's pleasure became known, a few at first, but afterwards the greater part of his followers, eagerly flocked to pay their court to Demetrius, who they imagined would become the second man in the kingdom. This ill-judged zeal of theirs turned the compassion of Seleukus into jealousy, and enabled mischief-makers to defeat his kindly intentions by warning him that as soon as Demetrius was seen in his camp all his troops would rise in mutiny against him. Apollonides had just reached Demetrius in high spirits, and others were arriving with wonderful stories about the goodness of Seleukus. Demetrius himself was just recovering his spirits after his disaster, was beginning to think that he had been wrong in his reluctance to surrender himself, and was full of hope for the future, when Pausanias appeared with about a thousand horse and foot-soldiers. He suddenly surrounded Demetrius with these troops, separated him from his friends, and, instead of bringing him into the presence of Seleukus, conducted him to the Syrian Chersonese, where, though strongly guarded, he was supplied by Seleukus with suitable lodging and entertainment, and allowed to take the air and hunt in the royal park which adjoined his dwelling. He was permitted to associate with any of the companions of his exile whom he wished to see, and many polite messages were sent to him from Seleukus to the effect that as soon as Antiochus and Stratonike arrived, they would come to some amicable arrangement. LI. Demetrius now despatched letters to his son, and to the commanders of his garrisons at Athens and Corinth, warning them not to pay any attention to any despatches which they might receive in his name, or even to his royal signet, but to regard him as practically dead, and to hold the cities in trust for his heir Antigonus. His son was much grieved at hearing of his father's capture, put on mourning, and sent letters to all the other kings, and to Seleukus himself, begging for his father's liberation. He offered to give up all the places which he still held, and even proposed to surrender himself as a hostage in place of his father. Many cities and princes supported his request, except Lysimachus, who offered to give Seleukus a large sum of money if he would put Demetrius to death. But Seleukus, who had always disliked Lysimachus, now regarded him with abhorrence as a savage villain, and still continued to keep Demetrius in captivity, under the pretext that he was waiting for the arrival of his son Antiochus and Stratonike, that they might have the pleasure of restoring him to liberty. LII. Demetrius at first bore up manfully against his misfortunes, and learned to endure captivity, taking exercise as well as he could, by hunting in the park, and by running; but, little by little, he neglected these amusements, addicted himself to drinking and dicing, and thus spent most of his time; either in order to escape from the thoughts of his present condition by intoxication, or else because he felt that this was the life which he had always wished to lead, and that he had caused great suffering both to himself and to others by fighting by sea and land in order to obtain that comfort which he had now unexpectedly discovered in repose and quiet. What, indeed, is the object of the wars and dangers which bad kings endure, in their folly, unless it be this? although they not only strive after luxury and pleasure, instead of virtue and honour, but do not even understand in what real luxury and enjoyment consist. Be that as it may, Demetrius, after living in confinement in the Chersonese for three years, died of laziness, surfeit and over-indulgence in wine, in the fifty-fourth year of his age.[322] Seleukus was greatly blamed for the suspicions which he had entertained about Demetrius, and greatly repented that he had not imitated the wild Thracian Dromichætes, who dealt so kindly and royally with Lysimachus when he had taken him prisoner. LIII. Even the funeral of Demetrius had an air of tragedy and theatrical display. His son Antigonus, as soon as he heard that the ashes of his father were being brought to him, collected all his fleet and met the vessels of Seleukus near the Cyclades. Here he received the relics in a golden urn on board of his own flagship, the largest of his fleet. At every port at which they touched the citizens laid garlands upon the urn, and sent deputies in mourning to attend the funeral. When the fleet arrived at Corinth, the urn was beheld in a conspicuous place upon the stern of the ship, adorned with a royal robe and diadem, and surrounded by armed soldiers of the king's bodyguard. Near it was seated the celebrated flute-player Xenophantus, playing a sacred hymn; and the measured dip of the oars, keeping time to the music, sounded like the refrain of a dirge. The crowds who thronged the sea-shore were especially touched by the sight of Antigonus himself, bowed down with grief and with his eyes full of tears. After due honours had been paid to the relics at Corinth, he finally deposited them, in the city of Demetrias, which was named after his father, and which had been formed by amalgamating the small villages in the neighbourhood of Iolkos. Demetrius, by his wife Phila, left one son, Antigonus, and one daughter, Stratonike. He also had two sons named Demetrius, one, known as Leptus, by an Illyrian woman, and the other, who became ruler of Cyrene, by Ptolemais. By Deidameia he had a son named Alexander, who spent his life in Egypt. It is said, too, that he had a son named Korrhagus by Eurydike. His family retained the throne of Macedonia for many generations, until it ended in Perseus, during whose reign the Romans conquered that country. So now that we have brought the career of the Macedonian hero to a close, it is time for us to bring the Roman upon the stage. LIFE OF ANTONIUS. I. The grandfather of Antonius was the orator Antonius,[323] who belonged to the party of Sulla and was put to death by Marius. His father was Antonius, surnamed Creticus,[324] not a man of any great note or distinction in political affairs, but of good judgment and integrity, and also liberal in his donations, as one may know from a single instance. He had no large property and for this reason he was prevented by his wife from indulging his generous disposition. On one occasion when an intimate friend came to him who was in want of money, and Antonius had none, he ordered a young slave to put some water into a silver vessel and to bring it; and when it was brought, he moistened his chin as if he were going to shave himself. The slave being sent away on some other business, Antonius gave the cup to his friend and bade him make use of it; but as a strict inquiry was made among the slaves, and Antonius saw that his wife was vexed and intended to torture them one by one, he acknowledged what he had done and begged her pardon. II. His wife was Julia of the family of the Cæsars, a woman who could compare with the noblest and most virtuous of that day. She brought up her son Antonius, having married after his father's death Cornelius Lentulus,[325] who was one of the conspirators with Catilina and was put to death by Cicero. This appears to be the reason and the foundation of the violent enmity between Antonius and Cicero. Now Antonius says that even the corpse of Lentulus was not given up to them until his mother begged it of the wife of Cicero. But this is manifestly false, for no one of those who were then punished by Cicero was deprived of interment. Antonius was of distinguished appearance in his youth, but his friendship and intimacy with Curio[326] fell upon him, as they say, like some pestilence, for Curio himself was intemperate in his pleasures, and he hurried Antonius, in order to make him more manageable, into drinking and the company of women and extravagant and licentious expenditure. All this brought on him a heavy debt, and out of all bounds for his age, of two hundred and fifty talents. Curio became security for all this, and when his father heard of it he banished Antonius from the house. Antonius for a short time mixed himself up with the violence of Clodius, the most daring and scandalous of the demagogues of the day, which was throwing every thing into confusion; but becoming soon satiated with that madness and being afraid of those who were combining against Clodius, he left Italy for Greece and spent some time there, exercising his body for military contests and practising oratory. He adopted what was called the Asiatic style of oratory, which flourished most at that time, and bore a great resemblance to his mode of life, which was boastful and swaggering and full of empty pride and irregular aspiration after distinction. III. When Gabinius,[327] a man of consular rank, was sailing for Syria, he endeavoured to persuade Antonius to join the expedition. Antonius said that he would not go out with him as a private individual, but on being appointed commander of the cavalry, he did go with him. In the first place he was sent against Aristobulus,[328] who was stirring the Jews to revolt, and he was the first man to mount the largest of the fortifications; and he drove Aristobulus from all of them. He next joined battle with him and with the few men that he had put to flight the forces of Aristobulus, which were much more numerous, and killed all but a few; and Aristobulus was captured with his son. After this Ptolemæus[329] attempted to persuade Gabinius for ten thousand talents to join him in an invasion of Egypt and to recover the kingdom for him; but most of the officers opposed the proposal, and Gabinius himself was somewhat afraid of the war, though he was hugely taken with the ten thousand talents; but Antonius, who was eager after great exploits and wished to gratify the request of Ptolemæus, persuaded Gabinius and urged him to the expedition. They feared more than the war the march to Pelusium, which was through deep sand where there was no water along the Ecregma[330] and the Serbonian marsh, which the Egyptians call the blasts of Typhon[331], but which really appears to be left behind by the Red Sea[332] and to be caused by the filtration of the waters at the part where it is separated by the narrowest part of the isthmus from the internal sea. Antonius being sent with the cavalry not only occupied the straits, but taking Pelusium also, a large city, and the soldiers in it, he at the same time made the road safe for the army and gave the general sure hopes of victory. Even his enemies reaped advantage from his love of distinction; for when Ptolemæus entered Pelusium, and through his passion and hatred was moved to massacre the Egyptians, Antonius stood in the way and stopped him. And in the battles and the contests which were great and frequent, he displayed many deeds of daring and prudent generalship, but most signally in encircling and surrounding the enemy in the rear, whereby he secured the victory to those in front, and received the rewards of courage and fitting honours. Nor did the many fail to notice his humanity towards Archelaus[333] after his death; for Antonius, who had been his intimate and friend, fought against him during his lifetime of necessity, but when he found the body of Archelaus, who had fallen, he interred it with all honours and in kingly fashion. He thus left among the people of Alexandria the highest reputation, and was judged by the Roman soldiers to be a most illustrious man. IV. With these advantages he possessed a noble dignity of person; and his well-grown beard, his broad forehead and hooked nose[334] appeared to express the manly character which is observed in the paintings and sculptures of Hercules. And there was an old tradition that the Antonii were Herakleidæ, being sprung from Anton, a son of Hercules. This tradition Antonius thought that he strengthened by the character of his person, as it has been observed, and by his dress. For on all occasions, when he was going to appear before a number of persons, he had his tunic girded up to his thigh, and a large sword hung by his side, and a thick cloak thrown round him. Besides, that which appeared to others to be offensive, his great boasting and jesting and display of his cups, and his sitting by the soldiers when they were eating, and his eating himself as he stood by the soldiers' table--it is wonderful how much affection and attachment for him it bred in the soldiers. His amorous propensities, too, had in them something that was not without a charm, but even by these he won the favour of many, helping them in their love affairs and submitting to be joked with good humour about his own amours. His liberality and his habit of gratifying the soldiers and his friends in nothing with a stinted or sparing hand, both gave him a brilliant foundation for power, and, when he had become great, raised his power still higher, though it was in danger of being subverted by ten thousand other faults. I will relate one instance of his profusion. He ordered five-and-twenty ten thousands to be given to one of his friends; this sum the Romans express by Decies.[335] But as his steward wondered thereat, and to show him how much it was, placed the money out, he asked as he was passing by, What that was. The steward replying that this was what he had ordered to be given, Antonius, who conjectured his trickery, said, "I thought a Decies was more: this is a small matter; and therefore add to it as much more." V. Now these things belong to a later period. But when matters at Rome came to a split, the aristocratical party joining Pompeius who was present, and the popular party inviting Cæsar from Gaul, who was in arms, Curio, the friend of Antonius,[336] changing sides in favour of Cæsar, brought Antonius over; and as he had great influence among the many by his eloquence, and spent money lavishly, which was supplied by Cæsar, he got Antonius appointed tribune, and then one of the priests over the birds, whom the Romans call Augurs. As soon as Antonius entered on his office, he was of no small assistance to those who were directing public affairs on Cæsar's behalf. In the first place, when Marcellus the consul attempted to give to Pompeius the troops that were already levied, and to empower him to raise others, Antonius opposed him by proposing an order, that the collected force should sail to Syria and assist Bibulus, who was warring with the Parthians, and that the troops which Pompeius was levying should not pay any regard to him: and, in the second place, when the Senate would not receive Cæsar's letters, nor allow them to be read, Antonius, whose office gave him power, did read them, and he changed the disposition of many, who judged from Cæsar's letters that he only asked what was just and reasonable. Finally, when two questions were proposed in the Senate, of which one was, whether Pompeius should disband his troops, and the other, whether Cæsar should do it, and there were a few in favour of Pompeius laying down his arms, and all but a few were for Cæsar doing so, Antonius arose and put the question, Whether the Senate was of opinion that Pompeius and Cæsar at the same time should lay down their arms and disband their forces. All eagerly accepted this proposal, and with shouts praising Antonius, they urged to put the question to the vote. But as the consuls would not consent, the friends of Cæsar again made other proposals, which were considered reasonable, which Cato resisted, and Lentulus, who was consul, ejected Antonius from the Senate. Antonius went out uttering many imprecations against them, and assuming the dress of a slave, and in conjunction with Cassius Quintus[337] hiring a chariot he hurried to Cæsar; and as soon as they were in sight, they called out that affairs at Rome were no longer in any order, since even tribunes had no liberty of speech, but every one was driven away and in danger who spoke on the side of justice. VI. Upon this Cæsar with his army entered Italy. Accordingly Cicero, in his Philippica, said that Helen[338] was the beginning of the Trojan war, and Antonius of the civil war, wherein he is manifestly stating a falsehood. For Caius Cæsar was not such a light person, or so easy to be moved from his sound judgment by passion, if he had not long ago determined to do this, as to have made war on his country all of a sudden, because he saw Antonius in a mean dress and Cassius making their escape to him in a hired chariot; but this gave a ground and specious reason for the war to a man who had long been wanting a pretext. He was led to war against the whole world, as Alexander before him and Cyrus of old had been, by an insatiable love of power and a frantic passion to be first and greatest: and this he could not obtain, if Pompeius was not put down. He came then and got possession of Rome, and drove Pompeius out of Italy; and determining to turn first against the forces of Pompeius in Iberia, and then, when he had got ready a fleet, to cross over to attack Pompeius, he entrusted Rome to Lepidus, who was prætor, and the forces and Italy to Antonius, who was tribune. Antonius forthwith gained the favour of the soldiers by taking his exercises with them, and by generally living with them, and making them presents out of his means; but to everybody else he was odious. For owing to his carelessness he paid no attention to those who were wronged, and listened with ill-temper to those who addressed him, and had a bad repute about other men's wives. In fine, Cæsar's friends brought odium on Cæsar's power, which, so far as concerned Cæsar's acts, appeared to be anything rather than a tyranny: and of those friends Antonius, who had the chief power and committed the greatest excesses, had most of the blame. VII. However, upon his return from Iberia, Cæsar[339] overlooked the charges against him, and employing him in war because of his energy, his courage, and his military skill, he was never disappointed in him. Now Cæsar, after crossing the Ionian Gulf from Brundusium with a few men, sent his ships back, with orders to Gabinius[340] and Antonius to put the troops on board and carry them over quickly to Macedonia. Gabinius was afraid of the voyage, which was hazardous in the winter season, and led his army by land a long way about; but Antonius being alarmed for Cæsar, who was hemmed in by many enemies, repulsed Libo,[341] who was blockading the mouth of the harbour, by surrounding his gallies with many light boats, and embarking in his vessels eight thousand legionary soldiers he set sail. Being discovered by the enemy and pursued, he escaped all danger from them in consequence of a strong south wind bringing a great swell and tempestuous sea upon his gallies; but as he was carried in his ships towards precipices and cliffs with deep water under them, he had no hope of safety. But all at once there blew from the bay a violent south-west wind and the swell ran from the land to the sea, and Antonius getting off the land and sailing in gallant style saw the shore full of wrecks. For thither the wind had cast up the gallies that were in pursuit of him and no small number of them was destroyed; and Antonius made many prisoners and much booty, and he took Lissus, and he gave Cæsar great confidence by coming at a critical time with so great a force. VIII. There were many and continuous fights, in all of which Antonius was distinguished: and twice he met and turned back the soldiers of Cæsar, who were flying in disorder, and by compelling them to stand and to fight again with their pursuers he gained the victory. There was accordingly more talk of him in the camp than of any one else after Cæsar. And Cæsar showed what opinion he had of him; for when he was going to fight the last battle and that which decided everything at Pharsalus,[342] he had the right wing himself, but he gave the command of the left to Antonius as being the most skilful and bravest officer that he had. After the battle Cæsar was proclaimed dictator, and he set out in pursuit of Pompeius, but he appointed Antonius master of the horse and sent him to Rome: this is the second office in rank when the dictator is present; but if he is not, it is the first and almost the only one. For the tribuneship continues, but they put down all the other functionaries when a dictator is chosen. IX. However Dolabella,[343] who was then a tribune, a young man who aimed at change, introduced a measure for the annulling of debts, and he persuaded Antonius,[344] who was a friend of his and always wished to please the many, to work with him and to take a part in this political measure. But Asinius and Trebellius gave him the contrary advice, and it happened that a strong suspicion came on Antonius, that he was wronged in the matter of his wife by Dolabella. And as he was much annoyed thereat, he not only drove his wife from his house, who was his cousin, for she was the daughter of Caius Antonius who was consul with Cicero, but he joined Asinius and resisted Dolabella. Dolabella occupied the Forum with the design of carrying the law by force, but Antonius, after the Senate had declared by a vote that it was needful to oppose Dolabella with arms, came upon him and joining battle killed some of the men of Dolabella and lost some of his own. This brought on Antonius the hatred of the many, and he was not liked by the honest and sober on account of his habits of life, as Cicero says, but was detested; for people were disgusted at his drunkenness at unseasonable hours, and his heavy expenditure, and his intercourse with women, and his sleeping by day, and walking about with head confused and loaded with drink, and by night his revellings and theatres and his presence at the nuptials of mimi and jesters. It is said indeed that after being present at the entertainment on the marriage of Hippias the mime, and drinking all night, when the people summoned him early in the morning to the Forum, he came there still full of food and vomited, and one of his friends placed his vest under to serve him. Sergius the mime was one of those who had the greatest influence over him, and Cytheris[345] from the same school, a woman whom he loved, and whom when he visited the cities he took round with him in a litter; and there were as many attendants to follow the litter as that of his mother. People were also vexed at the sight of golden cups carried about in his excursions as in processions, and fixing of tents in the ways, and the laying out of costly feasts near groves and rivers, and lions yoked to chariots, and houses of orderly men and women used as quarters for prostitutes and lute-players. For it was considered past all endurance that, while Cæsar was lodging in the open field out of Italy, clearing up the remnant of war with great labour and danger, others, through means of Cæsar's power, were indulging in luxury and insulting the citizens. X. These things appear also to have increased the disorder and to have given the soldiers licence to commit shameful violence and robbery. Wherefore, when Cæsar returned, he pardoned Dolabella; and being elected consul for the third time he chose not Antonius, but Lepidus for his colleague. Antonius bought the house of Pompeius when it was sold, but he was vexed when he was asked for the money; and he says himself that this was the reason why he did not join Cæsar in his Libyan expedition, having had no reward for his former successes. However Cæsar is considered to have cured him of the chief part of his folly and extravagance by not allowing his excesses to pass unnoticed. For he gave up that course of life and turned his thoughts to wedlock, taking for his wife Fulvia, who had been the wife of the demagogue Clodius, a woman who troubled herself not about domestic industry or housekeeping, nor one who aspired to rule a private man, but her wish was to rule a ruler and command a general: so that Cleopatra was indebted to Fulvia[346] for training Antonius to woman-rule, inasmuch as Cleopatra received him quite tamed and disciplined from the commencement to obey women. However Antonius attempted by sportive ways and youthful sallies to make Fulvia somewhat merrier; as for example, on the occasion when many went to meet Cæsar after his victory in Iberia, Antonius also went; but as a report suddenly reached Italy that Cæsar was dead and the enemy were advancing, he returned to Rome, and taking a slave's dress he came to the house by night, and saying that he brought a letter from Antonius to Fulvia, he was introduced to her wrapped up in his dress. Fulvia, who was in a state of anxiety, asked, before she took the letter, whether Antonius was alive; but without speaking a word he held out the letter to her, and when she was beginning to open and read it, he embraced and kissed her. These few out of many things I have produced by way of instance. XI. When Cæsar was returning from Iberia[347] all the first people went several days' journey to meet him; but Antonius was specially honoured by Cæsar. For in his passage through Italy he had Antonius in the chariot with him, and behind him Brutus Albinus and Octavianus the son of his niece, who was afterwards named Cæsar and ruled the Romans for a very long time. When Cæsar was appointed consul for the fifth time, he immediately chose Antonius for his colleague, and it was his design to abdicate the consulship and give it to Dolabella; and this he proposed to the Senate. But as Antonius violently opposed this, and vented much abuse of Dolabella and received as much in return, Cæsar, being ashamed of these unseemly proceedings, went away. Afterwards when he came to proclaim Dolabella, upon Antonius calling out that the birds were opposed to it, Cæsar yielded and gave up Dolabella, who was much annoyed. But it appeared that Cæsar abominated Dolabella as much as he did Antonius; for it is said, that when some person was endeavouring to excite his suspicions against both, Cæsar said that he was not afraid of those fat and long-haired fellows, but those pale and thin ones, meaning Brutus and Cassius, who afterwards conspired against him and slew him. XII. And Antonius without designing it gave them a most specious pretext. It was the feast of the Lykæa among the Romans, which they call Lupercalia,[348] and Cæsar dressed in a triumphal robe and sitting on the Rostra in the Forum viewed the runners. Now many youths of noble birth run the race, and many of the magistrates, anointed with oil, and with strips of hide they strike by way of sport those whom they meet. Antonius running among them paid no regard to the ancient usage, but wrapping a crown of bay round a diadem he ran to the Rostra, and being raised up by his companions in the race he placed it on Cæsar's head, intimating that he ought to be King. But as Cæsar affected to refuse it and put his head aside, the people were pleased and clapped their hands; then Antonius again offered the crown, and Cæsar again rejected it. This contest went on for some time, only a few of the friends of Antonius encouraging him in his pressing the offer, but all the people shouted and clapped when Cæsar refused; which indeed was surprising, that while in reality they submitted to be ruled over with kingly power they eschewed the name of King as if it were the destruction of their freedom. Accordingly Cæsar rose from the Rostra much annoyed, and taking the robe from his neck called out that he offered his throat to any one who would have it. The crown which was placed on one of his statues certain tribunes tore off, and the people followed them with loud expressions of goodwill and clapping of hands; but Cæsar deprived them of their office. XIII. This confirmed Brutus and Cassius, and when they were enumerating the friends whom they could trust in the undertaking, they deliberated about Antonius. The rest were for adding Antonius to their number, but Trebonius opposed it; for he said that at the time when they went to meet Cæsar on his return from Iberia, and Antonius was in the same tent with him and journeyed with him, he tried his disposition in a quiet way and with caution, and he said that Antonius understood him, though he did not respond to the proposal, nor yet did he report it to Cæsar, but faithfully kept the words secret. Upon this they again deliberated whether they should kill Antonius after they had killed Cæsar; but Brutus opposed this, urging that the act which was adventured in defence of the laws and of justice must be pure and free from injustice. But as they were afraid of the strength of Antonius and the credit that his office gave him, they appointed some of the conspirators to look after him in order that when Cæsar entered the Senate house and the deed was going to be done, they might detain him on the outside in conversation about some matter and on the pretence of urgent business. XIV. This being accomplished according as it was planned and Cæsar having fallen in the Senate house, Antonius immediately put on a slave's attire and hid himself. But when he learned that the men were not attacking any one, but were assembled in the Capitol, he persuaded them to come down after giving them his son as a hostage; and he entertained Cassius at supper, and Brutus entertained Lepidus. Antonius having summoned the Senate spoke about an amnesty and a distribution of provinces among Brutus and Cassius and their partizans, and the Senate ratified these proposals, and decreed not to alter anything that had been done by Cæsar.[349] Antonius went out of the Senate the most distinguished of men, being considered to have prevented a civil war and to have managed most prudently and in a most statesmanlike manner circumstances which involved difficulties and no ordinary causes of confusion. But from such considerations as these he was soon disturbed by the opinion that he derived from the multitude, that he would certainly be the first man in Rome, if Brutus were put down. Now it happened that when Cæsar's corpse was carried forth, as the custom was, he pronounced an oration over it in the Forum;[350] and seeing that the people were powerfully led and affected, he mingled with the praises of Cæsar commiseration and mighty passion over the sad event, and at the close of his speech, shaking the garments of the dead, which were blood-stained and hacked with the swords, and calling those who had done these things villains and murderers, he inspired so much indignation in the men that they burnt the body of Cæsar in the Forum, heaping together the benches and the tables; and snatching burning faggots from the pile they ran to the houses of the assassins and assaulted them. XV. For this reason Brutus and his party left the city, and the friends of Cæsar joined Antonius; and Cæsar's wife Calpurnia trusting to him had the chief part of the treasures transferred to Antonius from her house, to the amount in all of four thousand talents. He received also the writings of Cæsar, in which there were entries made of what he had determined and decreed; and Antonius inserting entries in them, named many to offices just as he pleased, and many he named senators, and he restored some who were in exile and released others who were in prison, as if Cæsar had determined all this. Wherefore the Romans by way of mockery named all these persons Charonitæ,[351] because when they were put to the proof they had to take refuge in the memoranda of the deceased. And Antonius managed everything else as if he had full power, being consul himself, and having his brothers also in office, Gaius as prætor and Lucius as tribune. XVI. While affairs were in this state, young Cæsar[352] arrived at Rome, being the son of the niece of the deceased, as it has been told, and left the heir of his substance; and he was staying in Apollonia at the time of Cæsar's assassination. He went forthwith to pay his respects to Antonius, as being his father's friend, and reminded him of the money deposited with him; for he had to pay to every Roman seventy-five drachmæ, which Cæsar had given by his will. Antonius, at first despising his youth, said that he was not in his senses, and that being destitute of all sound reason and friends he was taking up the succession of Cæsar, which was a burden too great for him to bear; but as Cæsar did not yield to these arguments and demanded the money, Antonius went on saying and doing many things to insult him. For he opposed him in seeking a tribuneship, and when he was preparing to set up a golden chair of his father, as it had been voted by the Senate, he threatened to carry him off to prison, if he did not stop his attempts to win the popular favour. But when the youth, by giving himself up to Cicero and the rest who hated Antonius, by means of them made the Senate his friends, and he himself got the favour of the people and mustered the soldiers from the colonies,[353] Antonius being alarmed came to a conference with him in the Capitol, and they were reconciled. Antonius in his sleep that night had a strange dream; he thought that his right hand was struck by lightning; and a few days after a report reached him that Cæsar was plotting against him. Cæsar indeed made an explanation, but he did not convince Antonius; and their enmity was again in full activity, and both of them roaming about Italy endeavoured to stir up by large pay the soldiers who were planted in the colonies, and to anticipate one another in gaining over those who were still under arms. XVII. Of those in the city Cicero had the greatest influence; and by inciting everybody against Antonius he finally persuaded the Senate to vote Antonius to be an enemy, and to send Cæsar lictors and the insignia of a prætor, and to despatch Pansa and Hirtius[354] to drive Antonius out of Italy. They were consuls for that year; and engaging with Antonius near the city of Mutina, on which occasion Cæsar was present and fought with them, they defeated the enemy, but fell themselves. Many great difficulties befell Antonius in his flight; but the greatest was famine. But it was the nature of Antonius to show his best qualities in difficulties, and in his misfortune he was as like as may be to a good man; for it is common to those who are hard pressed by straits to perceive what virtue is, but all have not strength enough in reverses to imitate what they admire and to avoid what they do not approve; but some rather give way to their habits through weakness and let their judgment be destroyed. Now Antonius in these circumstances was a powerful pattern to the soldiers, for though he was fresh from the enjoyment of so much luxury and expense, he drank foul water without complaining, and ate wild fruits and roots. Bark too was eaten, as it was said, and in their passage over the Alps they fed on animals that had never been eaten before. XVIII. His design was to fall in with the troops there which Lepidus[355] commanded, who was considered to be a friend of Antonius and to have derived through him much advantage from the friendship of Cæsar. Having arrived there and encamped near, he found no friendly signs, on which he resolved to try a bold stroke. Antonius had neglected his hair and he had allowed his beard to grow long immediately after his defeat; and putting on a dark garment he approached the lines of Lepidus and began to speak. As many of the soldiers were moved at the sight and affected by his words, Lepidus in alarm ordered the trumpets to sound all at once and so to prevent Antonius from being heard. But the soldiers pitied the more, and held communication with him by means of Lælius and Clodius, whom they secretly sent to him in the dress of women who followed the camp, and the messengers urged Antonius boldly to attack the lines, for there were many, they said, would undertake even to kill Lepidus, if he wished. Antonius would not consent to their touching Lepidus, but on the next day he began to cross the river with his army. Antonius entered the river first and advanced to the opposite bank, for he saw already many of the soldiers of Lepidus stretching out their hands to him and tearing down the ramparts. When he had entered and made himself master of all, he approached Lepidus with the greatest kindness, for he embraced him and called him father; and in fact he was master of all, but he continued to preserve to Lepidus the name and honour of an Imperator. This caused also Plancus Munatius to join him, for Plancus was at no great distance with a large force. Being thus raised anew to great power he crossed the Alps into Italy at the head of seventeen legions of infantry and ten thousand cavalry; besides this he left to guard Gaul six legions with Varius, one of his intimates and boon companions, whom they called Cotylon.[356] XIX. Now Cæsar no longer cared for Cicero when he saw that he clung to liberty, but he invited Antonius through the mediation of his friends to come to terms. The three met together in a small island[357] in the middle of a river and sat together for three days. All the rest was easily agreed on, and they distributed the empire[358] among them as if it were a paternal inheritance, but the discussion about the men who were destined to perish caused them most trouble, each claiming to get rid of his enemies and to save his relations. But at length surrendering to their passion against those whom they hated both the honour due to their kinsmen and their goodwill to their friends, Cæsar surrendered Cicero to Antonius, and Antonius surrendered to him Lucius Cæsar, who was his uncle on the mother's side; Lepidus also was allowed to put to death his brother Paulus; but others say that Lepidus gave up his brother to Cæsar and Antonius, who required his death. I think nothing could be more cruel or savage than this exchange; for by exchanging murder for murder they equally destroyed those whom they surrendered and those whom they put to death, but they acted more unjustly to their friends, whom they caused to die even without bearing them any hatred. XX. After this settlement, the soldiers, who were around them, required that Cæsar should strengthen their friendship by marriage, and should take to wife Clodia,[359] the daughter of Fulvia, the wife of Antonius. This also being agreed to, three hundred persons were by proscription put to death by them.[360] When Cicero was murdered, Antonius ordered the head to be cut off and the right hand, with which Cicero wrote the speeches against him. When they were brought, Antonius looked on them with delight and broke out a laughing several times through joy; then being satiated with the sight he ordered them to be placed above the Rostra in the Forum, as if he were insulting the dead, and not showing his own arrogance in his good fortune and abusing his power. His uncle Cæsar being sought and pursued fled for refuge to his sister, who, when the assassins were standing by and trying to force their way into her chamber, fixing herself at the door and spreading out her arms, called out repeatedly, "You shall not kill Cæsar Lucius, unless you kill me first, me the mother of the Imperator." By such her conduct she rescued and saved her brother. XXI. The dominion of the three was in most respects hateful to the Romans; but Antonius had most of the blame, as he was older than Cæsar, and had more influence than Lepidus, and threw himself without restraint into his former luxurious and intemperate habits as soon as he had shaken off all trouble about affairs. There was added to his general bad repute the hatred against him on account of the house that he inhabited, which had been the house of Pompeius Magnus, a man no less admired for his temperance and his orderly and citizenlike mode of life than for his three triumphs. For they were vexed to see his house generally closed to commanders, magistrates and ambassadors, who were insolently thrust from the doors, while it was filled with mimi and jugglers and drunken flatterers, upon whom was expended most of the money which was got by the most violent and harsh means. For the three not only sold the substance of those who were murdered, bringing false charges against their kinsmen and wives, and tried all kinds of imposts; but hearing that there were deposits[361] with the Vestal Virgins made both by strangers and citizens, they went and seized them. Now as nothing was enough for Antonius, Cæsar claimed to share the money with him; and they also distributed the army between them, and both went together into Macedonia to oppose Brutus and Cassius; and they intrusted Rome to Lepidus. XXII. Crossing over the sea they commenced the campaign and encamped by the enemy, Antonius being opposed to Cassius, and Cæsar to Brutus,[362] wherein no great deed was performed on the part of Cæsar, but it was Antonius who gained all the victory and had all the success. In the first battle, Cæsar, being completely routed by Brutus, lost his camp and narrowly escaped from his pursuers; but, as he says in his Memoirs, he retired before the battle in consequence of one of his friends having had a dream. But Antonius defeated Cassius; though some have written that Antonius was not in the battle, but came up after the battle to join in the pursuit. Pindarus, one of the faithful freedmen of Cassius, killed him at his request and order, for Cassius did not know that Brutus was victorious. After an interval of a few days they fought a second battle, in which Brutus being defeated killed himself, and Antonius carried off the chief credit of the victory, inasmuch as Cæsar was sick. Standing over the corpse of Brutus he upbraided it gently for the death of his brother Caius,[363] for Brutus had put Caius to death in Macedonia to revenge Cicero; but declaring that he blamed Hortensius more than Brutus for the murder of his brother, Antonius ordered him to be massacred on his tomb; and he threw over the body of Brutus his own purple cloak, which was of great value, and commanded one of his freedmen to look after the interment. He afterwards found out that this fellow did not burn the cloak with the corpse and that he had purloined a large part of the expenditure destined for the interment, whereon he put him to death. XXIII. After this Cæsar went back to Rome, and it was supposed that he would not live long on account of his illness. Antonius crossed over into Greece with a large army, intending to levy money in all the eastern provinces; for as they had promised to every soldier five thousand drachmæ, they required more vigorous measures for raising money and collecting contributions. Towards the Greeks his conduct was neither unusual nor oppressive at first, but his love of amusement led him to listen to the discourses of the learned and to the sight of games and religious solemnities; and in his decisions he was equitable, and was delighted at being called a Philhellen, but still more in being addressed as Philathenæus; and he made rich gifts to the city. The people of Megara also wishing to show him something fine, by way of rivalry with Athens, and requesting him to see the Senate-house, he went up and looked at it, and on their asking what he thought of it: "Small, it is true," he said, "and yet all in decay." He also caused the temple of the Pythian Apollo to be surveyed, as if he intended to repair it; for he made this promise to the Senate. XXIV.[364] Leaving Lucius Censorinus[365] over the affairs of Greece he crossed to Asia; and when he had touched the wealth there, and kings used to come to his door, and wives of kings vying with one another in their presents and their beauty let themselves be corrupted in order to win his favour, and while Cæsar at Rome was worn out with civil commotions and war, he enjoying perfect leisure and tranquillity was carried back by his passions to his usual habits of life, and Anaxenor[366] a lute-player and Xuthus a piper and Metrodorus a dancer, and other such rout of Asiatic theatrical folks who surpassed in impudence and shamelessness the pests from Italy, had crept in and managed his residence--it was past all bearing, for everything was wasted on these extravagancies. For all Asia, like that city in Sophocles,[367] at the same time was filled with incense burning, "With pæans too 'twas filled and heavy groans." Thus, when he was entering Ephesus, women clothed like Bacchæ, and men and boys equipped like Satyrs and Pans led the way; and the city was filled with ivy and thyrsi and psalteries and pipes and flutes, the people calling him Dionysus, Giver of Joy and Beneficent. He was this, it is true, to some; but to the many Omestes[368] and Agrionius. For he took their property from well-born men and gave it to worthless men and flatterers; and certain persons got the substance of many who were still alive by asking for it as if they were dead. He gave the house of a citizen of Magnesia to a cook, who, as it is said, had distinguished himself by a single entertainment. Finally, when he was imposing a second contribution on the citizens, Hybreas[369] was bold enough in speaking on behalf of Asia to use these words, which were indeed such as the common folks would have in their mouths, but were not ill adapted to flatter[370] the vanity of Antonius, "If thou canst take contributions twice in one year, thou canst also make for us summer twice and harvest-time twice;" but he concluded with these practical and bold words, that Asia had given twenty ten thousands of talents; and "if thou hast not had them, demand them of those who have received the money; but if thou hast received and hast them not, we are undone." By these words he made a strong impression on Antonius, for he was ignorant of the greater part of what was going on; and not so much because he was indolent, as because in his simplicity he trusted those about him. For there was in his character simplicity and slow perception; but when he did perceive his errors, there was strong repentance, and acknowledgment to those who had been wronged, and excess both in the restitution that he made and the punishment that he inflicted. Yet he was considered to surpass the bounds of moderation rather in conferring favours than in punishing. His rudeness in mirth and bantering carried its own remedy with it; for a man might return him as good as he gave; and he took as much pleasure in being laughed at as in laughing at others. And this did him mischief in most things; for he could not believe that those who spoke so freely in jest, could flatter him in earnest, and as he was easily caught by praise, not knowing that some persons by mingling freedom of expression, like a sharpish sauce, with flattery, took away from flattery its nauseating insipidity, by their boldness and babbling over their cups striving to make their yielding in matters of business and their assent appear, not the way of persons who keep about a man merely to please him, but of those who are overpowered by superior wisdom. XXV. Such was the disposition of Antonius, upon which a crowning evil the love for Cleopatra supervening, and stirring up and maddening many of the passions that were still concealed in him and lying quiet, caused to vanish and utterly destroyed whatever of goodness and of a saving nature still made resistance in him. And he was captured in this fashion. When he was preparing for the Parthian war, he sent her orders to meet him in Cilicia to give an account of the charges made against her of supplying Cassius with much money and contributions for the war. Dellius,[371] who was sent, observing her person and marking her cleverness in speaking and her versatility, soon perceived that Antonius would never even think of doing such a woman any harm, but that she would have the greatest influence with him; and he applied himself to paying his court to her, and he encouraged the Egyptian, in the words of Homer,[372] to go to Cilicia bedecked in her best fashion and not to be afraid of Antonius, who was the most pleasant and kindest of generals. Being persuaded by Dellius, and collecting from the proofs of her charms upon Caius Cæsar and Cnæus the son of Pompeius, she had hopes that she should more easily win over Antonius. For they knew her when she was yet a girl and inexperienced in affairs, but she was going to visit Antonius at an age in which women have the most brilliant beauty and their understanding has attained its perfection. Accordingly she got together many presents and money and ornaments, such as one might suppose that she could bring from the greatness of her estate and the wealth of her kingdom, but she went to Cilicia relying chiefly on herself and the seductions and charms of her own person. XXVI. Though Cleopatra[373] received many letters of summons both from Antonius[374] and his friends, she so despised and mocked the man, that she sailed up the Cydnus in a vessel with a gilded stern, with purple sails spread, and rowers working with silver oars to the sound of the flute in harmony with pipes and lutes. Cleopatra reclined under an awning spangled with gold, dressed as Venus is painted, and youths representing the Cupids in pictures stood on each side fanning her. In like manner the handsomest of her female slaves in the dress of Nereids and Graces, were stationed some at the rudders and others at the ropes. And odours of wondrous kind from much incense filled the banks. Some of the people accompanied her immediately from the entrance of the river on both sides, and others went down from the city to see the sight. As the crowd from the Agora also poured forth, Antonius was finally left on the tribunal sitting alone. A rumour went abroad that Venus was coming to revel with Bacchus for the good of Asia. Now Antonius sent to invite Cleopatra to supper, but she on her part said that he should rather come to her. Antonius accordingly, wishing to display some good nature and kindness, obeyed and came. He found a preparation greater than he expected, but he was most surprised at the number of the lights: for it is said that so many lights were hung down and shewn on all sides at once and arranged and put together in such inclinations and positions with respect to one another in the form of squares and circles, that of the few things that are beautiful and worthy of being seen this sight was one. XXVII. On the following day when Antonius feasted her in turn he was ambitious to surpass her splendour and taste, but he was left behind and inferior in both, and in these very things he was the first to scoff at the coarseness and rusticity of his own entertainment. Cleopatra, observing in the jests of Antonius much of the soldier and the unpolished man, adopted the same manner towards him freely and boldly. Now her beauty, as they say, was not in itself altogether incomparable nor such as to strike those who saw her; but familiarity with her had an irresistible charm, and her form, combined with her persuasive speech and with the peculiar character which in a manner was diffused about her behaviour, produced a certain piquancy. There was a sweetness also in the sound of her voice when she spoke; and as she could easily turn her tongue, like a many-stringed instrument, to any language that she pleased, she had very seldom need of an interpreter for her communication with barbarians, but she answered most by herself, as Ethiopians,[375] Troglodytes, Hebrews, Arabs, Syrians, Medes, Parthians. She is said also to have learned the language of many other peoples, though the kings her predecessors had not even taken the pains to learn the Egyptian language, and some of them had even given up the Macedonian dialect. XXVIII. Now she so captivated Antonius, that though his wife Fulvia was carrying on war at Rome against Cæsar on behalf of the interests of Antonius, and a Parthian army was hovering about Mesopotamia, of which the king's generals had named Labienus[376] Parthian governor, and they were about to enter Syria, he allowed himself to be carried off by her to Alexandria; and there staying and amusing himself like a young man who had leisure, he consumed and expended upon pleasure the most costly of all things, as Antiphon said, Time. They had a kind of company called Inimitable Livers; and they daily feasted one another, making an incredible profusion in their expenditure. Now Philotas of Amphissa,[377] a physician, used to relate to my grandfather Lamprias, that he was then in Alexandria learning his profession, and having got acquainted with one of the royal cooks, he was persuaded by him, as was natural in a young man, to view the costliness and the preparation for the table. Accordingly he was introduced into the kitchen, where he saw everything in great abundance, and eight wild boars roasting, which made him wonder at the number of the guests. Hereupon the cook laughed and said, the party at supper was not large, only about twelve; but it was necessary that everything which was served up should be in perfection, which a moment of time would spoil. He said it might happen that Antonius should wish to sup immediately, and if it so happened, he might defer it by asking for a cup or by falling into some conversation; and accordingly, he continued, not one supper is prepared, but many, for the exact time is difficult to conjecture. This is what Philotas used to tell; and in the course of time, as he related, he was among those who attended on the eldest son of Antonius, whom he had by Fulvia, and he supped with him with the rest of his companions, as a general rule, when he did not sup with his father. On one occasion there was a physician present who was bragging greatly and much annoying the company at supper, but Philotas stopped him by a sophism of this kind: "If a man has fever in some degree, we must give him cold water; but every man who has fever has fever in some degree; we must therefore give cold water to every man who has fever." The man was confounded and put to silence, whereat the youth being pleased, laughed and said, "All this, Philotas, I give you," pointing to a table full of many large cups. Philotas acknowledged his intended kindness, though he was far from thinking that a boy of his age had authority to make such a present; but after awhile one of the young slaves took hold of the cups and bringing them in a vessel bade him put a seal on it. As Philotas made objections and was afraid to take the things. "Why, you fool," said the man, "do you hesitate? Don't you know that the giver is the son of Antonius, and that he has permission to give so many things of gold? If however you take my advice, you will exchange the whole with us for a sum of money; for perchance the youth's father might call for some of the vessels, which are old and valued for their workmanship." Such anecdotes as these my grandfather used to say that Philotas would occasionally tell. XXIX. But Cleopatra, by distributing flattery not, as Plato[378] says, in four ways, but in many ways, and by always adding some new pleasure and charm to whatever was either serious or mirthful, completely ruled Antonius, never leaving him by night nor by day. For she played at dice with him, and drank with him, and hunted with him, and was a spectator when he was exercising in arms, and by night when he was standing at the doors and windows of the common people and jesting with those within, she accompanied him in his rambles and freaks, in the dress of a female slave; for Antonius also used to dress himself in this style. Accordingly he would return home always well loaded with coarse abuse and sometimes with blows. With the greater part he was in no good credit; however the Alexandrines took delight in his extravagances, and joined in his follies without any lack of cleverness or humour, being pleased therewith and saying that Antonius put on the tragic mask to the Romans, but the comic mask to them. Now to relate the greater part of his follies would be mere trifling. However on one occasion when he was fishing and was vexed at his bad sport, Cleopatra also being present, he ordered the fisherman to dive under the water and secretly to fasten to the hook some fishes that had been already caught; and he pulled up two or three times, but not without being detected by the Egyptian. Pretending to admire, she spoke to her friends and invited them to come as spectators on the following day. A number of them got into the fishing boats, and when Antonius had let down his line, she ordered one of her own men to anticipate him by diving to the hook and to fasten to it a Pontic salted fish.[379] Antonius thinking that he had caught something pulled up, on which there was, as was natural, great laughter, whereat Cleopatra said, "Give up the fishing-rod, Imperator, to us the kings of Pharos and Canopus; your sport is cities and kings and continents." XXX.[380] While Antonius was spending his time in such trifles and extravagances, he was surprised by intelligence from two different quarters; from Rome, that Lucius his brother and Fulvia his wife, having first been at variance with one another and then having warred with Cæsar, were completely defeated and flying from Italy; the other intelligence was in no wise more favourable, which was that Labienus at the head of the Parthians had subdued Asia from the Euphrates and Syria as far as Lydia and Ionia. With difficulty then, like a man roused from sleep and a drunken debauch, he set out to oppose the Parthians, and advanced as far as Phoenice, but as Fulvia sent him letters full of lamentations he turned towards Italy, with two hundred ships. On this voyage he took up his friends who had fled from Italy, and learned from them that Fulvia had been the cause of the war, for she was naturally a busy and bold woman; but her hope was to draw away Antonius from Cleopatra, if their should be any disturbance in Italy. It happened that Fulvia, who was sailing to meet him, died at Sikyon of some disease, which rendered a reconciliation with Cæsar more easy. For when Antonius approached Italy, and Cæsar was evidently not intending to make any charge against him, and Antonius was ready to fix on Fulvia the blame of what he was charged with, their friends would not let them come to any explanation of these grounds, but brought them both to terms and distributed the empire, making the Ionian gulf the boundary, and giving the eastern parts to Antonius and the western to Cæsar; Lepidus was allowed to keep Libya; and it was settled that the friends of each in turns should be consuls, when it did not please themselves to be. XXXI. This arrangement seemed to be good, but it required a stronger security, and fortune offered one. Octavia[381] was a sister of Cæsar, older than Cæsar, but not by the same mother; for she was the daughter of Ancharia, but he was born afterwards of Atia. Cæsar was very greatly attached to his sister, and it is said she was a most admirable woman. Octavia was now a widow, for her husband Caius Marcellus had not long been dead. As Fulvia was dead, Antonius also was considered to be a widower; he did not deny that he had Cleopatra, but he did not admit that he had her as a wife, and he was still struggling in his judgment on this point against his love for the Egyptian. Everybody was proposing this marriage in the hope that Octavia, who in addition to great beauty possessed dignity of character and good sense, if she were united to Antonius and were beloved by him, as it was reasonable to suppose that such a woman must be, would be the conservation and cause of union between them in all respects. This being arranged between them, they went up to Rome where the marriage of Octavia was celebrated, though the law did not allow a woman to marry till ten months after her husband's decease, but the Senate in this case remitted the time by a decree. XXXII. As Sextus[382] Pompeius was still in possession of Sicily and was ravaging Italy, and with his numerous piratical ships, of which Menas the pirate and Menekrates were commanders, had rendered the sea unsafe to vessels, and as he seemed to be in a friendly disposition towards Antonius, for he had received his mother when she had fled from Rome with Fulvia, it was resolved to come to terms with him also. They met at the promontory of Misenum and the mound, the fleet of Pompeius being anchored close by them, while the forces of Antonius and Cæsar were arranged by the side of them. Having agreed that Pompeius should have Sardinia and Sicily on condition of keeping the sea clear of pirates and sending to Rome a certain quantity of grain, they invited one another to an entertainment. They cast lots on the occasion, and it was the lot of Pompeius to feast them first. Upon Antonius asking him where they should sup, "There," said he, pointing to the commander's ship of six banks of oars, "for this is all the paternal residence that is left for Pompeius." This he said to reproach Antonius, who had the house that had belonged to the father of Sextus. Fixing his ship at anchor and making a kind of bridge from the promontory, he received them with a hearty welcome. When the banquet was at its height and jokes against Cleopatra and Antonius were plentiful, Menas the pirate approaching Pompeius said to him, so that the rest could not hear, "Will you let me cut off the anchors of the ship and make you master not of Sicily and Sardinia, but of the Roman empire?" Pompeius, on hearing this, considered with himself for a short time, and said, "You ought to have done it, Menas, without mentioning it to me: but now let us be satisfied with things as they are; perjury is not for me." Pompeius, after being feasted by Cæsar and Antonius in turn, sailed back to Sicily. XXXIII. After the settlement of affairs, Antonius sent forward Ventidius[383] into Asia to prevent the Parthians from advancing further, and, in order to please Cæsar, he was appointed priest of the former Cæsar; and everything else that concerned public affairs they transacted in common and in a friendly way. But their games of amusement caused annoyance to Antonius, as he always carried off therein less than Cæsar. Now there was with Antonius a man skilled in divinations, an Egyptian, one of those who cast nativities, who, whether it was to please Cleopatra, or whether he said it in good faith, spoke freely to Antonius, saying that his fortune, though most splendid and great, was obscured by that of Cæsar, and he advised him to remove as far as possible from the young man: "For thy dæmon," he said, "is afraid of the dæmon of Cæsar, and though it is proud and erect when it is by itself, it is humbled by his dæmon when it is near, and becomes cowed." And indeed the things which were happening seemed to confirm the Egyptian; for it is said that when they were casting lots by way of amusement, in whatever they might happen to be engaged, and throwing dice, Antonius came off with disadvantage. They frequently matched cocks,[384] and fighting quails, and those of Cæsar were always victorious. Whereat Antonius being annoyed, though he did not show it, and paying more regard to the Egyptian, departed from Italy, leaving the management of his affairs to Cæsar; and he took with him Octavia as far as Greece, there having been a daughter born to them. While he was spending the winter in Athens, he received intelligence of the first successes of Ventidius, who had defeated the Parthians in a battle, in which Labienus lost his life and Pharnapates, the most skilful of the generals of King Hyrodes.[385] On the occasion of this victory Antonius feasted the Greeks; and he acted as gymnasiarch for the Athenians, and leaving at home the insignia of his rank, he went forth with the rods of a gymnasiarch[386] and the dress and white shoes; and he took the youths by the neck when he separated them. XXXIV. As he was going to set out for the war, he took a crown from the sacred olive,[387] and in conformity to a certain oracle, he filled a vessel with water from the Clepsydra, and carried it with him. In the mean time Pacorus,[388] the king's son, with a large Parthian army again advanced against Syria, but Ventidius engaged with him in Cyrrhestica and put his army to flight with great loss; Pacorus himself fell among the first. This exploit, which was one of the most celebrated, gave the Romans full satisfaction for the defeat of Crassus, and again confined the Parthians within Media and Mesopotamia, after being defeated in three successive battles. Ventidius gave up all intention of pursuing the Parthians further, because he feared the jealousy of Antonius, but he visited those who had revolted and brought them into subjection, and besieged Antiochus of Commagene[389] in the city Samosata. The king proposed to pay a thousand talents and to obey the order of Antonius, but Ventidius told him to send his proposal to Antonius; for he had now advanced near, and he would not allow Ventidius to make peace with Antiochus, because he wished that this single exploit at least should bear his name, and that everything should not be accomplished by Ventidius. As, however, the siege was protracted, and the citizens, after despairing of coming to terms, betook themselves to a vigorous defence, Antonius, who was making no progress, but was ashamed and repented of his conduct, was glad to make peace with Antiochus and to take three hundred talents; and after settling some trifling matters in Syria, he returned to Athens, and sent Ventidius to enjoy a triumph after bestowing on him the suitable decorations. Ventidius is the only Roman to the present time who has had a triumph over the Parthians; and he was a man of obscure birth, but the friendship of Antonius gave him the opportunity of doing great deeds, of which he made the best use, and so confirmed what was generally said of Antonius and Cæsar, that they were more successful as generals through others than of themselves. For Sossius[390] also, a legatus of Antonius, had great success in Syria; and Canidius,[391] who was left by Antonius in Armenia, defeated the Armenians and the kings of the Iberians and Albanians, and advanced as far as the Caucasus. All this success increased the name and the fame of the power of Antonius among the barbarians. XXXV. Antonius being again irritated against Cæsar by certain calumnies, sailed to Italy with three hundred vessels; but as the people of Brundusium would not receive his fleet, he sailed round and anchored at Tarentum.[392] There he sent Octavia, for she accompanied him from Greece, at her request, to her brother: she was then pregnant, and had already borne him two daughters. She met Cæsar on the way, and after gaining over his friends Agrippa and Mæcenas,[393] she prayed him with much urgency and much entreaty not to let her become a most wretched woman after being most happy. For now, she said, all men turned their eyes upon her, who was the wife of one Imperator and the sister of another; "but if the worse should prevail," she continued, "and there should be war, it is uncertain which of you must be the victor and which the vanquished; but I shall be unfortunate both ways." Cæsar, being moved by these words, came in a friendly manner to Tarentum, and those who were present saw a most noble spectacle, a large army on land tranquil, and many ships quietly holding on the shore, and the meeting and friendly salutations of the two Imperators and their friends. Antonius gave an entertainment first, which Cæsar consented to for his sister's sake. It being agreed that Cæsar should give Antonius two legions for the Parthian war, and that Antonius should give Cæsar a hundred brazen-beaked vessels. Octavia, independently of what had been agreed, asked for her brother twenty light ships[394] from her husband, and for her husband a thousand soldiers from her brother. Accordingly, separating from one another, the one immediately engaged in the war against Pompeius,[395] being desirous to get Sicily; and Antonius, entrusting to Cæsar Octavia and his children by her and by Fulvia, crossed over to Asia. XXXVI. That great evil, which had long slept, the passion for Cleopatra, which appeared to be put to rest and to have been tranquillised by better considerations, blazed forth again and recovered strength as Antonius approached Syria. And finally (as Plato[396] says of the stubborn and ungovernable beast of the soul), kicking away everything that was good and wholesome, he sent Fonteius Capito to bring Cleopatra to Syria. On her arrival he gave and added to her dominions nothing small or trifling, but Phoenice, Coele Syria, Cyprus, a large part of Cilicia, and further, that part of Judæa which produces the balsam, and all the part, of Arabia Nabathæa which was turned towards the external sea.[397] These donations caused the Romans the greatest vexation; though he gave tetrarchies and kingdoms of great nations to many private persons, and took kingdoms from many, as for instance Antigonus[398] the Jew, whom he brought out and beheaded, though no king before had been punished in this way. But the scandal of the thing was that which gave more offence than all the honours conferred on Cleopatra. The evil report was increased by his acknowledging his twin children by Cleopatra, one of whom he called Alexander and the other Cleopatra; and he gave to one the surname of Sun, and the other of Moon. However, he had some dexterity in putting a good face on bad things, for he said that the greatness of the Roman power was shown not in what they received, but in what they gave; and that noble families were extended by a succession and progeny of many kings. Thus, for instance, he said, that his own ancestor was begotten by Hercules, who did not deposit his successors in a single womb, nor did he fear laws like Solon's[399] and penalties for conception, but gave nature her course to leave many beginnings and foundations of families. XXXVII. When Phraates[400] had killed his father Hyrodes and got possession of the kingdom, other Parthians fled, not few in number; and among them Monæses, a man of illustrious rank and great power, fled to Antonius, who likening the fortune of Monæses to that of Themistocles[401] and comparing his own means and magnanimity to those of the Persian kings, gave him three cities, Larissa and Arethusa and Hierapolis, which was before called Bambyce. Upon the Parthian king sending to Monæses a right hand,[402] Antonius gladly despatched Monæses to him, having resolved to deceive Phraates with a pretence of peace, but claiming the restoration of the standards taken in the time of Crassus and such of the prisoners as still survived. Antonius having sent Cleopatra back to Egypt, marched through Arabia[403] and Armenia to a place where he reviewed his army, which had assembled there, and also the troops of the confederate kings; and they were many, but the greatest of all was Artavasdes,[404] king of Armenia, who supplied six thousand horse and seven thousand foot soldiers. There were of the Romans sixty thousand foot soldiers, and the cavalry which was classed with the Romans was ten thousand Iberians[405] and Celts; and of the other nations there were thirty thousand together with cavalry and light-armed troops. Yet so great a preparation and power, which alarmed even the Indians beyond Bactria and shook all Asia, it is said, was made of no avail to him by reason of Cleopatra. For through his eagerness to spend the winter with her, he opened the campaign before the fit time and conducted everything in a disorderly way, not having the mastery over his own judgment, but through the influence of some drugs or magic always anxiously looking towards her, and thinking more of his speedy return than of conquering the enemy. XXXVIII. Now, in the first place, though it was his business to winter there in Armenia and to give his army rest, which was worn out by a march of eight thousand stadia, and before the Parthians moved from their winter-quarters in the commencement of spring, to occupy Media, he did not wait for the time, but immediately led forward his army, leaving Armenia on the left and touching on Atropatene,[406] which he ravaged. In the next place, the engines which were necessary for sieges were carried along with the army in three hundred waggons, and among them was a ram eighty feet long; and it was not possible for any one of them, if it was damaged, to be repaired when it was wanted, because the upper country only produced wood of insufficient length and hardness: accordingly in his hurry he left all the engines behind as encumbrances to his speed, after appointing a watch and Statianus as commander over the waggons; and he commenced the siege of Phraata,[407] a large city, in which were the children and wives of the king of Media. But the difficulties soon proved what an error he had committed in leaving behind the engines; and as he wished to come to close quarters with the enemy, he commenced erecting a mound against the city, which rose slowly and with much labour. In the meantime Phraates came down with a great force, hearing of the waggons being left behind that carried the machines, and sent many horsemen against them, by whom Statianus was hemmed in and killed and ten thousand men with him. The barbarians took possession of the engines and destroyed them. They also took many prisoners, among whom was king Polemon.[408] XXXIX. This misfortune greatly annoyed, as we may suppose, all the soldiers of Antonius, who at the commencement of the war had received this unexpected blow; and the Armenian Artavasdes despairing of the success of the Romans went off with his troops, though he had been the chief cause of the war. The Parthians now showed themselves to the besiegers in gallant array and insultingly threatened them, on which Antonius, not wishing to let despondency and dejection abide in his army by their being quiet and to increase, took ten legions and three prætorian cohorts of heavy-armed men and all the cavalry, and led them out to forage in the hope that the enemy would thus be drawn on, and that a regular battle would ensue. After advancing one day's march, he saw that the Parthians were spreading themselves around him and seeking to attack him on the march, on which he hung out in the camp the sign of battle, but at the same time he ordered the tents to be taken down, as if his intention were not to fight but to lead off his troops; and he passed along the line of the barbarians, which was in the form of a crescent, having given orders, as soon as the first ranks of the enemy should be within reach of the heavy-armed soldiers, for the cavalry to ride at them. To the Parthians who stood opposed to the Romans, their discipline appeared to be something indescribable; and they observed the Romans as they marched past at equal intervals without disorder and in silence, brandishing their spears. But when the standard was raised and the cavalry facing about rushed upon the enemy, the Parthians received their onset and repelled it, though the Romans were all at once too close to allow them to use their arrows; but when the heavy-armed soldiers joined in the conflict at the same time with shouts and the clatter of arms, the Parthian horses were frightened and gave way and the Parthians fled before they came to close quarters. Antonius pressed on the pursuit, and had great hopes that he had finished the whole war or the chief part in that battle. But when the infantry had followed up the pursuit for fifty stadia and the cavalry for three times that distance, looking at those of the enemy who had fallen and were captured, they found only thirty captives and eighty corpses, which caused dismay and despondency in all the army, when they reflected that though victorious they had killed so few, and that when defeated they must sustain such a loss as they had near the waggons. On the following day they broke up their encampment and took the road towards Phraata and the camp. On their march they fell in at first with a few of the enemy, and then a greater number, and finally with all, who, as if they were unvanquished and fresh, challenged them and fell upon them from all sides, so that with difficulty and much labour they got safe to their camp. As the Medes made a sally against the mound and terrified those who were defending it, Antonius being enraged put in practice what is called decimation[409] against the cowards; for he divided the whole number into tens, and put to death one out of each ten who was chosen by lot; and to the rest he ordered barley to be measured out, instead of wheat. XL. The war was attended with great hardship to both sides, and the future was still more alarming, as Antonius was expecting famine, for it was no longer possible to get forage without many of the soldiers being wounded and killed. Phraates knowing that the Parthians were able to bear anything rather than to endure hardship in the winter and to encamp in the open air, was afraid lest, if the Romans held out and abided there, his troops would leave him, as the atmosphere was beginning to grow heavy after the autumnal equinox. Accordingly he planned such a stratagem as this. The chiefs of the Parthians,[410] both in the forages and on other occasions when they met the Romans, made less vigorous resistance, both allowing them to take some things and commending their valour in that they were most courageous men, and were justly admired by their king. After this, riding up nearer to them, and quietly placing their horses near the Romans, they would abuse Antonius, saying that though Phraates wished to come to terms and to spare so many brave men, Antonius would not give him the opportunity, but sat there awaiting those dangerous and powerful enemies, hunger and winter, from whom it would be difficult for them to escape, even under convoy of the Parthians. Many persons reported this to Antonius, and though he was softened by hope, still he did not send heralds to the Parthians until he inquired from the barbarians who assumed this friendly demeanour, whether what they said really expressed the king's meaning. On their saying that it was so, and urging him not to fear or distrust, he sent some of his companions to demand back the standards and the captives, that it might not be supposed that he was so eager to make his escape and get away. The Parthian told him not to trouble himself about that matter, but promised him peace and security if he would depart forthwith; whereupon in a few days Antonius got his baggage together and broke up his camp. Though Antonius had great powers of persuasion before a popular assembly, and was skilled above every man of the age in leading an army by his words, he was unable through shame and depression of spirits to encourage the soldiers, and he bade Domitius Ænobarbus[411] do this. Some of the soldiers took this amiss, considering it as a token of contempt towards them, but the majority were affected by it, and perceived the reason, and they thought that they ought on this account the more to show their respect and obedience to the commander. XLI. As Antonius was intending to lead the troops back by the same road, which was through a plain country without trees, a man, by nation a Mardian,[412] who was well acquainted with the Parthian habits, and had already shown himself faithful to the Romans in the battle at the waggons, came up to Antonius and advised him in his flight to keep to the mountains on his right, and not to expose a force, in heavy armour and encumbered, to so numerous a cavalry and to the arrows in bare and open tracts, which was the very thing that Phraates designed when he induced him by friendly terms to raise the siege; and that he would lead them a shorter road, where he would find a better supply of necessaries. Antonius on hearing this deliberated; he did not wish to appear to distrust the Parthians after the truce, yet as he approved of the shorter road, and the line of march being along inhabited villages, he asked the Mardian for a pledge of his fidelity. The Mardian offered himself to be put in chains until he should place the army in Armenia; and he was put in chains, and he conducted them for two days without their meeting with any opposition. On the third day, when Antonius had completely ceased to think of the Parthians, and was advancing in a careless way by reason of his confidence, the Mardian observed that an embankment against the overflowing of a river had been recently broken, and that the stream was flowing in a great current on the road by which they had to pass, and he knew that the Parthians had done this with the intention of making the river an obstacle to the Roman march by the difficulty and delay that it would occasion; and he bade Antonius look out and be on his guard, as the enemy was near. Just while he was placing the heavy-armed men in order, and taking measures for the javelin-men and slingers to make an attack through their ranks upon the enemy, the Parthians appeared and rode round them with the design of encircling the Romans and putting them in disorder on all sides. The light-armed troops made a sally against them, and the Parthians, after inflicting some wounds with their arrows and receiving as many from the leaden bullets[413] and javelins of the Romans, retreated. The Parthians then commenced a second attack, which continued until the Celtæ in a mass drove their horses against them and dispersed them; and the Parthians showed themselves no more on that day. XLII. From this experience Antonius, learning what he ought to do, covered not only the rear, but also both flanks with many javelin men and slingers, and led his army in the form of a quadrangle; and the cavalry received orders to repel the attack of the enemy, but when they had repulsed them, not to pursue far, in consequence of which the Parthians during the four following days sustained as much damage as they inflicted, and their ardour being dulled they thought of retiring, as an excuse for which they alleged the approach of winter. On the fifth day Flavius Gallus, a man of military talent and great activity, who held a command, came and asked Antonius for more light-armed troops for the rear,[414] and for some of the cavalry from the van, in the expectation of having great success. Antonius gave him the troops, and when the enemy made his attack, he fell upon them, not as on former occasions, at the same time withdrawing towards the heavy-armed soldiers and retreating, but resisting them and engaging with the enemy in a desperate way. The commanders of the rear seeing that he was being separated from them, sent and called him back, but he would not listen to them. They say that Titius the quæstor, seizing the standards, turned them round and abused Gallus for throwing away the lives of many brave men. But as Gallus abused him in turn, and urged those about him to remain, Titius retreated. While Gallus was pushing forwards against the enemy in front, a large body of those in the rear got round him before he perceived it. Being now attacked on all sides he sent for aid; but the commanders of the heavy-armed troops, among whom was Canidius, a man who had the greatest influence with Antonius, are considered to have committed a great mistake. For when they ought to have moved the whole line against the enemy, they sent a few at a time to help against them; and again when these were being worsted, they sent others, and thus these came near filling the whole army with defeat and flight before they were aware of it; but Antonius himself quickly came with the heavy-armed men from the van to meet the enemy, and the third legion quickly pushing through the fugitives against the enemy stopped their further pursuit. XLIII. There fell no fewer than three thousand; and there were carried to the tents five thousand wounded, and among them Gallus, who was pierced with five arrows in front. Gallus did not recover from his wounds; but Antonius, going about, visited the rest of the wounded, and he encouraged them with tears in his eyes and deep sympathy. The men, cheerfully grasping his right hand, begged him to go and take care of his health and not to trouble himself about them, calling him Imperator, and saying that they were all secure if he was only safe. For altogether it seems that no Imperator of that age got together an army more distinguished by courage or endurance or strength; but the respect towards the commander himself, and the obedience combined with affection, and the circumstance that all alike, those of good reputation, those of bad, commanders, private soldiers, preferred honour and favour from Antonius to their own lives and safety, left nothing even for the ancient Romans to surpass, and of this there were several reasons, as we have said before; noble birth, powerful eloquence, simplicity, generosity and munificence, affability in his pleasures and conversation. On that occasion, by the pains that he took and his sympathy with the wounded, and by sharing with them whatever they wanted, he made the sick and wounded more full of alacrity than those who were whole. XLIV. However the victory so elated the enemy, who were already worn out and exhausted, and they despised the Romans so much that they even passed the night[415] close to the camp, expecting that they should soon plunder the deserted tents and the baggage of the Romans skulking away. At daybreak the enemy crowded upon them in still greater numbers, and there are said to have been not fewer than forty thousand horsemen, as the king had sent even those who were always placed around himself, as to certain and secure success; for the king himself was never present in any battle. But Antonius, wishing to harangue the soldiers, asked for a dark garment that he might appear more piteous. But as his friends opposed him, he came forward in the purple dress of a general and addressed the troops, praising those who had been victorious, and upbraiding those who had fled. The former exhorted him to be of good cheer, and the others making their apology offered themselves to him either to be decimated or to be punished in any other way; only they prayed him to cease being troubled and grieved. Hereupon, raising his hands, he prayed to the gods, that if any reverse of fortune should follow on account of his former prosperity, it might come upon him, but that they would give safety and victory to the rest of the army. XLV. On the following day they advanced under better protection; and when the Parthians made their attack, the result was very contrary to their expectations. For they expected to advance to plunder and booty, and not to battle; but as they were assailed by many missiles, and saw that the Romans were encouraged and fresh with alacrity, they were again completely wearied of the contest. However the Parthians again fell upon them as they were descending some steep hills, and galled them with arrows as they were slowly retreating, whereon the shield-bearers[416] faced about and placing the light-armed troops within their ranks, dropped down on one knee and held their shields before them; those behind held their shields before the front rank, and those who were behind the second rank did the same. This form, which very much resembles a roof,[417] presents a theatrical appearance, and is the safest of bulwarks against the arrows, which thus glance off. But the Parthians, who thought that the Romans bending on one knee was a sign of exhaustion and fatigue, laid aside their bows, and grasping their spears by the middle, came to close quarters. But the Romans with one shout all at once sprang up, and pushing with their javelins which they held in their hands, killed the foremost and put all the rest to flight. This took place also on the following days, the Romans making only small way. Famine also attacked the army, which could get little grain and that with fighting, and they had few implements for grinding; for the greater part were left behind, owing to some of the beasts dying, and others being employed in carrying the sick and wounded. It is said that an Attic choenix[418] of wheat was sold for fifty drachmæ; and they sold barley loaves for their weight in silver. Then they betook themselves to vegetables and roots; but they found few of the kind that they were accustomed to, and being compelled to make trial of what they had never tasted before, they ate of one herb that caused madness and then death. For he who had eaten of it recollected nothing, and understood nothing, and busied himself about nothing except one sole thing, which was to move and turn every stone, as if he were doing something of great importance. The plain was full of men stooping to the ground and digging round stones and moving them; and finally they vomited bile and died, for wine, which was the only remedy, failed them. As many were dying and the Parthians did not desist from their attack, they say that Antonius often cried out "O the ten thousand!"[419] whereby he expressed his admiration of the ten thousand, that though they marched even a greater distance, from Babylonia, and fought with many more enemies, yet they made good their retreat. XLVI. The Parthians, not being able to break through the Roman army nor yet to separate their ranks, and being already often defeated and put to flight, again mingled in a friendly way with those who went out for grass or corn, and pointing to the strings of their bows which were unstrung, said, that they were going back and this was the end of their attack; but that a few of the Medes would follow still one or two days' journey without annoying them at all, and for the purpose of protecting the more distant villages. To these words were added embraces and signs of friendship, so that the Romans were again of good cheer; and Antonius hearing this resolved to keep nearer to the plains, as the road through the mountains was said to be waterless. While he was intending to do this, there came to the camp a man from the enemy, named Mithridates, a cousin of Monæses, of him who had been with Antonius and had received the three cities as a present. And he asked for some one to come near to him who could speak the Parthian or the Syrian language. Alexander of Antioch came to him, and he was an intimate friend of Antonius, whereupon Mithridates, saying who he was, and intimating that they must thank Monæses for what he was going to say, asked Alexander, if he saw in the distance a continuous range of lofty mountains. On Alexander saying that he saw them, he replied, "Under those mountains the Parthians with all their forces lie in ambush for you. For the great plains border on these mountains, and they expect that you will be deceived by them and will turn in that direction and leave the road through the mountains. The way over the mountains is attended with thirst and labour to which you are accustomed, but if Antonius goes by the plain, let him be assured that the fate of Crassus awaits him." XLVII. Having said this, he went away; and Antonius, who was troubled at these words, called together his friends and the Mardian who was their guide, and had exactly the same opinion. For even if there were no enemy, he knew that the want of roads in the plains and the mistakes in the track which they might make there were matters of hazard and difficulty; but he declared that the road over the mountains presented no other risk than the want of water for a single day. Accordingly Antonius turned aside and led his army by this route by night, having given orders to the men to take water with them. But the greater part had no vessels, and accordingly they filled their helmets with water and carried them, and others took it in skins. As soon as Antonius began to advance, the Parthians had intelligence of it, and contrary to their custom they commenced the pursuit while it was still night. Just as the sun was rising, they came up with the rear, which was in weak condition through want of sleep and fatigue: for they had accomplished two hundred and forty stadia in the night; and the enemy coming upon them so suddenly when they did not expect it, dispirited them. The contest increased their thirst, for they still advanced while they were defending themselves. Those who were in the first ranks, as they were marching onwards, came to a river,[420] the water of which was cool and pellucid, but salt and of a medicinal nature; and this water, when drank of immoderately, caused pains with purging and augmentation of the thirst: and though the Mardian had warned them of this, the soldiers nevertheless forced away those who tried to hinder them and drank of the water. Antonius went round to the men and prayed them to hold out for a short time, and he said there was another river not far off, and besides this, the rest of the route was impracticable for horses and rough, so that the enemy must certainly turn back. At the same time he summoned those who were engaged in the fight and gave the signal for pitching the tents, that the soldiers might at least enjoy the shade a little. XLVIII. While then the tents were being fixed and the Parthians as usual were immediately retiring, Mithridates came again, and upon Alexander going up to him, he advised him to put the army in motion after it had rested a little and to hasten to the river: for he said that the Parthians would not cross it, but would follow up the pursuit as far as the river. Alexander reported this to Antonius, and then brought out from him numerous gold cups and goblets, of which Mithridates taking as many as he could hide in his dress, rode off. As it was still daylight, they broke up their tents and advanced, without being annoyed by the enemy; but they made that night of all others the most painful and frightful to themselves. For they killed and plundered those who had silver or gold, and took the things that were carried by the beasts; and finally falling upon the baggage of Antonius, they cut in pieces and divided among them cups and costly tables, there being great disturbance and confusion through the whole army; for they thought that the enemy had fallen upon them and that flight and dispersion had ensued, Antonius called one of the freedmen, who was on his guard, named Rhamnus, and bound him by oath when he gave him the order, to push his sword through him and to cut off his head, that he might neither be taken alive by the enemy nor be recognised when dead. His friends broke out in tears, but the Mardian encouraged Antonius by telling him that the river was near; for a moist breeze blowing and a cooler air meeting them made their respiration more agreeable; and he said that the time they had been on the march confirmed his estimate of the distance, for what now remained of the night was not much. At the same time others reported that the disorder was owing to their own wrongful deeds and rapacity. Accordingly Antonius, wishing to bring the army into order from their state of disorder and confusion, commanded the signal to be given for pitching the tents. XLIX. Day was now dawning, and as the army was beginning to get into certain order and tranquillity, the arrows of the Parthians fell upon the rear, and the signal for battle was given to the light-armed troops. The heavy-armed troops again covering one another in like manner as before with their shields, stood the assault of the missiles, the enemy not venturing to come near. The first ranks advancing slowly in this form, the river was seen; and Antonius drawing up his cavalry on the banks in face of the enemy, took across the weak first. Those who were fighting were now relieved from apprehension, and had the opportunity of drinking; for when the Parthians saw the river, they unstrung their bows and bade the Romans pass over in confidence, with great encomiums on their valour. Accordingly, they crossed, and recruited themselves quietly; and then they marched forwards, but yet not with full confidence in the Parthians. On the sixth day after the last battle they reached the river Araxes,[421] which is the boundary between Media and Armenia. It appeared dangerous both for its depth and roughness, and a rumour went through the army that the enemy was in ambush there, and would fall on them as they were crossing. When they had safely crossed and had set foot in Armenia, as if they had just got sight of that land from the sea, they saluted it and fell to shedding of tears and embracing of one another for joy. In their progress through a fertile country, during which they used everything freely after having suffered great want, they were subject to dropsical and bowel complaints. L. Antonius there made a review of his men, and he found that twenty thousand infantry and four thousand cavalry had perished; not all by the enemy, but above half by disease. They marched from Phraata twenty-seven days, and they defeated the Parthians in eighteen battles; but these victories brought neither strength nor security, because their pursuits were short and ineffectual. And this mainly showed that it was Artavasdes[422] the Armenian who had deprived Antonius of the means of bringing that war to an end. For if the sixteen thousand horsemen whom he drew out of Media had been present, who were equipped like the Parthians, and were accustomed to fight against them, and if, while the Romans put to flight the fighting enemy, they had overtaken the fugitives, it would not have been in their power after a defeat to recover themselves and venture again so often. All the army accordingly in passion endeavoured to incite Antonius to punish the Armenian. But Antonius upon considerations of prudence neither reproached him for his treachery nor abated of his usual friendly behaviour and respect towards him, being weak in numbers and in want of supplies. Afterwards, however, when he again broke into Armenia, and by many promises and invitations, persuaded Artavasdes to come into his hands, he seized him and took him in chains to Alexandria, where he was led in triumph. And herein chiefly he offended the Romans, by giving to the Egyptians for the sake of Cleopatra the honourable and solemn ceremonial of his native country. This however took place later. LI. Antonius now pressed on his march, the winter having already set in with severity, through incessant snow-storms, in which he lost eight thousand men on the route. Going down to the sea-coast with a very small body of men, he waited for Cleopatra[423] in a place between Berytus and Sidon, called "White village"; and as she was slow in coming, he became uneasy and restless, soon giving himself up to drinking and intoxication, but yet being unable to continue at table; for while his companions were drinking he would rise and often spring up to look out, till Cleopatra arrived there by sea bringing a quantify of clothes and supplies for the soldiers. There are some who say that Antonius received the clothes from her, but that the money was his own, though he distributed it as if it were a present to him from Cleopatra. LII. A quarrel arose between the king of the Medes and Phraortes[424] the Parthian, which originated, as they say, about the Roman spoils, but caused the Mede to have suspicions and fear of being deprived of his dominions. For this reason he sent to invite Antonius, and proffered to join him in a war with his own forces. Antonius accordingly being put in great hope--for the only thing as he thought which had been the cause of his failing to subdue the Parthians, his having gone against them without many horsemen and bowmen, he now saw was offered to him in such way that his part was rather to do a favour by accepting than to ask for one--was preparing again to march into the upper country through Armenia, and after joining the Mede near the Araxes, then to recommence the war. LIII. At Rome Octavia[425] was desirous of going to Antonius, and Cæsar gave her permission; as the greater part say, not with the design of pleasing her, but in order that if she were greatly insulted and neglected, he might have a specious pretext for the war. On reaching Athens she received letters from Antonius, in which he told her to stay there, and informed her of his intended expedition. Though Octavia was annoyed, and saw that this was only a pretext, she wrote to him to ask to what place he would have the things sent which she was bringing to him. And she was taking a great quantity of clothing for the army, many beasts, and money and presents for his officers and friends; and besides this, two thousand picked soldiers equipped as prætorian cohorts, with splendid armour. A certain Niger, a friend of Antonius, who was sent by Octavia, reported this to him, and he added commendation of Octavia such as she merited and was just. But Cleopatra, seeing that Octavia was entering into a contest with her, and fearing that if to the dignity of her behaviour and the power of Cæsar she added the pleasure of social intercourse and attention to Antonius, she would be invincible and get complete mastery over her husband, pretended to be desperately in love with Antonius, and she wasted her body by spare diet; and she put on the expression of strong passion when he approached her, and of sorrow and depression when he went away. She also contrived to be often seen in tears, which she would all at once wipe away and affect to conceal, as if she did not wish Antonius to observe it. She practised these arts while Antonius was preparing for his expedition from Syria against the Mede.[426] Flatterers, too, who were busy in her behalf, abused Antonius as a hard and unfeeling man, who was causing the death of a woman who was devoted to him alone. As to Octavia, she came to meet Antonius upon business on her brother's account, and enjoyed the name of wife of Antonius; but Cleopatra, who was the queen of so many people, was only called the beloved of Antonius, and she did not shun nor disdain this name, so long as she could see Antonius and live with him; but if she were driven away from him, she would not survive. At last they so melted and softened the man, that through fear that Cleopatra might destroy herself, he returned to Alexandria, and put off the Mede to the summer season, though the affairs of Parthia were said to be in a state of anarchy. However, he went up into the country, and brought over the king to friendly terms, and after betrothing to one of his sons by Cleopatra one of the daughters of the king, who was still a young child, he returned, being now engaged in preparing for the civil war. LIV. When Octavia returned from Athens, as Cæsar conceived her to have been insulted, he ordered her to dwell in her own house. But she refused to leave her husband's house, and she advised her brother, if he had not for other reasons determined to go to war with Antonius, to let her affairs alone, for it was not even decent to be said, that of the greatest Imperators, one through love for a woman, and the other through jealousy, brought the Romans to civil war. This she said, and she confirmed what she said by her acts; for she lived in her husband's house, just as if he were at home, and she took care of the children, both her own and those of Fulvia, in an honourable and liberal way; she also received the friends of Antonius who were sent to Rome to get offices or on business, and assisted them in obtaining from Cæsar what they wanted. She thus unintentionally damaged Antonius, for he was hated for wronging such a woman. He was also hated for the division which he made among his children at Alexandria, which appeared to be tragical[427] and arrogant, and to show hatred of the Romans. For he filled the gymnasium with a crowd, and caused to be placed on a tribunal of silver two thrones of gold, one for himself, and the other for Cleopatra, and for the children other thrones which were lower; and first of all he declared Cleopatra Queen of Egypt and Cyprus and Libya and Coele Syria, with Cæsarion as co-regent, who was believed to be the son of the former Cæsar, who left Cleopatra pregnant; in the next place he proclaimed his sons and Cleopatra's to be Kings of Kings; and to Alexander he gave Armenia, and Media, and Parthia, when he should have subdued it, and to Ptolemæus he gave Phoenice and Syria and Cilicia. At the same time also he led forth Alexander, dressed in a Median vest with a tiara and cittaris[428] upright, and Ptolemæus in boots, and a chlamys, and a causia with a diadem attached to it; for this was the dress of the kings who followed Alexander, and the other was the dress of the Medes and Armenians. After the children had embraced their parents, a guard of Armenians was placed around the one, and of Macedonians around the other. Cleopatra, both on that occasion and on other occasions when she went out before the people, used to put on a dress sacred to Isis, different from her ordinary dress, and she was called the new Isis. LV. By bringing these matters before the Senate, and often complaining of them before the people, Cæsar excited the multitude against Antonius. Antonius also sent and made recriminations against Cæsar. The chief charges which Antonius made against him were, in the first place, that though he had taken Sicily from Pompeius, he did not give him a part of the island; second, that Cæsar had borrowed ships from him for the war and had kept them; third, that after ejecting his colleague Lepidus from his authority and degrading him, Cæsar kept the army and territory and revenues that were assigned to Lepidus;[429] and, finally, that he had distributed nearly all Italy in allotments among his own soldiers, and had left nothing for the soldiers of Antonius. To these charges Cæsar replied, that he had deprived Lepidus of his authority because he was abusing it, and as to what he had acquired in war, he would share it with Antonius, when Antonius should share Armenia with him. He further said that the soldiers of Antonius had no claim to any share of Italy, for that they had Media and Parthia, which they had added to the Roman possessions by their brave conduct in war under their Imperator. LVI. Antonius heard of this while he was tarrying in Armenia; and he immediately gave orders to Canidius to take sixteen legions and to go down to the sea. Himself taking Cleopatra with him went to Ephesus. Here the navy collected from all quarters, eight hundred ships, including merchant vessels, of which Cleopatra furnished two hundred, and twenty thousand talents and supplies for the war for all the army. Antonius, being persuaded by Domitius and some others, told Cleopatra to sail to Egypt and there to wait the result of the war. But as Cleopatra feared that there would again be a reconciliation through Octavia, she persuaded Canidius by a large bribe to speak to Antonius about her, and to say, that it was neither just for a woman to be kept away from the war, who supplied so many large contributions, nor was it to the interest of Antonius to dispirit the Egyptians, who composed a large part of the naval force; and besides this, he did not see to which of the kings who joined the expedition Cleopatra was inferior in understanding, she who for a long time by herself had governed so large a kingdom, and had long enjoyed his company, and had learned to manage great affairs. These arguments prevailed, for it was fated that all the power should come into Cæsar's hands; and after the forces had come together, they sailed to Samos and enjoyed themselves there. For as orders had been given to kings and rulers and tetrarchs and nations and all the cities between Syria and the Mæotis and Armenia and the Illyrians[430] to send and bring their supplies for the war, so all the persons who assisted at theatrical entertainments were required to meet Antonius at Samos; and while nearly all the world around was lamenting and groaning, one island for many days resounded with pipes and stringed instruments, and the theatres were filled and the chori were vying with one another. Every city also joined in the celebration by sending an ox, and kings rivalled one another in giving entertainments and presents. So that it went abroad and was said, how will persons behave in the rejoicings after a victory, who make such costly banquets to celebrate the preparations for war? LVII. After these amusements were over, Antonius gave to the theatrical company Priene for their dwelling; and sailing to Athens he again gave himself up to pleasure and theatres. Cleopatra, who was jealous of the honours that had been paid to Octavia in the city, for Octavia was very much beloved by the Athenians, attempted to gain the popular favour by many acts of liberality. The Athenians after voting to her honorable distinctions, sent a deputation to her residence to carry the record of the vote, and Antonius was one of them, as being an Athenian citizen; and coming before her he went through an harangue on behalf of the city. He sent persons to Rome to eject Octavia from his house; and it is said that when she left it, she took all the children of Antonius with her except the eldest of the children by Fulvia, for he was with his father, and that she wept and lamented that she too would be considered one of the causes of the war. And the Romans pitied not her, but they pitied Antonius, and those chiefly who had seen Cleopatra, a woman who had not the advantage over Octavia either in beauty or in youth. LVIII. Cæsar was alarmed when he heard of the rapidity and the greatness of the preparation[431] of Antonius, lest he should be compelled to come to a decisive battle during that summer. For he was deficient in many things, and the exaction of taxes vexed people; for the free men, being compelled to contribute a fourth[432] of their income, and the class of freedmen to contribute an eighth part of their property, cried out against Cæsar, and tumults arising from these causes prevailed over all Italy. Accordingly the delay in the war is reckoned among the greatest faults of Antonius; for it gave time to Cæsar to make preparation, and it put an end to the disturbances among the people; for while the money was being exacted from them they were irritated, but when it had been exacted and they had paid it they remained quiet.[433] Titius and Plancus, friends of Antonius and men of consular rank, being insulted by Cleopatra, for they made the most opposition to her joining the expedition, escaped to Cæsar, and they gave him information about the will of Antonius, as they were acquainted with the contents of it. The will was placed with the Vestal Virgins,[434] and when Cæsar asked for it, they would not give it to him, but they told him, if he wished to have it, to come and take it himself. And he did go and take it; and first of all he read it over by himself, and marked certain passages which furnished ready matter of accusation; in the next place he assembled the Senate and read the will, to the dissatisfaction of the greater part; for they considered it to be altogether unusual and a hard matter for a man to be called to account in his lifetime for what he wished to be done after his death. Cæsar dwelt most on that part of the will which related to the interment; for Antonius directed that his body, even if he should die in Rome, should be carried in procession through the Forum and sent to Alexandria to Cleopatra. Calvisius, an intimate friend of Cæsar, brought forward also these charges against Antonius in reference to Cleopatra: that he had given her the libraries[435] from Pergamum, in which there were two hundred thousand single books; and that at an entertainment in the presence of many people he stood up and rubbed her feet[436] in compliance with a certain arrangement and agreement; and that he allowed the Ephesians in his presence to salute Cleopatra as mistress; and that frequently when he was administering justice to tetrarchs and kings on his tribunal, he would receive from her love-billets written on onyx or crystal and read them. Furnius[437] also, who was a man of distinction and the most powerful orator among the Romans, said that Cleopatra was being carried in a litter through the Forum, and that Antonius when he saw her, sprung up and left the judgment-seat and accompanied her hanging on the litter. LIX. In most of these matters Calvisius[438] was supposed to be lying. But the friends of Antonius going about in Rome entreated the people for his sake, and they sent Geminius, one of their body, to entreat Antonius not to be regardless about being deprived of his authority by a vote and declared an enemy of the Romans. Geminius having sailed to Greece became suspected by Cleopatra of acting on the behalf of Octavia, and, though he was continually ridiculed at supper and insulted by having unsuitable places at the feast assigned to him, he submitted to this and waited for an opportunity of an interview; and when he was told at supper to say what he had come about, he replied that all his communication was to be made when he was sober, except one thing, which he knew whether he was sober or drunk; and it was this, that all would be well if Cleopatra would go off to Egypt. Antonius was irritated at this, but Cleopatra said, "You have done well, Geminius, in having confessed the truth without tortures." After a few days accordingly Geminius made his escape to Rome. The flatterers of Cleopatra drove away also many of the other friends of Antonius, who could not endure their excesses over wine and their coarse behaviour; and among these were Marcus Silanus and Dellius the historian. Dellius says that he was also afraid of some design from Cleopatra, of which he had been informed by Glaucus the physician. He had offended Cleopatra at supper by saying that they had to drink vinegar, while Sarmentus[439] at Rome was drinking Falernian. Now Sarmentus was a youth, one of Cæsar's favourites, such as the Romans call Deliciæ. LX. When Cæsar had made preparation sufficient, he got a vote passed for war against Cleopatra[440] and for depriving Antonius of the authority which he had surrendered to Cleopatra. Cæsar also said that Antonius, owing to draughts that had been administered to him, was not in his senses, and those whom the Romans had to fight against were Mardion the eunuch, and Potheinus, and Iras the tire-woman of Cleopatra, and Charmion, by whom all the chief matters of administration were directed. These signs, it is said, happened before the war. Pisaurum,[441] a city that had been colonised by Antonius, which was situated near the Adriatic, was swallowed up by the opening of chasms in the earth. From one of the stone statues of Antonius at Alba sweat oozed for many days, and it did not cease, though there were persons who wiped it off. While he was staying at Patræ, the Herakleium was destroyed by lightning; at Athens the Dionysius, one of the figures in the Battle of the Giants,[442] was blown down by the winds and carried into the theatre. Now Antonius claimed kinship with Hercules by descent and with Dionysius by imitating his manner of life, as it has been said, and he was called young Dionysius. The same tempest also fell on the colossal statues of Eumenes and Attalus, on which the name of Antonius had been inscribed, and threw them down alone out of a large number. The admiral's ship of Cleopatra was called Antonias, and a bad omen appeared as to it: some swallows had made their nest under the stern, but other swallows attacked and drove them out and destroyed the young. LXI. They were now coming together for the war; and the fighting ships of Antonius were not fewer than five hundred, among which were many vessels of eight and ten banks of oars fitted out in proud and pompous style; of the land forces there were one hundred thousand, and twelve thousand horsemen. There were on his side of subject kings, Bocchus the king of the Libyans, and Tarcondemus the king of Upper Cilicia, and Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, and Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, and Mithridates of Commagene, and Sadalas of Thrace. These were with him. From Pontus Polemon sent a force, and Malchus from Arabia, and Herodes, the Jew; and besides these, Amyntas, the king of the Lycaonians and Galatians.[443] There was also help sent from the king of the Medes. Cæsar had two hundred and fifty ships of war, and eighty thousand infantry, and about the same number of horsemen as the enemy. The dominion of Antonius extended over the country from the Euphrates to the Ionian sea and the Illyrians; and that of Cæsar from the Illyrians over the country that reached to the Western Ocean, and over the country from the ocean to the Tuscan and Sicilian sea. Of Libya Cæsar had the part which extended opposite to Italy and Gaul and Iberia as far as the pillars of Hercules; and Antonius had the part from Cyrene to Ethiopia. LXII. Antonius was so mere an appendage to Cleopatra that though he had a great superiority in land forces, he wished the decision of the affair to depend on the navy, to please Cleopatra: and this, though he saw that through want of a crew, men were being seized by the trierarchs out of Greece, which had indeed suffered much, travellers, ass-drivers, reapers, youths, and that even by these means the ships were not manned, but the greater part were deficient and were ill manoeuvred. Cæsar's navy consisted of ships not built to a great height nor yet for the purpose of making a show, but adapted for easy and quick movement and well manned; and he kept his fleet together in Tarentum and Brundusium, and sent to Antonius to ask him not to waste the time, but to come with his forces, and that he would provide his armament with naval stations free from all hindrance, and harbours, and that he would retreat with his land forces a day's journey for a horseman from the sea, until Antonius had safely landed and encamped. Antonius replied in like strain to this bragging language by challenging Cæsar to single combat, though he was older than Cæsar; and if Cæsar declined this, he proposed that they should decide the matter with their armies at Pharsalus, as Cæsar and Pompeius had done before. While Antonius was taking his station near Actium,[444] where Nicopolis is now built, Cæsar contrived to cross the Ionian sea and to get possession of a place in Epirus, called Torune; and as the friends of Antonius were uneasy, because their land force had not yet come up, Cleopatra, jesting, said, "What is the harm if Cæsar is sitting by a torune?"[445] LXIII. At daybreak the advance of the enemy's fleet alarmed Antonius, lest they should seize the ships which were without crews, and accordingly he armed the rowers and placed them on the decks to make a show, and raising the ships' oars and making them ready for plying, he kept his ships on each side in the channel near Actium, prow to prow, as if they were fit to be put in motion and prepared to fight. Cæsar, being frustrated by this manoeuvre, retired. Antonius also by some well contrived works shut in the water and deprived his enemies of it; and the surrounding spots had only little water, and that was bad. He behaved with magnanimity to Domitius also, and contrary to the judgment of Cleopatra. Domitius, who was already suffering from fever, got into a small boat and went over to Cæsar, on which Antonius, though much annoyed, sent him all his baggage together with his friends and slaves. Domitius indeed, as if he were repenting after the discovery of his faithlessness and treachery, died immediately. There were also defections among the kings, for Amyntas and Deiotarus went over to Cæsar. Now as the navy was in all things unlucky and always too late to give any help, Antonius was again compelled to turn his thoughts to his land forces. Canidius also, who commanded the land forces, changed his opinion at the sight of the danger, and he advised Antonius to send Cleopatra away, and to retreat to Thrace or Macedonia, and then to decide the matter by a battle. For Dicomes, the king of the Getæ, promised to help him with a large force; and Canidius urged that there would be no disgrace, if they should give up the sea to Cæsar, who had been disciplined in the Sicilian war, but it would be a strange thing if Antonius, who was excellently versed in military operations, should not avail himself of his strength and his resources of so many heavy-armed soldiers, and should instead thereof distribute his troops among vessels and fritter them away. Notwithstanding this the advice of Cleopatra prevailed that the war should be decided by a naval battle, though she was already contemplating flight and making arrangements for her own position, not with a view to contribute to the victory, but to have the best place to retreat from if their cause should be ruined. Now there were long lines which extended from the camp to the naval station, and Antonius was accustomed to pass without suspecting any danger; and as a slave of Cæsar told him that it would be possible to seize Antonius as he went down through the lines, Cæsar sent men to lie in ambush for him. They came so near accomplishing their purpose as this, that by rising up too soon they seized the man who was advancing in front of Antonius; and Antonius escaped with difficulty by running. LXIV. When it had been resolved to make a sea fight, Antonius burned all the Egyptian ships except sixty; but he manned the best and largest, from three to ten banks of oars, with twenty thousand heavy-armed soldiers and two thousand bowmen. Hereupon it is said that one of the centurions, who had already fought many battles for Antonius and was covered with wounds, wept as Antonius was passing by, and said; "Imperator, why do you distrust these wounds or this sword and rest your hopes in miserable logs of wood? Let Egyptians and Phoenicians fight on sea, but give us land, on which we are accustomed to stand and to die or to vanquish our enemies." Without making any reply, but merely by a motion of his hand and the expression of his countenance encouraging the man to be of good cheer, Antonius passed by, without however having any good hopes himself, inasmuch as when the masters of the vessels were desirous to leave the sails behind, he ordered them to be put on board and taken with them, observing that not a single fugitive of the enemy should be allowed to escape. LXV.[446] Now on that day and the three following days the sea was agitated by a strong wind which prevented an engagement, but on the fifth, there being no wind and the sea being quite calm, they came to an engagement. Antonius and Publicola commanded the right wing, and Coelius the left; and in the centre were Marcus Octavius and Marcus Insteius. Cæsar placed Agrippa on the left, and reserved the right wing for himself. Canidius drew up the army of Antonius, and Taurus that of Cæsar on the shore, and remained without moving. As to the two commanders-in-chief, Antonius visited all his vessels in a row-boat and exhorted his soldiers to trust to the weight of their ships and to fight as if they were on land, without changing their position, and he urged the masters of the ships to receive the shock of the enemy with their vessels as if they were quietly at anchor, and to avoid the difficult spots about the entrance of the bay: and Cæsar, it is said, while it was still dark, left his tent, and as he was going round to the ships, he met a man driving an ass, who being asked his name and knowing Cæsar, replied, "My name is Goodluck, and my ass's name is Victor." For this reason when Cæsar afterwards ornamented the place with the beaks of ships, he set up a bronze figure of an ass and a man. After observing the arrangement of the other part of his fleet, he went in a boat to the right wing and was surprised to see the enemy resting quietly in the straits; for the vessels had the appearance of being moored at their anchors; and as he was for a long time convinced of this, he kept his own ships at the distance of eight stadia from the enemy. It was now the sixth hour, and a wind beginning to rise from the sea, the soldiers of Antonius were impatient at the delay, and, trusting to the height and magnitude of their ships as making them unassailable, they put the left wing in motion. Cæsar, delighted to see this, ordered his right wing to row backwards with the design of drawing the enemy still further out of the gulf and the straits, and by surrounding them with his own light vessels to come to close quarters with the enemy's ships, which, owing to their size and the insufficiency of their crews, were cumbersome and slow. LXVI. Though the two fleets were beginning to come together, they did not drive the ships against, nor strive to crush one another, for the ships of Antonius, owing to their weight, were unable to move forwards with any force, which mainly gives effect to the blows of the beaks, and those of Cæsar not only avoided meeting front to front the strong and rough brass work of the enemy, but did not even venture to strike against them on the flank. For the beaks would easily have been broken off by coming in contact with the hulls[447] of the enemy's vessels, which were protected by large square pieces of timber fastened to one another with iron. The battle therefore was like a land fight, or, to speak more exactly, like the assailing of a fortress; for three and four of Cæsar's ships at the same time were engaged about one of the ships of Antonius, and the men fought with light shields and spears and poles and fiery missiles; the soldiers of Antonius assailed them also with catapults from wooden towers. While Agrippa was extending the left wing with a view to surround the enemy, Publicola, being compelled to advance to meet him, was separated from the centre, which fell into confusion, and was also closely engaged with Arruntius. While the sea fight was still undecided and equally favourable to both sides, all at once the sixty ships of Cleopatra were seen raising their sails for the purpose of making off, and flying through the centre of the combatants; for they were stationed behind the large vessels and they caused confusion by making their way through them. The enemy looked on with wonder, seeing them take advantage of the wind and shape their course towards the Peloponnesus. On this occasion Antonius clearly showed that he was not governed by the considerations that befit either a commander or a man, or even by his own judgment, but, as some one observed in jest, that the soul of the lover lives in another person's body, so was he dragged along by the woman as if he had grown to her and moved together with her. For no sooner did he see her ship sailing away, than, forgetting everything, and deserting and skulking away from those who were fighting and dying in his cause, he got into a five-oared galley with only Alexas the Syrian and Skellius to attend him, and followed after her who had already ruined him and was destined to complete his ruin. LXVII. Cleopatra, having recognised the vessel of Antonius, raised a signal; and Antonius accordingly, coming up to her and being taken into her ship, neither saw Cleopatra nor was seen by her, but advancing close to the prow he sat down by himself in silence holding his head with both his hands. In the meantime there were seen Liburnian ships[448] from Cæsar's fleet in pursuit; but Antonius, by ordering his men to turn his vessel's head towards them, kept them all in check, except the ship of Eurykles, the Lacedæmonian, who proudly pressed on, brandishing a spear on the deck, as if to hurl it at Antonius. Standing on the prow of his vessel Antonius asked who it was that was pursuing Antonius? The reply was, "I am Eurykles, the son of Lachares, and by the help of Cæsar's fortune I am avenging my father's death." Now Lachares had been beheaded by Antonius in consequence of being involved in a charge of robbery. However Eurykles did not fall upon the ship of Antonius, but he dashed against the other of the admiral-ships (for there were two) with the brazen beak, and made it spin round, and as the ship fell off from its course he took it, and also another ship which contained costly vessels for table use. When this assailant had retired, Antonius, again settling down in the same posture, remained without moving, and, after spending three days at the prow by himself, either because of his passion or that he was ashamed to see Cleopatra, he put in at Tænarus.[449] Here the women who were in attendance on Cleopatra first of all brought them to speak to one another, and next they persuaded them to sup and sleep together. And already not a few of the transport ships and some of their friends after the defeat began to collect around them; and they brought intelligence of the destruction of the navy, but they supposed that the army still kept together. Antonius sent messengers to Canidius with orders for him to retreat quickly through Macedonia with his army into Asia; and as it was his intention to cross over from Tænarus to Libya, he selected one of the store-ships which conveyed much money and many royal utensils in silver and in gold of great value, and gave them to his friends, telling them to divide the things among them and to look after their safety. As they refused and wept, he comforted them with much affection and kindness, and by his entreaties induced them to depart; and he wrote to Theophilus, his steward in Corinth, to provide for the safety of the men and to conceal them until they should be able to make their peace with Cæsar. This Theophilus was the father of Hipparchus, who had the greatest influence with Antonius, and was the first of his freedmen who went over to Cæsar, and he afterwards lived in Corinth. LXVIII. Such was the condition of affairs with Antonius. At Actium the naval force, after resisting Cæsar a long time and being very greatly damaged by the heavy sea that set against them ahead, hardly gave up the contest at the tenth hour. The dead were said not to be more than five thousand, but there were taken three hundred ships, as Cæsar has recorded. There were not many who knew that Antonius had fled, and those who heard of it could not at first believe that he had gone and left them, when he had nineteen legions of unvanquished soldiers and twelve thousand horsemen; as if he had not often experienced fortune both ways, and were not exercised in the reverses of innumerable contests and wars. The soldiers longed and expected to see him, hoping that he would soon show himself from some quarter or other; and they displayed so much fidelity and courage that, even when his flight was well known, they kept together seven days and paid no regard to Cæsar's messages to them. But at last, when their general Canidius had stolen away by night and left the camp, being now deserted of all and betrayed by their commanders, they went over to the conqueror. Upon this Cæsar[450] sailed to Athens, and having come to terms with the Greeks, he distributed the grain that remained over after the war among the cities, which were in a wretched condition and stripped of money, slaves and beasts of burden. Now my great-grandfather Nikarchus used to relate that all the citizens[451] were compelled to carry down on their shoulders a certain quantity of wheat to the sea at Antikyra, and that their speed was quickened by the whip; they had carried, he said, one supply in this manner, and had just measured out another and were about to set out, when news came that Antonius was defeated, and this saved the city; for the agents and soldiers of Antonius immediately fled, and they divided the corn among themselves. LXIX. When Antonius had reached the coast of Libya, and had sent Cleopatra forwards to Egypt from Parætonium,[452] he had his fill of solitude, wandering and rambling about with two friends, one a Greek, Aristokrates, a rhetorician, and the other a Roman, Lucilius,[453] about whom I have said elsewhere that at Philippi, in order that Brutus might escape, he had surrendered to the pursuers, pretending that he was Brutus, and his life being spared by Antonius on that account, he remained faithful to him and firm to the last critical times. When the general[454] to whom he had intrusted the troops in Libya had caused their defection, Antonius made an effort to kill himself, but he was prevented by his friends and conveyed to Alexandria, where he found Cleopatra contemplating a hazardous and great undertaking. The isthmus which separates the Red Sea from the sea of Egypt[455] and is considered to be the boundary between Asia and Libya, in the part where it is most contracted by the sea, and the width is least, is about three hundred stadia across; and here Cleopatra undertook to raise her ships out of the water and to drag them across the neck of land, and so bringing her ships into the Arabian gulf with much money and a large force, to settle beyond the limits of Egypt and to escape from slavery and war. But as the Arabs of Petra[456] burnt the first ships which were drawn up, and Antonius thought that the army at Actium still kept together, Cleopatra desisted from her design and guarded the approaches to Egypt. Antonius now leaving the city and the company of his friends, built for himself a dwelling in the sea, near the Pharos,[457] by throwing forward a mole into the water; and here he lived a fugitive from men, and he said that he was content with Timon's life and admired it, considering himself in like plight with Timon; for he too had been wronged by his friends and had experienced their ingratitude, and that therefore he distrusted and disliked all men. LXX. Timon[458] was an Athenian, who lived about the time of the Peloponnesian war, as we may conclude from the plays of Aristophanes and Plato; for he is brought forward in them as peevish and misanthropical. Though he avoided and rejected all intercourse with men, yet he received in a friendly manner Alkibiades, who was a young audacious fellow, and showed him great affection. And when Apemantus wondered at this and asked the reason, he said that he liked the young man because he knew that he would be the cause of much ill to the Athenians. Apemantus was the only person whom he sometimes allowed to approach him, because he was like himself and imitated his mode of life. On one occasion, during the festival called Choes,[459] when the two were feasting together, Apemantus said, "How delightful the entertainment is, Timon;" "Yes, if you were not here," was the reply. It is said that when the Athenians were in public assembly, Timon ascended the bema and called for silence, which raised great expectation on account of the unusual nature of the circumstance: he then said, "I have a small plot of building-ground, men of Athens, and there is a fig-tree growing on it, on which many of the citizens have already hanged themselves. Now as I intend to build on the ground, I wished to give public notice that, if any of you choose, they may hang themselves before the fig-tree is cut down." After his death he was buried at Halæ, near the sea; but the shore in front of the place slipped down, and the sea surrounding the tomb made it inaccessible and unapproachable. The inscription on the tomb was: Here from the load of life released I lie: Ask not my name: but take my curse, and die. And they say that he wrote this inscription during his lifetime; but that which is commonly circulated as the inscription is by Callimachus: Timon misanthropist I am. Away! Curse, an' thou will't, but only do not stay. LXXI. These are a few things out of many about Timon. Canidius himself brought intelligence to Antonius of the loss of his forces at Actium, and he heard that Herodes,[460] the Jew, who had certain legions and cohorts, had gone over to Cæsar, and that the rest of the princes in like manner were revolting, and that none of his troops out of Egypt still kept together. However, none of these things disturbed him; but, as if he gladly laid aside hope as he did care, he left that dwelling on the sea, which he called Timoneium, and being taken by Cleopatra into the palace, he turned the city to feasting and drinking and distribution of money, registering the son of Cleopatra and Cæsar among the young men, and putting on Antyllus, his son by Fulvia,[461] the vest without the purple hem, which marked the attainment of full age, on which occasion banquets and revellings and feasts engaged Alexandria for many days. They themselves put an end to that famed company of the Inimitable Livers, and they formed another, not at all inferior to that in refinement and luxury and expense, which they called the company of those who would die together. For the friends of Antonius registered themselves as intending to die together, and they continued enjoying themselves in a succession of banquets. Cleopatra got together all kinds of deadly poisons, and she tried the painless character of each by giving them to those who were in prison under sentence of death. When she discovered that the quick poisons brought on a speedy death with pain, and the less painful were not quick, she made trial of animals,[462] which in her presence were set upon one another. And she did this daily; and among nearly all she found that the bite of the asp alone brought on without spasms and groans a sleepy numbness and drowsiness, with a gentle perspiration on the face, and dulling of the perceptive faculties, which were softly deprived of their power, and made resistance to all attempts to awake and arouse them, as is the case with those who are in a deep sleep. LXXII. At the same time they sent also ambassadors to Cæsar into Asia, Cleopatra requesting the dominion of Egypt for her children, and Antonius asking to be allowed to live as a private person at Athens, if he could not be permitted to stay in Egypt. Through the want of friends and their distrust owing to the desertions, Euphronius, the instructor of the children, was sent on the embassy. For Alexas,[463] of Laodiceia, who at Rome had become known to Antonius through Timagenes, and possessed most influence of all the Greeks, who also had been the most active of the instruments of Cleopatra against Antonius, and had overthrown all the reflections which rose in his mind about Octavia, had been sent to King Herodes to keep him from changing; and having stayed there and betrayed Antonius, he had the impudence to go into the presence of Cæsar, relying on Herodes. But Herodes helped him not, but being forthwith confined and carried in chains to his own country, he was put to death there by order of Cæsar. Such was the penalty for his infidelity that Alexas paid to Antonius in his lifetime. LXXIII. Cæsar would not listen to what was said on behalf of Antonius; but as to Cleopatra, he replied that she should not fail to obtain anything that was reasonable if she would kill Antonius or drive him away. He also sent with the ambassadors of Antonius and Cleopatra one Thyrsus,[464] a freedman of his, a man not devoid of judgment, nor, as coming from a young general, one who would fail in persuasive address to a haughty woman who was wonderfully proud of her beauty. This man, having longer interviews with Cleopatra than the rest, and being specially honoured, caused Antonius to have suspicions, and he seized and whipped him; and he then sent him back to Cæsar with a letter to the effect that Thyrsus, by giving himself airs and by his insolent behaviour, had irritated him, who was easily irritated by reason of his misfortunes. "But you," he said, "if you do not like the thing, have my freedman Hipparchus. Hang him up and whip him, that we may be on equal terms." Upon this Cleopatra, with the view of doing away with his cause of complaint and suspicions, paid more than usual court to Antonius: she kept her own birthday in a mean manner and a way suitable to her condition, but she celebrated the birthday of Antonius with an excess of splendour and cost, so that many of those who were invited to the feast came poor and went away rich. Agrippa[465] in the meantime called Cæsar back, frequently writing to him from Rome, and urging that affairs there required his presence. LXXIV. Accordingly for the time the war was suspended; but when the winter was over, Cæsar advanced through Syria and his generals through Libya. Pelusium was taken, and it was said that Seleukus gave it up, not without the consent of Cleopatra. But Cleopatra surrendered to Antonius the wife and children of Seleukus to be put to death; and as she had a tomb and a monument constructed of unusual beauty and height, which she had built close to the temple of Isis, she collected there the most precious of the royal treasures, gold, silver, emeralds, pearls, ebony, ivory, and cinnamon, and also a great quantity of fire-wood and tow; so that Cæsar, being afraid about the money, lest Cleopatra becoming desperate should destroy and burn the wealth, kept continually forwarding to her hopes of friendly treatment while he was advancing with his army against the city. When Cæsar had taken his position near the hippodrome, Antonius sallied forth and fought gallantly, and he put Cæsar's cavalry to flight and pursued them to the camp. Elated with his victory, he entered the palace and embraced Cleopatra in his armour, and presented to her one of the soldiers who had fought most bravely. Cleopatra gave the soldier as a reward of his courage a golden breastplate and a helmet. The man took them, and in the night deserted to Cæsar. LXXV. Again, Antonius sent to Cæsar and challenged him to single combat. Cæsar replied that Antonius had many ways of dying, on which Antonius, reflecting that there was no better mode of death for him than in battle, determined to try a land battle and a naval battle at the same time. And at supper, it is said, he bade the slaves to pour out and feast him cheerfully, for it was uncertain whether they would do that on the morrow or would be serving other masters, while he should lie a corpse and should be a nothing. Seeing that his friends shed tears at his words, he said that he would not lead them out to a battle from which he would seek for himself a glorious death rather than safety and victory. During this night, it is said, about the middle thereof, while the city was quiet and depressed through fear and expectation of the future, all at once certain harmonious sounds from all kinds of instruments were heard, and shouts of a crowd with Evoes[466] and satyric leapings, as if some company of revellers not without noise were going out of the city; and the course of the procession seemed to be through the middle of the city to the gate leading outwards in the direction of the enemy, and at this point the tumult made its way out, being loudest there. And those who reflected on the sign were of opinion that the god to whom Antonius all along most likened himself and most claimed kinship with was deserting him. LXXVI.[467] At daybreak Antonius posted his troops on the hills in front of the city, and watched his ships, which were put in motion and advancing against those of the enemy; and as he expected to see something great done by them, he remained quiet. But when the men of Antonius came near, they saluted with their oars Cæsar's men, and as they returned the salute, the men of Antonius changed sides, and the fleet becoming one by the junction of all the ships, sailed with the vessels' heads turned against the city. As soon as Antonius saw this, he was deserted by the cavalry, who changed sides, and being defeated with his infantry he retired into the city, crying out that he was betrayed by Cleopatra to those with whom he was warring on her account. Cleopatra, fearing his anger and despair, fled to the tomb and let down the folding doors which were strengthened with bars and bolts; and she sent persons to Antonius to inform him that she was dead. Antonius, believing the intelligence, said to himself, "Why dost thou still delay, Antonius? fortune has taken away the sole remaining excuse for clinging to life." He then entered his chamber, and loosing his body armour and taking it in pieces, he said: "Cleopatra, I am not grieved at being deprived of thee, for I shall soon come to the same place with thee; but I am grieved that I, such an Imperator, am shown to be inferior to a woman in courage." Now Antonius had a faithful slave named Eros, whom he had long before exhorted, if the necessity should arise, to kill him; and he now claimed the performance of the promise. Eros drew his sword and held it out as if he were going to strike his master, but he turned away his face and killed himself. As Eros fell at his master's feet Antonius said, "Well done, Eros, though you are not able to do this for me, you teach me what I ought to do;" and piercing himself through the belly he threw himself on the bed. But the wound was not immediately mortal; and accordingly, as the flow of blood ceased when he lay down, he came to himself and requested the bystanders to finish him. But they fled from the chamber while he was calling out and writhing in pain, till Diomedes the secretary came from Cleopatra with orders to convey him to her to the tomb. LXXVII.[468] When he learned that she was alive, he eagerly commanded his slaves to take him up, and he was carried in their arms to the doors of the chamber. Cleopatra did not open the doors, but she appeared at a window, from which she let down cords and ropes; and when the slaves below had fastened Antonius to them, she drew him up with the aid of the two women whom alone she had admitted into the tomb with her. Those who were present say that there never was a more piteous sight; for stained with blood and struggling with death he was hauled up, stretching out his hands to her, while he was suspended in the air. For the labour was not light for women, and Cleopatra with difficulty, holding with her hands and straining the muscles of her face, pulled up the rope, while those who were below encouraged her and shared in her agony. When she had thus got him in and laid him down, she rent her garments over him, and beating her breasts and scratching them with her hands, and wiping the blood off him with her face, she called him master and husband and Imperator; and she almost forgot her own misfortunes through pity for his. Antonius, stopping her lamentations, asked for wine to drink, whether it was that he was thirsty or that he expected to be released more speedily. When he had drunk it, he advised her, if it could be done with decency, to look after the preservation of her own interests, and to trust to Procleius[469] most of the companions of Cæsar; and not to lament him for his last reverses, but to think him happy for the good things that he had obtained, having become the most illustrious of men and had the greatest power, and now not ignobly a Roman by a Roman vanquished. LXXVIII. Just as Antonius died, Procleius came from Cæsar;[470] for after Antonius had wounded himself and was carried to Cleopatra, Derketæus, one of his guards, taking his dagger and concealing it, secretly made his way from the palace, and running to Cæsar, was the first to report the death of Antonius, and he showed the blood-stained dagger. When Cæsar heard the news, he retired within his tent and wept for a man who had been related to him by marriage, and his colleague in command, and his companion in many struggles and affairs. He then took the letters that had passed between him and Antonius, and calling his friends, read them, in order to show in what a reasonable and fair tone he had written himself, and how arrogant and insolent Antonius had always been in his answers. Upon this he sent Procleius with orders, if possible, above all things to secure Cleopatra alive; for he was afraid about the money, and he thought it a great thing for the glory of his triumph to lead her in the procession. However Cleopatra would not put herself in the hands of Procleius; but they talked together while he was standing on the outside close to the building near a door on a level with the ground, which was firmly secured, but allowed a passage for the voice. In their conversation Cleopatra entreated that her children might have the kingdom, and Procleius bade her be of good cheer and trust to Cæsar in all things. LXXIX. After Procleius had inspected the place and reported to Cæsar, Gallus[471] was sent to have another interview with her; and having come to the door he purposely prolonged the conversation. In the meantime Procleius applied a ladder and got through the window by which the women took in Antonius; and he immediately went down with two slaves to the door at which Cleopatra stood with her attention directed to Gallus. One of the women who were shut up with Cleopatra called out, "Wretched Cleopatra, you are taken alive," on which she turned round, and seeing Procleius, attempted to stab herself, for she happened to have by her side a dagger such as robbers wear: but Procleius, quickly running up to her and holding her with both his hands, said, "You wrong yourself, Cleopatra, and Cæsar too by attempting to deprive him of the opportunity of a noble display of magnanimity and to fix on the mildest of commanders the stigma of faithlessness and implacability." At the same time he took away her dagger and shook her dress to see if she concealed any poison. There was also sent from Cæsar one of his freedmen, Epaphroditus, whose orders were to watch over her life with great care, but as to the rest to give way in all things that would make her most easy and be most agreeable to her. LXXX. Cæsar entered the city talking with Areius the philosopher, and he had given Areius[472] his right hand, that he might forthwith be conspicuous among the citizens and be admired on account of the special respect that he received from Cæsar. Entering the gymnasium and ascending a tribunal that was made for him, the people the while being terror-struck and falling down before him, he bade them get up, and he said that he acquitted the people of all blame, first on account of the founder Alexander, second because he admired the beauty and magnitude of the city, and third, to please his friend Areius. Such honour Areius obtained from Cæsar, and he got the pardon of many others; and among them was Philostratus,[473] a man of all sophists the most competent to speak on the sudden, but one who claimed to be of the Academy without just grounds. Wherefore Cæsar, who abominated his habits, would not listen to his entreaties. But Philostratus, letting his white beard grow and putting on a dark vest, followed behind Areius, continually uttering this verse: Wise save the wise, if wise indeed they be. Cæsar hearing of this, pardoned Philostratus, wishing rather to release Areius from odium than Philostratus from fear. LXXXI. Of the children of Antonius, Antyllus,[474] the son of Fulvia, was given up by his pædagogus Theodorus and put to death; and when the soldiers had cut off his head, the pædagogus took the most precious stone which he wore about his neck and sewed it in his belt; and though he denied the fact, he was convicted of it and crucified. The children of Cleopatra were guarded together with those who had charge of them, and they had a liberal treatment; but as to Cæsarion, who was said to be Cleopatra's son by Cæsar, her mother sent him to India with much treasure by way of Ethiopia; but another pædagogus like Theodorus, named Rhodon, persuaded him to return, saying that Cæsar invited him to take the kingdom. While Cæsar was deliberating about Cæsarion, it is said that Areius observed: "Tis no good thing, a multitude of Cæsars."[475] LXXXII. Now Cæsar put Cæsarion to death after the death of Cleopatra. Though many asked for the body of Antonius to bury it, both kings and commanders, Cæsar did not take it from Cleopatra, but it was interred by her own hands sumptuously and royally, and she received for that purpose all that she wished. In consequence of so much grief and pain, for her breasts were inflamed by the blows that she had inflicted and were sore, and a fever coming on, she gladly availed herself of this pretext for abstaining from food and with the design of releasing herself from life without hindrance. There was a physician with whom she was familiar, Olympus, to whom she told the truth, and she had him for her adviser and assistant in accomplishing her death, as Olympus said in a history of these transactions which he published. Cæsar suspecting her design, plied her with threats and alarms about her children, by which Cleopatra was thrown down as by engines of war, and she gave up her body to be treated and nourished as it was wished. LXXXIII. Cæsar himself came a few days after to see her and pacify her.[476] Cleopatra happened to be lying on a mattress meanly dressed, and as he entered she sprang up in a single vest and fell at his feet with her head and face in the greatest disorder, her voice trembling and her eyes weakened by weeping. There were also visible many marks of the blows inflicted on her breast; and in fine her body seemed in no respect to be in better plight than her mind. Yet that charm and that saucy confidence in her beauty were not completely extinguished, but, though she was in such a condition, shone forth from within and showed themselves in the expression of her countenance. When Cæsar had bid her lie down and had seated himself near her, she began to touch upon a kind of justification, and endeavoured to turn all that had happened upon necessity and fear of Antonius; but as Cæsar on each point met her with an answer, being confuted, she all at once changed her manner to move him by pity and by prayers, as a person would do who clung most closely to life. Finally she handed to him a list of all the treasures that she had; and when Seleukus, one of her stewards, declared that she was hiding and secreting some things, she sprang up and laying hold of his hair, belaboured him with many blows on the face. As Cæsar smiled and stopped her, she said, "But is it not scandalous, Cæsar, that you have condescended to come to me and speak to me in my wretched condition, and my slaves make it a matter of charge against me if I have reserved some female ornaments, not for myself forsooth, wretch that I am, but that I may give a few things to Octavia and your wife Livia, and so through their means make you more favourable to me and more mild." Cæsar was pleased with these words, being fully assured that she wished to live. Accordingly, after saying that he left these matters to her care and that in everything else he would behave to her better than she expected, he went away, thinking that he had deceived her; but he had deceived himself. LXXXIV. Now there was Cornelius Dolabella,[477] a youth of rank, and one of the companions[478] of Cæsar. He was not without a certain liking towards Cleopatra; and now, in order to gratify her request, he secretly sent and informed her that Cæsar himself was going to march with his troops through Syria, and that he had determined to send off her with her children on the third day. On hearing this, Cleopatra first entreated Cæsar to permit her to pour libations on the tomb of Antonius; and when Cæsar permitted it, she went to the tomb, and embracing the coffin in company with the women who were usually about her, said, "Dear Antonius, I buried thee recently with hands still free, but now I pour out libations as a captive and so watched that I cannot either with blows or sorrow disfigure this body of mine now made a slave and preserved to form a part in the triumph over thee. But expect not other honours or libations, for these are the last which Cleopatra brings. Living, nothing kept us asunder, but there is a risk of our changing places in death; thou a Roman, lying buried here, and I, wretched woman, in Italy, getting only as much of thy country as will make me a grave. But if indeed there is any help and power in the gods there (for the gods of this country have deserted us), do not deliver thy wife up alive, and let not thyself be triumphed over in me, but hide me here with thee and bury thee with me; for though I have ten thousand ills, not one of them is so great and grievous as this short time which I have lived apart from thee!" LXXXV. After making this lamentation and crowning and embracing the coffin, she ordered a bath to be prepared for her. After bathing, she lay down and enjoyed a splendid banquet. And there came one from the country bringing a basket; and on the guards asking what he brought, the man opened it, and taking off the leaves showed the vessel full of figs. The soldiers admiring their beauty and size, the man smiled and told them to take some, whereon, without having any suspicion, they bade him carry them in. After feasting, Cleopatra took a tablet, which was already written, and sent it sealed to Cæsar, and, causing all the rest of her attendants to withdraw except those two women, she closed the door. As soon as Cæsar[479] opened the tablet and found in it the prayers and lamentations of Cleopatra, who begged him to bury her with Antonius, he saw what had taken place. At first he was for setting out himself to give help, but the next thing that he did was to send persons with all speed to inquire. But the tragedy had been speedy; for, though they ran thither and found the guards quite ignorant of everything, as soon as they opened the door they saw Cleopatra lying dead on a golden couch in royal attire. Of her two women, Iras was dying at her feet, and Charmion, already staggering and drooping her head, was arranging the diadem on the forehead of Cleopatra. One of them saying in passion, "A good deed this, Charmion;" "Yes, most goodly," she replied, "and befitting the descendant of so many kings." She spake not another word, but fell there by the side of the couch. LXXXVI. Now it is said that the asp was brought with those figs and leaves, and was covered with them; for that Cleopatra had so ordered, that the reptile might fasten on her body without her being aware of it. But when she had taken up some of the figs and saw it, she said, "Here then it is," and baring her arm, she offered it to the serpent to bite. Others say that the asp was kept in a water-pitcher, and that Cleopatra drew it out with a golden distaff and irritated it till the reptile sprang upon her arm and clung to it. But the real truth nobody knows; for it was also said that she carried poison about her in a hollow comb, which she concealed in her hair; however, no spots broke out on her body, nor any other sign of poison. Nor yet was the reptile seen within the palace; but some said that they observed certain marks of its trail near the sea, in that part towards which the chamber looked and the windows were. Some also say that the arm of Cleopatra was observed to have two small indistinct punctures; and it seems that Cæsar believed this, for in the triumph a figure of Cleopatra was carried with the asp clinging to her. Such is the way in which these events are told. Though Cæsar was vexed at the death of Cleopatra, he admired her nobleness of mind, and he ordered the body to be interred with that of Antonius in splendid and royal style. The women of Cleopatra also received honourable interment by his orders. Cleopatra at the time of her death was forty years of age save one, and she had reigned as queen two-and-twenty years, and governed together with Antonius more than fourteen. Antonius, according to some, was six years, according to others, three years above fifty. Now the statues of Antonius were thrown down, but those of Cleopatra remained standing, for Archibius, one of her friends, gave Cæsar two thousand talents that they might not share the same fate as those of Antonius. LXXXVII. Antonius by his three wives left seven children, of whom Antyllus, the eldest, was the only one who was put to death by Cæsar; the rest Octavia[480] took and brought them up with her own children. Cleopatra, the daughter of Cleopatra, she married to Juba, the most accomplished of kings; and Antonius, the son of Fulvia, she raised so high that, while Agrippa held the first place in Cæsar's estimation, and the sons of Livia the second, Antonius had and was considered to have the third. Octavia had by Marcellus two daughters, and one son, Marcellus, whom Cæsar made both his son and son-in-law, and he gave one of the daughters to Agrippa. But as Marcellus died very soon after his marriage, and it was not easy for Cæsar to choose from the rest of his friends a son-in-law whom he could trust, Octavia proposed to him that Agrippa should take Cæsar's daughter and put away her daughter. Cæsar was first persuaded and then Agrippa, whereupon Octavia took her own daughter back and married her to Antonius; and Agrippa married Cæsar's daughter. There were two daughters of Antonius and Octavia, of whom Domitius Ænobarbus took one to wife; and the other, who was famed for her virtues and her beauty, Antonia, was married to Drusus, the son of Livia, and step-son of Cæsar. From the marriage of Drusus and Antonia came Germanicus and Claudius, of whom Claudius afterwards ruled; and of the children of Germanicus, Caius, who ruled with distinction for no long time, was destroyed together with his child and wife; and Agrippina, who had by Ænobarbus a son, Lucius Domitius, married Claudius Cæsar; and Claudius adopting her son, named him Nero Germanicus. Nero, who ruled in my time, slew his mother, and through his violence and madness came very near subverting the supremacy of Rome, being the fifth from Antonius in the order of succession. COMPARISON OF DEMETRIUS AND ANTONIUS. I. Since, then, great changes of fortune took place in each of their lives, let us first consider their power and renown. The position of Demetrius was inherited and already made for him, as Antigonus was the most powerful of the successors of Alexander, and, before Demetrius came of age, had overrun and conquered the greater part of Asia: while Antonius, whose father, though an excellent man, was no soldier, and left him no renown, yet dared to seize upon the empire of Cæsar, with which he was in no way connected, and constituted himself the heir of what Cæsar had won by the sword. Starting as a mere private person, he raised himself to such a height of power as to be able to divide the world into two, and to select and obtain the fairer half for his own, while, without his being even present, his lieutenants and agents inflicted several defeats upon the Parthians, and conquered all the nations of Asia as far as the Caspian Sea. Even that for which he is especially reproached proves the greatness of his power. Demetrius's father was well pleased at getting Phila, the daughter of Antipater, as a wife for his son, in spite of the disparity of their ages, because he regarded her as his son's superior; while it was thought to be a disgrace for Antonius to ally himself with Cleopatra, a woman who excelled in power and renown all the Kings of her age, except Arsakes himself. Antonius had made himself so great that men thought him entitled to more even than he himself desired. II. Demetrius, however, cannot be blamed for attempting to make himself king over a people accustomed to servitude, while it appeared harsh and tyrannical for Antonius to try to enslave the people of Rome just after they had been set free from the rule of Cæsar: and the greatest of his exploits, the war against Brutus and Cassius, was waged with the intention of depriving his countrymen of their liberty. Demetrius, before he became involved in difficulties, used always to act as a liberator towards Greece, and to drive out the foreign garrisons from her cities, and did not act like Antonius, who boasted that he had slain the would-be liberators of Rome in Macedonia. And though Antonius is especially commended for his magnificent generosity, yet Demetrius so far surpassed him as to bestow more upon his enemies than Antonius would upon his friends. It is true that Antonius gained great credit for having caused Brutus to be honourably buried; but Demetrius buried all his enemy's slain, gave money and presents to his prisoners, and sent them back to Ptolemy. III. Both were arrogant when in prosperity, and set no bounds to their luxury and pleasures. Yet it cannot be said that Demetrius was ever so immersed in enjoyments as to let slip the time for action, but he only dedicated the superfluity of his leisure to enjoyment, and used his Lamia, like the mythical nightmare, only when he was half asleep or at play. When he was preparing for war, no ivy wreathed his spear, no perfume scented his helmet, nor did he go forth from his bed-chamber to battle covered with finery, but, as Euripides says, he laid the Bacchic wand aside, and served the unhallowed god of war, and, indeed, never suffered any reverse through his own carelessness or love of pleasure. But just as in pictures we often see Omphale stealing the club and stripping off the lion's skin from Herakles, so Cleopatra frequently would disarm Antonius and turn his mind to pleasure, persuading him to give up mighty enterprises and even necessary campaigns to wander and sport with her on the shores of Canopus and beside the tomb of Osiris. At last, like Paris, he fled from battle to nestle on her breast, though Paris only took refuge in his chamber after he had been defeated in battle, while Antonius, by his pursuit of Cleopatra, gave up his chance of victory. IV. Moreover, in marrying several wives, Demetrius did not break through any custom, for he only did what had been usual for the kings of Macedonia since the days of Philip and Alexander, and what was done by Lysimachus and Ptolemy in his own time; and he showed due respect to all his wives; while Antonius, in the first place, married two wives at the same time, which no Roman had ever dared to do before, and then drove away his own countrywoman and his legitimate wife to please a foreigner, and one to whom he was not legally married. Yet with all his excesses Antonius was never led by his vices into such sacrilegious impiety as is recorded of Demetrius. We are told that no dogs are allowed to enter the Acropolis,[481] because these animals copulate more openly than any others; but Demetrius consorted with harlots in the very temple of the virgin goddess, and debauched many of the Athenian citizens, while, although one would have imagined that a man of such a temperament would be especially averse to cruelty, Demetrius must be charged with this in allowing, or rather compelling, the most beautiful and modest of the Athenians to suffer death in order to avoid outrage. To sum up, the vices of Antonius were ruinous to himself, while those of Demetrius were ruinous to others. V. Yet Demetrius always behaved well to his parents, whereas Antonius allowed his mother's brother to perish in order that he might compass the death of Cicero, which was of itself so odious a crime that we should scarcely think Antonius justified if by Cicero's death he had saved his uncle's life. With regard to the perjuries and breaking of their words which they both committed, the one in seizing Artabazus, and the other in murdering Alexander, Antonius has a satisfactory defence; for he himself was first deserted and betrayed by Artabazus in Media: while many writers say that Demetrius himself invented false pretexts for his treatment of Alexander, and accused a man whom he had wronged with a design on his life, instead of defending himself against one who was already his enemy. Again, the exploits of Demetrius were all accomplished by himself in person; while, on the other hand, Antonius won some of his most important battles by his lieutenants, without himself being present. VI. The ruin of both was due to themselves, though in a different manner, for the Macedonians deserted from Demetrius, while Antonious deserted his own troops when they were risking their lives in his defence; so that we must blame the former for having rendered his army so hostile to him, and the latter for betraying so much loyalty and devotion. In their manner of death neither can be praised, but that of Demetrius seems the less creditable of the two, for he endured to be taken prisoner, and when in confinement willingly spent three years in drinking and gluttony, like a wild beast that has been tamed; while Antonius, though he killed himself like a coward, and in a piteous and dishonourable fashion, nevertheless died before he fell into the hands of his enemy. LIFE OF DION. I. We are told by the poet Simonides, Sossius Senecio, that the Trojans bore no malice against the Corinthians for joining the rest of the Greeks in the siege of Troy, because Glaukus, who was himself of Corinthian extraction, fought heartily on their side. In the same manner we may expect that neither Greeks nor Romans will be able to blame the doctrines of the academy, as each nation derives equal credit from their practice in this book of mine, which contains the lives of Brutus and Dion, of whom the latter was Plato's intimate friend, while the former was educated by his writings: so that they were both, as it were, sent forth from the same school to contend for the greatest prizes. It is not surprising, therefore, that there should be a great similarity between their respective achievements, or that they should have proved the truth of that maxim of their teacher, that nothing great or noble can be effected in politics except when a wise and just man is possessed of absolute power combined with good fortune. Just as Hippomachus the gymnastic trainer used to declare that he could always tell by their carriage those who had been his pupils, even though he only saw them from a distance when they were carrying meat home for their dinner, so we may imagine that philosophy accompanies those who have been brought up in its precepts in every action of their lives, adding a happy grace and fitness to all that they do. II. Their lives resemble one another even more in their misfortunes than in the objects at which they aimed. Both of them perished by an untimely fate, unable, with all their mighty efforts, to accomplish the object which they had in view. The most remarkable point of all is that they both received a supernatural warning of their death by the appearance to them of an evil spirit in a dream. Yet it is a common argument with those who deny the truth of such matters that no man of sense ever could see a ghost or spirit but that it is only children and women and men who are wandering in their mind through sickness, who through disorder of the brain or distemperature of the body are subject to these vain and ominous fancies, which really arise from the evil spirit of superstition within themselves. If, however, Dion and Brutus, both of whom were serious and philosophic men, not at all liable to be mistaken or easy to be deceived about such matters, did really experience a supernatural visitation so distinctly that they told other persons about it, I do not know whether we may not be obliged to adopt that strangest of all the theories of the ancients that evil and malignant spirits feel a spite against good men, and try to oppose their actions, throwing confusion and terror in their way in order to shake them in their allegiance to virtue; because they fear lest if they passed their lives entirely pure and without spot of sin, they might after death obtain a higher place than themselves. This, however, I must reserve for discussion in another place; and now, in this my twelfth book of parallel lives, I will first proceed to deal with the elder man of the two. III. Dionysius the elder, as soon as he had raised himself to the throne, married the daughter of Hermokrates of Syracuse. However, as his power was not yet firmly established, the people of Syracuse rose in revolt, and committed such shocking outrages upon the person of Dionysius's wife, that she voluntarily put herself to death. Dionysius, after recovering and confirming his power, now married two wives at the same time, one of whom was a Lokrian, named Doris, and the other a native of Syracuse, named Aristomache, the daughter of Hipparinus, one of the first men in Syracuse, who had acted as colleague with Dionysius himself when he was appointed to the command of the army with unlimited powers. It is said that he married them both upon the same day, and that no man knew which he visited first; and of the remainder of his life he spent an equal share of his time with each, as he always supped in company with both of them, and spent the night with each in turn. The populace of Syracuse would fain have hoped that their countrywoman would be preferred to the stranger; but it was the stranger who first bore a son and heir to Dionysius, to counterbalance her foreign parentage; while Aristomache remained childless for a long time, although Dionysius was anxious to have a family by her, and even put to death the mother of his Lokrian wife on a charge of having bewitched her. IV. Dion was the brother of Aristomache, and at first was treated with respect for the sake of his sister, but afterwards, when he had given proofs of his ability, he gained the favour of the despot by his own good qualities. Besides many other privileges, Dionysius ordered his treasurers to give Dion anything that he might ask for, letting him know on the same day what they had given him. He was naturally of a high minded and manly disposition, and he was greatly encouraged in the path of virtue by the providential accident of Plato's visit to Sicily. This never could have been calculated upon according to human ideas of probability; but it seems as though some divinity, who had long been meditating how to put liberty within the reach of the Syracusans and to free them from despotism, must have brought Plato from Italy to Syracuse, and caused Dion to become his disciple. Dion at this time was very young, but was by far the most apt of Plato's scholars, and the readiest to follow out his master's instructions in virtue. This we learn from Plato's own account of him, and from the circumstances of the case. Brought up as Dion had been in the humble position of a subject under a despotic ruler, his life had been full of sudden alarms and violent alternations of fortune; yet, though he was at this time accustomed to live in a state of parvenu splendour, and to regard pleasure and power as the only objects of desire, he, as soon as he had become acquainted with philosophic reasoning and exhortation to virtue, became passionately interested in it. With the guileless innocence of youth he imagined that the discourses which he had heard would produce an equally deep impression upon the mind of Dionysius, and took considerable pains to bring Dionysius to meet Plato and listen to his arguments. V. When the meeting took place, Plato chose for his subject human virtue, and discussed more particularly the virtue of manly courage, proving that despots are the most cowardly of men. From this he went on to speak of justice, and as he pointed out that the life of the just is happy, and that of the unjust miserable, Dionysius, who considered the lecture as a reproach to himself, was much exasperated, especially when he observed how all the audience admired Plato and were enchanted by his rhetoric. At last in a rage he asked him why he had come to Sicily: and when Plato answered that he had come in order to find a good man, Dionysius caught up his words, and said, "You seem hitherto not to have found one." Dion and his friends imagined that this outburst marked the end of Dionysius's indignation; and as Plato was now anxious to leave Sicily they obtained a passage for him on board of a trireme which was about to convey home Pollis, the Lacedæmonian envoy. Dionysius however secretly besought Pollis to put Plato to death during the voyage, or at any rate to sell him for a slave, because, he said, Plato, according to his own showing, would be none the worse off for being a slave, but would be just as happy, provided that he was just. In consequence of this we are told that Pollis took Plato to Ægina and there sold him, because the people of Ægina were at that time at war with the Athenians, and had passed a decree that any Athenian found in Ægina should be sold for a slave.[482] Yet Dion was no less honoured and trusted by Dionysius in consequence of this, but was entrusted with the management of the most important negotiations, and was himself sent as ambassador to Carthage, in which capacity he gained great credit. Indeed he was almost the only person whom Dionysius allowed freely to speak his mind, as is proved by the reproof which he gave Dionysius about Gelon. It appears that Dionysius was sneering at Gelon and his kingdom, and saying that he was the laughing-stock of Sicily. All the other courtiers pretended to approve of this jest, but Dion harshly answered, "Yet you have been allowed to become our despot because of the good example set by Gelon; but your example will not encourage any state to imitate us." In truth Gelon's conduct as an absolute monarch seems to have been just as admirable as that of Dionysius was detestable. VI. Dionysius had three children by his Lokrian wife, and four by Aristomache. Of his two daughters, Sophrosyne married her half-brother, and Arete married Thearides, the brother of Dionysius, but on the death of Thearides Dion took Arete, who was his own niece, for his wife. In Dionysius's last illness, when his life was despaired of, Dion wished to ask him what was to become of the children of Aristomache, but the physicians, who wished to pay their court to the heir to the throne, would not allow Dion an opportunity of doing so. Timæus even states that when Dionysius asked for a sleeping draught they gave him one which rendered him completely insensible, so that he passed from sleep into death. However, as soon as the young Dionysius assembled his friends in council, Dion made such an admirable speech upon the political situation that all the others appeared by his side to be mere children in intellect, and their words seemed to be those of slaves and grovelling flatterers of the despot when compared with his bold and fearless utterances. He impressed upon their minds the greatness of the danger by which they were menaced by Carthage, and promised that if Dionysius wished for peace he himself would at once set sail for Africa and obtain the best terms he could; or that, if he preferred to fight, he would place at his disposal a force of fifty triremes, which he would maintain at his own expense. VII. Dionysius greatly admired his magnanimity and approved of his zeal; but the others, who thought that they were eclipsed by Dion, and were jealous of his power, at once set to work to effect his ruin, and lost no opportunity of exasperating the young despot against him by pointing out that he was plotting to obtain the supreme throne by means of the fleet, and that his object in making the offer of the ships was to place all real power in the hands of the children of Aristomache. Their hate and jealousy of Dion was chiefly owing to the proud reserve of his life, so different to their own: for they at once began to court the friendship of their young and ill-trained monarch by offering him all kinds of flatteries and pleasures, endeavouring to amuse his leisure by vagrant amours, drinking parties, and the like dissolute pastimes, which blunted the excessive sharpness of his tyranny, and made his subjects regard it as milder and less ferocious than before, although the alteration was due only to the laziness and not to the real goodness of their ruler. By slow degrees the extravagance and licentious life of the young monarch relaxed and broke those "chains of adamant" by which the elder Dionysius boasted that he had secured his power. We are told that he once continued drinking for ninety days in succession, and that during the whole of this time his court was a place which no respectable person could enter, and where no business could be transacted, as it was a constant scene of singing, jesting, dancing, drunkenness and debauchery. VIII. As may easily be imagined, Dion soon lost the favour of the monarch, as he never relaxed the austerity of his life. For this reason the calumnies of infamous men were more easily believed by Dionysius, when they attacked the virtues of Dion, calling his pride arrogance, and his boldness of speech churlishness. When he gave good advice he was thought to reproach them, and because he refused to join in their excesses, he seemed to despise them. Indeed, his disposition was naturally inclined to haughtiness, and his manners harsh and forbidding. It was not only to a young man whose ears were accustomed to flatteries that he appeared so ungracious and harsh-tempered, but even those who were sincerely attached to him, and who admired the noble simplicity of his character, used to blame his discourtesy and rudeness towards those with whom he was brought in contact upon political business. Indeed, not long after this, Plato, as if prophetically, wrote to him, warning him against a stubborn and arrogant temper, the consort of a lonely life. Yet, even at that time, though Dion was regarded as the most able man in the state, and was thought to be the only person who could save the kingdom from the dangers by which it was menaced, he knew well that his honourable and powerful position was not due to any love which the monarch bore him, but merely to the fact that he could not do without him. IX. As Dion imagined that this must be caused by Dionysius's want of education, he endeavoured to interest him in literature, and to form his character by the study of philosophy and science. Indeed Dionysius was far from being a stupid ruler, but his father, fearing that if he were educated, and frequented the society of intellectual men, he would certainly plot against him and seize his throne, used to keep him shut up at home, where, through want of companionship and ignorance, he was forced, we are told, to amuse himself by making little waggons and lamps, and wooden chairs and tables; for the elder Dionysius was so distrustful and suspicious of all men, and was driven by his fears to take such precautions against assassination, that he would not even allow his hair to be cut with a barber's tools, but a workman used to come and singe his hair with a live coal. Neither his brother nor his son was allowed to enter his house in their ordinary dress, but were obliged to take off their clothes and put on others, so that they might be seen naked by the guard. Once when his brother Leptines, describing the situation of some place, took a spear from one of the life-guards and with it drew a map upon the floor, Dionysius was furiously angry with him, and put to death the man who gave him the spear. He used to say that he suspected all his friends, because he knew that they were sensible men, who would prefer to be despots themselves rather than live under the rule of a despot. He put to death one Marsyas, whom he had himself promoted to a responsible post, because he dreamed that he was killing him; for Dionysius argued that his dream must have been suggested by some thoughts or talk in his waking hours. To such a condition of terror and misery was he reduced by his cowardice, although he was angry with Plato for not declaring him to be the bravest of men. X. Dion, perceiving, as has been said before, that the character of the young Dionysius had been ruined by his want of education, begged him to educate himself, to offer all possible inducements to the first of philosophers to visit Sicily, and when he came, to place himself in his hands, in order that his character might be exalted by the contemplation of virtue, and formed upon the noblest of models, which alone can produce order out of chaos; by which means he would not only gain great happiness for himself, but would bestow great happiness upon the citizens by his mild and just paternal rule, thus becoming a true king instead of a despot. He pointed out that the "adamantine chains" by which Dionysius's father boasted that his dominion was secured, were not terror and force, the numbers of his ships of war, or the thousands of his barbarian mercenaries, but rather the goodwill, loyalty, and gratitude engendered by virtue and justice, which, though softer than those rough defences, would nevertheless establish his rule far more securely than they. Besides these considerations he urged that it was a sorry thing, and showed a want of proper ambition for a ruler to be splendidly dressed and luxuriously lodged, but yet to be no more intellectual in his conversation and arguments than any ordinary man, and to neglect to adorn the palace of his soul as became a king. XI. As Dion frequently urged these considerations, and quoted several of Plato's discourses, Dionysius became passionately desirous of seeing and conversing with Plato. Many letters were at once sent to Athens by Dionysius, while Plato also received many injunctions from Dion and from several of the Pythagorean philosophers in Italy, bidding him go to Syracuse, undertake the guidance of the mind of this young and powerful ruler, and fill it with serious thoughts. Plato obeyed their invitation, chiefly, he tells us, because he feared to appear a mere man of words, unwilling to take in hand any real work, and also because he hoped that if he could purify the mind of the chief, he might through him influence for good the whole of the corrupt people of Sicily. The opponents of Dion, who feared the results of any change in the character of Dionysius, prevailed upon him to recall from exile Philistus, a man of intellectual culture and an experienced courtier, in order to make use of him as a counterpoise to Plato and his philosophy. Indeed, Philistus had zealously assisted in the establishment of the despotism, and for a long time had acted as chief of the garrison of the citadel. There was also a report that he had been the favoured lover of the mother of the elder Dionysius, and that, too, not altogether without the knowledge of the despot; for when Leptines, without telling Dionysius of it, gave Philistus for his wife one of the two daughters which had been born to him by a woman whom he had seduced while she was married to another man, and who afterwards lived with him, Dionysius was very angry, caused the wife of Leptines to be imprisoned in chains, and forced Philistus to leave Sicily and take refuge with some friends of his at Adria, where he is thought to have found leisure to write the greater part of his history; for he never returned to Syracuse during the life of the elder Dionysius, but it was after that prince's death, as has been told, that the opposition to Dion brought him back as being a person more likely to agree with their views and more likely to support the monarchy. XII. Philistus on his return at once became closely connected with the monarchy; while Dion was assailed by misrepresentations and slanders reported by others to the despot, charging him with having discussed the extinction of despotism with Theodotes and Herakleides. Dion appears to have hoped by the influence of Plato to remove from Dionysius all the arbitrary harshness of a despot, and to make him into an orderly constitutional ruler. If he resisted, and refused to be thus softened and refined, Dion had determined to set him aside, and to restore to the Syracusans their free constitution; not that he was an admirer of democracy, but because he thought that at any rate it was better than a despotism for states which were not ruled by a wise and stable oligarchy. XIII. While affairs were in this posture, Plato arrived at Sicily and received a most kindly and magnificent welcome. One of the royal carriages, splendidly equipped, stood ready to receive him as he landed, and Dionysius offered sacrifice, as though some great good fortune had befallen his rule. The sobriety of the royal banquets, the refined tone of the court and the gentle manners of Dionysius himself in transacting business, all inspired the Syracusans with great hope of a change for the better. It became the fashion to take interest in philosophical matters, and it is said that so many began to study geometry that the palace was filled with the dust in which they drew their figures. In a few days' time a hereditary sacrifice was celebrated in the palace; and when the herald, according to custom, prayed that the despotism might remain unshaken for many years, it is said that Dionysius, who stood near him, exclaimed: "Will you not cease from imprecating curses upon us?" This greatly grieved the party of Philistus, who feared that Plato's power over Dionysius would become unassailable, if he were allowed time to become intimate with him, if after so short an acquaintance he had already wrought so great a change in the young man's ideas. XIV. They now no longer singly and in secret, but in a body openly assailed Dion, declaring that they could easily see through his motives in bewitching Dionysius with the eloquence of Plato, in order that Dionysius might be induced to voluntarily abdicate his throne, and hand it over to the children of Aristomache, whose uncle Dion was. Some of them even pretended to be angry that, though in former times a great Athenian naval and military force sailed thither and perished before it could effect the conquest of Syracuse, yet now the Athenians should be able, by means of one single sophist, to destroy the throne of Dionysius, and persuade him to desert his ten thousand life-guards, leave his four hundred ships of war, his ten thousand cavalry and many thousands more of infantry soldiers, in order to seek in the Academy for the ineffable good, and find real pleasure in geometry, leaving the pleasures of power, wealth and luxury to be enjoyed by Dion and Dion's nephews. This led at first to Dion's being regarded with suspicion, and then, when Dionysius began to show his dislike openly, he received a letter which Dion had secretly despatched to the Carthaginian commanders, warning them, when they came to treat for peace with Dionysius, not to conduct the interview without his being present, as he would see that the whole matter was permanently settled. We are told by Timæus that Dionysius, after reading this letter to Philistus and having taken counsel with him, deceived Dion by making false offers of reconciliation with him. After much friendly talk, he declared that their differences were at an end, and then, leading him alone towards the sea-shore under the walls of the citadel, showed him the letter, and upbraided him with plotting with the Carthaginians against himself. He would not listen to Dion when he tried to excuse himself, but at once placed him on board of a small vessel and ordered the sailors to land him on the coast of Italy. XV. Upon this, as Dionysius appeared to have acted very harshly, the whole palace was plunged in grief by the women, while the city of Syracuse became much excited, expecting that the exile of Dion and the mistrust with which others regarded the despot would soon lead to some revolution. Dionysius, perceiving and fearing this, encouraged the women and friends of Dion, speaking of Dion as though he were not banished, but had left the country of his own free will, for fear that if he remained at home his quick temper might betray him into some violent collision with himself. He placed two ships at the disposal of Dion's relatives, and bade them embark with as much of his property and servants as they pleased and go to rejoin him in Peloponnesus. Dion's property was very extensive, and his whole household was on a magnificent, almost a royal, scale. Everything was now carried away by his friends, and much more was sent to him by his female relatives and his friends, so that his wealth and magnificence became famous throughout Greece, and the power of the despot became enhanced by the sight of the riches of the exile. XVI. Dionysius at once removed Plato into the citadel, where, under pretence of showing him kindly respect, he was kept in an honourable captivity, in order that he might not sail away with Dion, a witness of his unjust treatment. By degrees, like a wild animal who gradually becomes used to the touch of human beings, so Dionysius accustomed himself to the society and discourses of Plato, and, after the manner of despots, conceived a violent passion for him. He was especially anxious that Plato should return his affection and should approve of his acts, and was even willing to entrust the government and the crown itself to him if he would only not prefer Dion's friendship to his own. This passion of his caused great annoyance to Plato, for like all true lovers he was furiously jealous and had frequent quarrels and reconciliations with him, being very eager to hear his discourses, and engage in the study of philosophy, and yet being influenced by those who advised him to keep away from Plato, as he would be corrupted by his teaching. Meanwhile, as some war broke out, he sent Plato away, promising that in a year's time he would recall Dion. This promise he broke at once, but he remitted to Dion the revenues of his estate, and besought Plato to pardon his breach of faith about the time, because of the war; for, as soon as peace should be made, he promised that he would at once send for Dion. He also asked Plato to beg Dion to remain quiet, and not to engage in any revolutionary schemes, and not to traduce his character to the Greeks. XVII. Plato endeavoured to effect this, and turned Dion's attention to philosophy, and kept him in the Academy. Dion lived at this time in the city of Athens, in the house of Kallippus, one of his friends, though he also bought an estate in the country for recreation, which, when he subsequently set sail for Sicily, he presented to Speusippus, who, of all the Athenians, was his most intimate friend. This intimacy was brought about by Plato, who hoped that the harshness of Dion's character might be somewhat softened by the society of a well-bred and cheerful man. Such a person as this was Speusippus, whom we find spoken of in Timon's Silli as being "good at a jest." When Plato himself exhibited a chorus of boys, Dion both trained the chorus and defrayed all the expenses, and Plato permitted him to gain this distinction although it was likely to obtain popularity for Dion at his own expense. Dion also visited other cities, where he associated with the best and most statesmanlike of the citizens, and attended their solemn festivals, without ever betraying anything repulsive, affected, or imperious in his manner, but acting with manliness and discretion, and discoursing with elegance on philosophy as well as ordinary topics. By this conduct he everywhere gained good opinions, and public honours were decreed to him by various cities. The Lacedæmonians even adopted him as a Spartan, disregarding the anger of Dionysius, though he at the time was zealously assisting them in a war against the Thebans. We are told that once Dion wished to see Ptoiodorus, of Megara, and went to his house. Ptoiodorus, it seems, was a rich and powerful man; and when Dion observed the crowds at his door and the busy throng and saw how hard it was to gain an audience of him, he turned to his friends, who were vexed at this, and said: "Why should we find fault with this man? for we ourselves used to do just the same thing at Syracuse?" XVIII. As time went on, Dionysius, feeling jealous of Dion, and fearing the popularity which he was obtaining among the Greeks, left off forwarding his revenues to him and confiscated his property. Being desirous of effacing the bad impression which he had made upon all philosophers by his treatment of Plato, he collected round him many men who had a reputation for learning. As he wished to surpass them all in argument, he was forced to make use, often improperly, of what he had very imperfectly learned from Plato. He now again began to wish for Plato, and blamed himself for not having made use of him when he was present, and for not having listened to all his noble language. Frantic in his desires, and impatient to obtain whatever he wished, as despots are, he at once set his heart upon Plato and tried every means to attract him. He induced Archytas and the other successors of the original Pythagorean philosophers to invite Plato; for it was by means of Plato that Dionysius had at first become their friend. They sent Archedemus to Plato, and Dionysius also despatched a trireme and several of his friends to entreat Plato to come: while he himself wrote a letter in which he distinctly stated that Dion would never get his rights if Plato refused to come to Sicily, but that if he would, Dion should receive them all. Many letters also reached Dion from his sister and his wife, urging him to beg Plato to accede to the request of Dionysius, and not afford him grounds for ill-treating them. Thus, they say, it was that Plato came to sail a third time into the straits of Scylla. "Again the dread Charybdis to explore." XIX. His arrival afforded unbounded delight to Dionysius, and again filled Sicily with great hopes; for all men prayed and were eager that Plato and philosophy should get the better of Philistus and despotism. He was treated with great respect by the ladies,[483] and received from Dionysius a mark of confidence which was accorded to no one else, in being allowed to come into his presence without his clothes being searched. As Dionysius frequently offered valuable presents to Plato, who never would receive them, Aristippus of Cyrene, who was present, observed that Dionysius exercised a very cheap generosity; for he gave small presents to himself and to others who wished for more, and offered great ones to Plato, who would not accept of any. When, however, after the first welcome was over, Plato began to speak of Dion, Dionysius at first put off discussing the subject, and subsequently reproaches and quarrels took place between them, of which no one else was aware, since Dionysius kept them secret, and by showing Plato assiduous attentions and marks of respect tried to win him over from his friendship for Dion. Plato, too, at first would not publish what he knew of the treachery and falsehood of Dionysius, but affected not to perceive it and endured it in silence. While they were on these terms, though they believed that no one knew it, Helikon of Kyzikus, an intimate friend of Plato, foretold an eclipse of the sun; and as it happened according to his prediction, the despot was much impressed, and gave him a talent of silver. Aristippus now in joke said to the other philosophers that he too had a remarkable event to predict; and when they begged him to tell them what it was, he said, "I predict that before long Plato and Dionysius will become foes." At last Dionysius sold Dion's property and kept the money, and even removed Plato from the lodgings in the gardens near his own palace, where he had hitherto dwelt, and quartered him among the mercenary troops, who had long disliked Plato and wished to make away with him, because they believed him to be counselling Dionysius to abdicate and to live without a bodyguard. XX. Archytas and his friends, when they heard of the danger to which Plato was exposed, at once sent a thirty-oared vessel with an embassy to Dionysius, demanding Plato from him, and alleging that he had originally come to Syracuse at their request, and that they were responsible for his safety. Dionysius concealed his dislike of Plato by feasting him and treating him kindly on his departure, but could not help saying to him, "I suppose, Plato, you will abuse me terribly to your fellow-philosophers," or something to that effect. At this Plato smiled, and replied, "I trust that we shall never be so ill off in the Academy for subjects to discuss, as for any one to make mention of you." Such, they say, were the terms upon which they parted; though this does not entirely agree with Plato's own account of the matter. XXI. Dion was much angered by these proceedings of Dionysius, and shortly afterwards was converted into an open enemy on hearing of the treatment of his wife, on which subject Plato wrote in enigmas to Dionysius. This happened as follows:--After the expulsion of Dion, Dionysius, when he sent Plato away, bade him secretly make inquiries as to whether there was anything to prevent Dion's wife being bestowed upon another man; for there was a rumour, which may have been true or merely invented by Dion's enemies, that the marriage had been forced upon Dion against his will, and that he and his wife had not lived happily together. Plato, as soon as he arrived at Athens conversed freely with Dion, and then wrote a letter to the despot, some of which was clearly expressed, but which in one part intimated to him, in a manner which he alone could understand, that the writer had spoken about the matter to Dion, and that he would certainly be furious if Dionysius attempted anything of the kind. At that time, as there were still great hopes of arranging their quarrel, Dionysius did nothing further, but allowed his sister to remain living with her child by Dion. When, however, they became irreconcilable enemies and Plato, after his second visit, was sent away bitterly disliked by Dionysius, he proceeded to give Arete in marriage, sorely against her will, to one of his friends, named Timokrates, not imitating in this respect the gentle conduct of his father; for the elder Dionysius also had for an enemy Polyxenus the husband of his sister Theste. Polyxenus, fearing for his life, escaped from Syracuse and left Sicily. Upon this Dionysius sent for his sister and blamed her for having known of her husband's intention to take flight, and not having told him of it; but she, undismayed, answered him fearlessly, "Dionysius, do you think me so bad and cowardly a wife that, if I had known of the intention of my husband to flee, I should not have accompanied him? Indeed, I did not know of it; for it would have been more creditable to me to have been spoken of as the wife of Polyxenus the exile than as the sister of Dionysius the despot." It is said that when Theste used this bold language the despot regarded her with admiration, and she was also so much admired by the people of Syracuse for her courage and goodness that after the fall of the dynasty they still continued to treat her with the honours due to royalty, and, when she died, all the citizens came in procession to her funeral. These circumstances have required a digression which is not without value. XXII. Dion after this at once prepared for war. Plato would take no part in his attempts, both out of respect for Dionysius and because of his own advanced age; but Speusippus and his other companions joined Dion, and encouraged him to set free Sicily, which they said was stretching out its hands to him for help and would eagerly welcome him. It seems, indeed, that when Plato was at Syracuse, Speusippus and his friends, who mixed more with the people, discovered their real feelings. At first they were afraid to speak plainly, fearing that the despot was experimenting upon them, but at length they took courage. All told the same story, begging and encouraging Dion to come, not with ships of war and horse and foot soldiers, but to embark in an open boat, and lend merely his person and his name to the Sicilians in their struggle against Dionysius. Encouraged by these reports, which he received from Speusippus and his friends, Dion secretly levied a force of mercenaries, but not in his own name, and without disclosing his intention. Many statesmen and philosophers assisted him, among the later Eudemus of Cyprus, in whose honour, after his death, Aristotle composed his dialogue upon the soul, and Timonides of Leukas. They brought over to him also Miltas of Thessaly, a soothsayer and former student of the Academy. Yet, of all those men who had been banished by the despot, who were not less than a thousand in number, five-and-twenty alone took part in the expedition, and all the rest shrank from doing so. Their starting-point was the island of Zakynthus, where was assembled a force numbering less than eight hundred soldiers, all of whom, however, were men of distinction who had served in many great campaigns, and were in admirable bodily condition, and such bold and skilful warriors as would be able to excite and inspire with courage the multitude which Dion hoped would rally round him in Sicily. XXIII. These men, when they heard that the expedition was directed against Sicily and Dionysius, were at first scared and refused to go, declaring that only the frenzy excited by some personal quarrel, or the failure of all reasonable hopes of success, could have led Dion to embark upon such a desperate enterprise, and they were incensed with their own officers and those who had enlisted them for not having at the outset informed them of the object of the war. When, however, Dion addressed them, pointing out the rottenness of the monarchy, and informing them that he was taking them, not so much as soldiers as in order to use them as leaders for the Syracusans and other peoples of Sicily, who had long been ripe for revolt, and when, after Dion's speech, Alkimenes, one of the expedition, who was one of the most celebrated of the Achæans both by birth and merit, spoke to the same effect, they consented to go. The time was midsummer and the Etesian[484] winds were blowing over the sea. The moon was at the full. Dion prepared a magnificent sacrifice to Apollo and marched in solemn procession to the temple with his soldiers, all arrayed in complete armour. After the sacrifice he feasted them in the stadium or race-course of the people of Zakynthus, where they had an opportunity of admiring the splendour of his gold and silver plate, and reflected that a man past middle life, as he was, and possessed of such wealth, would never attempt an extravagant enterprise without reasonable expectation of success, or unless his friends upon the spot had promised to furnish him with abundant resources. XXIV. Just after the libations[485] and customary prayers, the moon became eclipsed. Dion and his friends saw nothing remarkable in this, as they could calculate the periods of eclipses, and knew how the shadow was produced upon the moon by the interposition of the earth between it and the sun. As, however, the soldiers were alarmed at the portent and required some encouragement, Miltas the soothsayer came into the midst of them and addressed them, bidding them be of good cheer and expect the most complete success; for the gods, he declared, foretold by this sign that something brilliant would be extinguished. Now there was nothing more brilliant than the monarchy of Dionysius, whose light was fated to be quenched by them as soon as they arrived at Sicily. This interpretation Miltas told to them all; but when a swarm of bees was seen to settle on the sterns of the ships, he privately told Dion and his friends that he feared lest this might portend that at first they would be very properous, but that after blooming for a short time their prosperity would wither away. It is said, too, that many ominous signs were vouchsafed by Heaven to Dionysius. An eagle snatched up a spear from one of the life-guards, soared aloft with it, and let it fall into the sea; and one day the sea-water which washes the walls of the citadel became quite sweet and drinkable, so that all men noticed it. Swine also were born without ears, though perfect in all other parts. This was interpreted by the soothsayers to be a sign of insurrection and disobedience, and to mean that the people would no longer hearken to the commands of the despot, while the portent of the sea-water meant that after bitter miseries sweet and pleasant times were in store for the people of Syracuse. The eagle, they said, is the servant of Zeus, and the spear is the symbol of power and sovereignty; wherefore the greatest of the gods must intend to sink and destroy the monarchy. These incidents we are told by Theopompus. XXV. The soldiers of Dion were contained in two merchant-ships, which were accompanied by another small vessel and two galleys of thirty oars.[486] Besides the arms carried by the soldiers, Dion took with him two thousand shields, many spears and missiles, and sufficient provisions to supply them during the whole voyage, which was to be performed entirely under canvass and over the open sea, because they feared to approach the land, and had learned that Philistus was cruising off the Iapygian Cape with a squadron to intercept them. Sailing with a light and gentle wind for twelve days, on the thirteenth they reached Pachynus, the southern extremity of Sicily. Here Protus their pilot bade them make haste to disembark, warning them that if they left the land and steered away from the cape, they would be obliged to spend many days and nights at sea during the summer season, when a southerly gale might be expected. Dion, however, feared to disembark so near his foes, and, wishing to land further away, sailed along the coast past Cape Pachynus. Hereupon a violent northerly wind, accompanied by a high sea, drove the ships away from Sicily, while at the rising of Arcturus a storm of thunder and lightning burst upon them with furious rain. At this the sailors became dismayed, and lost their reckoning, but suddenly found that the ships were being carried by the waves towards the rockiest and most precipitous cliffs of the island Kerkina,[487] off the coast of Libya. They narrowly escaped being dashed to pieces upon the rocks, but struggled along, keeping themselves off the land with punting-poles,[488] until at length the storm abated and they learned from a vessel which they fell in with that they were near what are called the "Heads" of the Great Syrtis. It now fell calm and they became disheartened and quarrelled with one another; but soon an off-shore wind sprang up from the south, though they, not expecting a southerly wind, could scarcely believe in the change. The wind gradually increased in force, and they, setting all the sail they were able, and commending themselves in prayer to the gods, crossed the open sea from Libya to Sicily before the wind. They made a quick passage, and on the fifth day came to an anchor at Minoa, a small city in that part of Sicily which belonged to the Carthaginians. The Carthaginian commander, Synalus, who was a friend of Dion, happened to be present in the town. Not knowing what the expedition was, or that Dion, was with it, he attempted to prevent the soldiers from landing; but they poured out of their ships fully armed, and though in accordance with Dion's order they killed no one, because of his friendship with the Carthaginian leader, yet they routed the Minoans, entered their city with the fugitives, and captured it. When the two chiefs met, they embraced one another, and Dion restored the city to Synalus without doing it any hurt, while Synalus showed hospitality to the soldiers and provided Dion with the supplies which he needed. XXVI. What specially encouraged them was the absence of Dionysius from Syracuse, although they had no hand in bringing it about; for he had just started on a voyage to the coast of Italy with a fleet of eighty ships. Although Dion begged his soldiers to wait and recruit their strength after the hardships of their long sea voyage, they would not remain there, but in their eagerness to seize this favourable opportunity bade Dion lead them to Syracuse. Dion now left behind his surplus arms and baggage at Minoa, and, begging Synalus to send them on to him when he should have need of them, set out on his march to Syracuse. On the road, he was first joined by two hundred horsemen, citizens of Agrigentum, dwelling near Eknomon. After these, some of the people of Gela also joined his army. The news of Dion's march soon reached Syracuse, and Timokrates, the husband of Dion's late wife, the sister of Dionysius, who was left in charge of the garrison, sent a messenger in great haste to Dionysius with a letter telling of Dion's arrival. He himself endeavoured to maintain order and put down all insurrections in the city, for all the people were excited at the news, but remained quiet as yet, through fear and doubt. Meantime a strange mischance befel the bearer of the letter to Dionysius. He crossed the straits to Italy, passed through the city of Rhegium, and as he hurried on towards Kaulonia, where Dionysius was, he fell in with one of his friends, carrying a newly slaughtered victim. He was given a piece of meat by the man, and went on in haste. He walked some part of the night, but being forced by fatigue to take a little sleep, he lay down, just as he was, in a wood by the road-side. While he slept, a wolf, attracted by the smell, snatched up the meat, which he had tied to his wallet, and ran off with it, carrying away with it the wallet in which the man had placed the letter. When the man woke and discovered his loss, after much vain searching, as he could not find it, he decided not to go to the despot without the letter, but to make off and keep out of the way. XXVII. In consequence of this Dionysius only heard of the war in Sicily much later and from other persons, and meanwhile Dion had been joined on his march by the people of Kamarina, and by a considerable number of the Syracusans who lived in the country. The Leontines and Campanians, who formed the garrison of Epipolæ, in consequence of Dion's sending them a false report that he intended to attack their city first, left Timokrates, and went away thither to defend their own property. When news of this reached Dion, who was encamped near Akræ, he aroused his soldiers while it was yet night and marched to the river Anapus, which is ten stadia distant from the city. There he halted and offered sacrifice beside the river, praying to the rising sun, and at the same time the soothsayers declared that the gods would give him the victory. Observing that Dion wore a garland because he was sacrificing, all those who were present at the sacrifice with one impulse crowned themselves with flowers. No less than five thousand men had joined him on his march. They were badly armed in a make-shift fashion, but their zeal supplied the deficiencies of their equipment, and when Dion led the way they all started at a run, shouting for joy, and encouraging one another to recover their freedom. XXVIII. Of the Syracusans within the walls, the chief men and upper classes in their most splendid raiment met Dion at the gates, while the populace attacked the friends of the despot, and seized upon the spies, a wicked and hateful class of men, who used to live among the people of the city and report their opinions and conversations to the despot. These men were the first to suffer for their crimes, as they were beaten to death by any of the citizens who fell in with them. Timokrates, unable to reach the garrison of the citadel, mounted his horse and rode away from the city, spreading alarm and confusion everywhere as he fled by exaggerating the numbers of Dion's army, that he might not be thought to have surrendered the city through fear to a small force. Meanwhile Dion could already be seen plainly, as he marched first of all his men, clad in splendid armour. On one side of him was his brother Megakles, and on the other the Athenian Kallippus, both crowned with garlands. Next marched a hundred of the mercenary soldiers, as a bodyguard for Dion, while the rest of the men were led on by their officers in battle array. The entire procession was looked upon and welcomed as though it were sacred by the citizens of Syracuse, who, after forty-two years of tyranny, saw liberty and a popular constitution restored to their city. XXIX. When Dion had entered by the Temenitid[489] gate, he caused his trumpet to sound to obtain silence; and then a herald made proclamation that Dion and Megakles were come to put down the monarchy, and that they set free from the despot both the Syracusans and the other Sicilian Greeks. As Dion wished to address the people in person, he proceeded through Achradina, while the Syracusans placed animals for sacrifice, tables and bowls of wine on each side of the street,[490] and each, as Dion passed them, strewed flowers in his path and addressed prayers to him as if to a god. In front of the citadel, with its Pentapyla, or Five Gates, stood a sundial, a conspicuous and lofty work, erected by Dionysius. Dion mounted upon this, and addressed the citizens, encouraging them to hold fast the freedom which they had obtained. The people, in joy and gratitude to them, elected them both generals, with unlimited powers, and at their earnest request chose twenty more as their colleagues, half of whom were taken from the exiles who had returned with Dion. The prophets considered it to be an excellent omen that Dion, while addressing the people, should have trodden under his feet the building which the despot had reared in his pride; but they augured ill from his having been chosen general while standing upon a sundial, lest his fortunes should soon experience some revolution. After this he captured Epipolæ, released the citizens who were imprisoned there and cut off the citadel by a palisade.[491] On the seventh day after this, Dionysius returned to the citadel by sea, and waggons arrived bringing to Dion the arms and armour which he had left with Synalus. These he distributed among the citizens, and of the others, each man equipped himself as well as he was able, and eagerly offered his services as a soldier. XXX. Dionysius at first sent ambassadors privately to Dion to endeavour to corrupt him. Afterwards, as Dion bade him speak openly to the people of Syracuse, who were now free, Dionysius through his ambassadors made them attractive offers of moderate taxation and moderate military service, subject to their own vote of consent.[492] These proposals were scornfully rejected by the Syracusans. Dion told the ambassadors that he and his party could have no dealings with Dionysius unless he abdicated; but that if he did so, he himself, remembering their relationship, would answer for his personal safety, and obtain as good terms for him as could be reasonably expected. These conditions were approved by Dionysius, who again sent ambassadors to demand that some of the Syracusans should come to the citadel and arrange the terms of the surrender upon a basis of mutual concessions. Commissioners, chosen by Dion, were at once sent to him, and a report spread from the citadel that Dionysius intended to abdicate and to make himself more popular even than Dion. However, the negotiations were all a trick of the despot to take the Syracusans at a disadvantage. He imprisoned the commissioners, and at daybreak, having excited his mercenary troops with wine, sent them at a run to attack the Syracusan wall across the isthmus. This attack was unexpected, and the foreign troops boldly and with loud shouts began to destroy the works and to attack the Syracusans. No one could withstand their onset except the mercenaries of Dion, who were the first to hear the noise of the conflict and to rush to the spot. But not even these men could perceive what was to be done or obey their orders, mixed up as they were with noisy crowds of panic-stricken Syracusan fugitives, before Dion, finding that no one heeded his words, and wishing to show by his actions what ought to be done, was the first man to attack the foreigners. Round him a fierce and terrible battle took place, as he was recognised as well by the enemy as by his friends, and all ran towards him with shouts. He was, indeed, somewhat advanced in years to engage in such a furious combat, but yet stoutly and bravely withstood and repulsed all who attacked him. He received a wound in the hand from a spear, and had to rely upon his breastplate for protection against showers of darts and blows in close combat, for his shield was pierced through by many spears and lances. When these were broken he fell to the ground, but was snatched away by his soldiers. He appointed Timonides to take his place, and himself rode through the city on horseback, rallied the Syracusan fugitives, brought out the garrison of mercenaries from Achradina, and led these fresh and confident troops against the wearied foreigners, who had already begun to despair of victory. They had imagined that by their first attack they would be able to overrun the whole city, but having unexpectedly fallen in with men who could deal hard blows they began to retire towards the citadel. As they gave way the Greeks pressed upon them still more, until at length they were driven in confusion into the citadel, after killing seventy-four of Dion's party, and losing many of their own men. XXXI. After this glorious victory the Syracusans presented the mercenaries with a hundred minæ, and the mercenaries presented Dion with a golden crown. Heralds from Dionysius now came from the citadel bringing letters to Dion from his female relatives. One of these bore the superscription "From Hipparinus to his father;" for this was the name of Dion's son, although Timæus says that he was named Aretæus after his mother Arete. But I imagine we ought rather to believe Timonides in such matters as these, since he was a friend and comrade of Dion. The other letters, those from the women, which were full of piteous supplications, were read aloud to the Syracusans, but they were unwilling that the letter from the child should be opened before them. In spite of their opposition, Dion opened it and read it aloud. It was from Dionysius himself, addressed nominally to Dion, but really to the people of Syracuse, and though in it Dionysius seemed to appeal to Dion and to plead his own cause with him, yet in truth it was concocted with a view to rendering him suspected by the people; for it contained allusions to his former zeal on behalf of the monarchy, and also threatened him through the persons of those dearest to him, his sister, his child and his wife. There were in the letter also pitiful entreaties, and what especially moved him to anger, supplications to him not to destroy the monarchy and set free a people which hated him and would turn and rend him, but to become despot himself, and thus to save his relatives and friends. XXXII. When these letters were read to them, the Syracusans, instead of admiring Dion for his magnanimity in adhering to the cause of honour and right, in spite of such touching appeals as these, they rather began to suspect him and to fear him, because he had such powerful reasons for sparing the despot, and they began to look around them for some other leader. They became particularly excited on hearing that Herakleides sailed into the harbour. This Herakleides was a Syracusan exile, a military man who had gained a great reputation by the commands which he had held in the service of Dionysius and his father, but of an unsettled disposition, fickle and least of all to be relied upon when associated with a colleague in any command of dignity and honour. This man had quarrelled with Dion in Peloponnesus, and determined to make an expedition of his own to attack Dionysius. He now arrived at Syracuse with seven triremes and three other vessels,[493] and found Dionysius blockaded in his citadel and the people of Syracuse in an excited condition. He at once received the popular favour, being naturally plausible and well able to impose upon a people who were fond of flattery. He was the more easily enabled to do this, as the Syracusans were already disgusted with the haughty demeanour of Dion, which they considered to be offensive and unfit for a statesman, being themselves grown insubordinate and insolent after their victory and requiring a demagogue even before they had become a democracy. XXXIII. Their first act was to assemble of their own accord and elect Herakleides as admiral. When, however, Dion came forward and complained that the appointment of Herakleides was a revocation of the powers granted to himself, since he would no longer be general with unlimited powers, if another commanded by sea, the Syracusans, much against their will, annulled the election. After this Dion sent for Herakleides privately and, after bitterly reproaching him with his want of honour and right feeling in raising disputes about precedence during so momentous and dangerous a crisis, again assembled the people, appointed Herakleides admiral and prevailed upon the citizens to grant him a bodyguard such as that by which he himself was attended. Herakleides now in words and in manner acknowledged Dion as his superior, obeyed his orders with humility, and owned that he owed him a debt of gratitude; but in secret he encouraged the people to revolt against him, stirred up tumults and brought Dion into a most difficult position; for if he were to permit Dionysius to retire from the citadel under a flag of truce, he feared that he should be reproached with sparing the despot and saving him from the fate he deserved, while, if he did not push the siege through a wish not to drive him to extremities, he would appear to be purposely protracting the war in order that he might the longer remain in power and have the people under his orders. XXXIV. There was one Sosis, a man who by villainy and audacity had gained a certain reputation at Syracuse, where the citizens thought that his licence in speech must be prompted by an excessive love of freedom. This man began to intrigue against Dion, and first of all rose in the assembly and violently abused the Syracusans for not perceiving that they had got a sober and vigilant despot instead of a drunken and imbecile one. After this, having avowed himself Dion's open enemy, he withdrew from the market-place and next day was seen running naked through the city with his face and head covered with blood, as though he were fleeing from some pursuers. Rushing into the market-place in this condition, he said that his life had been attempted by Dion's mercenaries, and showed his wounded head to the people. He at once gained an audience of sympathisers, who became furious with Dion, and declared that he was acting shamefully and despotically in restraining the freedom of speech of the citizens by threats and murders. However, though a disorderly assembly took place, Dion was able to speak in his own defence, pointing out that a brother of Sosis was one of the guards of Dionysius, and that this man must have persuaded him to rebel and throw the city into confusion, since Dionysius could have no hope of safety except in the dissensions of the besiegers. At the same time the physicians examined the wound of Sosis, and found that it was the result of a superficial scratch rather than of a downward cut; for wounds by swordstrokes are deepest in the middle, because of the weight of the blow, while this wound of Sosis was shallow throughout all its length and had several beginnings, as probably he had been forced by the pain to leave off cutting his head and then had begun again. Some of the more respectable citizens also came to the assembly with a razor, and said that while they were walking they met Sosis covered with blood, saying that he was fleeing from Dion's mercenaries and had just been wounded by them. They at once proceeded to look for them, and found no man, but saw the razor hidden under a hollow stone at the place from which Sosis had been seen coming out. XXXV. Matters now began to look ill for Sosis; and when his slaves, after torture, declared that he left the house while it was yet night carrying a razor, Dion's accusers withdrew their charges against him, and the people became reconciled with Dion and condemned Sosis to death. Nevertheless, they viewed the mercenaries with suspicion, especially after the great battles which took place at sea, when Philistus came from Iapygia with many triremes to rescue Dionysius, upon which they imagined that the mercenaries, being heavy-infantry soldiers, would be of no further use in the war, and would soon become their enemies, as they were all seafaring people, whose strength lay in their ships. They were further excited by their success in a sea-fight, in which they defeated Philistus, and treated him with the utmost barbarity. Ephorus states that Philistus killed himself as soon as his ship was captured, but Timonides, who was present with Dion throughout the whole of these events, in a letter which he wrote to the philospher, Speusippus, informs him that Philistus was taken alive from his ship which ran ashore; and that the Syracusans first stripped him of his corslet and displayed him naked, jeering at him, he being then an old man; and that after this they cut off his head and gave up the body to the boys of the town, bidding them drag it through Achradina, and cast it into the stone quarries. Timæus declares that Philistus was treated with even greater indignity, his dead body being dragged by the boys through the city by the lame leg amidst the insults of all the people of Syracuse, who were pleased to see this treatment inflicted on the man who had told Dionysius that far from requiring a swift horse to escape from his throne, he ought to remain until he was dragged from it by the leg. Philistus, however, gave this advice to Dionysius, not as having been said by himself, but by some one else. XXXVI. Philistus doubtless laid himself open to blame by his zealous adherence to the cause of the monarchy, but Timæus takes advantage of this to satisfy his own spite by abusing him. It might, perhaps, be pardoned if those who had been wronged by him were so transported by rage as even to insult his senseless corpse; but a historian, writing an account of his actions in a later age, without having been in any way personally injured by him, ought to be restrained by feelings of honour and decency from taunting him with his misfortunes, which, indeed, might equally have befallen the best of men. Neither does Ephorus show a sound judgment in praising Philistus, for, in spite of his skill in inventing good motives for evil conduct and actions, and the care with which his words are chosen, he cannot, with all his art, gloss over the fact that Philistus was devotedly attached to the cause of despotism, and that he, more than any one else, was dazzled and attracted by wealth, power, luxury and marriages with the daughters of absolute princes. A historian would show better taste than either of these by neither praising Philistus for his conduct nor reproaching him with his misfortunes. XXXVII. After the death of Philistus, Dionysius sent to Dion offering to deliver up to him the citadel, the arms which it contained, the mercenary troops and five months pay for them, and demanding to be allowed to retire unmolested to Italy and live there, and also to receive the revenues of a large and fertile tract belonging to Syracuse called Gyarta, which extended from the sea-side to the interior of the island. Dion would not receive the embassy, but bade Dionysius address himself to the people of Syracuse; and they, hoping to take Dionysius alive, drove away his ambassadors. Dionysius now handed over the citadel to Apollokrates, his eldest son, and himself placed what persons and property he chiefly valued on board ship, waited for a fair wind, and then sailed away, eluding the vigilance of the admiral Herakleides. Herakleides was fiercely reproached by the citizens for his neglect, but suborned one of the popular speakers to make proposals to the people for a division of lands, pointing out that equality is the source of freedom, and that poverty reduces men to slavery. Herakleides spoke on the same side, openly opposed Dion, who led the opposite faction, and prevailed upon the Syracusans to agree to this proposal, and further to refuse to pay the mercenary troops and to rid themselves of the haughty arrogance of Dion by electing new generals. Thus, like a man who attempts to rise and walk when weakened by a long illness, the Syracusans, after ridding themselves of their despotism, at once tried to adopt the institutions of free peoples, and both failed in their undertakings and disliked Dion, because he, like a careful physician, wished to impose a strict and temperate regimen upon them. XXXVIII. When they assembled to choose their new commanders the time was about midsummer, and ominous thunderstorms and portents took place for fifteen days in succession, dispersing the people and preventing their election of any other generals. When the popular leaders, by waiting and watching, had obtained a fair still day for the election of chief magistrates, a draught ox, who was quite tame and accustomed to crowds, but who was enraged with his driver, broke from his yoke and ran towards the theatre. He scattered the people in the greatest confusion and panic, and ran on prancing and causing disorder through all that part of the city which afterwards fell into the hands of the enemy. Nevertheless, the Syracusans disregarded this omen, and elected five-and-twenty generals, one of whom was Herakleides. They also made secret overtures to Dion's mercenaries, inviting them to desert, and offering them equal rights with the other citizens. They, however, would not listen to these proposals, but faithfully and promptly got under arms, formed column with Dion in their midst, and began to march out of the city, without harming any one, but bitterly reproaching all whom they met with their ingratitude and wickedness. But the Syracusans, who despised them for their small numbers and for not having been the first to attack, had now collected in crowds, far outnumbering the mercenaries, and set upon them, expecting that in a street-fight they would easily be able to overpower them and to kill them all. XXXIX. In this terrible dilemma, as he was forced either to fight against his fellow-countrymen or to perish with his mercenaries, Dion stretched out his hands towards the Syracusans and implored them to desist, and pointed to the citadel, full of armed enemies, who were watching them from the battlements. As, however, the excited mob could not be turned from its purpose, for the speeches of the demagogues stirred up the people as the wind stirs up the waves of the sea, Dion ordered his troops not to charge them, but to march forward with a shout and martial clash of arms. At this none of the Syracusans stood their ground, but ran away along the streets unpursued; for Dion at once wheeled round his troops and marched away to Leontini. The new chiefs of the Syracusans, ridiculed by the women, and wishing to wipe out their disgrace, now again got the citizens under arms and pursued Dion. They came up with him as he was crossing a stream, and rode up to his troops in skirmishing order. When, however, they perceived that Dion was no longer willing to deal gently and paternally with their follies, but that he angrily formed his troops in line and ordered them to attack, they fled more disgracefully than before back to their city, without losing many of their number. XL. The people of Leontini received Dion with especial honours, provided his troops with pay, and made them free of the city. They also sent ambassadors to the Syracusans, calling upon them to do the soldiers justice; to which they replied by sending ambassadors to prefer charges against Dion. When, however, all the allies held a meeting at Leontini and discussed the matter, the Syracusans were held to be in fault. But the Syracusans refused to accept this decision, as they were now full of insolent importance, having no one to rule them, but being led by generals who were the merest slaves of the people. XLI. After this a fleet of triremes sent by Dionysius arrived at the city, under the command of Nypsius, a Neapolitan, with supplies of corn and money for the besieged. In a sea-fight which took place the Syracusans were victorious, and took four of the ships, but were so elated by their victory, and, having none to rule them, celebrated their success with such reckless excesses of drinking and feasting, that while they imagined they had taken the citadel they really lost the city as well; for Nypsius, observing that discipline was everywhere at an end, as the populace were engaged in drinking to the sound of music from daylight until late at night, and that the generals were delighted at the festivity and were unwilling to summon the drunken men to their duty, seized his opportunity and attacked the Syracusan wall of investment. His attack succeeded; he broke through the works, and at once let loose his foreign mercenaries, bidding them deal as they pleased with all whom they met. The Syracusans, though they soon learned their misfortune, yet were slow to assemble, being taken by surprise; for the city was being sacked, the men slaughtered, the walls thrown down and the women and children being forced weeping into the citadel, while the generals gave up all for lost, and could make no use of the citizens, who were everywhere confusedly mixed up with the enemy. XLII. While the city was in this condition, and the danger began to menace Achradina also, all men thought of him who was their last and only hope, but no one spoke of Dion, as they were all ashamed of the folly and ingratitude with which they had treated him. Sheer necessity, however, forced some of the auxiliary troops and the knights[494] to cry out that they must send for Dion and his Peloponnesians from Leontini. As soon as any were found bold enough to raise this cry, the Syracusans shouted aloud, and rejoiced with tears, for they prayed that Dion would come, they longed to see him, and they remembered his courage and strength in time of danger, in which he not only remained calm and unmoved, but gave them confidence by his demeanour and caused them fearlessly and bravely to attack their enemies. They therefore at once sent off to him Archonides and Telesides, as representatives of the allies, and Hellanikus, with four others, of the knights. These men rode at full gallop to Leontini, arriving there late in the afternoon. When they dismounted, the first person they met was Dion, and with tears in their eyes they told him of the misfortunes which had befallen the Syracusans. Soon some of the citizens of Leontini fell in with them, and many of the Peloponnesians gathered round Dion, suspecting from the earnest and supplicatory tones and gestures of the ambassadors that something important had happened. Dion at once led the way to the public assembly, where all the people soon met together. Archonides and Hellanikus in a few words informed them of the great misfortune which had befallen the Syracusans, and besought the stranger mercenaries to help them and not to bear malice for the treatment which they had received, since the Syracusans had been more terribly punished for their misconduct than even the soldiers could have wished them to be. XLIII. After they had ceased speaking, there was a great silence; and when Dion rose and began to speak, tears choked his utterance. The Peloponnesians encouraged him, and showed sympathy with him, and at length he mastered his emotion and said: "Men of Peloponnesus and Allies, I have assembled you here to deliberate about your own affairs. As for myself, I cannot with honour deliberate while Syracuse is being destroyed, but if I cannot save my country, I will share her ruin and make her flames my own funeral pyre. As for you, if you can bring yourselves even now, after all that has passed, to help us, the most ill-advised and the most ill-fated of men, restore again by your own means alone the city of Syracuse. But if you hate the Syracusans and reject their appeal, then may you be rewarded by heaven for your former brave conduct and loyalty to me, and may you remember Dion, who would not desert you when you were wronged, and would not afterwards desert his fellow-countrymen when they were in trouble." While Dion was still speaking, the Peloponnesians leaped up with a shout, bidding him lead them as quickly as possible to the rescue, and the ambassadors from Syracuse embraced him, calling upon heaven to bless both him and the troops. When order was restored, Dion immediately began to prepare for the march, and ordered his men to go and eat their dinners at once, and then to assemble under arms in that very place; for he intended to march to Syracuse by night. XLIV. Meanwhile at Syracuse the generals of Dionysius worked great ruin in the city while it was day, but when darkness came on retired into the citadel, having lost but few men. The popular leaders now took courage, and, expecting that the enemy would attempt nothing further, again called upon the people to have nothing to do with Dion, and, if he came with his foreign troops, not to admit him into the city and own themselves inferior to his men in courage, but to reconquer their city and their liberty by their own exertions. More embassies were now sent to Dion, from the generals dissuading him from coming, and from the knights and leading citizens entreating him to come quickly. This caused him to march more slowly, yet with greater determination. When day broke, the party opposed to Dion occupied the gates, in order to shut him out of the city, while Nypsius a second time led out the mercenaries from the citadel, in greater numbers and far more confident than before. He at once levelled to the ground the whole of the works by which the citadel was cut off from the main land, and overran and pillaged the city. No longer men alone, but even women and children were slaughtered, and property of every kind mercilessly destroyed; for Dionysius, who now despaired of ultimate success, and bitterly hated the Syracusans, wished only, as it were, to bury the monarchy in the ruins of the city. In order to effect their purpose before Dion could come to the rescue, the soldiers destroyed the houses in the quickest way by setting them on fire, using torches for those near at hand, and shooting fiery arrows to those at a distance. As the Syracusans fled from their burning dwellings, some were caught and butchered in the streets, while others who took refuge in the houses perished in the flames, as now a large number of houses were burning, and kept falling upon the passers by. XLV. This misfortune more than anything else caused all to be unanimous in opening the gates to Dion. He had been marching slowly, as he heard that the enemy were shut up in the citadel; but as the day went on, at first some of the knights rode up to him and told him of the second occupation of the city; and afterwards some even of the opposite faction arrived and begged him to hasten his march. As the danger became more pressing, Herakleides sent first his brother, and afterwards his uncle Theodotus, to beseech Dion to assist them, and to tell him that no one any longer could offer any resistance, that Herakleides himself was wounded, and that the whole city was within a little of being totally ruined and burned. When these messages reached Dion he was still sixty stadia distant from the gates of Syracuse. He explained to his troops the danger the city was in, spoke some words of encouragement to them, and then led them on, no longer at a walk, but at a run, while messenger after messenger continued to meet them and urge them to haste. At the head of his mercenaries, who displayed extraordinary speed and spirit, Dion made his way through the gates of Syracuse to the place called Hekatompedon. He at once sent his light-armed troops to attack the enemy, and to encourage the Syracusans by their presence, while he himself formed his own heavy infantry, and those of the citizens who rallied round him in separate columns under several commanders, in order to create greater terror by attacking the enemy at many points at once. XLVI. When, after making these preparations, and offering prayer to the gods, he was beheld leading his troops through the city to attack the enemy, the Syracusans raised a shout of joy, with a confused murmur of prayers, entreaties and congratulations, addressing Dion as their saviour and their tutelary god, and calling the foreign soldiers their brethren and fellow-citizens. All of them, even the most selfish and cowardly, now appeared to hold Dion's life dearer than his own or that of his fellow-citizens, as they saw him lead the way to danger through blood and fire, and over the corpses which lay in heaps in the streets. The enemy, too, presented a formidable appearance, for they were exasperated to fury, and had established themselves in a strong position, hard even to approach, amidst the ruins of the rampart by which the citadel had been cut off from the town; while the progress of the mercenary troops was rendered difficult and dangerous by the flames of the burning houses by which they were surrounded. They were forced to leap over heaps of blazing beams, and to run from under great masses of falling ruins, struggling forwards through thick smoke and choking dust, and yet striving to keep their ranks unbroken. When at length they reached the enemy, only a few could fight on either side, because of the narrowness of the path, but the Syracusans, pushing confidently forward with loud shouts, forced the troops of Nypsius to give way. Most of them escaped into the citadel, which was close at hand: but all the stragglers who were left outside, were pursued and put to death by the Peloponnesians. The Syracusans could not spare any time to enjoy their victory and to congratulate one another after such great successes, but betook themselves at once to extinguishing their burning houses, and with great exertions put out the fire during the night. XLVII. As soon as day broke, all the popular leaders, conscious of their guilt, left the city, with the exception of Herakleides and Theodotus, who went of their own accord and delivered themselves up to Dion, admitting that they had done wrong, and begging that he would treat them better than they had treated him. They pointed out, also, how much he would enhance the lustre of his other incomparable virtues by showing himself superior even in the matter of temper to those by whom he had been wronged, who now came before him admitting that in their rivalry with him they had been overcome by his virtue. When Herakleides and his companion thus threw themselves upon the mercy of Dion, his friends advised him not to spare such envious and malignant wretches, but to deliver up Herakleides to his soldiers, and thus to put an end to mob rule, an evil quite as pestilent as despotism itself. Dion, however, calmed their anger, observing that other generals spent most of their time in practising war and the use of arms; but that he, during his long sojourn in the Academy, had learned to subdue his passions, and to show himself superior to jealousy of his rivals. True greatness of mind, he said, could be better shown by forgiving those by whom one has been wronged, than by doing good to one's friends and benefactors; and he desired not so much to excel Herakleides in power and generalship, as in clemency and justice, the only qualities which are truly good: for our successes in war, even if won by ourselves alone, yet can only be won by the aid of Fortune. "If," he continued, "Herakleides be jealous, treacherous and base, that is no reason for Dion to stain his glory by yielding to his anger; for though to revenge a wrong is held to be less culpable than to commit one, yet both alike spring from the weakness of human nature: while even though a man be wicked, yet he is seldom so hopelessly depraved as not to be touched by one who repeatedly returns good for evil." XLVIII. After expressing himself thus, Dion released Herakleides. He next turned his attention to the fortification by which the citadel was cut off, and ordered each Syracusan to cut a stake and bring it to the spot. He allowed the citizens to rest during the night, but kept his mercenary soldiers at work, and by the next morning had completed the palisade, so that both the enemy and his own countrymen were astonished at the speed with which he had accomplished so great a work. He now buried the corpses of those citizens who had fallen in the battle, ransomed the prisoners, who amounted to no less than two thousand, and summoned an assembly, in which Herakleides proposed that Dion should be appointed absolute commander by land and by sea. All the better citizens approved of this, and wished it to be put to the vote, but it was thrown out by the interference of the mob of sailors and people of the lower classes, who were sorry that Herakleides had lost his post as admiral, and who thought that, although he might be worthless in all other respects, he was at any rate more of a friend to the people than Dion, and more easily managed by them. Dion conceded so much to them as to give Herakleides command of the fleet, but vexed them much by opposing their plans for a redistribution of land and houses, and by declaring void all that they had decided upon this subject. In consequence of this Herakleides, who at once entered upon his office of admiral, sailed to Messenia, and there by his harangues excited the sailors and soldiers under his command to mutiny against Dion, who, he declared, intended to make himself despot of Syracuse; while he, in the meanwhile, entered upon negotiations with Dionysius by means of the Spartan Pharax. When this was discovered by the Syracusan nobility, a violent quarrel arose in his camp, which led to the people of Syracuse being reduced to great want and scarcity, so that Dion was at his wit's end, and was bitterly reproached by his friends for having placed such an unmanageable and villainous rival as Herakleides in possession of power which he used against his benefactor. XLIX. Pharax was now encamped at Neapolis, in the territory of Agrigentum, and Dion, who led out the Syracusans to oppose him, wished to defer an engagement; but Herakleides and the sailors overwhelmed him with their clamour, saying that he did not wish to bring the war to an end by a battle, but to keep it constantly going on in order that he might remain the longer in command. He therefore fought and was beaten. The defeat was not a disastrous one, but was due more to the confusion produced by the quarrels of his own men than to the enemy. Dion therefore prepared to renew the engagement, drew out his men in battle array, and addressed them in encouraging terms. Towards evening, however, he heard that Herakleides had weighed anchor and sailed away to Syracuse with the fleet, with the intention of seizing the city and shutting its gates against Dion and the army. Dion at once took the strongest and bravest men with him, and rode all night, reaching the gates of Syracuse about the third hour of the next day, after a journey of seven hundred stadia. Herakleides, who in spite of the exertions of his fleet was beaten in the race, was at a loss what to do, and sailed away aimlessly. He chanced to fall in with the Spartan Gæsylus, who informed him that he was coming from Lacedæmon to take command of the Sicilian Greeks, as Gylippus had done in former times. Herakleides was delighted at having met this man, and displayed him to his troops, boasting that he had found a counterpoise to the power of Dion, he at once sent a herald to Syracuse, and ordered the citizens to receive the Spartan as their ruler. When Dion answered that the Syracusans had rulers enough, and that in case they should require a Spartan to command them, he himself was a Spartan by adoption, Gæsylus gave up all claims to command, but went to Dion and reconciled Herakleides to him, making Herakleides swear the greatest oaths and give the strongest pledges for his future good behaviour, while Gæsylus himself swore that he would avenge Dion and punish Herakleides in case the latter should misconduct himself. L. After this the Syracusans disbanded their navy, which was quite useless; besides being very expensive to the crews, and giving opportunities for the formation of plots against the government; but they continued the siege of the citadel, and thoroughly completed the wall across the isthmus. As no assistance arrived for the besieged, while their provisions began to fail, and their troops became inclined to mutiny, the son of Dionysius despaired of success, arranged terms of capitulation with Dion, handed over the citadel to him together with all the arms and other war material which it contained, and himself, taking his mother and sisters and their property on board of five triremes, sailed away to his father. Dion permitted him to leave in safety, and his departure was witnessed by every one of the Syracusans, who even called upon the names of those who were absent, and were unable to see this day when the sun rose upon a free Syracuse. Indeed the downfall of Dionysius is one of the most remarkable instances of the vicissitudes of fortune known in history; and what then must we suppose was the joy and pride of the Syracusans, when they reflected that with such slender means they had overthrown the most powerful dynasty at that time existing in the world? LI. After Apollokrates had sailed away and Dion had entered the citadel, the women could endure no longer to wait indoors till he came to them, but ran to the gates, Aristomache leading Dion's son, and Arete following behind her in tears, and at a loss to know how she should greet her husband after she had been married to another. After Dion had embraced his sister and his child, Aristomache led Arete forward, and said, "Dion, we were unhappy while you were an exile; but now that you have returned and conquered you have taken away our reproach from all but Arete here, whom I have had the misery to see forced to accept another husband while you were yet alive. Now, therefore, since fortune has placed us in your power, how do you propose to settle this difficulty? Is she to embrace you as her uncle or as her husband also?" Dion shed tears at these words of Aristomache, and affectionately embraced his wife. He placed his son in her hands, and bade her go to his own house, where he himself also continued to live; for he delivered up the citadel to the people of Syracuse. LII. After he had thus accomplished his enterprise, he reaped no advantage from his success, except that he conferred favours on his friends and rewarded his allies; while he bestowed upon his own companions, both Syracusan and Peloponnesian, such signal marks of his gratitude that his generosity even outran his means. He himself continued to live simply and frugally, while not only Sicily and Carthage, but all Greece viewed with admiration the manner in which he bore his prosperity, considering his achievements to be the greatest, and himself to be the most splendid instance of successful daring known to that age. He remained as modest in his dress, his household, and his table, as though he were still the guest of Plato in the Academy, and not living among mercenary soldiers, who recompense themselves for the hardships and dangers of their lives by daily indulgence in sensual pleasures. Plato wrote a letter to him, in which he informed him that the eyes of all the world were fixed upon him; but Plato probably only alluded to one place in one city, namely the Academy, and meant that the critics and judges of Dion therein assembled did not admire his exertions or his victory, but only considered whether he bore himself discreetly and modestly in his success, and showed moderation now that he was all-powerful. Dion made a point of maintaining the same haughty demeanour in society, and of treating the people with the same severity as before, although the times demanded that he should unbend, and though Plato, as we have said before, wrote to him bidding him remember that an arrogant temper is the consort of a lonely life. However, Dion appears to have been naturally inclined to harshness, and besides was desirous of reforming the manners of the Syracusans, who were excessively licentious and corrupt. LIII. Now Herakleides again opposed him. When Dion sent for him to attend at the council, he refused to come, declaring that he was a mere private man, and would go only to the public assembly with the other citizens. Next he reproached Dion for not having demolished the citadel, for having restrained the people when they wished to break open the tomb of Dionysius (the elder) and cast out his body, and for having insulted his own fellow-countrymen by sending to Corinth for counsellors and colleagues. Indeed, Dion had sent to Corinth for some commissioners from that city, hoping that their presence would assist him in effecting the reforms which he meditated. Like Plato, he regarded a pure democracy as not being a government at all, but rather a warehouse of all forms of government: and his intention was to establish a constitution, somewhat on the Lacedæmonian or Cretan model, by a judicious combination of monarchy and oligarchy: and he saw that the government of Corinth was more of an oligarchy than a democracy, and that few important measures were submitted to the people. As Dion expected that Herakleides would most vehemently oppose these projects, and was moreover a turbulent, fickle, and facetious personage, he gave him up to those who had long before desired to kill him, but whom he had formerly restrained from doing so. These men broke into the house of Herakleides and killed him. The Syracusans were deeply grieved at his death; yet, as Dion gave him a splendid funeral, followed the corpse at the head of his army, and afterwards made a speech to the people, they forgave him, reflecting that their city could never have obtained rest while Dion and Herakleides were both engaged in political life. LIV. One of Dion's companions was an Athenian named Kallippus, who, we are told by Plato, became intimate with him, not because of his learning, but because he happened to have initiated Dion into some religious mysteries. This man took part in Dion's expedition, and received especial honours, being the first of all Dion's comrades who marched into Syracuse with him, wearing a garland on his head, and he had always distinguished himself in the combats which took place since that time. Now, seeing that the noblest and best of Dion's friends had fallen in the war, and that by the death of Herakleides the Syracusan people were deprived of their leader, while he had greater influence than any one else with Dion's mercenary soldiers, Kallippus conceived a scheme of detestable villainy. No doubt he hoped to obtain the whole of Sicily as his reward for murdering Dion, though some writers state that he received a bribe of twenty talents from Dion's personal enemies. He now drew several of the mercenary soldiers into a conspiracy against Dion, conducting his plot in a most ingenious and treacherous manner. He was in the habit of informing Dion of any treasonable speeches, whether true or invented by himself, which he said that he had heard from the mercenary troops, and by this means gained such entire confidence with him, that he was able to hold secret meetings and plot against Dion with whichever of the soldiers he pleased, having Dion's express command to do so, in order that none of the disaffected party might escape his notice. By this means Kallippus was easily enabled to find out all the worst and most discontented of the mercenaries, and to organise a conspiracy amongst them; while, if any man refused to listen to his proposals and denounced him to Dion, he took no heed of it and showed no anger, believing that Kallippus was merely carrying out his own instructions. LV. When the plot was formed, Dion beheld a great and portentous vision. Late in the evening he was sitting alone in the hall[495] of his house, plunged in thought. Suddenly he heard a noise on the other side of the court, and, looking up, as it was not quite dark, saw a tall woman, with the face and dress of a Fury as represented upon the stage, sweeping the house with a kind of broom. He was terribly startled, and became so much alarmed that he sent for his friends, described the vision to them, and besought them to remain with him during the night, as he was beside himself with fright, and dreaded lest if he were alone the apparition might return. This, however, did not take place. A few days after this his son, now almost grown up, took offence at some trifling affront, and destroyed himself by throwing himself headlong from the roof of the house. LVI. While Dion was thus alarmed and distressed, Kallippus all the more eagerly carried out his plot. He spread a rumour among the Syracusans that Dion, being childless, had determined to recall Apollokrates, the son of Dionysius, and to make him his heir, since he was his wife's nephew, and his sister's grandson. By this time Dion and the women of his household began to entertain some suspicion of the plot, and information of it reached them from all quarters. Dion, however, grieved at the murder of Herakleides, as though that crime had stained his glory, had become low-spirited and miserable, and frequently said that he was willing to die, and would let any man cut his throat, if he were obliged to live amidst constant precautions against his friends as well as his enemies. Kallippus, who perceived that the women had discovered the whole plot, came to them in great alarm, denying that he had any share in it, shedding tears, and offering to give any pledge of his loyalty which they chose to ask for. They demanded that he should swear the great oath, which is as follows:--The person who is about to swear enters the precinct of the temple of Demeter and Persephone, and after certain religious ceremonies puts on the purple robe of the goddess Persephone, and swears, holding a lighted torch in his hand. All this was done by Kallippus, and after swearing the oath he was impious enough to wait for the festival of the goddess whose name he had taken in vain, and to commit the murder on the day which was specially dedicated to her, although, perhaps, he thought nothing about the profanation of that particular day, but considered that it would be wickedness enough to murder the man whom he had himself initiated into the mysteries, on whatever day he might do it. LVII. Many were now in the plot; and when Dion was sitting with his friends in a room furnished with several couches, some of the conspirators surrounded the house, while others stood at the doors and windows. Those who intended to do the deed were Zakynthians, and entered the house in their tunics, without swords. Those who remained outside made fast the doors, while those within rushed upon Dion, and endeavoured to strangle him. As, however, they could not accomplish this, they asked for a sword; but no one ventured to open the doors, because within the house were many of Dion's friends, but as each of these imagined that, if he gave up Dion, he himself might get away safe, no one would help him. After some delay, a Syracusan, named Lykon, handed a dagger through a window to the Zakynthians, with which, as if sacrificing a victim, they cut the throat of Dion, who had long before been overpowered and had given himself up for lost. His sister and his wife, who was pregnant, were at once cast into prison, where the unhappy woman was delivered of a male child. The women prevailed upon the keepers of the prison to spare the child's life, and obtained their request the more readily because Kallippus was already in difficulties. LVIII. After Kallippus had murdered Dion, he at once became a person of importance, and had the entire government of Syracuse in his hands. He even sent despatches to Athens, a city which, next to the gods, he ought, especially to have dreaded, after having brought such pollution and sacrilege upon himself. However, the saying appears to be true, that that city produces both the best of good and the worst of wicked men, just as the territory of Athens produces both the sweetest honey and the most poisonous hemlock. Kallippus did not long survive to mock the justice of heaven, lest the gods might have been thought to disregard a man who, by such a crime, had obtained so great wealth and power; but he soon paid the penalty of his wickedness. He set out to capture Katana, and in doing so lost Syracuse; upon which he is said to have remarked, that he had lost a city and gained a cheese-scraper. In an attack upon Messenia he lost most of his soldiers, among whom were the murderers of Dion. As no city in Sicily would receive him, but all hated him and attacked him, he proceeded to Rhegium, where, as he was quite ruined and could no longer maintain his mercenary soldiers, he was murdered by Leptines and Polyperchon, who chanced to use the self-same dagger with which Dion is said to have been slain. It was recognised by being very short, after the Laconian fashion, and by its workmanship, for it was admirably carved with figures in high relief. Such was the retribution which befel Kallippus; while Aristomache and Arete, when they were released from prison, fell into the power of Hiketes, a Syracusan, who had been one of Dion's friends, and who treated them at first loyally and honourably, but afterwards, at the instigation of some of the enemies of Dion, sent them on board of a ship, on the pretext of sending them to Peloponnesus, and gave orders to the people of the ship to put them to death and throw their bodies into the sea. They, however, are said to have thrown them alive into the sea, and the child with them. This man also paid a fitting penalty for his crimes, for he was taken and put to death by Timoleon, and the Syracusans put to death his two daughters to avenge the murder of Dion. All of this I have already described at length in the Life of Timoleon. LIFE OF BRUTUS. I. The ancestor of Marcus Brutus was Junius Brutus,[496] whose statue of bronze the Romans of old set up in the Capitol, in the midst of the kings, with a drawn sword in his hand, thereby signifying that it was he who completely accomplished the putting down of the Tarquinii. Now that Brutus, like swords forged of cold iron, having a temper naturally hard and not softened by education, was carried on even to slaying of his sons through his passion against the tyrants: but this Brutus, about whom I am now writing, having tempered his natural disposition with discipline and philosophical training and roused his earnest and mild character by impulse to action, is considered to have been most aptly fashioned to virtue, so that even those who were his enemies on account of the conspiracy against Cæsar, attributed to Brutus whatever of good the act brought with it, and the worst of what happened they imputed to Cassius, who was a kinsman and friend of Brutus, but in his disposition not so simple and pure. His mother Servilia[497] traced her descent from Ala Servilius,[498] who when Mallius Spurius was contriving to establish a tyranny and was stirring up the people, put a dagger under his arm, and going into the Forum and taking his stand close to the man, as if he were going to have something to do with him and to address him, struck him as he bent forwards and killed him. Now this is agreed on; but those who showed hatred and enmity towards Brutus on account of Cæsar's death, say that on the father's side he was not descended from the expeller of the Tarquinii, for that Brutus after putting his sons to death left no descendants, but this Brutus was a plebeian, the son of one Brutus who was a bailiff,[499] and had only recently attained to a magistracy. Poseidonius the philosopher says that the sons of Brutus, who had arrived at man's estate, were put to death as the story is told, but there was left a third, an infant, from whom the race of Brutus descended; and that some of the illustrious men of his time who belonged to the family showed a personal resemblance to the statue of Brutus. So much about this. II. Servilia the mother of Brutus was a sister of Cato the philosopher, whom most of all the Romans this Brutus took for his model, Cato being his uncle and afterwards his father-in-law. As to the Greek philosophers, there was not one, so to say, whom he did not hear or to whom he was averse, but he devoted himself especially to those of Plato's school. The Academy[500] called the New and the Middle he was not much disposed to, and he attached himself to the Old, and continued to be an admirer of Antiochus[501] of Ascalon; but for his friend and companion he chose Antiochus's brother Aristus, a man who in his manner of discourse was inferior to many philosophers, but in well-regulated habits and mildness a rival to the first. Empylus,[502] whom both Brutus in his letters and his friends often mentioned as being in intimacy with him, was a rhetorician and left a small work, though not a mean one, on the assassination of Cæsar, which is inscribed Brutus. In the Latin language Brutus was sufficiently trained for oratory[503] and the contests of the forum; but in the Greek, he practised the apophthegmatic and Laconic brevity which is sometimes conspicuous in his letters. For instance when he was now engaged in the war, he wrote to the people of Pergamum: "I hear that you have given money to Dolabella; if you gave it willingly, you admit your wrong; if you gave it unwillingly, make proof of this by giving to me willingly!" On another occasion, to the Samians: "Your counsels are trifling; your help is slow. What end do you expect of this?" And another about the people of Patara: "The Xanthians by rejecting my favours have made their country the tomb of their desperation. The people of Patara by trusting to me want nothing of liberty in the management of their affairs. It is therefore in your power also to choose the decision of the people of Patara or the fortune of the Xanthians." Such is the character of the most remarkable of his letters. III. While he was still a youth he went abroad with his uncle Cato, who was sent to Cyprus[504] to Ptolemæus. After Ptolemæus had put an end to himself, Cato, being detained of necessity in Rhodes, happened to have sent Canidius, one of his friends, to look after the money, but as he feared that Canidius would not keep his hands from filching, he wrote to Brutus to sail as quick as he could to Cyprus from Pamphylia; for Brutus was staying there to recover from an illness. Brutus sailed very much against his will, both out of respect for Canidius, as being undeservedly deprived of his functions by Cato, and inasmuch as he was a young man and a student,[505] considering such a piece of business and administration not at all fit for a free man or for himself. However, he exerted himself about these matters and was commended by Cato; and when the king's substance was converted into money, he took the greatest part and sailed to Rome. IV. But when matters came to a division, Pompeius and Cæsar having taken up arms, and the government being in confusion, it was expected that he would choose Cæsar's side, for his father[506] was put to death by Pompeius some time before; but as he thought it right to prefer the public interests to his own, and as he considered the ground of Pompeius for the war to be better than Cæsar's, he joined Pompeius. And yet, hitherto, when he met Pompeius, he would not even speak to him, thinking it a great crime to talk with his father's murderer; but now, placing himself under Pompeius as leader of his country, he sailed to Sicily as legatus with Sestius,[507] who had got it for his province. But as there was nothing of importance to do there, and Pompeius and Cæsar had already met together to contend for the supremacy, he went to Macedonia as a volunteer to share the danger; on which occasion they say that Pompeius, being delighted and surprised at his coming, rose from his seat and embraced him as a superior man in the presence of all. During the campaign all the daytime when he was not with Pompeius he was employed about study and books; and not only at other times, but also before the great battle. It was the height of summer, and the heat was excessive, as they were encamped close to marshy ground; and those who carried the tent of Brutus did not come quickly. After being much harassed about these matters, and having scarcely by midday anointed himself and taken a little to eat, while the rest were either sleeping or engaged in thought and care about the future, he kept on writing till evening-time, making an epitome of Polybius.[508] V. It is said that Cæsar, too, was not indifferent about the man, but gave orders to those who commanded under him not to kill Brutus in the battle, but to spare him; find if he yielded to bring him, and if he resisted being taken, to let him alone and not force him; and this, it is said, he did to please Servilia,[509] the mother of Brutus. For when he was still a youth, he had, it seems, known Servilia, who was passionately in love with him, and as Brutus was born about the time when her love was most ardent, he had in some degree a persuasion that Brutus was his son. It is recorded that when the great affair of Catilina had engaged the Senate, which affair came very near overturning the State, Cato and Cæsar were standing up at the same time and disputing. While this was going on, a small letter was brought in and given to Cæsar, which he read silently, whereon Cato called out that Cæsar was doing a shameful thing in receiving communications and letters from their enemies. Many of the Senators hereon made a tumult, and Cæsar gave the letter just as it was to Cato, and it was a passionate letter from his sister Servilia, which he read and throwing it to Cæsar said, "Take it, drunkard;" and he again turned afresh to his argument and his speech. So notorious was the love of Servilia for Cæsar. VI. After the defeat at Pharsalus and the escape of Pompeius to the sea, while the ramparts were blockaded, Brutus secretly got out of the gates which led to a marshy spot, full of water and reeds, and made his way by night to Larissa. From thence he wrote to Cæsar, who was pleased that he was alive and told him to come to him; and he not only pardoned Brutus, but had him about him and treated him with as much respect as any one else. No one could say where Pompeius had fled to, and there was much doubt about it; but Cæsar walking a short way alone with Brutus tried to find out his opinion on the matter; and as Brutus appeared, from certain considerations, to have come to the best conjecture about the flight of Pompeius, Cæsar leaving everything else hurried to Egypt. But Pompeius, who, as Brutus conjectured, had landed in Egypt, met his fate there; and Brutus mollified Cæsar even towards Cassius.[510] When Brutus was speaking in defence of the King of the Libyans,[511] he felt himself overpowered by the magnitude of the charges against him, but yet by his prayers and urgent entreaties he preserved for him a large part of his dommions. Cæsar is said, when he first heard Brutus speaking, to have remarked to his friends: "This youth, I know not what he wills, but what he does will, he wills with energy." For the earnest character of Brutus, and his disposition not to listen unadvisedly nor to every one who asked a favour, but to act upon reflection and principle, made his efforts strong and effective towards accomplishing whatever ho turned to. But towards unreasonable prayers he was immovable by flattery, and to be overcome by those who impudently urged their suit, which some call to be shamed out of a thing, he considered to be most disgraceful to a great man, and he was wont to say that those who can refuse nothing, were in his opinion persons who had not well husbanded their youthful bloom. When Cæsar was going to cross over to Libya against Cato and Scipio, he intrusted Brutus with Gallia[512] on this side of the Alps, to the great good fortune of the province; for while the other provinces, through the violence and rapacity of those who were intrusted with them, were harassed like conquered countries, Brutus was to the Gauls a relief and consolation for their former misfortunes; and he put all to Cæsar's credit, so that when after his return Cæsar was going about Italy, the cities that had been under Brutus were a most pleasing sight, as well as Brutus himself, who was increasing his honour and associating with him as a friend. VII. Now there were several prætorships, but that which conferred the chief dignity, and is called the Urban prætorship,[513] it was expected that either Brutus or Cassius would have; and some say that Brutus and Cassius, who had before some slight causes of dispute, were still more at variance about this office, though they were kinsmen, for Cassius was the husband of Junia, the sister of Brutus. Others say that this rivalry was the work of Cæsar, who continued secretly to give both of them hopes, until, being thus urged on and irritated, they were brought into collision. Brutus relied on his good fame and virtues against the many splendid exploits of Cassius in his Parthian campaigns. Cæsar hearing this and consulting with his friends said: "What Cassius says has more justice, but Brutus must have the first office." Cassius was appointed to another prætorship, but he had not so much gratitude for what he got, as anger for what he failed in getting. Brutus also shared Cæsar's power in other respects as much as he chose. For if he had chosen, he might have been the first of his friends and had most power; but his intimacy with Cassius drew him that way and turned him from Cæsar, though he had not yet been reconciled to Cassius after their former rivalry; but he listened to his friends who urged him not to let himself be softened and soothed by Cæsar, and to fly from the friendly advances and the favours which a tyrant showed him, not because he respected the virtues of Brutus, but because he wished to curtail his vigour and to undermine his spirit. VIII. Nor yet was Cæsar altogether without suspicions of Brutus, and matter of complaint against him; he feared the proud temper and the credit and friends of the man, but he trusted in his moral character. In the first place, when Antonius and Dolabella[514] were said to be aiming at change, he said, it was not sleek and long-haired men who gave him trouble, but those pale and lean fellows, meaning Brutus and Cassius. Next, when some persons were making insinuations against the fidelity of Brutus and urging Cæsar to be on his guard, he touched his body with his hand and said, "What, think you that Brutus would not wait for this poor body?" thereby intimating that no person but Brutus had any pretensions to so much power after himself. And indeed it seems that Brutus might certainly have been the first man in the State, if he could have endured for a short time to be second to Cæsar, and if he had let Cæsar's power pass its acme, and the fame got by his great exploits waste away. But Cassius, who was a violent-tempered man and rather on his individual account a hater of Cæsar than on the public account a hater of the tyrant, inflamed Brutus and urged him on. Brutus indeed is said to have been discontented with the dominion, but Cassius to have hated the dominator; and Cassius had various grievances against Cæsar and among others, the seizing of the lions, which Cassius had procured when he was going to be ædile, but Cæsar kept them after they had been found in Megara at the time when the city was taken by Calenus.[515] It is said that these beasts were the cause of great calamity to the people of Megara: for when the enemy were getting possession of the city, the citizens forced open their dens and loosed their chains, that the beasts might oppose the enemy who were entering the city, but they rushed against the citizens themselves, and running among them rent those who were unarmed, so that the sight moved even the enemy to pity. IX. Now they say that this was with Cassius the main cause of his conspiring; but they say so untruly. For there was from the beginning in the nature of Cassius a certain hostility and dislike to all the race of tyrants, as he showed when he was still a boy and went to the same school with Faustus,[516] the son of Sulla. Faustus was one day bragging among the boys and exalting the monarchy of his father, on which Cassius got up and thumped him. The guardians of Faustus and his kinsmen were desirous to prosecute the matter and seek legal satisfaction; but Pompeius prevented this, and bringing both the boys together questioned them about the affair. Thereon it is reported that Cassius said, "Come, now, Faustus, say if you dare before Pompeius the words at which I was enraged, that I may break your mouth again." Such was the character of Cassius. But many words from his friends and many oral and written expressions from the citizens called and urged Brutus to the deed. For they wrote on the statue of his ancestor Brutus, who had put down the dominion of the kings: "Would you were here, Brutus!" and "Would Brutus were now living!" And the tribunal of Brutus, who was prætor, was found every morning full of such writings as these: "Brutus, are you asleep?" and "You are not really Brutus!" But they who were the real cause of this were the flatterers of Cæsar, who devised various unpopular distinctions for him and placed diadems on his statues by night, as if their design was to lead on the many to salute him as king instead of dictator. But the contrary was the result, as it has been circumstantially told in the Life of Cæsar.[517] X. When Cassius was trying to move his friends against Cæsar, they all assented, provided Brutus would take the lead; for they said that the undertaking required not hands nor yet daring, but the character of a man such as Brutus was, who should as it were begin the holy rite and confirm it by his presence: if this could not be, the conspirators would be more dispirited in the doing of the deed and more timid when they had done it, for it would be said that Brutus would not have rejected all share in the thing, if it had a good cause. Cassius, who saw the truth of this, now made the first advances to Brutus since their difference. And after their reconciliation and friendly greeting Cassius asked, if he intended to be present in the Senate on the new-moon of March, for he heard that Cæsar's friends would then make a proposal about the kingly power. Brutus replied that he would not be present. "What then," said Cassius, "if they summon us?" "It would be my business then," said Brutus, "not to be silent, but to fight and die in defence of liberty." Cassius being now encouraged said, "What Roman will endure that you die first? Brutus, do you not know yourself? Do you think it is the weavers and tavern-keepers who have written on your tribunal, and not the first and best who have done this, and who demand from the other prætors donations and shows and gladiators, but from you, as a debt that you owe your country, the destruction of the tyranny, and who are ready to suffer everything for you, if you show yourself to be such a man as they think you ought to be and they expect you to be." Upon this he threw his arms around Brutus and embraced him, and thus separating each went to his friends. XI. There was one Caius Ligarius,[518] a friend of Pompeius, who had been accused on this ground and acquitted by Cæsar. This man, who had not gratitude for his acquittal of the charge, but was hostile to the power by reason of which he had been in danger, was an enemy of Cæsar, and one of the most intimate friends of Brutus. Brutus, who came to see him when he was sick, said, "Ligarius, at what a time you are sick!" Immediately supporting himself on his elbow, and laying hold of the hand of Brutus, Ligarius said, "But if you, Brutus, design anything worthy of yourself, I am well." XII. After this they secretly sounded their acquaintance whom they trusted, and communicated the design to them, and added them to their number; making choice not only among their intimates, but those whom they knew to be good darers and to despise death. It was for this reason that they concealed their design from Cicero, though both as to trustworthiness and goodwill he was esteemed by them among the first, lest to his natural defect of courage he should join by reason of his years senile caution, and so attempting by deliberation to bring everything singly to perfect security, should blunt their edge, which required the speed of ready action. Among his other companions Brutus omitted also Statilius[519] the Epicurean, and Favonius, an admirer of Cato, because when Brutus, in conversation and philosophical disquisition, had remotely and in a circuitous way sounded them about such an attempt, Favonius answered that a civil war was worse than an illegal monarchy; and Statilius said that it was not befitting a wise man, and one who had understanding, to expose himself to danger and to trouble on account of the vile and foolish. Labeo,[520] who was present, opposed both of them. Brutus, indeed, at the time kept silent, as if he considered that the matter was something hard and difficult to determine; but afterwards he communicated his design to Labeo. When Labeo had readily accepted the proposal, it was resolved to gain over the other Brutus, surnamed Albinus,[521] who was not a man of action, nor courageous, but he was strengthened by a number of gladiators, whom he was keeping for a spectacle for the Romans, and he was also in the confidence of Cæsar. When Cassius and Labeo spoke to him he made no answer, but meeting privately with Brutus, and learning that he was the leader in the act, he agreed to co-operate zealously. The greater part, and the men of chief note among the rest of the conspirators, were also brought over by the reputation of Brutus. And without swearing any mutual oath, or taking or giving mutual pledges by sacrifice of victims, they all so kept the secret in themselves and were silent and carried it with them, that the act, though prognosticated by the gods through oracular answers and sights and victims, was considered past belief. XIII. Brutus having now the first men in Rome, both for spirit and family and virtues, dependent upon himself, and having a view of the whole danger, in his public demeanour endeavoured to restrain within himself and to keep his designs under strict control; but at home and by night he was no longer the same man, for sometimes care roused him involuntarily from his sleep, and at other times he was sunk in thought and brooding over the difficulties; and it did not escape his wife, who was resting with him, that he was full of unusual trouble, and was revolving in himself some design hard to carry and difficult to unravel. Now Porcia,[522] as it has been said, was the daughter of Cato, and Brutus, who was her cousin, had married her, not in her virgin state, but he took her after the death of her husband, while she was still a young woman, and had one little child by her husband, and the child's name was Bibulus; and there is extant a small book of memoirs of Brutus, written by Bibulus. Porcia, who was a philosopher and loved her husband, and was full of spirit and good sense, did not attempt to question her husband about his secrets before she had made trial of herself in manner following. She took a knife, such as barbers pare the nails with, and putting all her attendants out of the chamber, she inflicted a deep wound in her thigh, so that there was a large flow of blood, and, shortly after, violent pains and shivering fever came upon her in consequence of the wound. Brutus being agonised and full of trouble, Porcia spoke to him thus in the acme of her pain: "I, Brutus, Cato's daughter, was given unto thy house, not like women, who serve as concubines, to share thy bed and board only, but to be a partner in thy happiness, and a partner in thy sorrows. Now, with respect to thy marriage, everything is blameless on thy part; but as to me, what evidence is there, or what affection, if I must neither share with thee a secret sorrow nor a care which demands confidence? I know that a woman's nature is considered too weak to carry a secret, but, Brutus, there is a certain power towards making moral character in a good nurture and honest conversation; and I am Cato's daughter and also Brutus' wife, whereon hitherto I had less relied, but now I know that I am also invincible to pain." Thus saying, she showed him the wound, and told him of the trial she had made of herself. Struck with astonishment and stretching forth his hands, Brutus prayed that the gods would permit him to succeed in the enterprise and to show himself a husband worthy of Porcia. He then consoled his wife. XIV. When notice had been given of a meeting of the Senate, at which Cæsar was expected to be present, they resolved to make the attempt, for they would be then collected without raising any suspicion, and they would have together all the men of highest character and rank, who would be ready as soon as a great act was accomplished, forthwith to seize their freedom. The circumstance of the place, too, was considered to be a token from heaven and in their favour. For it was a portico, one belonging to the theatre,[523] with an exhedra, in which there was a statue of Pompeius, which the city erected at the time when Pompeius adorned that site with porticoes and the theatre. Hither then the Senate was summoned about the middle of the month of March; the Romans call the day the Ides; so that some dæmon seemed to be bringing the man to the vengeance of Pompeius. When the day came, Brutus put a dagger under his vest, without any one being privy to it except his wife, and went forth; the rest assembled at the house of Cassius, to conduct down to the Forum Cassius' son, who was going to assume the toga called virilis. From thence they all hurried to the portico of Pompeius, where they waited in expectation of Cæsar's coming immediately to the Senate. Herein most of all would one have admired the impassiveness of the men and their presence of mind before the danger, if he had known what was going to take place--in that, being compelled by their duties of prætor to attend to the concerns of many persons, they not only listened patiently to those who came before them and had matter in dispute, like men who have plenty of leisure, but they also gave to each their decision in exact form and with judgment, carefully attending to the business. And when one person, who was unwilling to submit to the decision, was appealing to Cæsar, and calling out loud and protesting, Brutus, looking on the bystanders, said: "Cæsar does not hinder me from acting according to the laws, and he will not hinder me." XV. And yet many things chanced to fall out to cause them perplexity; first and chief, that Cæsar tarried while the day was getting on, and as the victims were not propitious, was kept at home by his wife, and was hindered by the priests from going abroad. In the next place, a person came up to Casca, who was one of the conspirators, and taking his hand said, "Casca, you have concealed the secret from us, but Brutus has disclosed all to me." Casca was startled at this, whereon the other smiled and said, "How have you grown so rich all at once as to become a candidate for the ædileship?" So near did Casca come to betraying the secret, being deceived by the ambiguity of the man's words. A senator also, Popilius Lænas,[524] saluted Brutus and Cassius in a more lively way than usual, and whispering in a low tone, "You have my wishes," he said, "for success in what you design, and I urge you not to tarry, for the matter is no secret." Saying this he withdrew, putting them in great suspicion of the intended deed being known. In the meantime one came running from the house of Brutus and told him that his wife was dying. For Porcia, who was beside herself through thinking of what was going to be done, and unable to bear the weight of her anxiety, could scarce keep herself within doors, and at every noise and shout, like those possessed with bacchic frenzy, she would spring forth and question every one who came in from the Forum, what Brutus was doing, and was continually sending others out. At length, as the time began to be protracted, her bodily strength no longer held out, but she fainted and swooned away, her mind wandering by reason of her perplexity; and she could not reach her apartment before faintness and indescribable alarm seized her, where she was sitting in the midst of her attendants, and her colour changed and her voice was completely choked. Her maids at this sight shrieked aloud, and as the neighbours quickly ran to the door, a report went forth and was given out abroad, that she was dead. However she quickly recovered and was herself again, and her women took care of her. Brutus was troubled, as was natural, by this report coming upon him; yet he did not desert the public interest, nor allow himself to be carried away by his feelings to his own domestic affairs. XVI. And now it was told that Cæsar was approaching, borne in a litter. For he had determined, in consequence of being dispirited by the sacrifices, to ratify nothing of importance at that time, but to put things off on the pretext of illness. When he had stepped out of the litter, Popilius Lænas hurried up to him, he who had a little before wished Brutus good luck and success, and he talked some time with Cæsar who was standing there and listening. The conspirators (for so we may call them) not hearing what he said, but conjecturing from their own suspicions that the conversation was a discovery of the plot, sunk in their spirits and looked at one another, by their countenances declaring to one another that they ought not to wait to be seized, but forthwith to die by their own hands. Cassius and some others had already laid their hands on the hilts of their daggers under their garments and were drawing them out, when Brutus observing in the attitude of Lænas the earnestness of a man who was asking a favour and not preferring an accusation, said nothing, because so many persons not of their party were mingled with them, but he encouraged Cassius by the cheering expression of his countenance. And soon after Lænas kissed Cæsar's right hand and withdrew, by which it was plain that he had spoken with Cæsar about himself and some of his own concerns. XVII.[525] The Senate having advanced to the exhedra, the conspirators surrounded Cæsar's chair, as if they designed to have a conference with him. And it is said that Cassius, turning his face to the statue of Pompeius, invoked him as if he could hear; and Trebonius having engaged Antonius in conversation at the door kept him out. As Cæsar entered, the Senate stood up, and as soon as he sat down, the conspirators in a body surrounded him, putting forward Tillius Cimber, one of their number, to supplicate for his brother who was an exile; and they all joined in the supplication, laying hold of Cæsar's hands, and they kissed his breast and head. Cæsar at first repulsed their intreaties, and then, as they did not intermit, he made a sudden attempt to rise up, on which Tillius, with both his hands, pulled Cæsar's garment down from the shoulders, and Casca first of all (for he stood behind him) drew his sword and drove it into Cæsar's body near the shoulders, but to no great depth. Cæsar, laying hold of the handle, cried out aloud in the Roman language, "Villain Casca, what are you doing!" and Casca, addressing his brother in Greek, urged him to come to his aid. Cæsar being now assaulted by many, looked around with the intention of forcing his way through them, but when he saw Brutus drawing his sword against him, he let loose his hold of Casca's hand, and wrapping his head in his garment he offered his body to the blows. The conspirators, who were all mingled in confusion, and using their numerous swords against Cæsar, wounded one another, so that even Brutus received a blow on the hand while he was taking part in the slaughter; and they were all drenched with blood. XVIII. Cæsar having been thus killed, Brutus advanced into the midst wishing to speak, and he attempted to detain the Senate by encouraging them; but the senators, through fear, fled in disorder, and there was shoving and confusion about the door, though no one pursued or pressed upon them. For it had been firmly resolved to kill no other than Cæsar, but to invite all to freedom. Now the rest, when they were deliberating about the deed, were of opinion that they should kill Antonius at the same time with Cæsar, as he was a man who aspired to monarchical power and was a violent man, and had got strength by his intercourse and familiarity with the army; and chiefly that to his natural haughtiness and daring temper he had added the dignity of the consulship, being then Cæsar's colleague. But Brutus opposed the design, first relying on grounds of justice, and next suggesting hopes of a change. For he did not despair that Antonius, a man of generous nature, a lover of honourable distinctions and fond of fame, when Cæsar was put out of the way, would join his country in seizing hold of freedom, and be led on by them through emulation to what was good. In this way Brutus saved Antonius; but in the then alarm Antonius changed his dress for plebeian attire and fled. Brutus and his partisans went to the Capitol, their hands stained with blood, and displaying their bare swords called the citizens to liberty. Now, at first, there were shouts, and the people running this way and that, as chance would have it, after the murder, increased the confusion; but as there was no more slaughter and no plundering of the things exposed for sale, both the senators and many of the plebeians took heart and went up to the conspirators to the Capitol. The multitude being assembled, Brutus spoke in a way to please the people and suitable to the circumstances; and as the people commended him and called out for them to come down, the conspirators confidently descended to the Forum, the rest following with one another; but many of the persons of distinction putting Brutus in the midst of them, conducted him with great show from the Capitol, and placed him on the Rostra. At the sight of this the many, though a mingled body and prepared to raise a tumult, were afraid, and they awaited the result in order and silence. When Brutus came forward they all listened to what he said; but that the deed was not agreeable to all, they made evident when Cinna began to speak and to bring charges against Cæsar, by breaking out in passion and abusing Cinna, so that the conspirators returned to the Capitol. Brutus, fearing to be blockaded, then sent away the chief persons of those who had gone up with him, not thinking it right that, as they had no share in the blame, they should sustain a share in the danger. XIX. However, on the following day when the Senate met in the temple of Earth, and Antonius and Plancus[526] and Cicero had spoken about an amnesty and concord, it was resolved that the conspirators should not only have impunity, but that the consuls should also propose a measure for conferring honours on them. They voted these things, and then separated. After Antonius had sent his son to the Capitol as a hostage, Brutus and the conspirators came down, and there were salutations and pressing of hands among all of them together. Antonius received Cassius and feasted him, and Lepidus entertained Brutus; and the rest were entertained by others according to the intimacy or friendship that existed between them. At daybreak the senators met again, and in the first place they conferred honours on Antonius for having stopped the beginning of civil wars; in the second place, thanks were given to Brutus and his friends who were present, and finally distributions of provinces. For to Brutus they decreed Crete, and to Cassius Libya, and to Trebonius Asia, and to Cimber Bithynia, and to the other Brutus Gallia on the Eridanus. XX. After this a discussion arising about the will of Cæsar and his interment, and Antonius demanding that the will should be read, and that the body should be carried forth not secretly nor without due honours, so that this, too, might not irritate the people, Cassius violently opposed it, but Brutus gave way, wherein he was considered to have made a second mistake. For in sparing Antonius he incurred the imputation of strengthening against the conspirators a dangerous and irresistible enemy; and as to the matter of the interment, in allowing it to take place in the way in which Antonius demanded, he was considered to have altogether made a mistake. For in the first place there being given by the will to every Roman seventy-five drachmæ,[527] and to the people there being left the gardens beyond the river, where the temple of Fortuna now is, a wonderful degree of affection and regret for Cæsar seized the citizens: in the second place, when the body had been carried into the Forum, and Antonius according to custom had pronounced a funeral oration in honour of Cæsar, seeing that the masses were stirred by his speech, he changed their feeling into compassion, and taking the blood-stained vest of Cæsar he unfolded it and showed the rents and the number of the wounds. Upon this there was no longer any order kept; but some called out to kill the murderers, and others, as before in the case of Clodius[528] the demagogue, tearing up the benches and tables from the workshops and bringing them together made a very large pile; and placing the corpse upon it in the midst of many temples and asyla and holy places burnt it. When the fire blazed forth, men from various quarters, approaching and plucking out half-burnt pieces of wood, ran about to the houses of Cæsar's assassins, intending to fire them. But they were already well prepared and repelled the danger. Now there was one Cinna,[529] a man given to poetry, who was under no imputation in the matter, and had even been a friend of Cæsar. He dreamed in a dream that he was invited by Cæsar to supper and he refused; but Cæsar urged and forced him, and at last, laying hold of his hand, led him to a vast and gloomy place, he following the while unwilling and alarmed. After having this vision, it happened that he had a fever in the night. Nevertheless, in the morning, when Cæsar's body was being carried forth he felt ashamed not to be present, and went out to the rabble, who were now in a ferocious mood. Being seen and supposed to be not the Cinna that he was, but the Cinna who had lately reviled Cæsar before the assembly, he was torn in pieces. XXI. It was mainly through fear on account of this unlucky affair, next after the change in Antonius, that Brutus and his partisans left the city. They stayed in Antium[530] at first, with the design of returning to Rome when the popular fury should have passed its height and worn itself out. And this they expected to take place as a matter of course among numbers which were subject to unsteady and rapid movements, and because they had the Senate in their favour, who without taking any notice of those that had torn Cinna to pieces, sought out and seized those who had attacked the houses of the conspirators. The people, too, already annoyed at Antonius being nearly established in monarchical power, longed for Brutus, and it was expected that he would, in person, superintend the spectacles[531] which as prætor it was his duty to exhibit. But when Brutus heard that many of those who had served under Cæsar and received lands and cities from him, were forming designs against him, and were dropping into the city a few at a time, he did not venture to go, and the people saw the spectacles, which, though Brutus was absent, were furnished without any thrift and in a profuse style. For he had purchased a great number of wild beasts, and he gave orders that none should be sold or left, but that all should be killed; and he himself went down to Neapolis and engaged most of the actors. With respect to a certain Canutius who was much in favour on the theatre, he wrote to his friends that they should get him on the stage by persuasion, for it was not fit that any Greek should be forced. He also wrote to Cicero and urged him by all means to be present at the spectacles. XXII. While affairs were in this state, another change was brought about by the arrival of the young Cæsar.[532] He was the son of Cæsar's niece, but by Cæsar's testament he was left his son and heir: and he was staying at Apollonia when Cæsar was killed, being engaged with philosophical studies and waiting for Cæsar, who had resolved to march forthwith against the Parthians. As soon as he heard of Cæsar's death he came to Rome, and by assuming Cæsar's name as a mode of beginning to get the popular favour, and by paying among the citizens the money that was left them, he made a strong party against Antonius, and by distributing money he got together and assembled many of those who had served under Cæsar. Now when Cicero took the side of Cæsar through hatred of Antonius, Brutus[533] rebuked him strongly in his letters, saying that Cicero did not dislike a master, but feared a master who hated him, and that his policy was to choose a mild servitude, as he showed by writing and saying, "How good Cæsar is!" But our fathers, he said, did not endure even mild masters. He said that for his part at this crisis he had neither quite resolved to fight nor to remain quiet, but he was resolved on one thing only, not to be a slave; but he wondered at Cicero, that he was afraid of a civil war and one attended with danger, and was not afraid of a base and inglorious peace, and that he asked as a reward for ejecting Antonius from the tyranny, to be allowed to make Cæsar a tyrant. XXIII. Now in his first letters Brutus thus expressed himself; but when people were separating themselves, some on the side of Cæsar and some on the side of Antonius, and the armies being venal were selling themselves as it were by auction to the highest bidder, Brutus, altogether despairing of affairs, resolved to leave Italy, and he went by land through Lucania to Velia[534] to the sea. From this place Porcia, intending to turn back to Rome, endeavoured to conceal her excessive emotion, but a painting made her betray herself though she was a noble-spirited woman. It was a subject from Grecian story, Hector accompanied by Andromache,[535] who was receiving her infant son from Hector and looking upon him. The sight of the picture, in which her own feelings were portrayed, melted Porcia to tears, and she went to it many times in the day and wept. Acilius, one of the friends of Brutus, having pronounced the words of Andromache to Hector:-- "Hector, thou art to me father and mother dear, And brother too, and husband in thy bloom:" Brutus, smiling, said, "But it is not for me to say to Porcia as Hector said: "'The loom and distaff, and command the maids;' for owing to the natural weakness of her body she is unable to perform noble deeds equally with us, but in her mind she nobly dares as we do in defence of our country." This is recorded by Bibulus, the son of Porcia. XXIV. Having set out thence Brutus sailed towards Athens.[536] The people received him gladly with expressions of good wishes and public honours, and he lodged with a friend. As he attended the discourses of Theomnestus the Academic, and Cratippus[537] the Peripatetic, and associated with those philosophers, it was supposed that he was altogether inactive and was unbending himself. But he was busied about preparations for war, when no one suspected it; for he sent Herostratus into Macedonia with the view of gaining over those who were with the armies there, and he attached to himself and kept with him the young men from Rome who were residing at Athens for the sake of their studies. Among them was also a son of Cicero whom Brutus particularly commends, and says, that whether he is waking or sleeping, he admires him for his noble disposition and hatred of tyrants. Having now begun openly to attend to affairs, and hearing that Roman vessels full of money were sailing over from Asia, with a commander on board who was an honest man and an acquaintance of his, he met him near Carystus;[538] and having fallen in with him and persuaded him and obtained a surrender of the vessels, he prepared for a magnificent entertainment, for it was the birthday of Brutus. When they had come to drinking and were pouring out wine with wishes for the success of Brutus and the liberty of the Romans, Brutus, wishing to encourage them still more, asked for a larger cup, and taking it up, without anything moving thereto, he uttered the following verse: "Me evil fate and Leto's son[539] have slain." In addition to this they report that when he went out to fight the last battle at Philippi, Apollo was the word that he gave to his soldiers. Accordingly they consider that the utterance of that verse was a sign of what was to befall him. XXV. After this Antistius gave Brutus fifty ten thousands out of the money which he was taking to Italy; and all the soldiers of Pompeius who were still rambling about Thessaly gladly flocked to Brutus; and he took five hundred horsemen from Cinna who was conducting them into Asia to Dolabella.[540] He then sailed against Demetrias[541] and got possession of a large quantity of arms, which were going to be carried away to Antonius, and had been made at the command of the elder Cæsar for the Parthian war. Hortensius,[542] the governor, also surrendered Macedonia to him, and the kings and rulers all around began to side with him and to come over; but in the meantime news arrived that Caius, the brother of Antonius, had crossed over from Italy and was marching straight against the troops which Gabinius[543] had under him in Epidamnus and Apollonia. Brutus, intending to anticipate and prevent him, immediately put in motion those who were with him, and marched through a difficult country in the midst of a snow-storm; and he was far in advance of those who conveyed the provisions. As he came near Epidamnus, he began to suffer from bulimy[544] through exhaustion and cold. This malady chiefly attacks both beasts and men when they are worn out and in the midst of the snow, whether it is that the heat owing to the refrigeration and condensation, when everything is internally compressed, consumes the nourishment all at once, or that a sharp and subtle breath arising from the snow penetrating through, cuts the body and destroys the warmth which is dispersed outwards from it. For it seems that heat causes sweats through meeting with the cold and being quenched about the surface; whereof there has been further discussion in another place. XXVI. As Brutus was fainting, and no one in the army had anything to eat, his attendants were compelled to fly for refuge to their enemies, and approaching the gates they asked bread of the watch, who hearing of the mishap of Brutus came and brought to eat and to drink. In return for which, when Brutus got possession of the city, he not only treated them kindly, but also all the rest for their sake. Caius Antonius now came up to Apollonia and summoned the soldiers who were there; but when they went over to Brutus, and he perceived that the people of Apollonia were in favour of Brutus, he left the city and marched to Buthrotum.[545] And in the first place he lost three cohorts, which were cut to pieces by Brutus on the march; and in the next place, attempting to force the posts about Byblis, which were already occupied, he came to a battle with Cicero and was defeated; for Brutus employed Cicero in command and gained many successes through him. Brutus himself came upon Caius, who was in marshy ground and far separated from the rest of his troops, but he would not let his men make an attack, and he threw his cavalry around him with orders to spare the men, saying that in a short time they would be theirs; which in fact happened, for they surrendered themselves and their general, so that there was now a large force with Brutus. Now Brutus treated Caius respectfully for some time and did not deprive him of the insignia of his office, though, as they say, many persons, and Cicero among the rest, wrote to him from Rome and urged him to do it. But as Caius began to have secret conferences with the officers and attempted to excite a mutiny, he had him put in a ship and guarded. The soldiers who had been corrupted fled to Apollonia and invited Brutus there, but Brutus said that this was not the custom among the Romans, and that they must come to their general, and ask pardon for their offence. They came, and Brutus pardoned them at their prayer. XXVII. As Brutus was going to set out for Asia, news arrived of the changes at Rome. The young Cæsar had been strengthened by the Senate against Antonius, whom he had driven out of Italy, and he was now formidable, and was seeking for the consulship contrary to law, and maintaining large armies of which the State had no need. But when Cæsar saw that the Senate was displeased at this, and was looking abroad towards Brutus and decreeing provinces[546] for him and confirming them, he became alarmed. And he sent to Antonius and invited him to friendship, and placing his troops around the city he got the consulship, being yet hardly a young man, but in his twentieth year, as he said in his Memoirs. He immediately instituted a prosecution on a charge of murder against Brutus and his partisans, for having put to death without trial the first man in the state who was filling the highest offices; and he named as the accuser of Brutus, Lucius Cornificius, and Marcus Agrippa as the accuser of Cassius. Accordingly they were condemned for default of appearance, the judices being compelled to go to the vote. It is said that when the crier, according to custom, from the tribunal summoned Brutus into court, the mass gave a loud groan, and the nobles bent their heads to the ground and kept silence; but that Publius Silicius was seen to shed tears, and for this reason was shortly after one of those who were proscribed. After this, the three, Cæsar, Antonius and Lepidus, distributed the provinces among them, and caused the slaughter and proscription of two hundred men, among whom Cicero perished. XXVIII. When the news of these events reached Macedonia, Brutus,[547] compelled by circumstances, wrote to Hortensius to put Caius Antonius to death, on the ground of avenging Brutus and Cicero, the one being his friend, and the other both a friend and kinsman. This was the reason why Antonius, when he afterwards took Hortensius at Philippi, put him to death on the tomb of his brother. Brutus says that he felt more shame at the cause of Cicero's death than sympathy at his misfortune, and that he blamed his friends in Rome, for they were slain more through their own fault than that of the tyrants, and that they submitted to see and to witness what it should have been intolerable for them even to hear. Brutus having taken his army over to Asia, which was now a considerable force, set about fitting out a naval force in Bithynia[548] and in the neighbourhood of Cyzicus; and himself moving about with his troops settled the cities and had interviews with the rulers; and he sent to Cassius[549] into Syria to recall him from Egypt; for he said that it was not to get dominion, but to deliver their country that they were rambling about and collecting a force with which they would put down the tyrants; that they ought therefore, remembering and keeping in mind this purpose, not to hold themselves far from Italy, but to hasten thither and to aid the citizens. Cassius obeyed, and Brutus met him on his return; and they fell in with one another near Smyrna, for the first time since they had separated in Peiræus and set out, the one for Syria, the other for Macedonia. They had accordingly great pleasure and confidence owing to the force which each had. For they had hurried from Italy like the most despicable fugitives, without money and without arms, without a single ship, a single soldier, or a city, and yet after no very long interval they had come together with ships and troops and horses and money, able to struggle for the supremacy of the Romans. XXIX. Now Cassius was desirous to have and to allow an equal share of honour, but Brutus herein anticipated him by generally going to Cassius who, in age, was his superior, and in body was not able to sustain equal toil. The opinion was that Cassius was skilled in military matters, but was violent in passion and governed mainly by fear, while towards his intimates he was too much inclined to use ridicule and was too fond of jesting. As to Brutus, they say that he was esteemed by the many for his virtues, but loved by his friends, admired by the nobles, and not hated even by his enemies, because the man was extraordinarily mild and high-minded and unmoved by anger, pleasure or love of aggrandisement, and kept his judgment upright and unbending in the maintenance of honour and justice. That which got him most goodwill and reputation was the faith which men had in his motives. For neither that great Pompeius, if he had put down Cæsar, was confidently expected to give up his power to the laws, but to retain affairs in his hands, pacifying the people with the name of consulship and dictatorship or some other title with more pleasing name; and this Cassius, who was a violent and passionate man and was often carried away from justice in quest of gain, more than any one else they thought would carry on war, and ramble about and expose himself to danger for the purpose of getting power for himself, not liberty for the citizens. For as to the men of still earlier times, the Cinnas and Marii and Carbos, they viewed their country as a prize and booty for competition, and all but in express words fought to get a tyranny. But as to Brutus, they say that not even his enemies imputed to him such a change in his purpose, but that many persons had heard Antonius say, he thought Brutus was the only person who conspired against Cæsar because of being moved by the splendour and apparent noble nature of the deed, and that the rest combined against the man because they hated and envied him. Accordingly it appears from what Brutus says that he trusted not so much in his power as in his virtues. He wrote to Atticus when he was just approaching the danger, that his affairs were in the best plight as to fortune, for that he should either get the victory and free the Roman people, or should die and be released from slavery; and though everything else was safe and secure for them, one thing was uncertain, whether they should live and be free or die. He says that Marcus Antonius was paying a just penalty for his folly, for while he might have been numbered with the Bruti and Cassii and Catos, he made himself an appendage to Octavius, and if he should not be defeated with him, he would shortly after have to fight against him. Now he seems, in saying this, to have well divined what was to happen. XXX. While they were then in Smyrna, Brutus claimed a share of the money which Cassius had collected to a great amount, for Brutus alleged that he had expended all his own resources in building so great a fleet with which they would command all the internal sea.[550] But the friends of Cassius were not for letting him give up the money, saying, "What you save by economy and get with odium, it is not fair that he should take and apply to gaining popularity and gratifying the soldiers." However, Cassius gave him a third part of all. Separating again to their several undertakings, Cassius, after taking Rhodes, did not conduct himself with moderation, but made this answer at his entrance to those who addressed him as king and lord: "I am neither king nor lord, but the executioner and punisher of lord and king." Brutus demanded of the Lycians money and men. When Naucrates the demagogue persuaded the cities to revolt, and the people occupied certain heights to prevent Brutus from passing, in the first place he sent cavalry against them when they were eating, who killed six hundred of them; and in the next place taking possession of the posts and forts, he released all the people without ransom with the view of gaining over the nation by kindness. But the people were obstinate, being enraged at what they had suffered, and despising his moderation and humanity, till at last Brutus drove into Xanthas[551] the most warlike of the Lycians, and blockaded them there. Some of them attempted to escape by swimming under the river which flowed by the city: but they were caught by nets which were sunk in the channel to the bottom, and the tops of the nets had bells attached to them which gave a signal as soon as any one was caught. The Xanthians, making a sally by night, threw fire on certain engines; and when they were driven back into the town by the Romans who perceived them, and a strong wind began to blow against the battlements the flame which was laying hold of the adjoining houses, Brutus, who feared for the city, ordered his soldiers to help to extinguish the fire. XXXI. But the Lycians were all at once seized with a horrible impulse to despair surpassing all description, which might be best likened to a passion for death; for with their wives and children, both freemen and slaves, and people of every age, they threw missiles from the walls upon the enemy who were assisting to quench the flames, and carrying reeds and wood and everything combustible, they drew the fire to the city, offering to it all kinds of material and in every way exciting and feeding it. As the flames rushed onwards and engirdling the city blazed forth with violence, Brutus, in great affliction at what was going on, rode round the walls, being eager to save the people, and stretching out his hands to the Xanthians he prayed them to spare themselves and save the city; and yet no one regarded him, but in every way they sought to destroy themselves; and not only men and women, but even the little children; with cries and shouts, some leaped into the fire and others broke their necks from the walls, and others presented their throats to their fathers' knives, baring them and bidding them strike. After the city was destroyed, there was found a woman suspended by a rope, with a dead child hung to her neck, and firing the house with a lighted torch. This tragical sight Brutus could not endure to see, and he wept at hearing of it; and he proclaimed that a reward should be given to every soldier who could save a Lycian. They say that there were only one hundred and fifty who did not escape being saved. Now the Xanthians after a long interval, as if they were reproducing a fated period of destruction, renewed the fortune of their ancestors in their desperation; for their ancestors in like manner in the time of the Persians burnt their city and destroyed themselves. XXXII. Brutus seeing that the city of Patara was preparing to resist him was unwilling to attack it, and was perplexed because he feared the same desperation; and as he had their women captive, he let them go without ransom. These women, who were the wives and daughters of distinguished men, reported of Brutus that he was a most moderate and just man, and they persuaded the citizens to yield and to surrender the city. Upon this all the rest of the Lycians surrendered and gave themselves up to him, and they found him to be honourable and merciful beyond their expectation; for while Cassius about the same time compelled all the Rhodians to bring in the gold and silver which was their private property, and a sum of eight thousand talents was thus collected, and mulcted the commonwealth of the city in five hundred talents besides, Brutus only demanded of the Lycians a hundred and fifty talents, and without doing them any other wrong set out for Ionia. XXXIII. Now Brutus did many deeds worthy of remembrance both in rewarding and punishing according to desert; but that with which he himself was most pleased and the best of the Romans, I will relate. When Pompeius Magnus landed in Egypt at Pelusium, what time he fled after being completely defeated by Cæsar, the guardians of the king, who was still a youth, being in counsel with their friends, were not inclined the same way in their opinions. Some were for receiving and others for driving the man from Egypt. But one Theodotus[552] of Chios, who was hired to teach the king rhetoric, and was then thought worthy of a place in the council for want of better men, attempted to show that both were in error, those who advised to receive and those who advised to send away Pompeius, for there was one thing in the present circumstances that was useful, and that was to receive him and put him to death. And he added, at the end of his speech, that a corpse does not bite. The council assented to his opinion, and Pompeius Magnus fell, an instance of things passing belief and expectation, and the result of the rhetorical skill and eloquence of Theodotus, as the sophist himself used to say boastingly. When Cæsar arrived shortly after, some of them paid the penalty of their guilt and perished miserably; and Theodotus, who borrowed from fortune a short period for an inglorious and poor and rambling life, did not escape Brutus when he came into Asia, but he was carried before him and punished, and thus he gained a greater name by his death than by his life. XXXIV. Brutus invited Cassius to Sardis[553] and met him with his friends on his approach; and the whole force under arms saluted both of them as Imperatores. Now as it is wont to happen in the midst of great affairs, and among many friends and commanders, causes of difference had arisen between Brutus and Cassius, and suspicions; and before they did anything else, immediately on their arrival at Sardis they entered into a room by themselves and closed the door, and no one being present they began with blaming one another, and then fell to proofs and charges. From this they came to tears and passionate expressions without restraint, so that their friends, wondering at the roughness and violence of their anger, feared lest something should happen; but it was forbidden to approach them. But Marcus Favonius, who had been a lover of Cato, and was a philosopher not so much from reason as a certain impulse and mad passion, went in to them though the slaves attempted to hinder him. But it was a hard thing to check Favonius when he had put himself in motion towards any object, for he was impetuous in all things and impatient. He made no account of being a Roman senator, but by his cynical freedom of speech he often took away the harshness and unseasonableness of his behaviour, the hearers receiving all as jest. On this occasion forcing his way against those who tried to stop him, he entered, and with mock solemnity uttered the words which Homer[554] has made Nestor use: "Obey: ye both are younger far than I," and what follows. At which Cassius laughed, but Brutus turned him out, calling him true dog and false cynic. However, they forthwith became reconciled, and this was the end of their difference for the time. Cassius gave an entertainment to which Brutus invited his friends.[555] As they were just reclining, Favonius came from the bath; and, on Brutus declaring that he came without invitation and bidding him withdraw to the highest couch,[556] he forced his way to the central couch and reclined there; and they made merry over the banquet, and the mirth was not without its zest nor unseasoned with philosophy. XXXV. On the following day Lucius Pella,[557] a Roman who had been prætor and trusted by Brutus, was charged by the people of Sardis with taking money unlawfully, and he was publicly condemned and declared infamous by Brutus. This affair gave Cassius no small pain. For a few days before, two of his friends who were convicted of the same offence, he privately admonished and publicly acquitted, and he still continued to employ them. Accordingly he blamed Brutus as being too strict an observer of law and justice at a time which required politic conduct and conciliatory measures. But Brutus told him to remember the Ides of March on which they killed Cæsar, who was not himself oppressing and plundering everybody, but supported others who did it, so that if there was any specious pretext for overlooking justice, it would have been better to bear with Cæsar's friends than to allow their own friends to do wrong. For they, he said,[558] have the imputation of cowardice, but we of injustice, and that too joined to danger and toil. Such were the principles of Brutus. XXXVI.[559] When they were going to cross over from Asia, it is said that Brutus had a great sign. The man was naturally wakeful, and by discipline and temperance he contracted his sleep into a small space of time, never reposing in the daytime, and by night only so long as he was unable to do anything or to speak to any one because people were resting. But at that time when the war was on foot, having on his hands the general management of everything, and his thoughts being on the stretch with regard to the future, when he had taken a short repose after eating, he employed the rest of the night on affairs of urgency. And when he had finished and arranged everything that was necessary about such matters, he would read a book till the third watch, at which time the centurions and tribunes were used to come to him. Being then about to convoy his army over from Asia, it happened to be dead of night and the lamp in his tent was not very bright; and the whole camp was in deep silence. As Brutus was considering and reflecting with himself, he thought that he heard some one come in, and looking towards the entrance he saw a terrible and strange vision of a huge and frightful figure standing by him in silence. He had the courage to ask, "What man or god art thou, or with what purpose dost thou come to us?" The phantom replied to him, "I am thy evil dæmon, Brutus, and thou shalt see me at Philippi." And Brutus without being disturbed, said, "I shall see." XXXVII.[560] When the phantom disappeared, Brutus called the slaves, and as they said that they had neither heard any voice nor seen anything, Brutus still kept awake; and at daybreak he betook himself to Cassius and told him his vision. Cassius, who followed the doctrines of Epicurus, and was accustomed to dispute about them with Brutus, said, "Our opinion, Brutus, is this, that we do not in fact feel all things nor see them, but perception is a certain flexible and deceitful thing, and the intellect is still quicker to move and change it, without there being any real thing, into all forms. For the fashioning of the form is like unto wax, and as the soul of man possesses both the thing to be fashioned and that which fashions, being the same, it has of itself the power of most easily varying itself and assuming different forms. And this is shown by the changes of our dreams in sleep, which changes the phantastic power undergoes, from slight causes assuming every kind of effect and image. It is the nature of the phantastic power to be always in motion, and motion is to it a certain phantasy or perception. In you the body being troubled naturally excites and perverts the mind. But it is neither probable that there are dæmons, nor that, if there are, they have the form of men or the voice, or that their power reaches to us; and indeed I wish it were so, that we might not put trust only in arms and horses and so many ships, but also in the help of the gods being the leaders in most upright and noble undertakings." By such arguments as these Cassius attempted to calm Brutus. When the soldiers were embarking, two eagles descended on the first standards and were carried along with them, and accompanied the soldiers, who fed them, as far as Philippi. And there, one day before the battle, they flew away. XXXVIII. Now Brutus had subjected to him most of the nations that lay in his way: and if any city or ruler had been passed by, they then brought over all in their progress as far as the sea opposite to Thasos. In those parts Norbanus[561] and his troops happened to be encamped in the Straits and about Symbolum; but Brutus and Cassius getting round them compelled them to withdraw and desert the posts. They also came very near taking his force, Cæsar staying behind on account of illness; and they would have done it, if Antonius had not come to their aid with such wonderful expedition that Brutus could scarce believe it. Cæsar arrived ten days later, and pitched his camp opposite to Brutus: Antonius took his station opposite to Cassius. The plain which lay between the armies, the Romans called the Campi Philippi; and it was on this occasion that the largest Roman armies were matched against one another. Now in numbers they were not a little inferior to those of Cæsar, but in show and splendour of arms the forces of Brutus outshone the enemy. For most of their armour was of gold, and silver had been unsparingly supplied, though in other respects Brutus accustomed his officers to a simple and severe habit. But he thought that the wealth which they had in their hands and about their bodies, would give courage to the more ambitious of honour and would make those who were fond of gain still more courageous, as if the weapons which they held were their property. XXXIX. Now Cæsar made a lustration[562] within his lines, and distributed among the soldiers a small allowance of grain and five drachmæ apiece for the sacrifice; but Brutus, who considered this either as proof of Cæsar's poverty or his meanness, first of all performed a lustration for the army under the open sky, according to the custom, and then distributed a number of victims for every cohort, and fifty drachmæ to each man, by which he had the advantage over the enemy in the goodwill and zeal of his troops. Notwithstanding this bad omen, as Cassius considered it, happened during the lustration; for the lictor brought him his crown reversed. It is said that on a former occasion, also during a certain spectacle and procession, a golden Victory belonging to Cassius, which was being carried, fell down owing to the bearer slipping. Besides this many birds of prey daily appeared in the camp and swarms of bees were seen collecting about a certain spot within the lines, which the diviners enclosed in order to get rid of the superstitious fear which was gradually withdrawing even Cassius himself from the principles of Epicurus, and had completely cowed the soldiers. Owing to this, Cassius was not eager that the matter should be decided at present by a battle, and he was of opinion that they should protract the war, being strong in resources, but in amount of arms and men inferior to the enemy. But Brutus even before this was eager to settle the matter by the speediest hazard, and thus either to recover freedom for his country, or to relieve from their sufferings all the people who were oppressed by cost and military service and requisitions. And now seeing that his cavalry was successful and victorious in the skirmishes and encounters of posts, his spirit was raised: and some desertions to the enemy which took place and imputations and suspicions against others caused many of the friends of Cassius in the council to go over to the opinion of Brutus. One of the friends of Brutus, Atillius, opposed the opinion of Brutus and advised that they should wait for the winter. On Brutus asking, Wherein he thought that he would be better after a year, he replied, If in nothing else, I shall live longer. Cassius was vexed at this, and Atillius gave no small offence to the rest. Accordingly it was resolved to fight on the next day. XL. Brutus went to rest after having been in high spirits and engaged in philosophical discourse at supper. As to Cassius, Messala[563] says that he supped by himself with a few of his intimates, and appeared thoughtful and silent, though he was not naturally so; and that after supper he pressed the hand of Messala strongly and said, as he was wont when he was in friendly mood, in the Greek language, "I call you to witness, Messala, that I am in the same situation as Pompeius Magnus, being compelled to cast the die for my country's safety in a single battle. However, let us have a good heart, looking to fortune, which it is not right to distrust, though we may have resolved badly." Messala says that these were the last words that Cassius spoke to him and thereon embraced him, and that he was invited[564] by him to supper for the following day, which was his birthday. At daybreak there was hung out in the lines of Brutus and of Cassius the signal for the contest, a purple vest, and they met between the two camps, and Cassius said: "Brutus, I hope we may be victorious and live together happily all the rest of our lives; but as the chief of human events are the most uncertain, and if the battle results contrary to our expectation, it will not be easy for us to see one another, what do you intend with respect to flight or death?" Brutus replied, "When I was a young man, Cassius, and inexperienced in affairs, I know not how it happened that I neglected a weighty matter in philosophy. I blamed Cato for killing himself, considering that it was not right nor befitting a man to withdraw himself from his dæmon, and not to await what happens without fear, but to skulk away. But now I am of a different mind in the circumstances, and if the deity shall not determine in our favour, I do not want to try other hopes and means, but I will withdraw content with fortune, that on the Ides of March I gave to my country my life and have lived another life for her sake free and glorious." Whereat Cassius smiled and, embracing Brutus, said, "With such thoughts let us go against the enemy; for we shall either conquer or we shall not fear the conquerors." After this they discussed the order of battle in the presence of their friends. Brutus asked Cassius to allow him to command the right wing, which was supposed to be more appropriate for Cassius on account of his experience and his age. But Cassius granted even this, and he commanded Messala with the bravest of the legions to be posted on the right. Brutus immediately led forth the cavalry equipped in splendid style, and he brought up the infantry with equal expedition. XLI. The soldiers of Antonius happened to be driving trenches from the marshes, around which they were encamped, into the plain and cutting off the approaches of Cassius to the sea. Cæsar was on the watch, not being present himself by reason of sickness, but his troops were there, which, however, did not expect that the enemy would fight, but would merely make sallies against the works and disturb the diggers with light missiles and shouts; and as they were paying no attention to those who were opposed to them, they were surprised at the shouts about the trenches, which were indistinct and loud. In the meantime billets came from Brutus to the officers in which the word was written, and as he was advancing on horseback before the legions and encouraging them, a few had time to hear the word as it was passed along, but the greater part without waiting, with one impulse and shout rushed against the enemy. Some irregularity arose in the lines and some separation of them through this disorder, and the legion of Messala first and those which were close upon it outflanked Cæsar's left; and having slightly touched the soldiers on the extreme left and killed no great number, but completely outflanking them, fell on the camp. Cæsar, as he says in his Memoirs, inasmuch as one of his friends, Artorius Marcus,[565] had seen a vision in his sleep which bade Cæsar get out of the way and leave the camp, had just before been conveyed out of it, and he was supposed to have lost his life; for the enemy pierced his empty litter with javelins and spears. And there was a slaughter in the camp of those who were captured, and two thousand Lacedæmonians, who had lately come as allies, were cut to pieces with them. XLII. They who had not surrounded the soldiers of Cæsar, but had engaged with those in front, easily put to flight the enemy who were in confusion, and destroyed at close quarters three legions, and they rushed into the camp with the fugitives, carried along by the impetuosity of success and having Brutus with them; but what the victors did not see, that the critical time showed to the vanquished. For pushing forward to the parts of the opposite line which were exposed and broken where the right wing was drawn off in the pursuit, they did not force the centre but were engaged in a violent struggle; but they put to flight the left, which was in disorder and ignorant of what had happened, and pursuing it to the camp they plundered it, neither of the Imperatores being with them. For Antonius, as they say, having at the beginning avoided the attack, retreated to the marsh, and Cæsar could nowhere be seen, as he had fled from the camp; but some showed their bloody swords to Brutus supposing they had killed him, and describing his appearance and age. And now the centre had repelled their opponents with great slaughter; and Brutus thought that he was completely victorious as Cassius thought that he was defeated. And this was the only thing which ruined their cause, that Brutus did not aid Cassius because he thought that he was victorious, and that Cassius did not wait for Brutus because he thought that he had perished; for Messala considers it a proof of victory that Brutus had taken three eagles and many standards from the enemy, and the enemy had taken nothing. Brutus now retreating after he had destroyed Cæsar's camp, was surprised not to see the tent of Cassius standing out conspicuous, as usual, nor the rest in their place, for most of the tents had immediately been thrown down and torn in pieces by the enemy when they broke in. But those who thought they could see better than their comrades said to Brutus that they saw many helmets glittering and many silver shields moving about in the camp of Cassius, and they said it did not appear to them that it was either the number or the armour of those were left to guard the camp, but yet there did not appear to be in that direction a number of corpses such as might be expected if so many legions had been defeated. This was the first thing that gave Brutus an idea of the misfortune; and leaving a guard in the camp of the enemy he recalled the pursuers and got them together to aid Cassius. XLIII. And it had fared thus with him. He was neither pleased at seeing the first onset of the soldiers of Brutus without signal and order, nor was he pleased that when they were victorious they rushed straight to plunder and profit, taking no pains to get round and encircle the enemy. Cassius, conducting his operations rather with delay and waste of time than with vigour and judgment, was surrounded by the right wing of the enemy; and when he saw that, as soon as the cavalry broke away in flight to the sea, the infantry also were giving way, he endeavoured to stop and recall them. He also seized the standard from one of the standard-bearers who was flying, and fixed it in the ground before his feet, though even those who were placed about his person no longer remained with any spirit. In these circumstances, being pressed, he retreated with a few men to a hill which had a view towards the plain. He saw nothing in the plain, or with difficulty the plunder of the camp, for he was weak of vision; but the horsemen around him saw many approaching whom Brutus sent. Cassius conjectured that they were enemies and were in pursuit of him; yet he sent Titinius, one of those who were with him, to see. The horsemen did not fail to observe him approaching, and when they saw a man who was a friend, and faithful to Cassius, they shouted for joy, and some of his friends leaping down from their horses embraced him and took his hand, and the rest riding round him with joyful shouts and clatter by their unmeasured rejoicing produced the greatest misfortune. For Cassius was quite sure that Titinius was caught by the enemy. With these words, "Through love of life have I waited to see a friend seized by the enemy," he retired into an empty tent dragging after him one of his freed men, Pindarus, whom, in the unfortunate affair of Crassus, he had prepared for this extremity. Cassius escaped the Parthians, but now drawing his cloak over his head and baring his neck he presented it to be cut asunder; for the head was found separated from the body. But no man saw Pindarus after the death of Cassius, which made some persons think that he had killed Cassius without his order. Shortly after the horsemen appeared, and Titinius crowned by them went up to Cassius. But when, by the weeping and cries of his friends who were lamenting and bewailing, he knew of the fate of the general and of his error, he drew his sword and with much upbraiding of himself for his tardiness killed himself. XLIV. Brutus, who was acquainted with the defeat of Cassius, was now approaching, and he heard of his death when he was near the camp. After lamenting over the body and calling Cassius the last of the Romans, as if he considered that such a spirit could never again be produced in Rome, he wrapped up the corpse and sent it to Thasos, that no disorder might be produced by its being interred there. He summoned the soldiers together and consoled them; and seeing that they were deprived of all necessaries he promised them two thousand drachmæ apiece in place of what they had lost. The soldiers were encouraged by his words and admired the magnitude of his present; and they accompanied him with shouts as he went away, magnifying him as the only one of the four Imperatores who was unvanquished in battle. And the result proved that he had good reason for trusting to success in the battle; for with a few legions he put to flight all those who opposed him. But if he had employed all his forces in the battle, and the greater part had not passed by the enemy and fallen on the enemy's baggage, it is probable that he would have left no part of the enemy's force unvanquished. XLV. There fell on the side of Brutus eight thousand, with the slaves who were with them in the army, whom Brutus called Briges;[566] and of the enemy Messala says that he thinks more than twice the number fell. For this reason the enemy was the more dispirited, till a slave of Cassius, named Demetrius, came to Antonius as soon as it was evening, having taken the cloaks from the corpse, and the sword; and when these were brought, they were so much encouraged that at daybreak they led forth their force prepared for battle. But as both his armies were in an unsettled and dangerous state (for his own army being full of captives required careful watching, and the army of Cassius was troubled at the loss of their general, and they felt somewhat of envy and dislike in consequence of their defeat towards the army that had been victorious), Brutus resolved to put his troops under arms, but he would not fight. Of the captives, he ordered the slaves to be killed, as they were moving about among the soldiers in a suspicious way; but of the freemen he released some, saying that they had rather been made captives by the enemy, and were captives and slaves there, but with him were free men and citizens; and when he saw that his friends and the officers were ill-disposed towards them, he saved them by concealing them and sending them away. There were a certain Volumnius,[567] a mime, and Saculio, a jester, among the prisoners, whom Brutus cared not for, and his friends bringing these to him accused them of not abstaining even now from speaking and jeering to insult them. Brutus was silent, being occupied with other thoughts, but Messala Corvinus was of opinion that they should be flogged in a tent, and given up naked to the generals of the enemy, that they might know what kind of drinking companions and intimates they wanted in their campaigns. Some of those who were present laughed; but Publius Casca, who had struck Cæsar first, said, "We offer no fit sacrifice to Cassius who is dead, by making merry and jesting; but you, Brutus," he said, "will show what remembrance you have of the general either by punishing or protecting those who will mock and revile him." Upon this Brutus, greatly angered, said, "Why then do you ask me, Casca, and why don't you do what you like?" This answer of Brutus they considered as an assent to the punishment of the unhappy men, whom they led away and put to death. XLVI. After this Brutus gave the soldiers their present, and blaming them mildly for not having waited for the word, and having fallen on the enemy somewhat disorderly without waiting for the order, he promised them if they were victorious to give up to them for plunder and profit two cities, Thessalonica[568] and Lacedæmon. This is the only thing in the life of Brutus which he is charged with that admits of no defence, though Antonius and Cæsar paid to their soldiers a much more terrible price as the reward of their victories, for they drove the old settlers out of nearly the whole of Italy, that their soldiers might have land and cities to which they had no claim. But with Antonius and Cæsar dominion and power was the end which they proposed to themselves in the war, while Brutus, owing to his reputation for virtue, was not allowed by the many either to conquer or to save his life otherwise than by honourable and just means; and especially now that Cassius was dead, who had the imputation of urging Brutus on to some of his more violent acts. But as at sea when the helm is broken, they attempt to nail on other pieces of wood, and to fit them, not skilfully indeed, but as well as they can under circumstances, fighting against the necessity, so Brutus with so great a force around him, and in so hazardous a state of affairs, having no commander of equal weight with himself, was compelled to employ those who were with him, and to do and say many things according to their pleasure. And he judged it fit to do whatever he thought would improve the disposition of the soldiers of Cassius, for they were difficult to manage: in the camp being unruly for want of discipline, and towards the enemy having a feeling of cowardice by reason of their defeat. XLVII. Affairs were no better with Cæsar and Antonius, for they were scantily supplied with provisions, and owing to the camp being pitched in a hollow, they expected a bad winter. For being among marshes and the autumnal rains coming on after the battle, they had their tents filled with mud and with water which froze immediately through the cold. While they were in this condition, news arrived of the misfortune that had befallen their forces at sea. For the ships of Brutus[569] fell upon them, and destroyed a large force that was coming to Cæsar from Italy, and only a very few of the men escaped, who were compelled by famine to eat the sails and ropes. On hearing this news they were eager to settle the matter by a battle before Brutus was aware of the great good fortune that had come to him; for it happened that in the same day the battle by land and the battle by sea were determined. But by some chance rather than through the fault of the commanders of the fleet, Brutus was ignorant of the success, though twenty days had elapsed. For otherwise he would not have gone out to a second battle when he was provided with all necessaries for his army for a long time and was posted in a good position, wherein he could have maintained his army in the winter free from all suffering and safe against the attacks of the enemy, and by being master of the sea, and having defeated by land the troops opposed to him, was in high hopes and spirits. But affairs, as it appears, being no longer governable by a number, and requiring a monarchy, the deity wishing to lead away and to remove the only person who stood in the way of him who was able to govern, cut off the news of that good fortune, though it came exceeding near to being communicated to Brutus. For the day before that on which he was going to fight, and late in the day, there came one Clodius, a deserter from the enemy, who reported, that Cæsar was eager to come to a decisive contest because he had heard of the destruction of his armament. The man got no credit for his report nor did he come into the presence of Brutus, being altogether despised as one who had heard no well-founded news, or reported falsehood to get favour. XLVIII. In that night it is said that the phantom again appeared to Brutus, and displaying the same appearance said nothing and went away. But Publius Volumnius,[570] a philosopher and one who accompanied Brutus in his campaign from the first, says that this was not the sign; but he says that the first eagle was covered with bees, and from the arm of one of the centurions an oil of roses spontaneously burst out, and though they often rubbed it off and wiped it away, it was all to no use. Further, before the battle, two eagles met and fought in the space between the armies, and a silence past belief filled the plain while all were looking on, but at last the eagle which was on the side of Brutus gave way and fled. The Ethiopian became notorious, he who met the eagle-bearer as soon as the gate was opened, and was cut down with their swords by the soldiers, who considered it a bad omen. XLIX. After Brutus had made the line advance, and had placed it in front of the enemy, he paused some time, for suspicions reached him and information against certain persons while he was inspecting the army; and he observed that the cavalry were not very eager to begin the battle, but were still waiting for the infantry to commence the attack. All of a sudden, a man of military skill, who had been particularly distinguished for his courage, rode past Brutus himself and passed over to the enemy: his name was Camulatus. Brutus was greatly pained at seeing this, and partly through passion, partly through fear of greater change and treachery, he forthwith led his men against the enemy, the sun now going down, to the ninth hour. Brutus had the advantage with his own troops, and he pushed on, pressing upon the left wing of the enemy which gave way, and the cavalry supported him by charging together with the infantry the disordered ranks; but the other wing, which the commanders extended for fear of being surrounded, was inferior in numbers, and was drawn out in the centre, and thus becoming weak, did not resist the enemy, but fled first. The enemy, having broken this wing, immediately surrounded Brutus, who displayed all the virtues of a general and a soldier, both in his personal exertions, and his prudent measures in the midst of danger to secure victory; but he was damaged by that circumstance whereby he gained advantage in the former battle. For in that battle the part of the enemy which was defeated had perished; but few perished of the troops of Cassius, though they were put to flight, and those who escaped being very timid through their former defeat, filled the chief part of the army with despondency and confusion. On this occasion also, Marcus the son of Cato,[571] fighting among the noblest and bravest of the youth, though hard pressed, did not yield nor flee, but laying about him and calling out who he was, and his father's name, he fell on a heap of the enemy's slain. There fell, too, the bravest of the men, exposing themselves in defence of Brutus. L. Among the intimates of Brutus was one Lucilius,[572] a good man. Observing that some barbarian horsemen in their pursuit paid no regard to the rest, but rode at full speed after Brutus, he resolved at his own risk to stop them. And being a little in the rear he said that he was Brutus, and he gained belief by praying them to take him to Antonius, because he feared Cæsar, but trusted in Antonius. The barbarians delighted at their success, and considering that they had surprising good luck, conducted the man, and as it was now growing dark, sent forward some of their number as messengers to Antonius. Antonius, much pleased, went to meet those who were conducting Lucilius; and those who heard that Brutus was being brought alive flocked together, some pitying him for his ill fortune, and others thinking it unworthy of his fame to let himself be taken by barbarians through love of life. When they were near, Antonius stopped, being doubtful how he should receive Brutus, but Lucilius, approaching with a cheerful countenance, said, "Antonius, no enemy has taken Marcus Brutus, nor will: may fortune never have such a victory over virtue. But he will be found, whether alive or dead, in a condition worthy of himself. But I who have deceived your soldiers am come to suffer, and I deprecate no punishment, however severe, for what I have done." When Lucilius had said this, and all were in amaze, Antonius, looking on those who conducted Lucilius, said, "I suppose, fellow soldiers, you are vexed at your mistake, and think that you have been grossly tricked. But be assured that you have taken a better prey than that which you were in search of. For while you were seeking for an enemy, you have brought us a friend; for as to Brutus, I know not by the gods, what I should have done with him if he were alive, but such men as this, I pray that I may have as friends rather than as enemies." Saying this he embraced Lucilius and for the time placed him with one of his friends, but he afterwards employed him, and found him in everything faithful and true. LI. Brutus, having crossed a certain stream, the banks of which were lined with wood and steep, just when it began to be dark, did not advance far, but seating himself in a hollow spot where there was a large rock spread out, with a few of his officers and friends about him, first looked up to the heavens which were full of stars, and uttered two verses, one of which Volumnius has recorded: "Forget not,[573] Jove, the author of these ills;" but the other he says that he forgot. After a while naming each of his companions who had fallen in battle before his eyes, he grieved most over the memory of Flavius and Labeo. Labeo was his lieutenant, and Flavius the chief of the engineers. In the meantime one who was thirsty himself and saw that Brutus was in the same plight, took a helmet and ran down to the river. As a noise from the opposite side reached their ears, Volumnius went forward to see, and Dardanus the shield-bearer with him. Returning after a while they asked about the water; and Brutus, smiling with a very friendly expression on Volumnius, said, "It is drunk up, but some more shall be brought for you." The same person was sent, but he was in danger of being taken by the enemy and escaped with difficulty after being wounded. As Brutus conjectured that no great number of his men had fallen, Statyllius[574] undertook to make his way secretly through the enemy, for it was not possible in any other way, and to inspect the camp, and after raising a fire-signal, if he should find all safe there, to come back to him. The fire-signal was raised, for Statyllius got to the camp, but as a long time elapsed and he did not return, Brutus said, "If Statyllius is alive he will come." But it happened that, as he was returning, he fell among the enemy and was killed. LII.[575] In the course of the night, Brutus, as he sat on the ground, turned to his slave Kleitus and spoke to him. But as Kleitus kept silence and shed tears, Brutus drew to him his shield-bearer Dardanus, and privately said something to him. At last employing the Greek language he addressed Volumnius and reminded them of their philosophical studies and discipline, and he urged him to put his hand to his sword and to aid him in the thrust. Volumnius refusing, and the rest being in the same disposition, and some one saying that they must not stay there, but fly, Brutus sprang up and said, "Certainly we must fly, yet not with the feet, but with the hands." Offering his right hand to each with a cheerful countenance, he said that he felt great pleasure, that no one of his friends had deceived him, but he blamed fortune with respect to his country; as for himself, he considered that he was happier than the conquerors, in that not yesterday nor yet recently, but even now he left behind him a reputation for virtue, which those would not leave behind who gained the victory by arms or by money, nor would they make people think that unjust and vile men who had destroyed just and upright men did not rule unmeritedly. After entreating and urging them to save themselves, he retired a little farther with two or three, among whom was Strato who had become intimate with him from being his instructor in rhetoric. Putting Strato close to him, and pressing the bare sword with both hands on the handle, he fell upon it and died. Others say that it was not Brutus himself, but Strato who, at the earnest request of Brutus, held the sword under him, averting his eyes, and that Brutus throwing his breast upon it with violence, and piercing it through, quickly died. LIII. Messala[576] who was a friend of Brutus and became reconciled to Cæsar, once on a time when Cæsar was at leisure, brought this Strato to him, and with tears in his eyes said, "This, Cæsar, is the man who did the last service to my Brutus." Cæsar received Strato and kept him about him, and Strato was one of the Greeks who showed themselves brave men in difficulties, and in the battle at Actium. They say that Messala himself being afterwards commended by Cæsar because, though he had been one of their greatest enemies at Philippi for the sake of Brutus, he had shown himself most zealous at Actium, replied, "Yes, Cæsar, I have always been on the better and juster side." When Antonius found the body of Brutus,[577] he ordered it to be wrapped in the most costly of his purple vests; and when he afterwards discovered that the purple vest was stolen, he put the thief to death. The ashes he sent to Servilia, the mother of Brutus. Nikolaus[578] the philosopher and Valerius Maximus[579] relate that Porcia the wife of Brutus being desirous to die, which none of her friends would allow, but kept close and watched her, snatched burning embers from the fire, and closing her mouth, so died. Yet there is extant a letter of Brutus[580] to his friends in which he upbraids them and laments about Porcia, that she was neglected by them and had determined to die because of her sufferings from disease. Nikolaus therefore appears not to have known the time, since the letter, if it is genuine, informs us of the malady, and the love of the woman and the manner of her death. COMPARISON OF DION AND BRUTUS. I. Among the glories of these two men's lives, it is especially to be noticed, that each of them started from small beginnings, and yet raised himself to the highest position in the state; and this fact is peculiarly honourable to Dion. Brutus owed much of his success to the help of Cassius, who, though less trustworthy than Brutus in matters of virtue and honour, gave equal proofs of courage, skill, and energy in war, while some writers go so far as to give him the entire credit of the plot against Cæsar, and say that Brutus had no share in it. Dion on the other hand was obliged to provide himself with friends and fellow conspirators, no less than with arms, ships, and soldiers. Furthermore, Dion did not, like Brutus, gain wealth and power by the revolution and war which he began, but even gave his own money to support the war, and spent the property on which he might have lived comfortably in exile in order to make his countrymen free. We must remember, also, that Brutus and Cassius could not have remained quiet after they left Rome, for they had been condemned to death, and were being pursued, so that they were forced to fight in their own defence. When they risked their lives in battle it was for themselves that they did so more than for their countrymen, whereas Dion lived in exile more happily than the despot who banished him, and nevertheless exposed himself to so terrible a hazard in order to set Sicily free. II. Yet it was not the same thing to free the Syracusans from Dionysius and to rid the Romans of Cæsar. Dionysius never denied that he was a despot, and had inflicted countless miseries upon Sicily: while the government of Cæsar, though its creation gave great offence, yet when it had been accepted and had overcome all opposition seemed to be a despotism merely in name, for Cæsar did nothing cruel or arbitrary, and rather appeared to have been sent by heaven like a physician, to establish an absolute monarchy in as mild a form as possible, at a time when that remedy was necessary for Rome. In consequence of this the people of Rome were grieved at the death of Cæsar, and showed themselves harsh and inexorable to his murderers; while the severest charges which were brought against Dion by his countrymen were that he had allowed Dionysius to escape from Syracuse, and that he had not destroyed the tomb of the former despot. III. In actual warfare Dion proved himself a faultless general, as he succeeded brilliantly in every enterprise planned by himself, and was able to remedy the failures caused by the misconduct of others; while Brutus seems not to have been wise in engaging in the last decisive battle, and when it was lost did not attempt to retrieve his fortunes, but gave himself up to despair, showing even less confidence than Pompeius. Yet, his position was far from hopeless, for he still retained a large part of his army, and a fleet which gave him entire command of the sea. Again, Dion cannot be accused of any crime like that which is the greatest blot upon the character of Brutus, who after his life had been saved by Cæsar's goodness, and he had been allowed to save as many as he pleased of his fellow captives, after also he had been regarded by Cæsar as his friend, and had been promoted by Cæsar above many others, murdered his benefactor. On the contrary, Dion was the relative and friend of Dionysius, and assisted him in maintaining his government, and it was not until he was expelled from his country, his wife wronged, and his property confiscated, that he openly began a most just and lawful war against the despot. Is there not, however, another view of this question? That hatred of despotism and wrong which is so highly honoured, was possessed by Brutus pure and unalloyed by personal motives, for he had no private grudge against Cæsar, and yet risked his life on behalf of the liberty of the people: while Dion would never have made war against Dionysius, if he had not been wronged by him. This we learn distinctly from Plato's letters, which prove that Dion did not begin his revolt until he was banished by Dionysius, after which, he deposed the tyrant. A common object made Brutus become the friend of Pompeius, who was Cæsar's enemy both personally and politically, for Brutus made men his friends or his enemies solely according to what he thought right: while Dion assisted Dionysius much while he was on friendly terms with him, and only made war against him out of anger at his loyalty being suspected. For this reason many even of his own friends believed that after removing Dionysius from the throne he intended to succeed him, and to reign though under some title more plausible than that of despot; while even the enemies of Brutus admitted that he alone of all the conspirators against Cæsar kept one object consistently in view, which was to restore to the Romans their ancient constitution. IV. Apart from these considerations the struggle against Dionysius was different from that against Cæsar. Dionysius was despised even by his own associates for wasting all his time with drink, dice, and women; whereas it shows a certain magnanimity, and a spirit undismayed by any danger, to have conceived the idea of dethroning Cæsar, and not to have been overawed by the wisdom, power, and good fortune of a man whose very name made the kings of Parthia and India uneasy in their sleep. As soon as Dion appeared in Sicily, thousands joined him to attack Dionysius, while the power of Cæsar's name even after his death rallied his friends, and enabled a helpless child to become at once the first of the Romans by assuming it, as though it were a talisman to protect him against the might and hatred of Antonius. If it be said that Dion only drove out Dionysius after many fierce battles, whereas Brutus stabbed Cæsar when he was naked and unguarded, yet it was in itself a brilliant piece of generalship to have attacked so powerful a man when he was naked and unguarded: for he did not attack him on a sudden impulse, or alone, or even with a few associates; but the plot had been laid long before, and many were concerned in it, yet none betrayed him. Either he chose only the bravest men, or else the mere fact of their having been chosen and trusted by Brutus made them brave. Dion on the other hand trusted worthless men; and this is discreditable to his judgment, for they must either have been villains when he chose them for his followers, or else they must have been originally good, and have become worse during their connection with him. Plato indeed blames him for choosing such men for his friends, and at last he was murdered by them. V. No one avenged the murder of Dion; but Antonius, though Brutus's enemy, nevertheless buried him with honour, and Cæsar (Augustus) allowed the honours which were paid to his memory to remain untouched. A brazen statue of Brutus stands in the city of Milan, in Gaul, on this side of the Alps. When Augustus saw this, which was a good likeness and a capital piece of workmanship, he passed by it, but stopped shortly afterwards, and before a large audience called for the magistrates of the city, and told them that he had caught them in the act of breaking the peace by harbouring his enemy within their walls. They at first, as may be imagined, denied the charge, and looked at one another, not knowing to whom he alluded. Augustus now turned round towards the statue, and, knitting his brows, asked, "Is not this my enemy who stands here?" At this the magistrates were even more abashed, and remained silent. Augustus, however, smilingly commended the Gauls for remaining true to their friends in misfortune, and ordered the statue to be left where it stood. LIFE OF ARTAXERXES. I. The first Artaxerxes, who surpassed all the kings of Persia in mildness and magnanimity of character, was surnamed Longhand, because his right hand was larger than his left. He was the son of Xerxes; and Artaxerxes the Second, the subject of this memoir, who was surnamed Mnemon, was the son of the former's daughter: for Darius and Parysatis had four children, of whom the eldest was named Artaxerxes, the next Cyrus, and the two younger ones Ostanes and Oxathres. Cyrus was named after the ancient king of that name, who is said to have been taken from the sun; for the Persians are said to call the sun Cyrus. Artaxerxes was originally named Arsikas, although the historian Deinon states that he was named Oarses. Still Ktesias, although his writings are full of all kinds of absurd and incredible tales, must be supposed to know the name of the king at whose court he lived, acting as physician to him, his mother and his wife. II. Cyrus from his earliest youth displayed a determined and vehement disposition, while his brother was gentler in all respects and less passionate in his desires. He married a fair and virtuous wife at his parents' command, and kept her against their will, for the king killed her brother, and wished to put her also to death, but Arsikas, by tears and entreaties, prevailed upon his mother to spare her life, and not to separate her from him. His mother, however, always loved Cyrus more than Artaxerxes, and wished him to become king instead of his brother. For this reason, when Cyrus was sent for from the coast during his father's last illness, he went to court with great expectations, imagining that she had managed to have him declared heir to the throne. Indeed, Parysatis had a good argument for doing so, which had formerly, at the suggestion of Demaratus, been acted upon by the old king Xerxes; namely, that when Arsikas was born, Darius was merely a private man, but that when Cyrus was born he was a king. However, Parysatis did not succeed in inducing the king to declare Cyrus his heir, but the eldest son was proclaimed king and his name changed to Artaxerxes, while Cyrus was appointed satrap of Lydia and ruler of the provinces on the sea coast. III. Shortly before the death of Darius, the king Artaxerxes travelled to Pasargadæ, in order that he might be initiated into the royal mystic rites by the priests there. The temple is dedicated to a warlike goddess whom one might liken to Athena. The person to be initiated enters this temple, removes his own clothes, and puts on those which the ancient Cyrus wore before he became king. He then eats some of a cake made of preserved figs, tastes the fruit of the terebinth tree, and drinks a cup of sour milk. Whether besides this he does anything else is known only to the initiated. When Artaxerxes was about to do this Tissaphernes met him, bringing with him one of the priests, who, when both the princes were boys, had been Cyrus's teacher in the usual course of study, had taught him to use incantations like a Magian, and had been especially grieved at Cyrus not being proclaimed king. For this reason he more easily obtained credit when he accused Cyrus; and the accusation he brought against him was that Cyrus intended to conceal himself in the temple, and when the king took off his clothes, to attack him and murder him. Some writers say that this was how Cyrus came to be apprehended, while others state that he actually got into the temple, and was there betrayed by the priest. When he was about to be put to death, his mother threw her arms round him, flung her hair over him, pressed his neck against her own, and by her tears and entreaties obtained his pardon, and got him sent back again to his government on the sea coast. He was not satisfied with this position nor was he grateful for his pardon, but remembered only how he had been taken into custody, and through anger at this became all the more eager to gain the throne for himself. IV. Some writers say that he revolted because his revenues did not suffice for his daily expenses; but this is absurd, since, if he could have obtained it from no other source, his mother was always ready to supply him, and used to give as much as he wanted from her own income. His wealth also is proved by the large mercenary force which, we learn from Xenophon, was enlisted by his friends and guests in many different places: for he never collected it together, as he wished to conceal his preparations, but he kept many persons in different places who recruited soldiers for him on various pretexts. His mother, who was present at court, lulled the king's suspicions, and Cyrus himself constantly wrote to him in dutiful terms, asking him to grant certain matters, and bringing accusations against Tissaphernes, as though it was Tissaphernes of whom he were jealous and with whom he had a quarrel. There was also a certain slowness in the disposition of the king, which was mistaken by the people for good nature. At the beginning of his reign, he seemed inclined to rival the gentleness of his namesake, as he made himself pleasant to all whom he met, distributed honours and favours even beyond men's deserts, took no delight in insulting and torturing evil-doers, and showed himself as affable and courteous to those from whom he received favours as he was to those upon whom he bestowed them. No present was so trifling that he did not receive it gladly, but even when a man named Onisus brought him a pomegranate of unusual size, he said, "By Mithras, if this man were given the charge of a small city he would soon make it great!" V. When during one of his journeys all men were bringing him presents, a labouring man, not finding anything else to give, ran to the river, took up some of the water in his two hands and offered it to him. Artaxerxes was pleased with the man, and sent him a gold drinking-cup and a thousand darics. When Eukleidas the Lacedæmonian had spoken his mind very freely to him, he bade his general say to him, "You may say what you please, but I may both say and do what I please." Once when they were hunting, Teribazus pointed out to him that his coat was torn. Artaxerxes asked what was to be done, to which Teribazus answered, "Put on another coat, and give this one to me." He replied, "I will give it to you, Teribazus, but I forbid you to wear it." Teribazus, however, who was a loyal subject, but careless and flighty, immediately put on the coat, and ornamented himself with women's necklaces belonging to the king, so that all men were disgusted with him, for it was not lawful to do so. The king, however, laughed, and said, "I allow you to wear the jewelry as a woman, and the coat as a fool." Though no one eats at the same table with the king of Persia except his mother, who sits above him, or his wedded wife, who sits below him, Artaxerxes invited his younger brothers also, Ostanes and Oxathres, to sit at the same table. One of the sights which especially delighted the Persians was the carriage in which Statira, the wife of Artaxerxes, drove, with the curtains drawn back, for the queen allowed the people to greet her and approach her, and was much beloved by them in consequence. VI. However, all turbulent and unsettled spirits thought that the empire required Cyrus at its head, since he was a brilliant and warlike prince, a staunch friend to his comrades, and a man of intellect and ambition, capable of wielding the enormous power of Persia. Cyrus, when he began the war, relied upon the attachment of the people of the interior of Asia as much as he did upon that of his own followers; and he wrote to the Lacedæmonians, begging them to help him and to send soldiers to him, declaring that if the soldiers came to him on foot, he would give them horses, and if they came on horseback, he would give them carriages and pairs, that if they possessed fields, he would give them villages, and if they possessed villages he would give them cities; and that his soldiers' pay should be given them by measure, instead of being counted out to them. At the same time he boasted loudly about himself, averring that he had a greater heart than his brother, was a better philosopher, and was a more learned Magian, and also that he could drink and carry more wine than his brother, who, he declared, was so lazy and cowardly that he would not even mount a horse when hunting, or a throne in time of peril. The Lacedæmonians now sent a skytale[581] to Klearchus, bidding him obey the bidding of Cyrus in all things. Cyrus marched against the King of Persia with a large force and nearly thirteen thousand Greek mercenary troops, whom he had engaged upon various pretences. His treason was not long undiscovered, for Tissaphernes went in person to tell the king of it, upon which there was a terrible scene of disorder in the palace, since Parysatis was blamed as being the chief instigator of the war, and her friends were all viewed with suspicion as traitors. Parysatis was especially enraged by the reproaches of Statira, who asked her loudly, "Where now are the pledges you gave us? What has come of the entreaties by which you begged off Cyrus when he plotted against his brother's life, now that you have plunged us into war and misery?" In consequence of these reproaches Parysatis conceived a vehement hatred for Statira, and being of a fierce passionate unforgiving temper, she plotted her destruction. Deinon states that she effected her purpose during the war, but Ktesias says that she did the deed afterwards, and I shall adopt his account of the matter, for it is not probable that he, who was an eye-witness of these events, did not know the order in which they took place, or that in his history he should have had any reason for misrepresenting them, although he often departs from the exact truth with a view to dramatic effect. VII. As Cyrus marched onwards, many rumours and reports were brought to him, that the king had determined not to fight at once, and was not anxious to meet him in battle, but that he intended to remain in Persia until his forces had assembled there from all parts of the empire. Indeed, although he had dug a trench across the plain ten fathoms wide, as many deep, and four hundred stadia long, yet he remained quiet and permitted Cyrus to cross it, and to march close to Babylon itself. Teribazus, we are told, was the first who ventured to tell the king that he ought not to avoid a battle, and retreat from Media and from Babylon, and even from Susa itself into Persia, when he possessed an army many times as great as that of the enemy, and numberless satraps and generals who were better generals and better soldiers than Cyrus. Upon hearing this advice, the king determined to fight as soon as possible. At first his sudden appearance with a splendidly equipped force of nine hundred thousand men caused great surprise and confusion among the rebels, who had gained such confidence that they were marching without their arms; and it was not without much shouting and disorder that Cyrus was able to rally them and place them in array. The king moved forward slowly and in silence, so that the Greeks were filled with admiration at the discipline of his army, for they had expected that in such a host there would be disorderly shouts and irregularity and intervals in the line. The strongest of the scythed chariots were judiciously posted by Artaxerxes in front of his line, in order that before the two armies engaged hand to hand they might break the enemy's ranks by the force of their charge. VIII. The battle[582] has been described by many writers, and as Xenophon's narrative is so clear that the reader seems almost to be present, and to see the different events in the act of taking place, it would be folly for me to do more than to mention some important particulars which he has omitted. The place where the two armies met is called Kunaxa, and is five hundred stadia distant from Babylon. Before the battle Klearchus is said to have advised Cyrus to post himself behind the ranks of the soldiers, and not to risk his life; to which Cyrus replied "What say you, Klearchus? Just when I am striving to win a kingdom, do you bid me prove myself unworthy of one?" In the action itself, though Cyrus made a great mistake in plunging so rashly into the midst of the enemy without regarding the risk that he ran, yet Klearchus was quite as much, if not more to blame for not arraying his Greeks opposite to the Persian king, and for resting his right wing upon the river for fear he should be surrounded. If he valued safety more than anything else, and cared only to avoid the slightest risk of loss, he had better have stayed at home; but after he had marched ten thousand stadia from the sea, under no compulsion, but solely in order to place Cyrus upon the throne of Persia, then to be solicitous, not for a post where he might win the victory for his chief and paymaster, but merely for one where he might fight without exposing himself, was to act like a man who, on the first appearance of danger, abandons the whole enterprise and gives up the object for which the expedition was made. It is abundantly clear from what took place, that if the Greeks had charged the troops who defended the king's person, they would have met with no resistance, and if these men had been routed, and the king slain or forced to take flight, Cyrus's victory would at once have placed him on the throne. It was, therefore, the overcaution of Klearchus more than the rashness of Cyrus which really caused the death of the latter and the ruin of his cause; for the Persian King himself could not, if he had wished, have placed the Greeks in a position where they could do him less harm, for they were so far away from him and his main body that he did not even perceive that they had routed their antagonists, and Cyrus was slain before Klearchus could reap any advantage from his victory. Yet Cyrus knew what was best, for he ordered Klearchus to post his men in the centre; but Klearchus, saying that he would manage as well as he could, ruined everything. IX. The Greeks put the Persians to flight with the greatest ease, and pursued them for a long distance. Cyrus, as he rode forward, mounted upon a spirited, but hard-mouthed and unmanageable horse, which, we learn from Ktesias was named Pasakas, was met by Artagerses, the leader of the Kadousians, who shouted loudly, saying, "Most wicked and foolish of men, who hast disgraced the name of Cyrus, erst the noblest in Persia, and bringest thy base Greeks on a base errand, to plunder the good things of the Persians, and to slay thy brother and thy lord, who hath ten thousand times ten thousand slaves, each one better than thou art. Soon shalt thou find out the truth of this; for before thou seest the king's face thou shalt lose thine own head." Saying thus, he hurled his javelin against Cyrus, but his breastplate resisted the blow, and Cyrus was not wounded, although he reeled in his saddle from the violence of the stroke. As Artagerses wheeled round his horse, Cyrus struck him with a javelin, driving the point through his throat, beside the collar-bone. That Artagerses was slain by Cyrus nearly all historians agree, but as to the death of Cyrus himself, since Xenophon has described it very shortly, as he was not an eye-witness of it, we may as well give the accounts of it which Deinon and which Ktesias have written. X. Deinon says that when Artagerses fell, Cyrus charged violently among the troops round the king, and wounded the king's horse. Artaxerxes was thrown from his horse, but Teribazus quickly mounted him upon another horse, saying, "My king, remember this day, for you ought not to forget it." Artaxerxes, he states, was again thrown from his horse by the vehement onset of Cyrus, and again mounted. At the third charge the king who was violently enraged, and cried out to those around him that it was better to die than be treated thus, rode straight against Cyrus, who rashly and heedlessly exposed himself to the missiles of his enemies. The king hurled a dart at Cyrus, and so did all his followers. Cyrus fell, struck, some say by the king himself, but according to others he was slain by a Carian soldier, on whom the king afterwards, as a reward for this feat of arms, bestowed the honour of marching at the head of the army, carrying a golden cock upon a spear. Indeed the Persians call the Carians themselves cocks, because of the plumes with which they ornament their helmets. XI. The story of Ktesias, reduced to a succinct form, is as follows:--Cyrus, after slaying Artagerses, rode towards the king himself, and the king rode towards him, both of them in silence. Ariaeus, the friend of Cyrus, struck the king first but did not wound him. The king hurled his spear and missed Cyrus, but struck Satiphernes, a man of noble birth and a trusted friend of Cyrus, and slew him. Cyrus hurled his javelin at the king, drove it through his breastplate, making a wound in his breast two fingers' breadths deep, and cast him from his horse. Upon this there was much disorder, and many took to flight. The king rose, and with a few followers, among whom was Ktesias, took refuge on a hill hard by. Meanwhile Cyrus was carried by his horse a long distance forward into the midst of his enemies, and, as it was now growing dark, he was not recognised by his foes, and was being sought for in vain by his friends. Excited by his victory, and full of spirit and pride, he rode about through the ranks, crying, "Out of my way, wretches." As Cyrus shouted these words in Persian, some made way for him, but the tiara fell from his head, and a young man named Mithridates, not knowing who he was, hurled a javelin and struck him on the temple near the eye. The wound bled profusely, and Cyrus became dizzy and faint, so that he fell from his horse. The horse rushed away from him and was lost, but the servant of the man who struck Cyrus took up his saddle-cloth, which fell from his horse, and which was drenched with blood. When Cyrus began to recover from the effects of this blow, some few of his eunuchs tried to mount him upon another horse and get him safe away from the field. As, however, he could not mount, he proposed to walk, and the eunuchs supported him as he went, faint and weak in his body, but still imagining himself to be the victor as he heard the fugitives calling Cyrus their king and begging him for mercy. At this time certain men of Kaunus, of mean and low condition, who followed the king's army to perform menial services, happened to join the party with Cyrus, supposing them to be friends. When, however, they managed to distinguish that the surcoats which they wore over their armour were purple, while all the king's soldiers wore white ones, they perceived that they were enemies. One of them ventured to strike Cyrus from behind with a spear, not knowing who he was. The javelin struck Cyrus behind the knee, cutting the vein there, and in his fall he also struck his wounded temple against a stone, and so died. This is the story of Ktesias, in which he seems, as it were, to hack poor Cyrus to death with a blunt sword. XII. When Cyrus was dead it happened that Artasyras, who was called the king's eye,[583] rode past. Recognising the eunuchs who were mourning over the body, he asked the most trusted of them, "Pariskas, who is this beside whom you sit weeping?" He answered, "Artasyras, do you not see that it is Cyrus, who is dead?" Artasyras was astonished at this news, bade the eunuch be of good courage and guard the body, and himself rode in haste to Artaxerxes, who had given up all hope of success, and was in great bodily suffering from his wound and from thirst. Artasyras, with great delight, told him that he had seen Cyrus lying dead. On hearing this Artaxerxes at first wished to go to see it himself, and bade Artasyras lead him to the spot; but as there was much talk and fear of the Greeks, who were said to be advancing and carrying all before them; he decided to send a party to view the body; and thirty men went carrying torches. Meanwhile, as the king himself was almost dying of thirst the eunuch Satibarzanes went in search of drink for him; for there was no water in the place where he was, nor indeed anywhere near the army. After much trouble the eunuch at length fell in with one of the low Kaunian camp followers, who had about four pints of putrid water in a skin, which he took from the man and carried it to the king. When the king had drunk it all, he asked him if he was not disgusted with the water; and the king swore by the gods that he never had drank either wine or the purest of water with such pleasure. "So," added he, "if I be not able to find the man who gave you this water and reward him for it, I pray that the gods may make him rich and happy." XIII. While they were talking thus, the thirty men rode up in high spirits, announcing to him his unlooked-for good fortune. Artaxerxes now began to recover his courage from the number of men who began to assemble round him, and descended from the hill amidst the glare of many torches. When he reached the body, the head and right hand were cut off, in accordance with some Persian custom. He ordered the head to be brought to him, took hold of it by the long thick hair, and showed it to those who were still wavering or fleeing. They all were filled with amazement, and did homage to him, so that he soon collected a force of seventy thousand men, accompanied by whom he re-entered his camp. He had left it in the morning, according to Ktesias, with an army of four hundred thousand men; though Deinon and Xenophon both estimate the forces actually engaged at a higher figure. Ktesias states that the number of the dead was returned to Artaxerxes as nine thousand, but that he himself thought that the corpses which he saw lying on the field must amount to more than twenty thousand. This point admits of discussion; but Ktesias tells an obvious untruth when he says that he was sent on an embassy to the Greeks, together with Phalinus of Zakynthus, and some other persons. Xenophon knew that Ktesias was at the king's court, for he makes mention of him, and has evidently read his history; so that he never would have passed him over, and only mentioned Phalinus of Zakynthus, if Ktesias had really come as interpreter on a mission of such importance. But Ktesias, being a wonderfully vain man, and especially attached to the Lacedæmonians and to Klearchus, constantly in his history introduces himself, while he sings the praises of Lacedæmon and of Klearchus. XIV. After the battle, Artaxerxes sent most splendid and valuable presents to Artagerses, the son of the man who had been slain by Cyrus, and handsomely rewarded Ktesias and the rest of his companions. He sought out the Kaunian from whom he had received the water-skin, who was a poor and humble man, and made him rich and honoured. He also took pains to appoint suitable punishments to those who had misconducted themselves. One Arbakes, a Mede, deserted to Cyrus during the battle, and when Cyrus fell again returned to his allegiance. Artaxerxes, perceiving that he had done so not from treachery but from sheer cowardice, ordered him to carry a naked courtesan about the market-place upon his shoulders for the whole of one day. Another deserter, who besides changing sides falsely boasted that he had slain two of the enemy, was condemned by the king to have his tongue pierced with three needles. As Artaxerxes believed, and wished all men to think that he had himself slain Cyrus, he sent presents to Mithridates, who was the first man that wounded Cyrus, and bade those who carried the presents say, "The king honours you with these presents, because you found Cyrus's saddle-cloth and brought it to him." And when the Carian, who had struck Cyrus under the knee, demanded a present, he bade those who carried the presents say, "The king gives you these for having been second to bring him the good news; for Artasyras first, and you next, brought him the news of the death of Cyrus." Mithridates retired in silence, much vexed at this; but the unhappy Carian, as often happens, was ruined by his own folly. Excited by his good fortune into trying to obtain more than became him, he refused to take what was offered him for having brought good news, but remonstrated loudly, declaring that he, and no one else, slew Cyrus, and that he was most unjustly being deprived of the credit of the action. The king, when he heard this, was greatly angered, and ordered the man's head to be struck off. His mother, Parysatis, who was present, said, "My king, do not thus rid yourself of this pestilent Carian. He shall receive from me a fitting punishment for what he has dared to say." The king handed him over to her, and Parysatis ordered the executioners to torture him for ten days, and then to tear out his eyes and pour molten copper into his ears until he died. XV. Mithridates also came to an evil end after a few days by his folly. He came dressed in the robe, and adorned with the ornaments which he had received from the king, to a banquet at which the eunuchs of the king and of the king's mother were present. When they began to drink the most influential of the eunuchs of Parysatis said to him: "What a fine dress, Mithridates, and what fine necklaces and bracelet the king has given you! How valuable is your scimitar? Indeed, he has made you fortunate and envied by all men." Mithridates, who was already in liquor, answered: "What are these things, Sparamixes? I proved myself on that day worth more than these to the king." Sparamixes smiled and said, "I do not grudge you them, Mithridates, but come--as the Greeks say that there is truth in wine--tell us how it can be so great or brilliant an achievement to find a saddle-cloth that has fallen off a horse, and to bring it to the king." This the eunuch said, not because he did not know the truth, but because he wished to lead Mithridates, whose tongue was loosened by wine, to expose his folly before the company. Mithridates could not restrain himself, and said: "You may say what you please about saddle-cloths and such nonsense; I tell you plainly, that it was by my hand that Cyrus fell. I did not hurl my javelin in vain, like Artagerses, but I just missed his eye, struck him through the temple, and felled him to the ground; and with that blow he died." All the rest of the guests, foreseeing the miserable end to which Mithridates would certainly come, cast their eyes upon the ground; but the host said: "My good Mithridates, let us now eat and drink, adoring the fortune of the king, but let us not talk about subjects which are too high for us." XVI. After this, the eunuch told Parysatis what Mithridates had said, and she told the king, who was much enraged, because he was proved not to have spoken the truth, and had been deprived of the sweetest part of his victory; for he wished to persuade all men, Asiatics and Greeks alike, that in the skirmish when he and his brother met he himself had been wounded by Cyrus, but had struck him dead. He therefore condemned Mithridates to the punishment of the boat. This is as follows:--Two wooden boats are made, which fit together. The criminal is placed on his back in one of them, and then the other is placed over him, and the two are fastened so as to leave his head, feet, and hands outside, but covering all the rest of his body. They give him food, and if he refuses it, they force him to eat it by pricking his eyes. When he has eaten they pour a mixture of milk and honey into his mouth and over his face. They then keep turning his eyes towards the sun, his whole face becomes completely covered with flies. As all his evacuations are necessarily contained within the boat, worms and maggots are generated from the corruption, which eat into his body; for when the man is certainly dead, they take off the upper boat and find all his flesh eaten away, and swarms of these animals clinging to his bowels and devouring them. In this way Mithridates died, after enduring his misery for seventeen days. XVII. The only remaining object of the vengeance of Parysatis was Masabates, the king's eunuch who cut off the head and hand of Cyrus. As he gave no handle against himself, Parysatis devised the following plot against him. She was naturally a clever woman, and was fond of playing with the dice. Before the war, she had often played with dice with the king; and after the war when she became reconciled to him she took part in his amusements, played at games with him, encouraged his amours, and altogether permitted Statira to have but very little of his society; for Parysatis hated Statira more than any one else, and wished to have most influence with Artaxerxes herself. Finding Artaxerxes one day eager for amusement, as he had nothing to do, she challenged him to play for a thousand darics. She purposely allowed her son to win, and paid him the money: and then pretending to be vexed at her loss, called on him to cast the dice afresh for a eunuch. Artaxerxes agreed, and they agreed to play upon the condition that each of them should set apart five of their most trusty eunuchs, and that the winner was to have his choice of the rest. On these terms they played; and Parysatis, who gave the closest attention to her game, and was also favoured by fortune, won, and chose Masabates, who was not one of the excepted ones. Before the king suspected her purpose she had Masabates arrested, and delivered him to the executioners with orders to flay him alive, impale his body sideways upon three stakes, and hang up his skin separately. This was done; and as the king was greatly grieved at it and was angry with her, she smiled and said ironically: "How pleasant and well-mannered you are, to be angry about a miserable old eunuch, whereas I have lost a thousand darics at dice and say nothing about it." The king, though he was sorry to have been so cheated, yet remained quiet; but Statira, who indeed often on other occasions openly braved Parysatis, was very indignant with her for so cruelly and unjustly putting the king's faithful eunuch to death for Cyrus's sake. XVIII. When Tissaphernes betrayed Klearchus and the other generals, broke his plighted word, seized them and sent them away in chains, Ktesias tells us that Klearchus asked him to provide him with a comb. When Klearchus received it and combed his hair with it, he was so much pleased that he gave Ktesias his ring, to be a token to all Klearchus's friends and relatives in Lacedæmon of his friendship for Ktesias. The device engraved upon the ring was a dance of Karyatides. At first the soldiers who were imprisoned with Klearchus took away the provisions which were sent to him and ate them themselves, giving him but a small part of them. Ktesias says that he remedied this also, by arranging that a larger portion should be sent to Klearchus, and that a separate allowance should be given to the soldiers. All these services Ktesias states that he rendered in consequence of the favour of Parysatis for the captives, and at her instigation. He says, also, that as he sent Klearchus a joint of meat daily in addition to his other provisions, Klearchus begged him and assured him that it was his duty to hide a small dagger in the meat, and send it to him, and not to allow him to be cruelly put to death by the king; but he was afraid, and did not dare to do it. Ktesias says that the king's mother pleaded with him for the life of Klearchus, and that he agreed to spare him, and even swore to do so, but that he was again overruled by Statira, and put them all to death except Menon. It was in consequence of this, according to Ktesias, that Parysatis began to plot against Statira, and devised the plan for poisoning her, though it seems very unlikely that it was only for the sake of Klearchus that she dared to do such wickedness as to murder the lawful wife of her king, who was the mother of the heirs to the throne. But clearly all this was written merely for dramatic effect, to do honour to the memory of Klearchus. Ktesias writes, too, that when the generals were put to death the remains of the others were thrown away to be devoured by the dogs and fowls of the air; but that a violent storm of wind heaped much earth over the body of Klearchus, and that from some dates which were scattered around there soon sprung up a fair and shady grove above the place where he lay, so that the king sorely repented of what he had done, thinking that in Klearchus he had slain one who was a favourite of the gods. XIX. Parysatis, who had long been jealous of Statira and hated her, and who saw that her own power depended merely on the respect with which she was regarded by the king, who loved and trusted Statira, now determined to destroy her, though at the most terrible risk to herself. She had a faithful maid-servant, named Gigis, who was high in her favour, whom Deinon accuses of having assisted to administer the poison, though Ktesias says that she was only privy to the plot, and that against her will. Ktesias says that the man who procured the poison was named Belitaris, but Deinon calls him Melantas. Now the two queens, leaving off their former hatred and suspicion, began again to visit one another and to dine together, but yet mistrusted each other so much that they only ate the same food from the same dishes. There is in Persia a small bird, which has no excrements, but all its entrails are filled with solid fat; it is supposed that it feeds upon air and dew; the name of it is _rhyntakes_. Ktesias states that Parysatis cut this bird in two with a small knife, one side of which was smeared over with the poison. As she cut it, she wiped the poison off the blade on to one piece of the bird, which she gave to Statira, while she ate the untouched portion herself. Deinon, however, says that it was not Parysatis, but Melantas, who cut off the poisoned part of the meat and gave it to Statira. As Statira perished in dreadful agonies and convulsions, she herself perceived that she had been poisoned, and directed the suspicions of the king against his mother, knowing, as he did, her fierce and rancorous disposition. He at once began to search for the author of the crime, seized all his mother's servants and the attendants at her table, and put them to the torture, except Gigis, whom Parysatis kept for a long time at home with herself, and refused to deliver up, though afterwards, when Gigis begged to be sent to her own home, the king heard of it, laid an ambuscade, caught her, and condemned her to death. Poisoners are put to death in Persia in the following manner: their heads are placed upon a flat stone, and are then beaten with another stone until the face and skull is crushed. Gigis perished in this manner; but Artaxerxes said and did nothing to Parysatis, except that he sent her to Babylon, at her own request, saying that he himself should not see Babylon as long as she lived. Such were the domestic troubles of Artaxerxes. XX. Though the king was as anxious to get the Greek troops, who accompanied Cyrus, into his power as he had been to conquer Cyrus himself and to save his throne, yet he could not do so: for though they had lost their leader, Cyrus, and all their generals, yet they got away safe after having penetrated almost as far as the king's palace itself, proving clearly to the world that the Persian empire, in spite of all its gold and luxury and beautiful women, was mere empty bombast without any real strength. Upon this all Greece took courage and despised the Asiatics, while the Lacedæmonians felt that it would be a disgrace to them not to set free the enslaved Greeks of Asia Minor, and put a stop to the insolence of the Persians. Their army was at first commanded by Thimbron, and afterwards by Derkyllidas, but as neither of these effected anything of importance, they entrusted the conduct of the war to their king Agesilaus. He crossed over to Asia with the fleet, and at once began to act with vigour. He gained much glory, defeated Tissaphernes, and set free the Greek cities from the Persians. Artaxerxes, upon this, having carefully considered how it would be best for him to contend with the Greeks, sent Timokrates of Rhodes into Greece with a large sum of money, and ordered him to corrupt the most important persons in each city by offering bribes to them, and to stir up the Greeks to make war against Lacedæmon. Timokrates did so, and as the greatest states formed a league, and Peloponnesus was in great confusion, the government ordered Agesilaus to return from Asia. On his departure on this occasion he is said to have remarked to his friends that he was being driven out of Asia by the King of Persia with thirty thousand archers; for the Persian coins bear the device of an archer. XXI. Artaxerxes also chased the Lacedæmonians from the sea, making use for this purpose of Konon, the Athenian, as his admiral in conjunction with Pharnabazus. Konon, after the battle of Ægospotami, had retired to Cyprus, where he remained, not so much in order to ensure his own safety as to watch for a favourable opportunity, as one waits for the turn of the tide. Observing that while he possessed skill without power, the King of Persia possessed power without an able man to direct it, he wrote a letter to the king expressing these ideas. He ordered the man who carried the letter to make it reach the king, if possible, by the hands of Zeno the Cretan, or of Polykritus of Mende. Of these men, Zeno was a dancer, and Polykritus a physician. If these men should be absent he ordered the man to give the letter to Ktesias the physician. It is said that Ktesias received the letter and that he added to what Konon had written a paragraph bidding the king send Ktesias to him, as he would be a useful person to superintend naval operations. Ktesias, however, says that the king of his own accord appointed him to this service. Artaxerxes, now, by means of Pharnabazus and Konon, gained the sea-fight of Knidos, deprived the Lacedæmonians of the empire of the sea, and established so great an ascendancy over the Greeks that he was able to conclude with them the celebrated peace which was known as the peace of Antalkidas. This Antalkidas was a Spartan, the son of Leon; and he being entirely in the interests of the King of Persia, prevailed upon the Lacedæmonians to allow him to possess all the Greek cities in Asia, and all the islands off the coast, as his subjects and tributaries, as the result of the peace, if that can be called a peace, which was really an insult and betrayal of Greece to the enemy; for no war could have ended more disgracefully for the vanquished. XXII. It follows from this that Artaxerxes, who, we learn from Deinon, always disliked all other Spartans, and thought them the most insolent of mankind, when he visited Persia, showed especial favour to Antalkidas. Once, after dinner, he took a garland of flowers, dipped it in the most valuable perfume, and sent it to Antalkidas. All men wondered at this mark of favour; but, it appears, Antalkidas was just the man to receive such presents, and to be corrupted by the luxury of the Persians, as he did not scruple to disgrace the memory of Leonidas and Kalikratidas by his conduct among them. When some one said to Agesilaus, "Alas for Hellas, when the Lacedæmonians are Medising." Agesilaus answered "Is it not rather the Medes that are Laconising." Yet the cleverness of this retort did not take away the disgrace of the transaction, for, though the Lacedæmonians lost their empire at the battle of Leuktra by their bad generalship, yet the glory of Sparta was lost before, by that shameful treaty. While Sparta was the leading state in Greece, Artaxerxes made Antalkidas his guest, and spoke of him as his friend; but when after the defeat at Leuktra the Lacedæmonians were humbled to the dust, and were in such distress for money that they sent Agesilaus to Egypt to serve for hire, Antalkidas again came to the court of Artaxerxes to beg him to help the Lacedæmonians. But Artaxerxes treated him with such neglect, and so contemptuously refused his request, that Antalkidas, on his return, jeered at by his enemies, and afraid moreover of the anger of the Ephors, starved himself to death. There went also to the King of Persia Ismenias of Thebes, and Pelopidas who had just won the battle of Leuktra. Pelopidas would not disgrace himself by any show of servility; but Ismenias, when ordered to do reverence to the king, dropped his ring, and then stooped to pick it up, so that he appeared to bow to the earth before him. Artaxerxes was so much pleased with Timagoras of Athens, who gave some secret intelligence in a letter which he sent by a secretary named Beluris, that he gave him a thousand darics, and, as he was in weak health and required milk sent eighty milch cows to accompany him. He also sent him a bed with bed-clothes and attendants to make it, as though Greeks did not know how, and bearers to carry him in a litter down to the sea-coast, on account of his indisposition. When he was at court, also, the king sent him a magnificent banquet, so that the king's brother, Ostanes, said to him, "Timagoras, remember this table; for it is not for slight services that it is so splendidly set out." This he said rather to reproach him for his treachery than to remind him to be grateful. However, the Athenians put Timagoras to death for taking bribes from the king. XXIII. Although many of the acts of Artaxerxes grieved the Greeks, yet they were delighted with one of them, for he put to death Tissaphernes, their bitterest enemy. This he did in consequence of an intrigue of Parysatis; for Artaxerxes did not long continue angry with his mother, but became reconciled with her, and sent for her to his court, as he felt that her understanding and spirit would help him to govern, while there remained no further causes of variance between them. Henceforth she endeavoured in everything to please the king, and gained great influence with him by never opposing any of his wishes. She now perceived that he was violently enamoured of one of his own daughters, named Atossa, but that, chiefly on his mother's account, he concealed his love and restrained himself, though some historians state that he had already had some secret commerce with the girl. When Parysatis suspected this, she caressed the girl more than ever, and was continually praising her beauty and good qualities to the king, saying that she was a noble lady and fit to be a queen. At last she persuaded him into marrying the girl and proclaiming her as his lawful wife, disregarding the opinions and customs of the Greeks, and declaring that he himself was a law to the Persians and able to decide for himself what was right and wrong. Some writers, however, amongst whom is Herakleides of Kyme, state that Artaxerxes, besides Atossa, married another of his daughters, named Amestris, of whom I shall shortly afterwards make mention. Atossa lived with her father as his wife, and was so much beloved by him, that when leprosy broke out over her body he was not at all disgusted with her, but prayed for her to Hera alone of all the goddesses, prostrating himself in her temple and grasping the earth with his hands, while he ordered his satraps and friends to send so many presents to the goddess, that all the space between the palace and the temple, a distance of sixteen stadia (two English miles) was filled with gold and silver, and horses, and purple dyed stuffs. XXIV. He appointed Pharnabazus and Iphikrates to conduct a war against Egypt,[584] which failed through the dissensions of the generals; and he himself led an army of three hundred thousand foot and ten thousand horse against the Kadousians.[585] On this occasion he insensibly placed himself in a position of great peril as he entered a difficult and foggy country, which produces no crops that grow from seed, but is inhabited by a fierce and warlike race of men who feed upon apples, pears, and other fruits which are found upon trees. No provisions could be found in this country, nor yet be brought into it from without, and the army was reduced to slaughtering the beasts of burden, so that an ass's head sold for more than sixty drachmas. The king's own table was scantily furnished; and but few of the horses remained alive, all the rest having been eaten. At this crisis Teribazus, a man who had often made himself the first man in the state by his bravery, and as often fallen into disrepute by folly, and who was then in a very humble and despicable position, saved both the king and his army. The Kadousians had two kings, each of whom occupied a separate camp. Teribazus, after having explained to Artaxerxes what he was about to do, himself went to one of these camps, and sent his son to the other. Each of them deceived the king to whom he went, by saying that the other king was about to send an embassy to Artaxerxes, offering to make peace and contract an alliance with him for himself alone. "If, then, you are wise," said they, "you will be beforehand with your rival, and I will manage the whole affair for you." Both of the kings were imposed upon in this manner, and, in their eagerness to steal a march upon one another, one of them sent ambassadors to the Persians with Teribazus, and the other with his son. As Teribazus was a long while absent, Artaxerxes began to suspect his fidelity, and he fell into a very desponding condition, regretting that he had trusted Teribazus, and listening to his detractors. When, however, Teribazus arrived, and his son arrived also, each bringing ambassadors from the Kadousians, and a treaty of peace was concluded, Teribazus became again a great and important personage. In this campaign Artaxerxes proved that cowardice and effeminacy arise only from a depraved disposition and natural meanness of spirit, not, as the vulgar imagine, from wealth and luxury; for in spite of the splendid dress and ornaments, valued at twelve thousand talents, which he always wore, the king laboured as hard, and suffered as great privations, as any common soldier, never mounting his horse, but always leading the way on foot up steep and rugged mountain paths, with his quiver on his shoulder, and his shield on his left arm, so that all the rest were inspirited and encouraged by seeing his eagerness and vigour; for he accomplished every day a march of upwards of two hundred stadia. XXV. When during cold weather the army, encamped in a royal domain, which was full of parks and fine trees, while all the rest of the country was bare and desert, he permitted the soldiers to gather wood from the royal park, and gave them leave to cut down the trees, without sparing either fir trees or cypresses. As they hesitated, and wished to spare the trees because of their size and beauty, he himself took an axe and cut down the largest and finest tree of all. After this they provided themselves with wood, lighted many fires, and passed a comfortable night. On his return from this campaign he found that he had lost many brave men, and almost all his horses. He fancied that he was regarded with contempt because of his failure, and began to view all the great men of the kingdom with suspicion. Many of them he put to death in anger, but more because he feared them--for fear makes kings cruel, while cheerful confidence renders them gentle, merciful, and unsuspicious. For this reason, the beasts that start at the least noise are the most difficult to tame, while those which are of a more courageous spirit have more confidence and do not shrink from men's advances. XXVI. Artaxerxes, who was now very old, perceived that his sons were caballing with their friends and with the chief nobles of the kingdom to secure the succession. The more respectable of these thought that Artaxerxes ought to leave the crown to his eldest son Darius, as he himself had inherited it, but Ochus his younger son, who was of a vehement and fierce disposition, had a very considerable party, who were ready to support his claims, and hoped to be able to influence his father by means of Atossa; for he paid her especial attention, and gave out that he intended to marry her and make her his queen after his father's death. It was even said that he intrigued with her during his father's life. Artaxerxes knew nothing of this: but as he wished to cut off the hopes of Ochus at once, for fear that he might do as Cyrus had done, and again plunge the kingdom in wars and disorders, he proclaimed Darius his heir, and allowed him to wear his tiara erect. There is a custom among the Persians that whoever is declared heir to the throne may ask for anything that he pleases, and that the king who has nominated him must, if possible, grant his request. Darius, in accordance with this custom, asked for Aspasia, the favourite of Cyrus, who was at that time living in the harem of Artaxerxes. This lady was a native of the city of Phokæa in Ionia, born of free parents, and respectably brought up. When she was introduced to Cyrus at supper, with several other women, the others sat down beside him, permitted him to touch them and sport with them, and were not offended at his familiarities, but she stood in silence near the couch on which Cyrus reclined, and refused to come to him when he called her. When his chamberlains approached her, meaning to bring her to him by force, she said, "Whoever lays hands on me shall smart for it." The company thought her very rude and ill-mannered, but Cyrus was pleased with her spirits, and said, with a smile, to the man who had brought her, "Do you not see that this is the only ladylike and respectable one of them all." After this he became much attached to her, loved her above all other women, and used to call her "Aspasia the wise." When Cyrus fell and his camp was plundered she was taken prisoner. XXVII. Now, Darius vexed his father by asking for this lady; for the Persians are excessively jealous about their women; indeed, not only all who approach and speak to one of the king's concubines, but even any one who drives past or crosses their litters on the high road, is punished with death. Yet, Artaxerxes, through sheer passion, had made Atossa his wife, and kept three hundred most beautiful concubines. However, when Darius made this request, he replied that Aspasia was a free woman, and said that if she was willing he might take her, but that he would not force her to go against her will. When she was sent for, as she, contrary to the king's expectation, chose to go to Darius, the king let her go, for the law compelled him to do so, but he soon afterwards took her away from him again: for he appointed her priestess of the temple of Artemis, called Anäitis, at Ekbatana, in order that she might spend the rest of her life in chastity. This he considered to be not a harsh, but rather a playful way of reproving his son; but Darius was much enraged at it, either because he was so deeply enamoured of Aspasia, or because he thought that he was being wantonly insulted by his father. Teribazus, perceiving his anger, confirmed him in it, because he saw in the treatment which Darius had received the counterpart of that which had befallen himself. The king, who had several daughters, promised Apama to Pharnabazus, Rhodogoune to Orontes, and Amestris to Teribazus. He kept his word with the two former, but broke it to Teribazus by marrying Amestris himself, and betrothing his youngest daughter Atossa to him in her stead. When, as has been related, he fell in love with her also and married her, Teribazus became bitterly enraged against him, being of an unstable and fickle disposition, without any steady principles. For this reason he never could bear either bad or good fortune, but at one time he was honoured as one of the greatest men in the kingdom, and then swaggered insufferably, while when he was disgraced and reduced to poverty he could not bear his reverse of fortune with a good grace, but became insolent and offensive. XXVIII. It may be imagined that the company of Teribazus was to Darius as fuel to fire, for Teribazus was constantly repeating to him that it was of no use for him to wear his tiara upright if he did not mean to advance his own interests, and that he was a fool if he imagined that he could inherit the crown without a struggle when his brother was bringing female influence to bear to secure his own succession, and when his father was in such a vacillating and uncertain frame of mind. He who could break the laws of the Persians--which may not be broken--out of his passion for a Greek girl, cannot be urged, be trusted, to keep the most important engagements. It was, moreover, a very different thing for Ochus not to obtain the crown, and for him to be deprived of it, for there was no reason why Ochus should not live happily in a private station, whereas he, having been appointed heir to the throne, must either become king or perish. Generally speaking, perhaps we may say with Sophocles, "Swift runneth evil counsel to its goal," for men find the path smooth and easy towards what they desire, and most men desire what is wrong, because of their ignorance and low mindedness. Yet, besides all these considerations, the greatness of the empire, and the fear with which Ochus inspired Darius, also afforded arguments to Teribazus. Nor was the goddess of Love entirely blameless in the matter, for Darius was already incensed at the loss of Aspasia. XXIX. He, therefore, placed himself entirely in the hands of Teribazus; and many joined in their conspiracy. But the plot was betrayed to the king by a eunuch, who had a perfect knowledge of their plans, and knew that they had determined to break into the king's chamber by night and murder him in his bed. When Artaxerxes heard this he was perplexed; for he felt that it would be wrong for him to neglect the information which he had received of so great a danger, and yet that it would be even worse to believe the eunuch's story without any proofs of its truth. He therefore ordered the eunuch to join the conspirators, and to enter his chamber with them. Meanwhile he had a door made in the wall behind his bed, and concealed it with tapestry. When the appointed time arrived, of which he was warned by the eunuch, he lay upon his bed, and did not rise before he had seen the faces of the conspirators and clearly recognised each of them. But when he saw them draw their daggers and rush upon him, he quickly raised the tapestry, passed into the inner room, and slammed the door, crying aloud for help. The would-be murderers, having been seen by the king, but having effected nothing, rushed away through the gates of the palace, and especially warned Teribazus to fly, as he had been distinctly seen. The others dispersed and escaped, but Teribazus was surrounded, and after killing many of the king's body guard with his own hand was at last despatched by a javelin hurled from a distance. Darius and his children were brought before a court formed of the royal judges, who were appointed by the king to try him. As the king himself did not appear but impeached him by proxy, he ordered clerks to write down the decision of each judge and to bring it to him. As all decided alike, and sentenced Darius to death, the officers of the court removed him into a prison hard by. The executioner now came, bearing in his hand the razor, with which the heads of criminals are cut off, but when he saw Darius he was dismayed, and ran back to the door with his face averted, declaring that he could not and dared not lay hands upon his king. As, however, he was met outside by the judges, who threatened him and ordered him to do his duty, he returned, took hold of Darius's hair with his left hand, dragged down his head, and severed his neck with the razor. Some historians state that the king himself was present at the trial, and that Darius, when proved guilty, fell on his face and begged for mercy: at which the king sprung up in anger, drew his dagger, and stabbed him mortally. They add that Artaxerxes, after he had returned to his palace, came forward publicly, did obeisance to the sun, and then said aloud, "Men of Persia, be of good cheer, and go, tell the rest of my subjects that the great Oromasdes has executed judgment upon those who formed a wicked and treasonable plot." XXX. This was the end of the conspiracy; and now Ochus was encouraged by Atossa to form high hopes, though he still feared his remaining legitimate brother Ariaspes, and his natural brother Arsames. The Persians wished Ariaspes to be their king, not because he was older than Ochus, but because he was of a gentle and kind disposition; while Ochus observed that Arsames was of a keen intellect, and was especially beloved by his father. He, therefore, plotted against both of them, and as he was by nature both crafty and cruel, he indulged his cruelty in his treatment of Arsames, while he made use of his cunning to ruin Ariaspes. He kept sending to this latter eunuchs and friends of the king, who, with an affection of secrecy, continually told him frightful tales of how his father had determined to put him to death with every circumstance of cruelty and insult. These messengers, by daily communicating these fabrications to him, saying that the king was on the very eve of carrying them into operation, threw the unhappy man into such a terrible state of despair and excitement of mind that he ended his life by poison. The king, on hearing of the manner of his death, lamented for him, and had some suspicions about how he came by his end; but as he was unable to verify them and discover the truth, on account of his great age, he attached himself all the more warmly to Arsames, so that he was well known to trust and confide in him above all others. Yet, Ochus was not discouraged by this, but finding a suitable instrument in Arpates the son of Teribazus, induced him to assassinate Arsames. Artaxerxes, when this happened, was so old that his life hung by a mere thread; and when this last blow fell, he could bear up no longer, but sunk at once through grief and misery. He lived ninety-four years, and reigned sixty-two, and was thought to be a mild prince, and a lover of his subjects, though this was chiefly because of his successor, Ochus, who was the most savage and cruel tyrant that ever ruled in Persia. LIFE OF ARATUS. I. It seems to me, my Polykrates, that it was in order to avoid the ill-omened sound of the old proverb, that the philosopher Chrysippus altered it into what he thought a better version: "Who vaunt their fathers, save the best of sons?" but Dionysodorus of Troezene proves him to be wrong, and restores the proverb to its original form: "Who vaunt their fathers, save the worst of sons?" and explains that the proverb was intended to apply to those who are utterly worthless in themselves, but who shelter their own evil lives behind the virtues of their ancestors, and who pride themselves on their ancestors' glory as though it were their own. Yet, in one who, like yourself, "by birth inherits glory from a noble race," as Pindar has it, and who, as you do, imitates in his own life the noblest examples of his ancestry, may well take pleasure in discoursing upon the lives of well-born men, and in listening to the remarks of others about them. They do not depend for praise upon the lives of other men, because there is nothing to be admired in themselves, but they combine the glory of their ancestors with their own, and honour them both as having founded their families and as having set examples to be imitated. For this reason I have sent to you the life of Aratus, which I have compiled, not that I was not aware that you had carefully studied all his achievements and were well acquainted with them, but with the hope that your sons, Polykrates and Pythokles, might be brought up to imitate the glorious example of their forefathers, and might learn to walk in their footsteps by reading and discussing the history of their exploits. Indeed, to imagine that one has already arrived at perfection, argues self-conceit rather than true greatness of character. II. The city of Sikyon, as soon as it lost its original oligarchic Dorian constitution, became distracted by internal faction, and at last fell into the hands of a series of despotic rulers. After the last of these, named Kleon, had been put to death, the citizens placed the government in the hands of Timokleides and Kleinias, two of their most honourable and influential men. But as soon as a settled form of government began to be established, Timokleides died, and Abantidas, the son of Paseas, in order to obtain the supreme power for himself, assassinated Kleinias, and either banished or put to death all his relatives and friends. He endeavoured to kill Kleinias's son, Aratus, who was left an orphan at the age of seven; however, during the confusion which prevailed in the house, the child wandered out into the city, and, terrified and helpless, made his way unnoticed into the house of Soso, Abantidas's sister, whose husband was Prophantus, the brother of Kleinias. She was naturally a high-souled lady, and thought also that the child must have been directed by heaven to take refuge in her house. She hid him from his enemies, and that night sent him away to Argos. III. This adventurous escape from so terrible a danger produced in the mind of Aratus the fiercest hatred of all despots. He was brought up by his father's friends at Argos in a manner becoming his birth, and as he grew up tall and strong, he devoted himself to gymnastic exercises in the palæstra, and even gained a crown for success in the pentathlum. We can trace the effects of this training in his statues, which represent an intellectual and commanding countenance, and also the effects of the liberal diet and work[586] with the spade practised by the professional athlete. For this reason he paid less attention to oratory than became a public man; yet he was a better speaker than some suppose, which is proved by the study of his hastily and plainly-written memoirs. As time went on, Deinias and Aristotle the logician formed a plot against Abantidas, who was accustomed to come and spend his leisure time in the open market-place with them, listening to their discourse and arguing with them. They drew him into a discussion and assassinated him. He was succeeded by his father, Paseas, who was soon treacherously slain by Nikokles, who now declared himself despot of Sikyon. We are told that this man was singularly like Periander, the son of Kypselus, just as the Persian Orontes bore a striking resemblance to Alkmæon, the son of Amphiaraus, and a certain young Spartan so closely resembled Hector, that he was trampled to death by the multitudes who came to see him and satisfy their curiosity. IV. Nikokles reigned four months, during which time he did the city much hurt, and very nearly lost it to the Ætolians, who had formed a plot to surprise it. Aratus was now nearly grown up, and possessed great influence, both on account of his noble birth, and because he was already well known to be possessed of an enterprising spirit, combined with a prudence beyond his years. In consequence of this, all the other Sikyonian exiles looked upon him as their leader, and Nikokles himself regarded him with apprehension, and quietly took precautions against him, never supposing that he would attempt so audacious an enterprise as he did, but thinking he would probably make overtures to some of the successors of Alexander, who had been guests[587] and friends of his father. Indeed, Aratus did attempt to obtain assistance from some of them; but since Antigonus, though he promised his aid, temporised and hesitated to act, and his hopes from Egypt and Ptolemy were too remote, he determined to overthrow the despot alone. V. The first persons to whom he communicated his design were Aristomachus and Ekdelus, of whom the former was an exile from Sikyon, while Ekdelus was an Arcadian of Megalopolis, a man of culture as well as of action, who had been an intimate friend of Arkesilaus, the Academic philosopher at Athens. As both these men readily accepted his proposals, Aratus began to discuss the project with the other exiles. Some few felt ashamed to abandon all hope of restoration to their country, and joined Aratus, but most of them tried to hinder him from making the attempt, alleging that his daring was the result of inexperience. While Aratus was meditating whether he could not seize some strong place within the territory of Sikyon, and make it the base of his operations against the despot, there came to Argos a certain Sikyonian who had escaped from prison. This man was the brother of Xenokles, one of the exiles; and when brought to Aratus by his brother, told him that the city wall, at the place where he himself climbed over it and made his escape, was very nearly level with the ground on the inside, as it was built up against high and rocky ground, while on the outside it was not so high as to be beyond the reach of scaling-ladders. Aratus, when he heard this, sent Xenokles with two of his own servants, named Seuthas and Technon, to reconnoitre the spot, for he was determined, if possible, to risk everything by one sudden and secret assault, rather than openly to engage in what might prove a long and tedious war, waged, as it would be by a private man against the despotic ruler of a state. Xenokles, on his return, reported that he had measured the height of the walls, and that the ground presented no difficulties for their attempt, but he said that it would be difficult to reach the place unobserved, because of the dogs of a gardener who dwelt near, which, though small, were peculiarly ferocious and savage. Upon hearing this, Aratus at once began to prepare for the attempt. VI. The use of arms was, at that period, familiar to all men, because of the constant marauding incursions which each state continually made upon the territory of its neighbours. The scaling-ladders were made openly by Euphranor the carpenter, one of the exiles, whose trade enabled him to construct them without exciting suspicion. The Argive friends of Aratus each contributed ten men from their own households; while he himself was able to arm thirty slaves of his own. He also hired from Xenokrilus, the well-known captain of robbers, a small band of soldiers, who were told that the object of the incursion into the Sikyonian territory was to carry off some horses belonging to King Antigonus. Most of the band were ordered to make their way in scattered parties to the tower of Polygnotus, and there to wait for their leaders. Kaphisias, in light marching order, with four others, was sent on in advance, with instructions to present himself at the house of the gardener about nightfall. Under the pretext of being wayfaring men seeking for hospitality, they were to obtain lodgings there for the night, and secure both the man and his dogs, for unless this was done it would be impossible to reach the walls. The scaling-ladders, which were made to take to pieces, were packed in chests, covered over, and sent forward in waggons. Meanwhile, as several spies sent by Nikokles had appeared in Argos, who were said to be quietly watching the movements of Aratus, he rose at daybreak, and spent the day in the open market-place, conversing with his friends. Towards evening he anointed himself in the palæstra, and then went home, taking with him several of the companions with whom he was accustomed to drink and amuse himself. Soon after this his servants were seen crossing the market-place, one carrying garlands, another buying torches, and another bargaining with the female musicians who were wont to attend at banquets. The spies, seeing all these preparations, were deceived and laughingly said to one another, "Surely there is nothing more cowardly than a tyrant, if Nikokles, with such a city and armed force at his disposal, really fears this youth, who wastes the income on which he has to subsist in exile, on amusements and on wine parties before it is even dark." VII. Thus the spies were thrown off their guard; but Aratus, immediately after supper, sallied forth, met his men at the tower of Polygnotus, and led them to Nemea where he explained, to most of them for the first time, what he was about to attempt. After promising them rewards in case of success, and addressing to them a few words of encouragement, he gave Propitious Apollo as the watchword, and proceeded towards the city, regulating his march according to the moon, so that he was able to make use of its light to march by, and when it was setting arrived at the garden outside the walls. Here Kaphisias met him, with the news that he had not been able to secure the dogs, which had run away, but that he had locked up the gardener in his house. On hearing this most of the conspirators became disheartened, and demanded to be led back again; but Aratus pacified them by promising that, if the dogs attacked them and gave the alarm, he would give up the attempt. He now sent forward a party with the scaling-ladders, under the command of Ekdelus and Mnesitheus, and himself proceeded at a leisurely pace. The dogs at once set upon the party under Ekdelus, and kept up a continuous barking; nevertheless they reached the wall and placed the ladders against it undisturbed. While the foremost were mounting, the officer who was being relieved by the morning guard passed that way carrying a bell, and there was a great flashing of lights and trampling of marching soldiers. The conspirators remained where they were, crouching upon their ladders, and without difficulty escaped the notice of this patrol, but they were terribly near being discovered by a second body of guards marching in the opposite direction. As soon as this also had passed by without noticing them, the leaders, Mnesitheus and Ekdelus, at once mounted upon the walls, secured the passage along the walls both on the right and on the left, and despatched Technon to Aratus, bidding him hasten to the spot. VIII. At no great distance from the garden there stood a tower upon the walls, in which a great hound was kept for a watch. This hound had not noticed the approach of the escalading party, either because he was dull of hearing, or because he was tired with exercise the day before. When, however, the gardener's little dogs roused him by their clamour at the foot of the wall, he at first set up a low growling, and then, as the party drew nearer, began to bark furiously. He made so much noise that the sentry on the next tower called out in a loud voice to the huntsman in charge of the dog, asking him at what the hound was barking so savagely, and whether anything was wrong. The huntsman replied from his tower that all was well, only that the hound had been disturbed by the lights of the patrol and the sound of their bell. This gave great encouragement to Aratus's party, who imagined that the huntsman spoke thus because he had seen them and wished to screen them from observation and assist their plot, and that many others in the city might be willing to do the same. Yet, the scaling of the walls was a long and dangerous operation, as the ladders were too weak to bear the weight of more than one man mounting slowly at a time, yet time pressed, for the cocks had already begun to crow, and soon the country people might be expected to arrive, bringing their wares to market. So, now, Aratus, himself hastily mounted, after forty of his men had reached the top, and while the remainder were still mounting, he marched straight to the despot's house, and the guard-room in which his mercenary troops passed the night. By a sudden assault he took them all prisoners without killing one of them, and at once sent messengers to summon his own friends from their houses. Day was breaking while they assembled, and soon the theatre was filled with an excited crowd without any distinct idea of what was happening, until a herald came forward and announced to the people that Aratus, the son of Kleinias, invited his fellow-citizens to regain their liberty. IX. The people now, at last, believed that their long-looked-for deliverers had indeed come, and rushed in a body to set fire to the despot's house. The burning house made such a prodigious blaze that it was seen as far as Corinth, where the citizens were so much astonished, that they were within a little of setting out to rescue Sikyon from the flames. Nikokles himself escaped by a subterranean passage, and got clear away from the city, and his soldiers, with the assistance of the citizens, put out the fire and plundered his house. Aratus did not attempt to stop this proceeding, and distributed the remainder of the despot's treasure among the citizens. No one was killed or wounded, either of the attacking or defending party, but by good fortune this great exploit was accomplished without spilling a drop of blood. Aratus now restored the citizens whom Nikokles had banished, who were eighty in number, and also those who had been driven into exile by his predecessors, who amounted to no less than five hundred. These latter had been forced to wander from place to place for a period of nearly fifty years. They now returned, very poor for the most part, and at once laid claim to the property which had once been theirs. Their attempts to gain possession of their houses and lands caused the greatest disquietude to Aratus, who saw the city plotted against from without, and viewed with dislike by Antigonus on account of its free constitution, while within it was full of faction and disturbance. Under these circumstances he did what he thought was best, by making the city a member of the Achæan league: and the people of Sikyon, Dorians as they were, willingly adopted the name and entered into the confederacy of the Achæans, who at that time were neither famous nor powerful. Most of them dwelt in small towns, and their territory was both confined and unproductive, while the sea-shore, near which they lived, was without harbours, and for the most part exposed to a terrible surf. Yet these men, more than any others, proved that Greeks are invincible wherever they are collected into regularly organised communities, and with a capable general to lead them. They were but an insignificant fraction of the mighty Greece of former times, and had not altogether the strength of one single considerable city; yet, by wise counsel and agreement among themselves, and by following and obeying their greatest man, instead of being jealous of his power, they not only preserved their own liberties, although surrounded by so many powerful cities and despots, but were constantly able to assist the rest of the Greeks in recovering and defending their freedom. X. Aratus was by nature a politician, and was of a magnanimous disposition, more careful of the interests of the state than of his own. He regarded all despots with a peculiarly rancorous hatred, but in respect to other persons, made his personal likes and dislikes subordinate to the good of his country. For this reason his zeal for his friends does not appear to have been so remarkable as his mild and forgiving treatment of his enemies; for he regulated his private feelings entirely by considerations of public expediency. He loved to form alliances between states, to connect cities into confederations, and to teach the leaders and the people alike to act together with unanimity. Singularly timid and faint-hearted in open war and in battles fought by daylight, he nevertheless was most dexterous at planning surprises, winning cities, and overthrowing despots. For this reason he often succeeded in his rashest enterprises, and often, through excessive caution, failed when success would have been comparatively easy. Some wild animals see best in the dark, and are nearly blind during the daytime, because the moist nature of their eyes cannot endure the dry and searching rays of the sun; and so, too, it appears that some men lose their courage and are easily disconcerted when they are fighting openly in broad daylight, but yet recover all their bravery as soon as they engage in secret stratagems and midnight surprises. These anomalies must be attributed to a want of philosophic reflection in noble minds, which effect great things naturally, and without acting by rule or method, just as we see good fruit produced by wild and uncultivated trees. I will now proceed to prove this by examples. XI. Aratus, after he had joined himself and his native city to the Achæan league, served in the cavalry force, and made himself generally beloved by the ready obedience which he showed to his commanders; for he, although he had rendered the league such important services in putting his own illustrious name and the power of the city of Sikyon at its disposal, yet, as if he were a mere private man, obeyed whoever might be in command, even though he were a citizen of Dyme, or of Tritæa, or even some more insignificant city. Aratus was now presented with the sum of five-and-twenty talents by the king.[588] This he received, but spent it all on relieving his destitute fellow-countrymen, and in ransoming them from slavery. XII. As the returned exiles could not be withheld from attacking those whom they found in possession of their property, and by doing so seemed likely to bring the state to ruin, Aratus, thinking that nothing but the kindness of Ptolemy could save his country, started upon a voyage to Egypt, to beg the king to furnish him with a sum of money, by means of which he might persuade the contending parties to come to an amicable agreement. He started from the port of Mothone, and sailed beyond Cape Millea, meaning to cross directly over the sea to Egypt. However, the sea was very rough, and the wind contrary, which, caused the captain of the ship to bear up, and run along the coast until, with great difficulty, he reached Adria,[589] which was an enemy's country, for it was in the possession of Antigonus, who had placed a Macedonian garrison in it. Aratus contrived to keep out of the way of the garrison, and, leaving the ship, proceeded a long way inland, accompanied by one single friend, named Timanthes. They concealed themselves in a thick wood, and passed the night as best they could. Shortly afterwards the Macedonian officer in charge appeared, and endeavoured to find Aratus, but was put off the scent by the slaves of Aratus, who had been instructed to say that their master, as soon as he left them, had sailed in another vessel bound to Euboea. However, the Macedonian declared the cargo, the vessel, and the slaves to be a lawful prize, as being enemy's property, and detained them as such. A few days after this, when Aratus was almost at his wit's end, by good fortune a Roman ship touched at the place where he was spending his time in looking out for means of escape by sea, and in trying to conceal himself from his enemies on land. The ship was bound for Syria, but Aratus would not sail in it until he had persuaded the captain to land him in Karia. On his voyage thither he again encountered great dangers: but at length he succeeded in obtaining a passage from Karia to Egypt, where he was warmly received by the king, who had always had a favourable opinion of him, and who had lately received from him many drawings and paintings by Greek artists. Aratus, who had considerable taste in these matters, constantly purchased and collected the works of the most skilful and famous painters, especially those of Pamphilus and Melanthus, and used to send them as presents to King Ptolemy. XIII. At that time the Sikyonian school of painting was still celebrated throughout Greece, and was thought more than any other to have preserved the purity of the ancient style. Even the great Apelles, when already famous, had come to Sikyon and paid a talent for some lessons from the masters there, although by doing so he hoped to increase his reputation rather than to improve his art. When Aratus set the city free, he at once destroyed all the portraits[590] of the despots, except that of Aristratus, who flourished in the time of Philip,[591] about which he hesitated for a long time; for the picture in which Aristratus was represented standing beside the chariot which won him a prize in the games, was the joint work of all the pupils of Melanthus, and we are told by Polemon the geographer, that some parts of it were painted by Apelles himself. The execution was so admirable that Aratus for a moment relented, but soon afterwards his fierce hatred of all the despots made him order it to be destroyed. However, Nealkes the painter, who was a friend of Aratus, interceded for the picture with tears, and as he could not move Aratus, at last said, "We ought to make war against despots themselves, but not against their surroundings. Let us leave the chariot and the figure of Victory, and I will deliver up Aristratus to you, by wiping him out of the picture." Aratus allowed Nealkes to do this, and he effaced the figure of Aristratus, and painted a palm tree in its place, without venturing to add anything else. It is said that after destroying the figure of Aristratus, the painter forgot his feet, and that they were still to be seen under the chariot. By presents of such paintings as these Aratus had already disposed Ptolemy to regard him with favour; and when they met, Aratus so charmed the king by his conversation that he received from him a present of one hundred and fifty talents for the use of his native city. Aratus carried forty talents home with him at once to Peloponnesus, and afterwards received the rest of the sum in instalments from the king. XIV. It was a truly great action for Aratus to bestow so much money upon his fellow-countrymen, especially at a time when for much smaller sums the kings were usually able to bribe the other chiefs and popular leaders to betray their native cities and sacrifice their constitutional liberties; but it was even more admirable that by means of this money he reconciled the rich and the poor, and saved the state from all the danger of revolution, while his own conduct was marked by the greatest moderation in spite of his enormous power. When he was appointed as sole arbitrator with unlimited authority, to decide upon the claims of the exiled families to their inheritances, he refused to act alone, and associated fifteen of the other citizens with himself, with whose help, after much labour and difficulty, he restored peace and union amongst his countrymen. For these services the state bestowed upon him fitting honours, but in addition to these the exiles gave him a special mark of their regard by erecting a brazen statue, upon which was inscribed the following verses:-- "For wisdom, valour, and great deeds in war Thy fame, Aratus, has been noised afar. We, that unhappy exiles were of late, Brought home by thee, this statute dedicate To all the gods who helped thee to restore Peace and goodwill amongst us as before." XV. By this important measure Aratus so thoroughly earned the gratitude of his countrymen as to be placed above the reach of party jealousy; but King Antigonus was much displeased at his success, and with the object either of making him his friend, or of causing him to be distrusted by Ptolemy, bestowed upon him several marks of favour, and when sacrificing to the gods at Corinth even sent some of the meat of the victim to Sikyon as a present for him. At dinner that evening he said aloud in the hearing of many guests: "I thought this young Sikyonian was merely a well-bred and patriotic youth; but it seems that he is a very shrewd judge of the lives and politics of us kings. At first he used to despise me, and looked beyond me to Egypt, because he had heard so much about the elephants and fleets of Ptolemy, and about the splendour of his court, but now that he has been admitted behind the scenes there and has discovered it to be all empty show and parade, he has thrown himself into my arms without reserve. So now I receive the youth into my own service, and shall employ him in all my affairs; and I beg you all to treat him as a friend." All those who were jealous of Aratus and who wished him ill, as soon as they heard these words, vied with one another in sending letters to Ptolemy, full of abuse of Aratus, until at length Ptolemy himself wrote to Aratus and reproached him for his disloyalty. So much jealousy and ill-feeling does the friendship of kings produce among those who most eagerly struggle to gain it. XVI. Aratus, who was now for the first time elected general of the Achæans, invaded and plundered the countries of Kalydonia and Lokris on the other side of the Corinthian gulf, but though he marched with ten thousand men to help the Boeotians he came too late to take part in the battle, in which they were defeated near Chæronea by the Ætolians. In this battle a thousand Boeotians perished, amongst whom was Aboeokritus the Boeotarch himself. Next year Aratus was again chosen general, and began to arrange his plot for the capture of the Akrocorinthus, or citadel of Corinth. He made this attempt not to benefit the Achæans, or his own city of Sikyon, but solely with the object of driving out the Macedonian garrison, which was established there as the common despot over all Greece. The Athenian Chares, after gaining some success in battle over the generals of the King of Persia, sent home a despatch to the Athenian people in which he declared that he had won the sister victory to that of Marathon: and this exploit of Aratus may be most truly described as sister to those of Pelopidas the Theban and of Thrasybulus the Athenian, in which they each killed the despots of their respective cities; except that this assault was not delivered against Greeks, but against a foreign and alien sovereignty. Now the isthmus, which bars out the two seas, connects together the two parts of our continent; but the Acrocorinthus, which is a lofty mountain placed in the middle of Greece, if it be held by an armed force, cuts off the land beyond the isthmus from all intercourse with the rest of Greece, whether for warlike or commercial purposes, and places the whole country at the mercy of the commander of its garrison; so that the younger Philip was not in jest but in earnest when he called the city of Corinth the "key of Greece." XVII. The possession of this place was always coveted by all princes and rulers, but the desire of Antigonus for it became a frantic passion, and his whole thoughts were occupied with plots to obtain it by stratagem, since it was hopeless to attempt to take it by force. After the death of Alexander,[592] who originally held it, and who, it is said, was poisoned by Antigonus, his wife Nikæa succeeded to his kingdom, and held the Acrocorinthus. Antigonus now at once sent his son Demetrius to her, and by holding out the dazzling prospect of a royal alliance and a handsome young husband to a woman somewhat past her prime, made a conquest of her by means of his son, whom he employed without scruple to tempt his victim. As, however, she would not give up the citadel, but kept it strongly guarded, Antigonus pretended to be indifferent to it, and prepared a wedding feast in Corinth, spending the whole day in attendance at spectacles and in wine-drinking, as if he had entirely given himself up to pleasure and enjoyment. When the time drew near for the attempt, he himself accompanied Nikæa to the theatre to hear Amoebeus sing. They were carried together in royal state in a splendidly ornamented litter, and she was delighted at the respect which he showed her, and was as far as possible from guessing his real purpose. When they arrived at the point where the road turned off towards the citadel, he begged her to proceed alone to the theatre, and without troubling himself further about Amoebeus or the marriage, ran up to the Acrocorinthus faster than one would have expected in a man of his age. Finding the gate shut, he knocked at it with his stick, bidding the garrison open it; and they, astounded at his audacity, threw it open. When he had thus obtained possession of the place he could no longer restrain himself, but although he was now an old man, and had experienced great vicissitudes of fortune, he drank wine and jumped for joy in the streets, and swaggered riotously across the market-place, crowned with flowers, and accompanied by singing-girls, greeting and shaking hands with every one whom he met. So true it is that unexpected joy disturbs the right balance of the mind more than either grief or terror. XVIII. Now Antigonus, having, as above related, gained possession of the Acrocorinthus, entrusted the place to some of his most faithful officers, among whom was Persæus the philosopher. Aratus, during the life of Alexander, had begun to form a plan for surprising the citadel, but desisted from his plot when Alexander became an ally of the Achæans. He now began to form fresh schemes, in the following manner:--There were in Corinth four brothers, Syrians by birth, one of whom, named Diokles, was serving in the garrison, and quartered in the citadel. The other three, having robbed the king's treasury, came to Sikyon to dispose of the plunder to a banker named Ægias, who was well known to Aratus from having had dealings with him. They disposed of a considerable part of their plunder at first, and afterwards, one of them, named Erginus, came quietly over from time to time with the remainder. In this way he became intimate with Ægias, and, being led on by him to talk about the citadel, said that when going up the hill to visit his brother, he had noticed a narrow path on one side, which led to the lowest part of the wall of the fortress. On hearing this, Ægias laughingly said to him, "My good sir, why do you rob the king's treasury to gain such pitiful sums of money, when you might gain great riches in a single hour? Do you not know that burglary and treachery are alike punished with death?" Erginus smiled at this, and agreed to sound his brother Diokles upon this point; for he could not, he said, place much confidence in the other two. In a few days he returned, undertook to lead Aratus to a part of the wall which was not more than fifteen feet high, and arranged that both he and his brother Diokles would do all in their power to assist him. XIX. Aratus promised that he would give them sixty talents if successful, and that, in case of failure, if he and they survived, he would give each of them a house and a talent. As the money had to be deposited with Ægias for the satisfaction of Erginus, Aratus, who did not possess the sum necessary, and who did not wish to lead others to suspect his design by borrowing, took the greater part of his own plate and his wife's jewels, and pledged them with Ægias for the money. Indeed, he was of so lofty a soul, and so passionately desirous of glory, that although he knew that Phokion and Epameinondas had gained the reputation of being the most just and noble of the Greeks, by refusing large bribes and not sacrificing honour to money, he preferred to expend his fortune secretly in enterprises in which he alone risked his life on behalf of the many, who did not even know what he was doing. Who, even in our own day, could refrain from admiring and longing to share the fortunes of a man who bought for himself so great a danger at so high a price, and who pawned the most valuable of his possessions in order that he might make his way into the fortress of his enemies by night and fight for his life there, gaining by his deposit the hope of glory, but nothing else? XX. The plot, dangerous enough in itself, was rendered even more so at its very outset by a blunder. Technon, the servant of Aratus, was sent to examine the wall together with Diokles. He had never before met Diokles, but imagining that he knew his appearance from Erginus's description of him as a man with close curly hair, a dark complexion, and no beard, went to the rendezvous, and waited outside the city, near the place called Ornis, for Erginus, who was to meet him there with his brother Diokles. In the meantime the brother of Erginus and Diokles, named Dionysius, who was not in the plot, and knew nothing of what was going on, happened to come up. He was very like Diokles, and Technon, influenced by the likeness, inquired of him if he were in any way connected with Erginus. As he answered that he was his brother, Technon was quite certain that he was addressing Diokles; and without asking his name or waiting for any further proof of identity he gave him his hand, spoke of the compact with Erginus, and asked him questions about it. He cleverly encouraged Technon in his error, agreed to everything that he said, and, turning round, walked with him towards the city without exciting his suspicions. When he was close to the gate, and had all but inveigled Technon through it, it chanced that Erginus met them. Perceiving the trick which his brother had played, and the danger in which Technon was placed, he warned him by a sign to make his escape, and both of them, running away at full speed, got safe back to Aratus. Yet he did not despair, but at once sent Erginus to take some money to Dionysius, and to beg him to hold his tongue. Erginus accomplished his commission, and brought Dionysius back with him to Aratus. When he arrived there they would not let him go again, but kept him a close prisoner, while they themselves prepared to make the attempt. XXI. When all was ready, Aratus ordered the greater part of his force to pass the night under arms, and himself with a chosen body of four hundred men, few of whom were in the secret, proceeded towards the gates of Corinth, near the temple of Hera. The time was the height of summer. The moon was at the full, and as the night was clear and cloudless, they began to fear that the light gleaming from their arms would betray them to the sentinels. However, when the leading men were near to the wall a fog came up from the sea, and enveloped the whole city and its neighbourhood. Now, the men all sat down and took off their shoes; for men who mount ladders with naked feet make very little noise and are not so liable to slip. Meanwhile Erginus, with seven youths dressed as wayfaring men, made his way up to the gate unsuspected. They killed the keeper of the gate, and the guard: while at the same time the scaling-ladders were placed against the walls. Aratus hastily crossed the walls with a hundred men. Bidding the remainder follow as fast as they could, he ordered the ladders to be drawn up, and, followed by his hundred men, ran through the town to the citadel, overjoyed at having got so far without raising an alarm, and already certain of success. While they were still some distance off, they met a patrol of four men carrying a light. These men could not see them because they were in the shadow of the moon, but the four men were clearly visible as they marched straight towards them. Aratus now drew his force a little aside among some ruins and low walls, so as to form an ambush, and set upon the men. Three were killed on the spot, but the fourth, though wounded in the head by a blow from a sword, ran away shouting that the enemy were within the walls. Soon after this trumpets were sounded, the whole city was disturbed, and all the streets became thronged with men running to and fro, while many lights appeared, some in the lower town, and some in the citadel above, and a confused murmur of voices was heard on every side. XXII. While this was going on, Aratus persevered in his march, and was toiling laboriously up the cliff. At first he proceeded slowly and with difficulty, without making any real progress, because he had entirely missed the path, which wound about under the shadow of the precipitous rocks by many turnings and windings up to the citadel. At this moment it is said that the moon shone through the clouds and threw her light upon the most difficult part of the ascent in a wonderful manner, until Aratus reached the part of the wall of the citadel which he wished to attack. When he was there, she again concealed and shaded her rays behind a barrier of clouds. While this was being done, the three hundred men of Aratus's force, who had been left outside the gate near the temple of Hera, when they made their way into the city, which was now full of confusion and lights, were not able to find the same path which had been followed by the others, or any trace of the way by which they had gone, and so in a body crouched down in a dark corner in the shade of a cliff, and waited there in great anxiety and alarm: for now the party led by Aratus was being shot at by the garrison of the citadel, and was fighting with them hand to hand, and the shouts of the battle could be plainly heard below, though the echoes of the mountains made it impossible to tell from what quarter the noise proceeded. While they were at a loss to know which way to turn, Archelaus, the leader of the Macedonian troops, marched out with a large force, with loud shouts and trumpets sounding, to attack the party under Aratus, and marched past where the three hundred lay as it were in ambush. They rushed out, charged the Macedonians, killed the first of them, and drove Archelaus and the remainder before them panic-stricken, until they dispersed themselves about the city. No sooner had this victory been won, than Erginus arrived from the citadel, announcing that Aratus was engaged with the enemy, who were offering a stubborn resistance, that a great battle was going on at the wall itself, and that immediate assistance was required. They at once bade him lead them, and mounted the hill, shouting to their friends to let them know who they were, and to encourage them. The full moon, too, as it shone upon their arms, made their numbers appear greater to the enemy on account of the length of the path, and the midnight echoes made their shouts appear to come from a much larger party of men. At last they joined their friends above, and by a united effort drove out the enemy, won the heights, and gained possession of the citadel just as day was dawning. Soon the sun rose upon their victory, and the remainder of Aratus's force from Sikyon came up, and was welcomed by the Corinthians, who opened their gates to them, and assisted them to capture the soldiers of the Macedonian garrison. XXIII. When all appeared to be safe, Aratus descended from the citadel to the theatre, where an enormous multitude of persons was collected, eager to see him and to hear the speech which he was about to address to the Corinthians. He placed a guard of Achæans on each side of the stage, and himself appeared in the middle, still wearing his corslet, and pale with the labours of a sleepless night, so that the triumph and delight which he felt were weighed down by sheer bodily lassitude. His appearance was greeted with enthusiastic applause, and, shifting his spear into his right hand, and slightly leaning his body against it, he stood for a long time silent, receiving the plaudits and shouts of those who praised his courage and congratulated him on his good fortune. When they had ceased and resumed their seats, he drew himself up and made them a speech worthy of the occasion, on behalf of the Achæan league, in which he prevailed upon the Corinthians to join the league, and gave up to them the keys of their gates which now came into their possession for the first time since the days of king Philip. He dismissed Archelaus, who had been taken prisoner, but put Theophrastus to death because he refused to leave his post. Persæus, when the citadel was taken, escaped to Kenchreæ. Afterwards it is said that in philosophic conversation, when some one said that he thought that the philosopher was the only true general, he answered, "By heaven, this once used to please me more than any other of Zeno's aphorisms, but I have changed my mind since the refutation of it which I received from a young man of Sikyon." This anecdote of Persæus is related by most historians. XXIV. Aratus now at once made himself master of the temple of Hera, and of Lechæum, where he seized a fleet of five-and-twenty ships belonging to King Antigonus, and sold five hundred horses and four hundred Syrians whom he found there. The Achæans now garrisoned the citadel of Corinth with a force of four hundred heavy-armed soldiers, and with a pack of fifty hounds and as many huntsmen, who were all kept in the citadel.[593] The Romans in their admiration of Philopoemen used to call him the last of the Greeks, as though no great actions were performed in Greece after his time: but I should be inclined to say that this was both the last and the most remarkable of all the great achievements of the Greeks, for both in the daring with which it was accomplished, and the good fortune with which it was attended, it will bear comparison with the noblest of deeds, as was at once proved by its results. Megara revolted from Antigonus and joined Aratus, Troezene and Epidaurus became members of the Achæan league, and Aratus made his first campaign by an expedition into Attica, in the course of which he crossed into Salamis and laid it waste, being able to make what use he pleased of the power of the Achæan league, now that it was no longer, as it were, locked up in Peloponnesus. He sent back all the freemen whom he captured to Athens without ransom, hoping to rouse them to revolt against the Macedonians. He also brought Ptolemy into alliance with the Achæan league, and constituted him commander-in-chief of their forces by land and by sea. His influence with the Achæans was so great, that, since it was illegal to elect him as their chief every year, they elected him every other year, while practically they followed his advice in all their transactions; for they saw that he preferred neither wealth, nor fame, nor the friendship of kings, nor the advantage of his own native country to the furtherance of the prosperity of the Achæans. He conceived that cities which by themselves were weak might obtain safety by means of one another, bound together by their common interest, and that just as the various parts of the human body live and move when connected with one another, but waste away and perish when cut asunder, so cities are ruined by isolation, and prosper by confederation, when they form parts of one great body, and adopt a common line of policy. XXV. Observing that the most famous of the neighbouring cities were independent, he became grieved that the Argives lived under the rule of a despot, and began to plot the destruction of Aristomachus, their ruler; wishing also to bestow its freedom upon the city to which he owed his education, and to gain it over to the Achæan league. Men were found who dared to make the attempt, chief among whom were Æschylus and Charimenes the soothsayer, but they had no swords, because the despot had prohibited the possession of arms to the citizens under severe penalties. However, Aratus prepared at Corinth a number of small daggers, which he caused to be sewn up in pack-saddles. He then placed the saddles on pack-horses and sent them to Argos, laden with ordinary merchandise. But Charimenes the soothsayer took another person into the plot, which so enraged Æschylus and his party that they determined to act alone, and would have nothing more to do with Charimenes. In anger at this treatment he betrayed his comrades just as they were on the point of attacking the despot, yet most of them had time to make their way out of the market-place and escape to Corinth. Shortly afterwards Aristomachus was assassinated by his own servants, and was immediately succeeded by Aristippus, a more cruel tyrant than himself. Aratus upon hearing of this at once made a hurried march to Argos at the head of as many Achæans as he could collect, hoping to find the city ready to join him. As, however, most of the Argives were now accustomed to the loss of their liberty, and no one answered his appeal, he retired, having done no more than expose the Achæans to the charge of making a warlike invasion in time of peace. For this they were tried before the Mantineans as judges, and, as Aratus did not appear, Aristippus, who was prosecutor, won his cause and got a fine of thirty minæ laid upon the Achæans. As he both hated and feared Aratus himself, he now, with the connivance of King Antigonus, endeavoured to have him assassinated; and they soon had their emissaries everywhere, watching their opportunity. There is, however, no such certain safeguard for a ruler as the love of his people; for when both the masses and the leading men have learned not to fear their chief, but to fear for him, he sees with many eyes, hears with many ears, and soon gains intelligence of any conspiracies. And in this place I wish to stop my narrative for a moment, and describe the mode of life which Aristippus was compelled to lead in consequence of being a despot, and possessing that position of absolute ruler which men are wont so greatly to admire and envy. XXVI. Aristippus had Antigonus for his ally, kept a large force on foot for his own protection, and left none of his enemies alive in the city of Argos. He used to make his bodyguard and household troops encamp in the porticoes outside his palace, and always, after supper, sent all his servants out of the room, locked the door himself, and betook himself with his mistress to a little upper chamber which was reached by a trapdoor, upon which he placed his bed and slept, as one may expect, a disturbed and frightened sleep. His mistress's mother used to take away the ladder by which they mounted, and lock it up in another room. At daybreak she used to bring it back again, and call down this glorious monarch, who came out like a snake out of his den. Aratus, who dressed in the plainest of clothes, and was the declared enemy of despots wherever they were to be found, gained for himself a lasting command, not by force of arms, but by legal means by his own courage, and has left a posterity which even at the present day enjoys the greatest honour in Greece; whereas of all those men who seized strongholds, kept bodyguards, and protected their lives with arms and gates and trapdoors, few escaped being knocked on the head like hares, and no one has left either a palace, or a family, or a monument to do honour to his memory. XXVII. Aratus made many attempts, both by intrigues and open violence, to overthrow Aristippus, and take Argos. Once he succeeded in placing scaling-ladders against the walls, ascended them recklessly with a few followers, and killed the soldiers who came from within the city to oppose him. Afterwards, when day was breaking and the troops of the despot were attacking him on all sides, the people of Argos, just as if they were sitting as judges at the Nemean games, and the battle was not being fought on behalf of their liberty, sat by with the utmost calmness, like impartial spectators. Aratus fought bravely, and though wounded in the thigh by a spear, yet succeeded in effecting a lodgement in the city and in spite of the attacks of the enemy held his ground until nightfall. If he could have found strength to remain and fight during the night also, he would not have failed in his attempt; for the despot was already making preparations for flight and had sent on much of his property to the sea-coast: but as no one brought news of this to Aratus, and water failed him, while his wound incapacitated him for any personal exertions, he drew off his forces. XXVIII. He now gave up this method of attack, and openly invaded the Argive country with an army and laid it waste. At the river Chares he fought a desperate battle with Aristippus, and was thought to have given up the contest too soon, and lost the victory; for when the other part of his army had decidedly won the day and forced their way a long distance forward, he himself, not so much overpowered by the forces opposed to him as hopeless of success and fearing disaster, lost his presence of mind, and led his men back into their camp. When the others returned from their victorious charge, and complained bitterly that, after having routed the enemy, and slain many more men than they themselves had lost, Aratus had allowed the vanquished to erect a trophy, he was stung to the quick, decided to fight rather than to allow the trophy to be erected, and after an interval of one day again led out his forces. When, however, he learned that the troops of the despot had been largely reinforced, and were full of confidence, he did not venture to risk a battle, but made a truce for the recovery of the dead, and retired. Yet he continued to repair this fault by his diplomatic skill and persuasive powers, for he won over the city of Kleonæ to the Achæan league, and held the Nemean festival at Kleonæ, declaring it to be the privilege of its citizens to do so by right of descent. The Argives also celebrated the festival, and on this occasion for the first time the right of safe-conduct of the competitors was violated, for the Achæans seized and sold for slaves all who passed through their territory on their return from the games at Argos. So stern and inexorable was Aratus in his hatred of despots. XXIX. Shortly after this, hearing that Aristippus was meditating an attack upon Kleonæ, but feared him, because he was living at Corinth, he ordered an army to be mustered. Bidding his men collect provisions for several days, he marched as far as Kenchreæ, hoping to draw out Aristippus to attack Kleonæ during his absence, as indeed happened. Aristippus at once came from Argos with his entire force; but Aratus meanwhile returned by night to Corinth from Kenchreæ, and, having placed guards upon all the roads, led the Achæans by so swift, well-managed, and orderly a march, that while it was still dark he not only reached Kleonæ, but drew up his men in order of battle before Aristippus discovered their presence. At daybreak the city gates were thrown open, and charging with loud shouts to the sound of the trumpet, he at once routed the enemy, and pursued in the direction in which he thought Aristippus most probably was fleeing, the country being full of ways to escape pursuit. The chase was kept up as far as Mykenae, where the despot was overtaken and slain by a Cretan named Tragiskus, according to the historian Deinias. With him fell more than fifteen hundred of his men. Yet, Aratus, after gaining such a brilliant success without losing one of his own soldiers, did not take Argos or restore it to liberty, as Agias and Aristomachus the younger marched into the town with some Macedonian troops and seized the government. However, by this action, Aratus pretty well silenced the ill-natured joke, which had been made about himself, and the stories, invented by the courtiers of despots; for they described the general of the Achæans as being subject to violent internal disorders during a battle, and said that as soon as the trumpeter appeared he became faint and dizzy, and that, after having arrayed his forces, given the word, and inquired of his lieutenants and officers whether they had any further need of his presence, when the die was finally cast, he used to retire and await the result at a distance. These stories had such an extensive currency, that even philosophers in their studies when discussing whether violent beating of the heart, changing of colour, and the like in time of danger be a mark of cowardice or of distemperature and of a cold habit of body, always mention Aratus as being a good general, but always being affected in this manner when in battle. XXX. When he had slain Aristippus, he at once began to plot against Lydiades of Megalopolis, who had made himself despot of his native city. Lydiades was naturally of a noble and ambitious nature, and had not, like so many despots, been led to commit the crime of enslaving his fellow-citizens by any selfish desire of money or of pleasure; but when a young man he had become inflamed with a desire of distinguishing himself, and listening to all the vain and untrue talk about despotic power being so fine and happy a thing, he, like a high-spirited youth, made himself despot, and soon became overwhelmed with the cares of state. As he now both envied the happiness of Aratus and feared the results of his plots, he adopted a new and most glorious course, which was first to set himself free from hatred and terror and soldiers and life-guards, and next to become the benefactor of his country. He sent for Aratus, gave up his rule, and united the city to the Achæan league. The Achæans admired his conduct in this matter so much that they elected him general. He now at once began to strive to outdo Aratus in glory, and engaged in many unnecessary enterprises, one of which was a campaign against the Lacedæmonians. Aratus opposed him, and was therefore thought to be jealous of him; yet Lydiades was a second time elected general, in spite of the open opposition of Aratus, who used all his influence on behalf of another candidate. Aratus himself, as has been said, was general every other year. Lydiades continued in the full tide of success and was elected general alternately with Aratus up to his third year of office; but as he made no secret of his hatred for Aratus, and often attacked him in the public assembly of the Achæans, they cast him off and would not listen to him, thinking that his good qualities were but counterfeit when compared with the genuine virtues of Aratus. Just as Æsop tells us in his fables that when the cuckoo asked the little birds why they fled from him, they answered that some day he would be a hawk, so it seems that, even after he had given up his despotism, some blighting suspicion always clung to the character of Lydiades. XXXI. Aratus gained great glory also in the Ætolian war, because when the Achæans were eager to join battle with the Ætolians on the Megarian frontier, and Agis the King of Lacedæmon had arrived with a large force and urged the Achæans to fight, he opposed it, and in spite of being reproached, abused, and jeered at as a coward, refused to be led astray by any high-flown ideas of honour from the course which he had decided upon as the best, made way for the enemy, and without striking a blow permitted them to cross Geranea and pass into Peloponnesus. When, however, they marched by him and suddenly seized Pellene, he was no longer the same man. He would not wait until his entire force was assembled, but with what troops he had with him at once marched against the enemy, who, after their victory, were easily conquered on account of their want of discipline and licentiousness. As soon as they made their way into the city of Pellene, the soldiers dispersed themselves among the various houses, driving each other out of them and fighting one another for the plunder, while the chiefs and generals were occupied in carrying off the wives and daughters of the citizens. They took off their own helmets and placed them on the heads of these women, in order that no one else might take them, but that the owner of each one might be known by the helmet which she wore. While they were thus engaged the news suddenly came that Aratus was about to attack. A panic took place, as one might readily expect, with such want of discipline, and before all of them heard of the danger, the foremost, meeting the Achæans near the gates and suburbs of the city, lost heart and fled away at once, and in their frantic haste threw into disorder those who were forming to come to their support. XXXII. During this tumult one of the captive women, the daughter of an eminent citizen named Epigethus, who herself was remarkably tall and handsome, happened to be sitting in the temple of Artemis, where she had been stationed by the commander of a picked company of soldiers, who had placed upon her head his own helmet with its triple plume. She, hearing the disturbance, suddenly ran out, and as she stood at the door of the temple, looking down upon the combatants, with the triple-plumed helmet upon her head, she appeared even to her own countrymen to be something more glorious than a mere mortal, while the enemy, who imagined that they beheld an apparition, were struck with terror and affright, so that none of them attempted to offer any resistance. The people of Pellene themselves say that the wooden statue of the goddess is never touched except when it is carried out by the priestess, and that then no one dares to look upon it, but all turn their faces away; for the sight of it is not only fearful and terrible for mankind, but it even makes the trees barren and blights the crops through which it is carried. This it was, they say, which the priestess carried out of the temple on this occasion, and by continually turning the face of the figure towards the Ætolians, made them frantic and took away their reason. Aratus, however, in his memoirs makes no mention of anything of the kind, but says that he routed the Ætolians, broke into the city together with the fugitives, and killed seven hundred of them. The exploit became celebrated as one of his most glorious actions, and the artist Timanthes has painted an admirable picture of the battle. XXXIII. However, as many nations and princes were combining together against the Achæans, Aratus at once made peace with the Ætolians, and with the assistance of Pantaleon, the most powerful man in Ætolia, even made an alliance between that country and the Achæans. He was anxious to set free the Athenians, and was severely reproached by the Achæans because, during a cessation of arms, when they had made a truce with the Macedonians, he attempted to seize Peiræus. In the memoirs which he has left Aratus denies this, and throws the blame of it upon Erginus, with whose aid he seized the citadel of Corinth. This man, he says, attacked Peiræus on his own responsibility, and when the scaling-ladder broke and he was forced to fly, frequently called on Aratus by name as though he were present, and by this artifice deceived the enemy and escaped. This justification does not, however, seem a very credible one. There was no probability that Erginus, a private man and a Syrian, should have ever thought of such an enterprise, if he had not been urged to it by Aratus, who must have supplied him with the necessary forces and pointed out the proper opportunity for the attack. And Aratus himself proves this to be true by having not merely twice or thrice, but frequently, like a rejected lover, made attempts upon Peiræus, and not being disconcerted by his failures, but ever gathering fresh hopes by observing how nearly he had succeeded. On one of these occasions he sprained his leg in a hasty retreat across the Thriasian plain. Several incisions had to be made to cure it, and he was obliged for a long time to be carried in a litter when conducting his campaigns. XXXIV. When Antigonus died and Demetrius[594] succeeded to the throne, Aratus was more eager than ever to gain over Athens, and began to treat the Macedonians with contempt. When he was defeated in a battle which he fought against Bithys, a general of Demetrius, and many rumours were current that he had been taken prisoner or had been slain, Diogenes, the commander of the garrison of Peiræus, sent a letter to Corinth bidding the Achæans leave that city now that Aratus was dead. When this letter arrived Aratus himself was present in Corinth, and the messengers of Diogenes had to return after having afforded him much amusement. The King of Macedonia also sent a ship, on board of which Aratus was to be brought back to him in chains. But the Athenians, outdoing themselves in levity and servility to the Macedonians, crowned themselves with garlands when they heard the news of his death. Enraged at this Aratus at once invaded their country, and marched as far as the Academy, but there he suffered his anger to be appeased, and did no damage. The Athenians did, nevertheless, appreciate his courage, for when on the death of Demetrius, they attempted to regain their freedom, they invited him to assist them. Although Aratus was not at that time general of the Achæans, and was confined to his bed with a long illness, yet he responded to this appeal by proceeding to Athens in a litter, and prevailed upon Diogenes, the chief of the garrison, to surrender Peiræus, Munychia, Salamis, and Sunium to the Athenians for the sum of one hundred and fifty talents, twenty of which he himself contributed. The states of Ægina, and Hermione now joined the Achæan league, and the greater part of Arcadia contributed to it; for the Macedonians were engaged in wars with their neighbours, and the Achæans, with the help of their allies, the Ætolians, now gained a large accession of force. XXXV. Aratus was still true to his original principles, and, grieving at the spectacle of a despotism established in the neighbouring state of Argos, sent to Aristomachus, and endeavoured to persuade him to give up his authority, bring the city over to the Achæan league, and imitate Lydiades by becoming the glorious and respected general of so great a people rather than remain exposed to constant danger as the hated despot of one city. Aristomachus acceded to these proposals of Aratus, but asked him for the sum of fifty talents, for the payment of the mercenaries whom he was to disband. While the money was being procured, Lydiades, who was still in office as general, and wished to gain the credit of this negotiation for himself, told Aristomachus that Aratus was really the bitter and implacable foe of all despots, persuaded him to intrust the management of the affair to himself, and introduced Aristomachus to the Achæan assembly. On this occasion the Achæan representatives gave Aratus a notable proof of their love and confidence in him; for when he indignantly opposed the proposition they drove away Aristomachus; and yet, when Aratus had become his friend and again brought forward the matter, they readily accepted his proposal, admitted the cities of Argos and Phlius into the league, and the following year elected Aristomachus general. Aristomachus, finding himself cordially received by the Achæans, and wishing to invade Laconia, sent for Aratus from Athens. Aratus replied by a letter in which he dissuaded him from making this campaign, being unwilling to involve the Achæans in hostilities with Kleomenes, who was a bold general and had already gained surprising successes. As, however, Aristomachus was determined to begin the war, Aratus returned, and made the campaign with him. When near Pallantium they met Kleomenes, and Aratus was reproached by Lydiades for restraining Aristomachus from joining battle. The year after, Lydiades stood against Aratus as a candidate for the office of general, when Aratus was chosen general for the twelfth time. XXXVI. During this term of office Aratus was defeated by Kleomenes near Mount Lykaeum, and took to flight. He lost his way during the night, and was supposed to have fallen. The same rumours now again ran through Greece about him; but he got safely away, and having rallied his men was not satisfied with retiring home unmolested, but making an admirable use of his opportunity, as no one expected an attack, he suddenly fell upon the Mantineans, who were the allies of Kleomenes. He took the city, placed a garrison in it, and insisted on the resident foreigners being admitted to the franchise, thus alone gaining for the Achæans after a defeat, a success which they could hardly have obtained by a victory. When the Lacedæmonians marched against Megalopolis, Aratus came to the assistance of that city. He would not fight with Kleomenes, though the latter endeavoured to entice him into a battle, but he kept back the men of Megalopolis who were eager to fight; for he was at no time well-fitted for the direction of pitched battles, and on this occasion was inferior in numbers, besides being opposed to a young and daring antagonist, while he himself was past the prime of life, and inclined to fail in spirit. He thought, too, that while it was right for Kleomenes to gain glory by daring, it was best for him to be careful to keep the glory which he had already obtained. XXXVII. Though the light-armed troops ran out to meet the Spartans, drove them back to their camp, and even fought round their tents, yet Aratus would not move on with the heavy-armed force, but halted them behind a water-course which he forbade them to cross. Lydiades, irritated at this, reproached Aratus, called upon the cavalry to follow him and reinforce the victorious light troops, and not to lose the victory or desert him when he was fighting for his country. Many brave men joined him, and with them he charged the right wing of the enemy, overthrew them, and pursued with reckless ardour until he became entangled in difficult ground, full of fruit trees and wide ditches, where he was attacked by Kleomenes, and fell fighting bravely in the noblest of causes, at the very gates of his native city. His companions fled back to the main body, where they disordered the ranks of the hoplites, and brought about the defeat of the entire army. Aratus was greatly blamed, because he was thought to have left Lydiades to perish. The Achæans angrily retired to Ægium, and forced him to accompany them. There they held a meeting, at which it was decided that he should not be supplied with any money nor any mercenary troops maintained for him, but that if he wished to go to war he must furnish them for himself. XXXVIII. After being thus disgraced, Aratus determined at once to give up the seals[595] and lay down his office of general, but after consideration he put up with the affront led out the army of the Achæans, and fought a battle with Megistonous, the step-father of Kleomenes, in which he was victorious, slew three hundred of the enemy, and took prisoner Megistonous himself. He had hitherto been always elected general every other year, but now, when the time for his election came round, he refused to take the office, although pressed to do so, and Timotheus was chosen general. It was thought that his anger with the people was merely a pretext for his refusal, and that the real reason was the perilous situation of the Achæan league; for Kleomenes no longer operated against it by slow degrees as before, when he was embarrassed by the other Spartan magistrates, but now that he had put the Ephors to death, redistributed the land, and admitted many of the resident aliens to the franchise, he found himself an irresponsible ruler at the head of a large force, with which he at once assailed the Achæans, demanding himself to be acknowledged as their chief. For this reason Aratus has been blamed for behaving like a pilot during a terrible storm and tempest yielded up the helm to another when it was his duty to stand by it, even against the will of the people, and save the commonwealth; or, if he despaired of the Achæans being able to resist, he ought to have made terms with Kleomenes and not to have allowed Peloponnesus to fall back into the hands of the uncivilised Macedonians and be occupied by their troops, and to have garrisoned the citadel of Corinth with Illyrian and Gaulish soldiers, thus inviting into the cities, under the name of allies, those very men whom he had passed his life in out-manoeuvring and over-reaching, and whom in his memoirs he speaks of with such hatred. Even if Kleomenes were, as some might call him, a despot and a law-breaker, yet Sparta was his native country, and the Herakleidæ were his ancestors, and surely any man who respected Greek nobility of birth would have chosen the least illustrious of such a family for his chief rather than the greatest man in all Macedonia. Moreover, Kleomenes, when he asked the Achæans to appoint him as their ruler, promised that in return for that title he would do great things for them by land and sea, whereas Antigonus, when offered the title of supreme ruler by land and sea, would not accept it until he received the citadel of Corinth as a bribe, exactly like the huntsman in Æsop's fable; for he would not mount upon the backs of the Achæans, though they begged him to do so, and offered themselves to him by embassies and decrees, before, by means of his garrison in Corinth and the hostages which he received, he had, as it were, placed a bit in their mouths. Aratus makes a laboured defence of his conduct, pleading the necessities of his situation. Yet Polybius tells us that long before any such necessities existed, Aratus had felt alarm at the daring spirit of Kleomenes, and had not only been carrying on secret negotiations with Antigonus, but even had urged the people of Megalopolis to propose to the Achæans that Antigonus should be invited to assist them. It was the people of Megalopolis who were the greatest sufferers by the war, as Kleomenes constantly ravaged their territories. The historian Phylarchus gives a similar account of the transaction, though we could hardly receive his narrative with confidence if it were not supported by the testimony of Polybius; for he is so enthusiastic an admirer of the character of Kleomenes that in his history he writes as though he were pleading his cause in a court of justice, and continually disparages Aratus, and, vindicates Kleomenes. XXXIX. The Achæans now lost Mantinea, which was recaptured by Kleomenes, and they were so dispirited by a great defeat, which they sustained near Hekatombæon, as to send at once to Kleomenes, inviting him to come to Argos and assume the supreme command. Aratus, as soon as he learned that Kleomenes had set out, and was marching past Lerna at the head of his army, became alarmed, and sent an embassy to him, begging him, to come to the Achæans as to friends and allies, with only three hundred men, and offering hostages to him, if he suspected them of treachery. Kleomenes regarded this message as a mockery and an insult to himself. He immediately retired, after writing a letter to the Achæans in which he brought many grave charges against Aratus. Aratus, in turn, wrote several letters to them assailing Kleomenes; and they abused one another so outrageously as not even to spare the reputation of each other's wives. After this, Kleomenes sent a herald to declare war against the Achæans, and very nearly succeeded in making himself master of Sikyon by the treachery of some of its citizens. Failing in this, he turned aside, attacked Pellene, drove out the commander, and took the city. Shortly afterwards he took Phenes and Penteleum. Upon this the Argives at once joined him, and the citizens of Phlius admitted a Spartan garrison: so that the Achæans seemed to be in danger of losing all their conquests, and Aratus became seriously alarmed at the disturbed condition of the Peloponnesus, for he saw that in every quarter cities, encouraged by revolutionary agitators, were preparing to throw off their allegiance to the league. XL. None were quiet or satisfied with things as they were, but many citizens of Corinth and of Sikyon itself openly corresponded with Kleomenes, and expressed the disaffection which they had long felt to the league, and their wish to obtain the supreme power for themselves. In dealing with these persons, Aratus took the law into his own hands and put to death all Sikyonians whom he found corrupted; but when he attempted to seek out and punish the Corinthian conspirators, he enraged the populace which already was disaffected, and weary of the Achæan domination. The people ran together to the temple of Apollo, and sent for Aratus, being determined either to kill him or take him prisoner, before they proceeded openly to revolt from the league. Aratus appeared before them, leading his horse, without betraying any suspicion or alarm, and when many of them leaped up and showered abusive language upon him, he, with an admirable composure of countenance and manner, quietly bade them be seated, and not stand up talking loudly and confusedly but let in also those who were outside the gates. While speaking thus he retired at a foot's pace, as though he were looking for some one to take care of his horse. By this means he got away from them and proceeded on his way, talking unconcernedly to all the Corinthians whom he met, whom he bade go to the temple of Apollo, until he came near to the citadel. Here he sprang upon his horse's back, gave orders to Kleopater, the commander of the garrison, to hold the place stoutly, and rode away to Sikyon, followed by only thirty soldiers, as the rest had all remained behind and dispersed. After a short time the Corinthians discovered that he had taken to flight, and pursued, but as they could not overtake him, they sent to Kleomenes and delivered up their city to him. Yet Kleomenes considered that he had lost more by the escape of Aratus than he had gained by the acquisition of Corinth. Kleomenes was at once joined by the inhabitants of the sea-side district known as Akte, who surrendered their cities to him, and with their assistance he completely invested the citadel of Corinth with a rampart and palisade. XLI. Aratus was joined at Sikyon by the representatives of most of the cities of the Achæan league. An assembly was held, at which he was elected general, with unlimited powers. He now surrounded himself with a bodyguard selected from among his fellow-citizens. Aratus had conducted the affairs of the league for thirty-three years, during which he had made himself the first man in Greece, both in power and in renown, though now he was utterly ruined and cast down, forced to cling to his native city as his only chance of safety amidst the general wreck of his fortunes. For the Ætolians refused to help him when he implored their aid, and Eurykleides and Mikion held back the Athenians from offering any assistance, though they were eager to do so out of regard for Aratus. Aratus had a house at Corinth and some property, which Kleomenes refused to touch, or to let any one else meddle with, but sent for Aratus's friends and those whom he had left in charge of his property, and bade them keep everything in good order, as they would have to answer to Aratus for their conduct. Kleomenes also sent Tripylus and his uncle Megistonous to Aratus to negotiate with him, promising him among many other advantages a yearly pension of twelve talents, thus over-bidding Ptolemy by one half: for Ptolemy paid Aratus six talents a year. Kleomenes proposed that he himself should receive the title of chief of the Achæans, and that the citadel of Corinth should be garrisoned partly by Achæans and partly by Spartan troops. To this Aratus answered that he was not able to direct events, but rather was directed by them. As this language proved that he had no intention of negotiating seriously, Kleomenes at once invaded the territory of Sikyon, ravaged the country, and encamped for three months before the walls of the city. Aratus remained quiet within the walls, but began to consider whether it would be necessary for him to obtain the assistance of Antigonus by surrendering the citadel of Corinth to him: for his help was not to be had on any other terms. XLII. The Achæans now assembled at Ægium and invited Aratus thither. The journey was a dangerous one for him to make, at a time when Kleomenes was encamped outside the city of Sikyon; and his fellow-countrymen endeavoured to keep him back by entreaties and even by threatening that, when the enemy was so close, they would not permit him to leave the city; while the women and children hung upon him weeping, as though he were the common father and preserver of them all. However, after addressing a few words of encouragement to them he rode away towards the sea, accompanied by ten of his friends and by his son, who was now grown up. At the beach they embarked on board of some vessels which were riding at anchor, and proceeded by sea to the assembly at Ægium, at which it was decreed that Antigonus should be invited to aid them, and that the citadel of Corinth should be handed over to him. Aratus even sent his son to Antigonus among the other hostages. The Corinthians, disgusted with these proceedings, now confiscated his property, and presented his house to Kleomenes. XLIII. Antigonus now approached with his army, which was composed of twenty thousand Macedonian foot soldiers, with thirteen hundred cavalry. Aratus, with the chief officers of the Achæan league, proceeded by sea to Pegæ to meet him, thus avoiding the enemy, although he had no great confidence in Antigonus, and distrusted the Macedonians. He felt that he owed his own greatness to the injuries which he had done them, and that his first rise as a politician was due to his hatred of the old Antigonus. Yet, driven by inexorable necessity, and by the exigencies of the times, to which men in authority are really slaves, he took this desperate course. Antigonus, as soon as he learned that Aratus was approaching, met him, and welcomed his companions in a friendly manner, but showed him especial honour at their first meeting, and as he found upon trial that Aratus was a worthy and sensible man, he contracted closer relations with him than those of mere business. Indeed, Aratus was not only useful to Antigonus for the management of great political negotiations, but when the king was at leisure, proved a more agreeable companion to him than any one else. Antigonus, young as he was, perceived that Aratus was not spoiled by royal favour, and soon preferred him not only above all other Achæans, but even beyond his own Macedonian courtiers. Thus was the sign which the god had given him in the sacrifice brought to pass: for it is said that a short time before this, Aratus was offering sacrifice and that there appeared in the liver of the victim two gall bladders enclosed in one caul. The soothsayer explained this to portend that Aratus would shortly form an intimate friendship with his greatest enemy. At the time he disregarded this saying, for he was always more inclined to follow the dictates of common sense than to be guided by prophecies and portents. Afterwards, however, as the war proceeded successfully, Antigonus made a great feast at Corinth to which he invited many guests. Among these was Aratus, whom he placed next to himself. Presently he sent for a wrapper, and asked Aratus if he also did not feel chilly. Aratus answered that he was very cold, and Antigonus then bade him come closer to himself, so that the servants who brought the wrapper enveloped them both in it. Then Aratus, remembering the portent, burst out laughing, and told the king about the sacrifice and the prophecy. This, however, happened after the times of which I am writing. XLIV. At Pegæ Aratus and Antigonus each plighted their faith to the other, and then at once marched against the enemy. Before Corinth several battles took place, for Kleomenes was securely entrenched there, and the Corinthians vigorously assisted him. But now one Aristoteles of Argos, a friend of Aratus, sent secretly to him to say that he could cause that city to revolt from Kleomenes, if Aratus would appear before it with some Macedonian soldiers. Aratus laid the matter before Antigonus, and hurriedly crossed over to Epidaurus by sea with a force of fifteen hundred men. The Argives rose in revolt before his arrival, attacked the troops of Kleomenes, and drove them to take refuge in the citadel; and Kleomenes, hearing of this, and fearing that if the enemy made themselves masters of Argos they might cut off his retreat, abandoned Corinth and marched by night to help the garrison of Argos. He arrived there before Aratus, and won a partial success, but soon afterwards, as Aratus was marching to attack him, and King Antigonus was coming on behind Aratus, he retired to Mantinea. Upon this all the cities of Peloponnesus again joined the Achæans, and Antigonus received the citadel of Corinth. The people of Argos now elected Aratus their commander-in-chief, and he persuaded them to make a present to Antigonus of all the property of their late despots and of all traitors. Aristomachus was put to the torture at Cenchreae and then drowned in the sea, a proceeding which brought great discredit upon Aratus for having allowed a man of considerable merit, with whom he had formerly been intimately connected, and whom he had persuaded to abdicate his throne and bring over Argos to the league, to be put to death in this cruel and illegal manner. XLV. By this time also many other charges were brought against Aratus by the other cities, as, for instance, that the league had given Corinth to Antigonus just as if it were some obscure village, and that it had permitted him to sack Orchomenus and place in it a Macedonian garrison; that it had passed a decree, that no letter or embassy should be sent to any other king if Antigonus did not approve of it; that they were forced to maintain and pay the Macedonians, and that they celebrated religious services, processions, and games in honour of Antigonus, in which the fellow-citizens of Aratus took the lead, and invited him into their city where he was the guest of Aratus. All blamed Aratus for this, not considering that he had given over the reins to Antigonus, and was now compelled to follow his lead, having no longer anything except his tongue which he could call his own, and not daring to use even that with entire freedom. It was clear that much of what was being done distressed Aratus, as for instance the affair of the statues; for Antigonus restored the statues of the despots at Argos which had been thrown down, and threw down all the statues of the captors of the citadel of Corinth, except only that of Aratus himself: and that, too, although Aratus begged him earnestly to spare those of the others. At Mantinea, too, the behaviour of the Achæans was repugnant to Hellenic patriotism, for having by the help of Antigonus captured that city, they put to death all the leading men, and of the rest they sold some and sent others to Macedonia loaded with fetters, while they made slaves of the women and children. Of the proceeds of the sale they divided one-third among themselves, and gave two-thirds to the Macedonians. Yet this can be justified by the law of revenge; for though it is a shocking thing to deal so cruelly with men of one's own nation, through anger, still, in great political crises, revenge is sweet and not bitter, and in the words of Simonides, soothes and relieves the angry spirit. But what happened afterwards cannot be thought honourable to Aratus, nor can it be attributed to political exigencies: for when the city was presented by Antigonus to the Achæans, and they decided upon colonising it, Aratus being chosen as its founder, and being at the time general of the Achæans, decreed that it should no longer be called Mantinea, but Antigoneia, which remains its name to this day. Thus, by his means, the lovely Mantinea, as Homer calls it,[596] was wiped out of the map of Greece, and there remains in its stead a city whose name recalls its destroyer and the murderer of its citizens. XLVI. Subsequently to this, Kleomenes was defeated in a great battle at Sellasia, left Sparta and sailed to Egypt. Antigonus, after showing every kindness to Aratus, returned to Macedonia, where, as he already was suffering from the illness which caused his death, he sent the heir to his kingdom, Philip, who was now a mere lad, into Peloponnesus, advising him to pay the greatest attentions to Aratus, and through him to negotiate with the cities, and make the acquaintance of the Achæans. Aratus welcomed Philip, and so treated him that he returned to Macedonia full of good will towards himself, and full of generous feelings and impulses towards the Greeks. XLVII. When Antigonus died, the Ætolians, who regarded the Achæans with contempt because of their cowardice (for indeed they had become accustomed to be protected by others, and trusting, entirely to the Macedonian arms, had fallen into a condition of complete indolence and want of discipline), began to interfere in the politics of the Peloponnesus. During their invasion they incidentally plundered the territory of Patræ and Dyme, and then marched into the country of Messenia and began to lay it waste. Aratus, distressed at this, and seeing that Timoxenus, the general of the Achæans, was acting slowly and without spirit because his year of office had almost expired, anticipated his own election as general by five days, in order to assist the Messenians. He assembled an Achæan army: but the men were without military training and were destitute of warlike spirit. This army was defeated in a battle near Kaphyæ, and Aratus, who was reproached with having been too rash a general, now fell into the opposite extreme, and showed such apathy as often to refuse to seize opportunities for attack which were offered by the Ætolians, and to permit them to riot through Peloponnesus with every kind of wanton insult. Now, a second time, the Achæans stretched forth their hands towards Macedonia and brought Philip to interfere in the affairs of Greece. They were the more willing to take this step because they knew the regard which Philip felt for Aratus, and the trust which he placed in him, and they hoped that they should find him gentle and manageable in all respects. XLVIII. At first the king, influenced by the slanders of Apelles, Megaleas, and some other of his courtiers against Aratus encouraged those of the opposite faction, and eagerly pressed for the election of Eperatus as general of the league. However, as he was utterly despised by the Achæans, and as nothing useful could be effected while Aratus was out of office, Philip perceived that he had made a complete mistake. He now came entirely over to the side of Aratus, and acted entirely at his dictation. As he was now gaining both renown and power, he attached himself more and more to Aratus, imagining that it was by his means that he gained his successes. Indeed it began to be thought that Aratus was able to school kings as well as he could free cities; for the impress of his character was to be traced in every one of Philip's acts. Thus the lenity with which the young prince treated the Lacedæmonians after they had offended him, his personal interviews with the Cretans, by means of which he gained possession of the whole island in a few days, and his brilliantly successful campaign against the Ætolians, all gained for Aratus the credit of giving good advice, and for Philip that of knowing how to follow it. All this made Philip's courtiers more and more jealous of Aratus. As they could effect nothing against him by secret intrigues, they proceeded to open abuse, and assailed him at wine-parties with the most scurrilous impertinence, and once when he was retiring to his tent after dinner they even sent a shower of stones after him. Philip was very indignant at these proceedings, and at once imposed upon them a fine of twenty talents. Afterwards, as they were embroiling and troubling his affairs by their intrigues, he had them all put to death. XLIX. Now that Philip was borne along upon the full tide of success, he developed many vehement lusts, and the natural wickedness of his nature broke through all the artificial restraints by which it had been hitherto held in check, and gradually revealed him in his true colours. His first act was to seduce the wife of the younger Aratus. This intrigue he carried on for a long time unsuspected, as he lived in their house and was treated as an honoured guest. Next, he began to treat the Greeks in a much harsher fashion, and evidently intended to rid himself of Aratus. His conduct at Messene first gave rise to this suspicion. The Messenians revolted, and Aratus marched to attack them, but Philip reached Messene one day before him, and when he entered the city stirred up the passions of the citizens by asking the aristocracy of the Messenians in private whether they had no laws to keep down the populace, and then again in private inquiring of the leaders of the people whether they had no hands wherewith to quell despots. After this the chief men took heart and fell upon the popular leaders, but they, with the assistance of the people, killed all the magistrates and nearly two hundred of the other leading citizens. L. After Philip had thus wickedly exasperated the Messenians against one another, Aratus arrived. He made no secret of his distress at what had happened, and did not restrain his son when he bitterly reproached and abused Philip. The young man was thought to have been Philip's lover; and he now told Philip that after such deeds he did not any longer think him handsome, but hideous. Philip made no answer, although he was thought likely to do so, as he often had burst into a fury when thus spoken to, but, just as though he had patiently endured the reproof and was really of a moderate and statesmanlike disposition, he took the elder Aratus by the hand, led him out of the theatre, and proceeded with him as far as the summit of Ithome, to sacrifice to Zeus and to view the place, which is naturally as strong as the citadel of Corinth, and if garrisoned would become a thorn in the side of the neighbouring states, and quite impregnable. After mounting the hill and offering sacrifice, when the soothsayer brought him the entrails of the ox, he, taking them into his own hands, kept showing them first to Aratus and then to Demetrius of Pharos, alternately placing them before each, and asking what they thought was the meaning of the entrails, that he would keep possession of the citadel, or that he would restore it to the Messenians. At this Demetrius laughed and said, "If you have the soul of a soothsayer, you will give up the place; but if you have that of a king, you will clutch the ox by both horns," alluding to Peloponnesus, which, if he held the citadels of Messene and of Corinth, would be quite tame and at his mercy. Aratus remained silent for a long while, but when Philip begged him to say what he thought, he answered, "My king, there are many high mountains in Crete, and there are many strong positions in Boeotia and Phokis. I believe too, that there are many places of surprising strength in Acarnania, both on the sea coast and inland, yet you have not taken any of these, and nevertheless the people of those countries willingly execute your commands. Brigands cling to high cliffs and haunt precipitous places, but kings find nothing so secure as loyalty and goodwill. This it is that opened to you the Cretan sea, and the Peloponnesus. By these arts you, young as you are, have made yourself the master of the one, and the leader of the other." While Aratus was yet speaking Philip gave back the entrails to the soothsayer, and, taking Aratus by the hand, said, "Come now, let us go back again," having been, as it were, overruled by him into letting the city remain free. LI. Aratus now began to withdraw himself from the court, and by degrees to break off his intimacy with Philip. When Philip conveyed his army across the Corinthian gulf into Epirus,[597] and desired Aratus to make the campaign with him, Aratus refused and remained at home, fearing that he might share the disgrace of Philip's operations. Philip, after his fleet had been ignominiously destroyed by the Romans, and his whole enterprise had failed,[598] returned to Peloponnesus, and, as he did not succeed in a second attempt to outwit the Messenians and to gain possession of their citadel, he threw off the mask and openly wronged them by ravaging their territory. Aratus now became quite estranged from him, and was misrepresented to him. He had by this time learned the domestic dishonour which he had sustained from Philip, and grieved over it, though he kept it secret from his son; for when he had discovered it, he was powerless to avenge it. Indeed Philip's character seems to have undergone a very great and remarkable change, as from a mild ruler and a modest youth he grew into a profligate man and an atrocious tyrant. This change was not due to any alteration of his real nature, but to the fact that he could now with impunity indulge the vices which fear had hitherto forced him to conceal. LII. His treatment of Aratus showed that he had always regarded him with a mixture of respect and fear; for though he desired to make away with him, and considered that during Aratus's lifetime he should not even be a free man, much less a despot or king, yet he would not openly attack him, but bade Taurion, one of his generals and friends, to do this secretly, by poison if possible, during his own absence. This man gained the confidence of Aratus, and administered drugs to him, whose action was not quick and sudden, but which produced slight heats in the body and a chronic cough, and so gradually undermined his strength. He did not, however, do this without being discovered by Aratus; but he, as he could gain nothing by convicting him, continued to endure his malady just as if it were some ordinary disorder. Only once when he spat blood, and one of his friends who was in the same room noticed it and expressed his concern, Aratus said, "This, Kephalon, is the return I get for my friendship for the king." LIII. Thus died Aratus at Ægium, when holding the office of general of the league for the seventeenth time. The Achæans wished his funeral to take place in that city, and to raise a suitable monument over so great a man; but the people of Sikyon regarded it as a national misfortune that he should not be buried in their city, and prevailed upon the Achæans to deliver up the body to them. As there was a law which was regarded with superstitious reverence, forbidding any one to be interred within the walls of Sikyon, they sent ambassadors to Delphi to consult the oracle. The Pythia returned the following answer:-- "Dost thou, fair Sikyon, hesitate to raise A fitting tomb to thy lost hero's praise? Curst be the land, nay, curst the air or wave That grudges room for thy Aratus' grave." When this response was brought back all the Achæans were delighted, and the Sikyonians in particular, turning their mourning into joy, put on white robes, crowned themselves with garlands, and removed the body of Aratus from Ægium to Sikyon in festal procession with songs and dances. They chose a conspicuous spot, and interred him in it with as much reverence as though he were the founder and saviour of their city. The place is called the Arateum to the present day, and on the day upon which he freed the city from its despot, which is the fifth day of the month Daisius, or Anthesterion in the Athenian calendar, a sacrifice, called the thanksgiving for safety, is offered, and also on the day of the month on which Aratus was born. The former sacrifice used to be conducted by the priest of Zeus the Saviour, and the latter by the priest of Aratus, who wore a headband, not all white, but mixed with purple. Songs used to be chanted to the music of the harp by the actors, called the servants of Dionysius, and the president of the gymnasiums took part in the procession, leading the boys and young men, after whom, followed the council of the city, crowned with flowers, and any of the citizens who wished to do so. Some traces of these proceedings still survive, as religious ceremonies; but the most part of the honours paid to Aratus have died out through lapse of time and change of circumstances. LIV. This is the account which history gives us of the life and character of the elder Aratus. As for his son, Philip, who was naturally a villain, and whose disposition combined insolence with cruelty, administered drugs to him, which were not deadly, but which deprived him of his reason; so that he conceived a passion for monstrous lusts and shameful debaucheries, by which he was soon so worn out that, although he was in the flower of his age, death appeared to him to be a release from sufferings rather than a misfortune. Yet Zeus, the patron of hospitality and of friendship, exacted a notable penalty from Philip for his wickedness, and pursued him throughout his life: for he was utterly defeated by the Romans, and forced to surrender at discretion to them. He lost all his empire, was obliged to deliver up all his fleet, except five ships, had to pay a thousand talents and give up his own son as a hostage, and then only was allowed, by the pity of his conquerors to keep Macedonia itself and its dependencies. As he always put to death all the leading men of his kingdom, and all his nearest relations, he inspired the whole country with terror and hatred. Amidst all his miseries he had one piece of good fortune, in having a son of remarkable promise, and him he put to death out of jealousy and envy at the honours which were paid him by the Romans. He left his kingdom to his other son Perseus, who was said not to be legitimate, but to be the son of a sempstress named Gnathæna. Over him Paulus Æmilius triumphed, and so put an end to the dynasty of Antigonus. However, the family of Aratus survived in Sikyon and Pellene down to my own times. LIFE OF GALBA. I. The Athenian general Iphikrates thought that a mercenary soldier ought to be fond both of money and pleasure, as in that case he would risk his life the more freely to obtain the means of procuring enjoyment. Most persons, however, are of opinion that an army, like a healthy body, should receive no impulses save from its head. Thus we are told that Paulus Æmilius, when he assumed the command of the army in Macedonia, and found that the soldiers did nothing but talk and meddle, as though each man were a general, gave them orders to keep their hands ready and their swords sharp, and leave the rest to him. And Plato likewise, seeing that a good general is useless without a disciplined and united army, thought that soldiers should be mild and gentle, as well as spirited and energetic, because those who know how to obey require a noble nature and a philosophic training as much as those who know how to command. The events which took place at Rome after Nero's death prove most conclusively that nothing is more terrible than a military force which is guided only by its own blind and ignorant impulses. Demades, when he saw the disorderly and senseless movements of the Macedonian army after the death of Alexander, compared it to the Cyclops after he had been blinded; but the state of the Roman Empire resembled the fabled rebellion of the Titans, as it was torn asunder into several portions, which afterwards fought with one another, not so much because of the ambition of those who were proclaimed emperors, as through the avarice and licentiousness of the soldiers, who made use of one emperor to drive out another, just as one nail drives out another. When Alexander of Pheræ was assassinated, after reigning in Thessaly for ten months, Dionysius, sneering at the shortness of his reign, called him a mere tragedy king; but the palace of the Cæsars in a shorter time than this saw four emperors, for the soldiers brought one in and drove another out, as if they were actors on a stage. The only consolation which the unhappy Romans enjoyed was that the authors of their miseries required no avenger to destroy them, for they fell by one another's hands, and first of all, and most justly, perished the man who had seduced the army into expecting such great things from a change of Cæsars, and who brought dishonour upon a glorious action, the dethronement of Nero, by bribing men to do it as though it were a treason. II. Nymphidius Sabinus, who, as has been related, was together with Tigellinus, Præfect of the Prætorian Guard,[599] when Nero's cause was quite hopeless, and he was evidently preparing to escape to Egypt, persuaded the soldiers to salute Galba as emperor, as though Nero were already gone. He promised to each of the prætorians, or household troops, seven thousand five hundred drachmas, and to each of the legionary soldiers serving in the provinces twelve hundred and fifty drachmæ; a sum which it would have been impossible to collect without inflicting ten thousand-fold more misery on mankind than Nero himself had done. This offer at once caused the downfall of Nero, and soon afterwards that of Galba; for the soldiery deserted Nero in hopes of receiving the money, and murdered Galba because they did not receive it. After this they sought so eagerly for some one who would give them as much, that before they obtained the hoped-for bribe, their own treasons and rebellions proved their ruin. To relate each event exactly as it happened belongs more properly to the professed historian; yet, those words and deeds of the Cæsars which are worthy of record ought not to be passed over even by an essayist like myself. III. It is generally agreed that Servius Sulpicius Galba was the richest private person who ever was raised to the throne of the Cæsars. Though illustrious by birth, being descended from the noble family of the Servii, he prided himself even more upon his relationship with Catulus,[600] who, though he shrank from taking any active part in politics, was yet one of the most virtuous and eminent men of the time. Galba was likewise related to Livia, the wife of Augustus, and by her influence he had been raised from the post which he held in the palace to the office of consul. He is said to have ably commanded the army in Germany, and to have gained especial praise by his conduct as proconsul in Libya. But when he became emperor, his simple and inexpensive mode of life was thought to be sheer meanness, while his ideas of discipline and sobriety appeared obsolete and ridiculous. Nero, before he had learned to fear the most eminent of the Romans, had appointed Galba to a command in Spain. Indeed, besides the mildness of his character, it was thought that his advanced age was a guarantee against his engaging in any rash enterprise. IV. While Galba was in Spain, the procurators of the emperor treated the provincials with the greatest harshness and cruelty. Galba could not afford them any assistance, but he made no secret of his sympathy with them and sorrow at their wrongs, and thus afforded them some relief while they were being condemned unjustly and sold into slavery. Many scurrilous songs also were written about Nero and sung and circulated everywhere, and as Galba did not discourage this, and did not share the indignation of the procurators, he became even more endeared to the natives, with whom he was already intimately acquainted, as he was now in the eighth year of his command, during which Junius Vindex, who commanded the army in Gaul, revolted. It is said that before Vindex committed any overt act of rebellion he wrote to Galba, and that Galba neither agreed to his proposals nor yet denounced him, as some other generals did; for many of them sent Vindex's letters to Nero, and as far as they were able ruined his cause. Yet these men afterwards became traitors, and so proved that they could betray themselves as well as Vindex. When, however, Vindex openly raised the standard of revolt, and called upon Galba to accept the offer of empire, and constitute himself the head of a strong body--namely, the troops in Gaul, a hundred thousand armed men, and many times more men capable of bearing arms--Galba called a council of his friends. Some of them advised him to temporise, and watch the progress of events at Rome; but Titus Vinius, the captain of the prætorian cohort, said, "Galba, why do you hesitate? for you cannot remain quiet, and yet think of remaining faithful to Nero. If Nero is to be your foe, you must not refuse the proffered alliance of Vindex, or else you must at once denounce him and attack him, because he wishes the Romans to have you for their chief rather than Nero for their tyrant." V. After this, Galba by an edict appointed a day upon which he would grant manumission to whoever might wish it, and rumour and gossip drew together on that day a great multitude of people eager for revolution. No sooner did Galba appear upon the tribune than all with one voice saluted him as emperor. Galba did not at once accept this title, but spoke in disparagement of Nero, deplored the best citizens of Rome who had been murdered by him, and promised that he would watch over his country to the best of his power, not as Cæsar or Emperor, but merely as the general of the Senate and people of Rome. That Vindex acted justly and on due reflection when he offered the empire to Galba, is proved by the conduct of Nero himself; for though he affected to despise Vindex and to regard Gaul as of no importance, yet as soon as he heard of Galba's rising, which was when he was at breakfast after his bath, he overturned the table. However, as the Senate declared Galba a public enemy, Nero, wishing to show his courage and to jest with his friends, said that this gave him a good pretext for raising the money of which he stood in need; for when he had conquered the Gauls he would sell their spoils by public auction, and in the meantime he could at once confiscate the estate of Galba, as he had been declared a public enemy. Nero, after this, ordered Galba's property to be sold, and Galba, when he heard of this, ordered all Nero's property in Spain to be put up to auction and found people much more ready to purchase it. VI. Many now revolted from Nero, and all these, as might be expected, declared for Galba, with the exception of Clodius Macer, in Africa, and Virginius Rufus[601] who commanded the German army in Gaul, who each acted for themselves, though for different reasons. Clodius, who had plundered his province, and put many men to death from cruelty and covetousness, hesitated, because he could neither continue to hold his command nor yet give it up with safety. Virginius on the other hand, who was at the head of the most powerful force in the empire, and who was constantly saluted as emperor by his soldiers and urged to assume the purple, declared that he would neither become emperor himself nor yet allow any one else to do so without the consent of the Senate. Galba was at first much disturbed at this. Soon the two armies of Vindex and Virginius, like horses that have taken the bit between their teeth, fought a severe battle with one another. After two thousand Gauls had fallen, Vindex committed suicide; and a rumour became prevalent that after so signal a victory the whole army would either place Virginius upon the throne, or would return to their allegiance to Nero. Galba, who was now greatly alarmed, wrote to Virginius, begging him to act in concert with him, and preserve the empire and liberty of the Romans. Meanwhile he retired with his friends to Colonia, a city of Spain, where he occupied himself more in repenting of the steps which he had taken, and in regretting the loss of his usual life of ease and leisure more than in doing anything to further his cause. VII. Summer was just beginning, when one evening, shortly before dark, there arrived Icelus, one of Galba's freed men, who had travelled from Rome in seven days. Hearing that Galba was retired to rest, he proceeded at once to his chamber, forced open the door in spite of the resistance of the attendants, made his way in and told him that while Nero was still alive, first the army, and then the people and Senate had declared Galba emperor: and that shortly afterwards a report was spread of Nero's death. The messenger said that he had not believed this rumour, and that he had not left Rome before he had seen the corpse of Nero. This news very greatly raised the credit of Galba, and a multitude of men, whose confidence in him had been restored by this message, flocked to his doors to salute him. Yet the time[602] in which he received the news seemed incredibly short. But, two days afterwards Titus Vinius arrived with several other persons, who brought a detailed account of the proceedings both of the prætorians and of the Senate. He was at once promoted to a post of honour; while Icelus was presented with a gold[603] ring, received the surname of Marcianus, and took the first place among the freed men of Galba. VIII. Meanwhile at Rome Nymphidius Sabinus, not quietly and by degrees, but by one bold stroke, attempted to get all departments of the state into his own hands. He pointed out that Galba was an old man who would scarcely live long enough to be carried to Rome in a litter; and indeed Galba was in his seventy-third year. The soldiers in the provinces, he declared, had long been his friends, and they now depended on him alone because of the enormous presents which he offered them, which made them regard him as their benefactor, and Galba as their debtor. Nymphidius now at once ordered his colleague Tigellinus to give up his sword, and entertained all men of consular or prætorian rank at state banquets, although he still invited them in the name of Galba, while he suborned many of the prætorian guard to say that they must petition Galba to appoint Nymphidius as their præfect for life without any colleague. He was urged to even more audacious pretensions by the conduct of the Senate, who added to his fame and power by addressing him as their benefactor, by assembling daily to pay their respects to him, and by requiring him to propose and to ratify every decree: so that in a short time he became an object not only of jealousy but of terror to his supporters. When the consuls chose public messengers to carry the decrees of the Senate to the emperor, and had given them the sealed documents known as diplomas,[604] at the sight of which the local authorities in all towns assist the bearer on his journey by relays of horses at each stage. Nymphidius was much vexed at their not having come to him to affix the seals and to provide messengers from the prætorian guard, and he is even said to have thought of wreaking his displeasure on the consuls; but when they begged his pardon he forgave them. In order to win the favour of the people he permitted them to massacre any of Nero's creatures who fell into their hands: and they killed Spicillus the gladiator by throwing him under the statues of Nero when they were being dragged about the Forum; laid Aponius, one of the informers, on the ground and drove waggons loaded with stones over his body, and tore to pieces many other persons, some of whom were perfectly innocent, so that Mauriscus, who was justly held to be one of the noblest men in Rome, openly declared in the Senate that he feared they would soon wish to have Nero back again. IX. Nymphidius, who thus began to draw nearer to the object of his hopes, did not dislike being called the son of Caius Cæsar, who was emperor after Tiberius. It seems that Caius, when a boy, did have an intrigue with the mother of Nymphidius, who was a good looking woman, the daughter of a hired sempstress and of one Callisto, a freed man of the emperor. But it appears that her intrigue with Caius must have taken place after the birth of Nymphidius, whose father was generally supposed to have been Martianus the gladiator, for whom Nymphidia conceived a passion because of his renown as a swordsman; and this belief was confirmed by the likeness which he bore to the gladiator. However, though he did not deny that Nymphidia was his mother, he nevertheless boasted that the dethronement of Nero was entirely his own work, and, not satisfied with having gained by it both honours and riches, and the embraces of Sporus, the favourite of Nero, whom he had fetched away from the funeral pyre of his late master and now treated as his wife, calling her Poppæa, he was intriguing to gain the throne for himself. He employed several of his friends, among whom were some ladies of rank and senators, to further his interests in Rome, and sent one Gellianus to Spain to watch the proceedings of Galba. X. After Nero's death all went well with Galba, though he still felt uneasy about Virginius Rufus, who had not declared his intentions, and, who, being at the head of a great and warlike army, with the glory of having overthrown Vindex and made himself master of a great part of the Roman Empire, was not unlikely to listen to the solicitations of those who wished him to assume the purple, especially as the whole of Gaul was in an excited condition and ready to revolt. No name was greater or more glorious than that of Virginius, who was credited with having saved Rome both from a cruel tyranny and from a war with Gaul. He, however, according to his original intention, referred the choice of an emperor to the Senate; though when the death of Nero was known the soldiers renewed their solicitation of Virginius to make himself emperor, and one of the tribunes who attended him in his tent drew his sword, and bade Virginius choose between the steel and the throne. But when Fabius Valens, the commander of one legion, swore allegiance to Galba, and dispatches arrived from Rome containing an account of what the Senate had decreed, Virginius, though not without difficulty, prevailed upon his soldiers to salute Galba as emperor; and when Galba sent Hordeonius Flaccus to supersede him, he received him as his successor, delivered up the troops to him, met Galba, who was now on the march for Rome, and joined him without receiving from him any token either of favour or resentment. Galba respected Virginius too much to injure him, and Titus Vinius and Galba's other adherents opposed his advancement out of jealousy, though in truth they only assisted the good genius of Virginius in withdrawing him from the wars and troubles in which all the other commanders were involved, and enabling him to live in peaceful retirement to a good old age. XI. At Narbo, a city of Gaul,[605] Galba was met by envoys from the Senate, who greeted him and invited him to show himself as soon as possible to his people who were eager to behold him. Galba showed the envoys every kindness and hospitality, but at his entertainments would only use his own plate and other things, though Nymphidius had forwarded from Nero's stores sumptuous services of everything necessary for great banquets, and the imperial household servants. By this conduct Galba gained the reputation of being a magnanimous man, above any ideas of vulgar ostentation; but Vinius presently told him that this noble and patriotic simplicity seemed merely an artifice to gain popularity with the lower classes, and that it was affectation to behave as though he were not worthy of this magnificence. By these arguments Vinius prevailed upon him to use Nero's riches, and not to shrink from an imperial extravagance at his banquets. Indeed the old man seemed as though by degrees he would come to be altogether ruled by Vinius. XII. This Vinius was more passionately fond of money than any one else of his time, and by no means free from blame in respect of women. When a young man, serving on his first campaign under Calvisius Sabinus, he introduced his general's wife, a dissolute woman, into the camp disguised as a soldier, and passed the night with her in the general's headquarters, which the Romans call the "Principia." For this outrage Caius Cæsar imprisoned him; but on the death of Caius he was fortunate enough to obtain his release. Once when dining with the emperor Claudius he stole a silver cup. When Claudius heard of it he asked him to dinner on the following day, but when he came ordered the attendants to serve him entirely from earthenware, not from silver. Cæsar by this comic punishment showed that he regarded him as more worthy of ridicule than of serious anger; but when he had obtained complete control over Galba, and was the most powerful man in the empire, his passion for money led him into acts which partly caused and partly led others to bring about the most tragic scenes of sorrow. XIII. Nymphidius, as soon as Gellianus, whom he had sent as a spy upon Galba, was returned, learned from him that Cornelius Laco was appointed præfect of the palace and of the prætorian guard, but that all real power was in the hands of Vinius.[606] Gellianus also said that he had had no opportunity of meeting Galba, and of conversing privately with him. At this news Nymphidius was much alarmed. He assembled the officers of the prætorians, and addressed them, saying that Galba himself was a kind and moderate old man, but that he never acted according to his own judgment and was entirely led astray by Vinius and Laco. "Before these men, therefore," he continued, "insensibly obtain for themselves the position and influence which was formerly enjoyed by Tigellinus, it is our duty to send an embassy from the prætorian guard to our chief, to inform him that he will be more acceptable to us and more popular if he removes these two of his friends from his court." As this language was not approved, for indeed it seemed a strange and unheard of proceeding, to lecture an old general upon the choice of his friends, as though he were a young boy just appointed to his first command, Nymphidius tried another course, and attempted to intimidate Galba by writing letters to him, in which he at one time declared that Rome was in an excited and disaffected condition, and at another that Clodius Macer had laid an embargo on the corn-ships in African ports, and that the German legions were rising in revolt, and that he heard much the same news about the troops in Syria and Judæa. As Galba did not pay much attention to his letters or attach much credit to the assertions which they contained, he resolved to make his attempt before Galba's arrival, though Clodius Celsus of Antioch, who was a sensible man and a faithful friend, dissuaded him, saying that he did not believe that there was one single family in Rome that would address Nymphidius as Cæsar. Many, however, scoffed at Galba, and Mithridates of Pontus[607] in particular, sneering at his bald head and wrinkled face, said that the Romans thought a great deal of Galba, now that he was absent, but that when he came they would think him a disgrace to the age that called him Cæsar. XIV. It was now determined that Nymphidius should be conducted to the camp of the prætorians at midnight and there proclaimed emperor. Towards evening Antonius Honoratus, the first military tribune, assembled the soldiers under his command and addressed them, beginning by blaming himself and them for having in a short time so often changed their allegiance, which they had done, not according to any fixed plan, or in order to choose the best masters, but as though they were driven to commit one treason after another by some infatuation sent by the gods. Their desertion of Nero was indeed justified by his crimes; but they could not accuse Galba of having murdered his mother or his wife; nor could they allege that he had ever disgraced the purple by appearing on the stage. "Yet," he continued, "it was not any of these things that made us desert Nero, but Nymphidius persuaded us into doing so when Nero had already deserted us and fled to Egypt. Shall we then kill Galba as well as Nero? Shall we choose the son of Nymphidia for our emperor, and slay the son of Livia as we slew the son of Agrippina? Or shall we rather punish this fellow for his crimes, and thus prove ourselves the avengers of Nero, and the faithful guards of Galba?" This speech of the tribune was agreed to by all his soldiers, who proceeded to their comrades, and urged them to remain faithful to Galba, and most of them promised to do so. Soon a shout was raised, either because, according to some writers, Nymphidius believed that the soldiers were already calling for him, or else because he wished to be beforehand with them and fix them while they were wavering and uncertain whom they should follow. Nymphidius came forward in the glare of many torches, carrying in his hand a speech written by Cingonius Varro, which he had learned by heart and intended to address to the soldiers. When, however, he saw that the gates of the camp were closed, and that the walls were covered with armed men, he was alarmed, and, coming up to the gates, asked what they wanted, and by whose orders they were under arms. They all answered with one voice that they looked upon Galba as their emperor. At this Nymphidius went up to them, applauded their resolution, and bade his followers do likewise. The soldiers at the gate let him pass in, with a few others. Presently a spear was hurled at him, which Septimius caught before him on his shield; but as many now attacked Nymphidius with drawn swords, he ran away, was pursued into a soldier's room, and slain there. The corpse was dragged into a public place where a railing was put round it, and it was left exposed to public view the next day. XV. When Galba heard how Nymphidius had perished, he ordered such of his accomplices as had not voluntarily made away with themselves to be put to death: among whom were Cingonius Varro who wrote the speech, and Mithridates of Pontus. In this Galba was thought to have shown himself harsh beyond all usage, if not beyond all law, and this execution of men of rank without a trial[608] was a most unpopular message. Indeed, all men had expected a very different kind of rule, for they had been deceived, as is usually the case, by the reports spread at the beginning of Galba's reign. They were still further grieved at the fate of Petronius Turpilianus, a man of consular rank and a faithful servant of Nero, whom Galba ordered to destroy himself. In Africa Macer had, it is true, been put to death by Trebonianus, and Fonteius in Germany by Fabius Valens, acting under Galba's orders: yet in both these cases he had the excuse that he feared, them, as they were in open rebellion against him; but there could be no reason for refusing a trial to Turpilianus, an old and helpless man, if the emperor had any intention of carrying out in his acts the moderation of which he spoke in his proclamations. For all this, therefore, Galba was blamed by the Romans. When on his journey he arrived within five-and-twenty stadia (about three English miles) of the city, he met a disorderly mob of sailors[609] who occupied the entire road. These were the men whom Nero had formed into a legion and treated as soldiers. They now wished to have their appointment confirmed, and pushed forward towards the emperor noisily demanding standards for their legion and quarters to encamp in, crowding round him in such disorder that he could neither be seen nor heard by those citizens who had come out to meet him on his arrival. When he endeavoured to put the matter off, and said that he would give them an answer at another time, they, taking his delay to mean a refusal of their demand, became indignant, and followed him with loud shouts. As some of them drew their swords, Galba ordered his cavalry to charge them. No resistance was offered, but some were cut down in the act of turning to flee, and some while they ran. It was thought to be a very bad omen that Galba should make his entry into the city in the midst of so much blood and slaughter; but all who had before jeered at him as a feeble old man now looked upon him with fear and horror. XVI. In the giving of presents Galba wished to show a marked change from the profuse liberality of Nero: but he seems to have missed his mark, as for example, when Canus, the celebrated flute-player, performed before him at dinner, Galba praised his playing and ordered his purse to be brought. From this he took several gold pieces and gave them to Canus, telling him that the money came from his own pocket, not from the revenues of the state. He also demanded the restitution of the largesses, which Nero had bestowed on his favourite actors and athletes, leaving them only a tenth part. As he could scarcely get any part of the money back from them, for the major part being reckless profligates who lived only for the day's enjoyment, had spent it all, he began to search out those who had bought anything or received any presents from them, and obliged them to refund. This investigation caused infinite trouble, for it affected so many persons; it covered Galba with disgrace and made Vinius loathed and detested for making the emperor show himself so mean and pettifogging towards his subjects, while he himself used his power recklessly, confiscating and selling every one's property. Hesiod, indeed, bids us drink deep of-- "The end and the beginning of the cask;" and Vinius, seeing that Galba was old and feeble took his fill of his fortune, as though it were both beginning and ending. XVII. The old emperor received much wrong, first from the bad arrangements made by Vinius, and also because Vinius blamed or defeated his best intentions. An instance of this was his punishment of Nero's favourites. He did, indeed, put to death many wretches, among whom were Helius, Polykleitus, Petinus, and Patrobius. The people applauded, and cried out as these men were being led through the Forum, that the sight was a fair one and pleasing to the gods, but that both gods and men demanded the punishment of Tigellinus, Nero's tutor and instructor in wickedness. That worthy, however, had previously attached Vinius to himself by a most important pledge.[610] So, they argued, Turpilianus perished though he had committed no crime except that he remained faithful and did not betray a bad master; while the man, who first made Nero unfit to live, and then deserted and betrayed him, was still alive, an evident example that anything could be obtained from Vinius by those who could pay for it. The Roman people, who would have enjoyed no spectacle so much as that of Tigellinus dragged away to execution, and who never ceased to demand his head when they assembled in the theatre or the circus, were astonished at a proclamation in which the emperor, after declaring that Tigellinus was suffering from a wasting disease and could not live long, begged his people not to urge him to disgrace his reign by acts of tyranny and ferocity. In ridicule of the public exasperation Tigellinus offered a sacrifice of thanksgiving to the gods for the recovery of his health, and prepared a splendid banquet; while Vinius left the table of the emperor after dinner and led his widowed daughter to the house of Tigellinus in a riotous procession. Tigellinus made her a present of five-and-twenty thousand drachmas, and bade his chief concubine take off the necklace which she wore, which, was said to be worth fifteen thousand drachmas, and put it round his daughter's neck. XVIII. After these outrages Galba received no credit even when he acted mildly, as for instance, when he granted a remission of tribute and the Roman franchise to the Gauls who had risen in rebellion under Vindex, for it was believed that they had not received these privileges from the kindness of the emperor, but had bought them from Vinius. Thus the people began to dislike the emperor most cordially, but the prætorian guard, who had not received their looked-for donative, still cherished a hope that Galba would give them at least as much money as they had been wont to receive from Nero, if not as much as they had been promised by Nymphidius. When Galba heard of their discontent, he made that remark, so worthy of a great commander, that "he was wont to enlist his soldiers, not to buy them," and this caused the soldiers to hate him bitterly, for they thought that, besides depriving them of what was their due, he was trying to regulate the conduct of future emperors towards them. Yet disaffection at Rome had not hitherto assumed any distinct form, for the awe inspired by the presence of Galba acted as a kind of check upon revolutionary schemes, and men concealed the dislike with which they regarded him because they did not see any distinct opportunity of effecting a change in the government. But the troops in Germany who had served under Virginius, and who were now commanded by Flaccus,[611] were elated with pride at the victory which they had won over Vindex, and as they were given nothing, became quite unmanageable by their officers. They paid no attention whatever to Flaccus, who, indeed, besides being quite helpless from his violent attacks of gout, was entirely without military experience. Once when the army was assembled at a public spectacle, and the tribunes and officers offered prayers, as is usual among the Romans, for the prosperity of the emperor Galba, the soldiers broke into loud murmurs of dissent, and then, as their chiefs continued the prayers, shouted as a response, "If he be worthy." XIX. Very similar reports to these reached Galba concerning the conduct of the legions under the command of Tigellinus.[612] The emperor, fearing that it was not only his age, but his want of children which brought him into contempt, now determined to adopt some noble youth as his son, and make him heir to the throne. There was one Marcus Otho, a man of illustrious family, and steeped from childhood in luxury and pleasure beyond most Romans of his time. As Homer calls Alexander the "spouse of fair-haired Helen," celebrating him for the beauty of his wife, in default of any noble qualities of his own, so Otho was notorious at Rome in consequence of his marriage with Poppæa, with whom Nero fell in love when she was the wife of Crispinus, and, as he had still some feelings of respect for his own wife, and feared his mother, made use of Otho to obtain her for him. Otho's extravagance made him a friend and companion of Nero, who was amused at being reproached by Otho for meanness and parsimony. It is said that once Nero scented himself with a very costly perfume, and sprinkled a little of it over Otho. On the next day Otho entertained Nero, when suddenly a number of gold and silver pipes squirted out the same perfume over them both as abundantly as if it were water. Otho seduced Poppæa for Nero, and prevailed upon her by holding out hopes of an intrigue with Nero to divorce her husband and marry him. After she became his wife, he did not like to share her favours, but showed great jealousy, at which it is said Poppæa was not offended, for she used sometimes to exclude Nero even when Otho was absent, either because she feared to surfeit him with her society, or according to some writers, because she did not wish to marry the emperor, though she was willing enough to have him for her lover. Otho ran a great risk of losing his life; and it is strange that Nero, who put to death his own wife and sister for Poppæa's sake, should have spared Otho. XX. But Seneca was Otho's friend, and he persuaded Nero to appoint Otho to the command of the province of Further Lusitania. Otho gained the love and respect of his subjects, although he well knew that his appointment was merely intended as an honourable exile. When Galba revolted, Otho was the first to join him, brought all his silver and gold plate for Galba to coin into money, and presented him with slaves who knew how to wait upon an emperor. In everything he proved his fidelity to Galba, while he showed a rare capacity for business, and on the march to Rome he travelled for days together in the same chariot with Galba. During this journey, while he was so familiar with the emperor, he paid special court to Vinius, both by conversing with him and by giving him presents, and he firmly established his right to the second place in the emperor's favour by always yielding the first to Vinius. He was more successful than Vinius in avoiding unpopularity, for he assisted all petitioners to obtain their demands without taking bribes from them, and showed himself easy of access and affable to all. He took special interest in the common soldiers, and obtained promotion for many of them, sometimes by applying directly to the emperor, at others by means of Vinius, or of the freedmen, Icelus and Asiaticus,[613] who were the most powerful personages of the court. Whenever Otho entertained Galba, he always presented each soldier of the guard in attendance on the emperor with a gold piece, and thus corrupted the army and won their affections for himself while he appeared to be doing honour to Galba. XXI. Now, when Galba was deliberating about the choice of a successor, Vinius suggested Otho to him. Vinius did not do Otho even this service gratis, but because he hoped to have him for a son-in-law, for they had made a compact that Vinius's daughter should marry Otho if he were adopted by Galba and declared his successor on the throne. But Galba always preferred the good of the state to his own private advantage, and always looked, not to what was most pleasant for himself, but to what was best for Rome. It seems probable that he would never have chosen Otho even to be heir to his own estate, for he knew well his licentiousness and extravagance and his debts, which amounted to fifty millions.[614] Wherefore Galba, after having graciously and in silence listened to Vinius, postponed his decision: only he appointed himself consul, and Vinius his colleague, and it was supposed that he would name his successor at the beginning of the new year. The soldiers eagerly hoped that this successor would be Otho. XXII. While Galba was deliberating and hesitating, the German army broke out into open rebellion. All the soldiers alike hated Galba for not having given them their promised donative, and the troops in Germany regarded it as a special insult to themselves, that Virginius Rufus had been so discourteously deprived of his command, that those Gauls who had fought against them under Vindex had been rewarded, while those who had not joined him were punished, and that Galba should show such gratitude to Vindex and pay him such honour after his death, as though it was Vindex who had made him emperor of the Romans. This kind of language was being openly held in the camp when on the first day of the new year,[615] which the Romans call the Calends of January, Flaccus assembled the army to renew the customary oath of fidelity to the emperor. The soldiers overthrew and tore down the images of Galba, swore fealty to the Senate and people of Rome, and then dispersed. After this outbreak the officers began to fear anarchy among the soldiers as much as rebellion: and one of them spoke as follows: "What will become of us, fellow-soldiers, if we neither remain faithful to our present emperor nor yet create another, as though we had not merely thrown off our allegiance to Galba, but refused to obey any master whatever? As for Hordeonius Flaccus we must pass him over, for he is merely a feeble shadow of Galba; but within one day's march of us there is Vitellius, the chief of the army of Lower Germany, whose father was censor and thrice consul, and who can point to the poverty for which some reproach him as a shining proof of honesty and greatness of soul. Come, let us choose this man, and show that we know better than the Iberians or Lusitanians how to elect an emperor." While some approved, and some rejected this advice, a standard-bearer stole quietly away and brought the news of it to Vitellius, who was entertaining a large company at supper. Soon the matter became noised abroad throughout the army, and on the following day Fabius Valens, who commanded one legion,[616] rode over to Vitellius's quarters[617] with a number of horsemen and saluted him emperor. It is said that on the previous days he had refused the purple, and had shrunk from the burden of empire, but that now, excited by food and wine which he had taken at midday, he came forward and willingly heard himself addressed as Germanicus, though he declined the title of Cæsar.[618] The troops under Flaccus now at once forgot their patriotic oaths of fidelity to the Senate, and swore to obey the emperor Vitellius. XXIII. Thus was Vitellius proclaimed emperor in Germany. Galba, when he heard of the rising there, no longer postponed the choice of his successor. He knew that some of his friends desired the election of Otho, and some that of Dolabella; but as he himself approved of neither candidate, he suddenly without any warning sent for Piso, the son of Crassus and Scribonia, who perished under Nero, a young man remarkable for his virtues, and especially for the modesty and austerity of his life. Galba now at once took this youth to the camp of the prætorian guard to declare him Cæsar and heir to the empire, though as he left the palace he was at once met by evil omens, and when he began to address the soldiers and to read aloud a prepared speech it thundered and lightened so often, and such rain and darkness overshadowed the camp and the city, that it was impossible to doubt that Heaven did not approve of the adoption of Piso, and that no good would come of it. The soldiers were sulky and scowling, as not even on this occasion was any largesse given to them. Piso himself was admired by all who saw him, for as far as they could judge from his voice and manner he was not bewildered by his good fortune, although he was not insensible of it, while Otho's countenance bore manifest tokens of the bitterness of his disappointment, as he thought that Galba's refusal to appoint him after having chosen him and all but raised him to the throne was a clear proof of the emperor's dislike and hatred for him. Otho was not without fears for the future, and went away full of hatred for Piso, blaming Galba, and angry with Vinius. The prophets and Chaldæans whom he kept about his person would not permit him to give up his hopes, and especially one Ptolemæus,[619] who laid great stress upon a prophecy which he had often repeated to him, that Nero would not kill him, but would perish before him, and that he should rule over the Romans; for having proved the one part of his prophecy to be true, this man bade him not despair of the other part also coming to pass, while he was much encouraged by those who came to offer their sympathy, and treated him as an ill-used man: for many of the partizans of Nymphidius and Tigellinus, who had once been in positions of honour, and now had been dismissed and were in poverty, attached themselves to him and urged him to revolt. XXIV. Among these were Veturius and Barbius, one of whom was an adjutant, and the other an orderly of the corps of guides[620] as the Romans call the scouts and messengers of their armies. Together with them a freedman of Otho's, named Onomastus, went about from man to man, and by bribes and promises induced them to stand by Otho, which they were willing enough to do, as they were thoroughly disloyal to Galba and only wanted an excuse to desert him. Indeed, a loyal army could not have been corrupted in four days, which was all the interval that elapsed between the adoption of Piso by Galba, and the murder of them both: for they perished on the sixth[621] day after, which the Romans call the sixteenth before the Calends of February. Early in the morning of that day Galba was offering sacrifice in the palace, accompanied by many of his friends. The aruspex, Umbricius, as soon as he took the entrails of the victim into his hands and looked at them, said distinctly that they portended great disturbances, and danger to the emperor from a plot at headquarters. Thus was Otho all but delivered up to justice by the hand of God: for he stood close behind Galba and heard what Umbricius said as he pointed to the entrails. He was much alarmed, and turned all manner of colours through fear, when his freedman Onomastus came up to him and said that the architect was waiting for him at his house. This was the preconcerted signal of the time when Otho was to meet the soldiers. He, therefore, explaining that he had just bought an old house, and wished to point out its defects to those who had sold it, went away through what is called the house of Tiberius into the Forum, where stands a gilded column[622] at which all the public roads in Italy terminate. XXV. Here they say that he was met and saluted as emperor by the first of the conspirators, who were not more than three and twenty in number. Though the luxury and effeminacy in which he lived had not affected his courage, for he was a most daring man, yet now his heart failed him. The others, however, would not let him draw back, but drew their swords and, standing round his litter,[623] ordered it to proceed, while Otho frequently urged the bearers to go faster, and often muttered to himself, "I am a lost man;" for several persons had heard what had passed, and looked on more in wonder than alarm, because of the small number of the conspirators. While he was being thus carried through the Forum, about as many more men joined him, and then others came up by twos and threes. At length they all faced around, and saluted him as Cæsar, brandishing their naked swords. The tribune Martialis, who was on guard at the camp of the prætorians, is said not to have been in the plot, but to have been terrified and bewildered at Otho's sudden appearance, and let him pass in. When he was once within the camp, no one opposed him; for those who did not know what was being done found themselves enclosed in small parties of two or three together by the conspirators, and being thus cut off from one another, followed the party of Otho at first through fear, and soon, when the matter was explained to them, of their own free will. News of the rising was brought to Galba at the palace while the aruspex still held the victim in his hands, so that even those who generally refused to believe in the omens drawn from sacrifices were astonished at the evident interposition of Heaven. As a crowd of all kinds of persons now ran up from the Forum, Vinius and Laco and a few of the emperor's freedmen stood round him with drawn swords while Piso went forward and addressed the soldiers who were on guard at the palace, and Marius Celsus, a brave man, was sent to assure himself of the fidelity of a corps of Illyrians who were quartered in the Portico of Agrippa. XXVI. Galba wished to go forth, but Vinius dissuaded him, while Celsus and Laco urged him to do so, and abused Vinius roundly. At this time a persistent rumour arose that Otho had been murdered in the camp of the prætorians; and presently one Julius Atticus, one of the chiefs of the emperor's guards, came up with his sword drawn, shouting that he had slain the enemy of Cæsar. Pushing his way through the bystanders, he showed Galba his sword, which was covered with blood. Galba looked at him, and said, "Who ordered you to kill him?" As, however, the man spoke of his loyalty, and the oath of fealty which he had sworn, and as the crowd shouted that he had done well, and clapped their hands, Galba got into his litter with the intention of sacrificing to Jupiter and showing himself to his subjects. Just as he entered the Forum, like a change of wind there came a rumour that Otho was at the head of the soldiers. And now, while in that vast crowd some called to Galba to turn back, and some to go on, some bade him be of good courage and others warned him to beware, and the litter was frequently shaken and swayed to and fro as if it were on a stormy sea, there suddenly appeared a body of horsemen, and then some foot-soldiers, who came through the basilica of Paulus, and loudly shouted to the people to take "that citizen" away. The populace took to their heels, but did not run away in fear, but posted themselves on the tops of the porticoes and on the highest parts of the Forum as though they were spectators at a public show. The civil war was begun by Attilius Vergilio,[624] who tore down the image of Galba which he carried on his staff, and dashed it upon the ground. Many now hurled their javelins at the litter; and, missing their aim at Galba with these, they drew their swords and rushed upon him. No one remained with him or defended him except one man, the only one of all that vast multitude whom the sun beheld that day acting worthily of the Roman Empire. This was a centurion named Sempronius Densus, who had never received any especial favour from Galba, but who, prompted merely by his own honour and fidelity, stood firm in front of his litter. Raising the vine stick, which is carried by centurions to correct their men, he shouted aloud and ordered the men who rushed towards him to spare the emperor. After this, as they tried to push past him, he drew his sword and defended the emperor for a long time, until he was brought to the ground by a blow under the knee. XXVII. Galba's litter was overset near the place called the Lake of Curtius. As he fell to the ground, wearing a corslet,[625] many ran upon him and stabbed him. He, offering his throat to them, said "Strike, if this be best for Rome." He received many cuts in the legs and arms, but the mortal blow in the throat was given, according to the most common account, by one Camurius, a soldier of the fifteenth legion. Some writers say that his murderer's name was Terentius, some, Lecanius, and some Fabius Fabulus, who is said to have cut off his head and carried it away wrapped in his toga, for being bald, it was difficult to hold with the hands. Afterwards, as those who were with him would not allow him to carry it so, but wished him to display his feat of arms, he stuck it on a spear, and ran along like a Bacchanal, brandishing aloft the aged head of one who had been a virtuous emperor, a pontiff, and a consul, often turning himself about and shaking the spear, down which the blood still ran. When the head of Galba was brought to Otho, he said, "This is nothing, my comrades; show me the head of Piso." Before long it was brought to him: for the youth had been wounded and fled, but had been pursued by one Marcus who slew him near the temple of Vesta. Vinius also was killed, though he admitted that he had been a party to the conspiracy against Galba; for he cried out that "Otho did not mean him to be killed." However, both his head and that of Laco were cut off and taken to Otho, from whom the bearers demanded a present. As Archilochus says, "Though there be of us a thousand, each of whom his man hath slain, Yet we find but corpses seven, when we come to search the plain." So many who took no part in these murders nevertheless dipped their hands and their swords in the blood and showed them to Otho, and sent petitions to him asking for a reward. A hundred and twenty persons were afterwards discovered to have done this by the written petitions which they sent to the emperor, all of whom afterwards Vitellius caused to be searched for and put to death. Besides these men, Marius Celsus came to the camp. Many at once accused him of having incited the soldiers to help Galba, and the mob clamoured for his execution. Otho, however, did not wish to kill him; but as he did not dare to directly oppose the soldiers, he said that he would not put him to death in such a hurry, for there were several questions which he wished to put to him. On this pretence he ordered him to be imprisoned, and entrusted him to his own most faithful followers. XXVIII. The Senate was at once called together. Just as though they had become different men, or worshipped different gods, the senators took the oath of fealty to Otho, which Otho himself had just broken: and they addressed him as Cæsar and Augustus while the headless corpses, dressed in their consular robes, were still lying in the Forum. As the murderers had no further use for the heads, they sold that of Vinius to his daughter for two thousand five hundred drachmas. Piso's head was given to his wife Verania,[626] at her earnest entreaty; and that of Galba was given to the slaves of Patrobius[627] and Vitellius, who subjected it to every kind of indignity, and at last threw it into the place which is called the Sessorium, where they execute those who are put to death by the emperor's orders. Galba's body was removed by Helvidius Priscus, with the permission of Otho: and during the night it was buried by one Argius,[628] the emperor's freedman. XXIX. This was the fate of Galba, who was second to few of the Romans in birth or wealth, being almost the first man of his time in both. He lived through the reigns of five emperors and obtained a great reputation, by which more than by any power at his disposal he drove out Nero: for of the many pretenders of that time some were declared by all to be unfit to reign, and some of their own accord withdrew their pretensions; but Galba was offered the throne and accepted it, so that his mere name caused the rising of Vindex, which had been regarded as a mere revolt, to be called a civil war, because an emperor took part in it. As therefore he considered that he had not so much sought for the management of the empire as he had had it pressed upon him, he thought to govern the spoiled children of Nymphidius and Tigellinus after the fashion of Scipio, Fabricius, and Camillus of old. Though his faculties were somewhat impaired by age he proved himself in all military matters a thoroughly capable commander of the old school; but he put himself entirely into the hands of Vinius and Laco, who, just like the greedy crew that had surrounded Nero, sold everything in the state to the highest bidder; so that no one looked back with regret to his reign, though many were grieved at his death. LIFE OF OTHO. I. The young emperor[629] proceeded at daybreak to the Capitol, and offered sacrifice there. Next, he ordered Marius Celsus to be brought to him, and having embraced him, spoke kindly to him, and invited him to forget the charge which had been made against him rather than to remember his acquittal. Celsus answered with dignity, yet not without appreciation of Otho's kindness, that the crime laid to his charge, being that of fidelity to Galba, to whom he owed nothing, ought of itself to bear witness to his character. By these words both Otho and Celsus were thought to have done themselves equal honour, and were applauded by the soldiers. After this, Otho made a mild and gracious speech to the Senate. He assigned part of the time appointed for his own consulship to Virginius Rufus, and left in force all the other appointments to consulships which had been made by Nero or Galba. He gratified several persons of advanced age, or eminent in other ways, by appointing them to offices in the priesthood, and restored to those senators who had been banished by Nero, and had returned under Galba, all of their property which had not been sold. In consequence of this, many of the leading men in Rome, who had at first shuddered at Otho's accession, regarding him as some avenging demon who had suddenly been placed upon the throne, began to look much more hopefully upon a reign by which they themselves profited. II. At the same time nothing delighted the common people and reconciled them to Otho so much as his treatment of Tigellinus. This wretch had hitherto escaped notice, for all thoughtful men considered him sufficiently punished already by his fear of the punishment which the people demanded as a debt due to the public, and by the incurable bodily diseases from which he suffered, while they regarded the foul debaucheries which he still even when dying continued to lust after, as a greater misery to him than death itself. Yet many thought it shame that he should still see the light of day, of which he had deprived so many noble spirits. Otho sent a messenger to the country house near Sinuessa, where Tigellinus dwelt, and where several ships were always riding at anchor in case he should wish to flee farther from Rome. Tigellinus at first offered the messenger a vast bribe to allow him to escape; and as the man refused to do so, he gave him the money nevertheless, begged of him to wait until he had shaved, and then, taking up a razor, cut his throat. III. The emperor, though he gratified the people by this well-deserved execution, yet bore no malice against any one else of his personal enemies. To please the people he at first allowed them to address him at public spectacles as "Nero"; and he allowed several statues of Nero to be replaced in public. Claudius Rufus states that the diplomas,[630] or imperial despatches, which were sent to Spain by the hands of public couriers, were inscribed with the name of Nero as well as with that of Otho. However, as he perceived that this practice gave offence to the first and most powerful citizens, he put a stop to it. The soldiers of the prætorian guard were extremely dissatisfied with the moderate manner in which Otho began his reign, and they warned him to be on his guard, and cut off all disaffected persons, either out of a genuine anxiety for his safety, or merely as a pretext for causing disturbances and civil wars. One day Otho sent Crispinus[631] to Ostia to bring back the seventeenth manipulus[632] from thence. As Crispinus, while it was still dark, began to make preparations for the journey, and loaded waggons with the men's arms, some of the most daring soldiers openly declared that he had come with disloyal intentions, that the Senate meditated a coup d'état, and that the arms were meant to be used against Otho, not for him. As many took up this idea and became much excited, some seized on the waggons, others killed Crispinus and their own two centurions who tried to oppose them, and all, in confusion, calling upon one another to come to the rescue of Cæsar, marched to Rome. Hearing that Otho was entertaining eighty of the senators at dinner, they rushed to the palace, exclaiming that now was the time to put to death all the enemies of Cæsar at one stroke. The city was panic-stricken, expecting at once to be pillaged by the troops; the palace was filled with confusion and alarm, and Otho himself terribly perplexed as to what to do; for while he feared for the safety of his guests, some of whom had brought their wives to the banquet, they mistrusted him, and he saw them watching his every movement in silent terror. He therefore ordered the prefects of the guard to go and pacify the soldiers, while at the same time he dismissed his guests by another door. They were scarcely gone when the soldiers burst tumultuously into the dining-hall, asking what had become of the enemies of Cæsar. Otho now mounted on a couch and addressed them; and by entreaties, and even by tears, at last prevailed upon them to retire. On the following day, having presented every soldier with twelve hundred and fifty drachmas, he entered the camp, where he praised[633] their zeal on his behalf, and begged them to join him in punishing a few whose intrigues had made both his clemency and their own steady loyalty to be questioned. As all approved, and bade him do so, he, after selecting for punishment two men whose fate no one could regret, left the camp. IV. Some of the soldiers believed that Otho's character was really changed, and admired him for his conduct; while others bethought that he was only courting popularity perforce, because of the war which was impending. It was indeed reported that Vitellius had already assumed the imperial title and authority; and couriers were constantly arriving with the news of some fresh accession to his forces, though other messengers came who stated that the troops in Dalmatia, Pannonia, and Moesia had, with their officers, declared for Otho. Soon also friendly letters reached him from Mucianus and Vespasianus, the former of whom was at the head of a great army in Syria, and the latter in Judæa. Encouraged by these, Otho wrote to Vitellius, bidding him act like a loyal soldier, and promising that he would bestow on him a great sum of money and a city in which he might dwell in the utmost peace and happiness. Vitellius replied at first with dissimulation, but soon they became irritated, and overwhelmed one another with abuse, which each well deserved, though it was ridiculous for either of them to reproach the other with vices which were common to them both.[634] Indeed it was hard to say which of them was the more profligate or the more effeminate, which had the least experience of war, or which had been plunged the more deeply in debt by his former poverty. At this time many prodigies[635] and omens were reported, many of which were vague and could not be traced to any trustworthy source, though all men saw the reins fall from the hands of the figure of Victory in the capitol, who is represented driving a chariot, as though she were no longer able to hold them; and the statue of Caius[636] Cæsar, which stands upon the island in the Tiber, without any wind or earthquake, was turned round, so as to face east instead of west. This is said to have taken place about the time when Vespasianus openly pretended to the throne. Many also regarded the flooding of the Tiber as an evil omen; for though it was the season of the year at which rivers usually are full of water, yet it never rose so high or did so much damage before; for it laid a great part of the city under water, especially in the corn-market, and caused great scarcity of provisions for several days. V. About this time news was brought to Rome that Cæcina and Valens, acting as the lieutenants of Vitellius, had seized the passes of the Alps. The prætorians also conceived suspicions of the loyalty of Dolabella,[637] a man of patrician family. Whether Otho feared him or some one else is uncertain: however, he assured him of his friendship, and sent him to reside at the city of Aquinum. Otho now selected the officers who were to company him on his campaign. Amongst these was Lucius, the brother of Vitellius, whom he neither promoted nor removed from the rank in the army which he held. He also took especial care of the mother and wife of Vitellius, that they might not have any fear for their own safety. He entrusted the government of Rome to Flavius Sabinus, either because he wished to show his respect for Nero (for Sabinus had been appointed to this post by Nero, and had been deprived of it by Galba), or because by the promotion of Sabinus he declared his good will and confidence in Vespasianus. He himself remained at Brixellum, a city of Italy situated upon the river Padus, and sent on his forces under the command of Marius Celsus, Suetonius Paullinus, and of Gallus and Spurinna, who were all generals of renown, but who, on account of the want of discipline of their troops, were unable to conduct the campaign, according to the plans which they had arranged. Indeed the soldiers of the guard refused to obey any authority except that of the emperor himself, for he alone, they declared, had the right to command them. Nor were the enemy's troops altogether obedient and well-behaved, but the same causes rendered them also swaggering and untrustworthy. Yet they possessed experience of actual war, and were accustomed to fatigue; whereas Otho's troops were weak from their life of unwarlike leisure, for they spent most of their time in the theatres and at public shows, or else in their quarters, and affected such a degree of insolence that they refused to perform the necessary labours of a campaign, alleging that to do so was beneath their dignity, not that it was beyond their strength. Spurinna, when he endeavoured to force them to do their duty, came within a very little of losing his life. The soldiers insulted him grossly, and set no bounds to their language, calling him a traitor to Cæsar and the ruin of his cause. Some of them actually got drunk and went to Spurinna's tent at night to demand money for a journey; for they said they must go and impeach him before Cæsar. VI. However, the cause of Otho, and Spurinna with it, received some advantage from the abusive language which these same soldiers met with at Placentia. Here the Vitellians who were besieging the city ridiculed Otho's men whom they saw on the battlements, calling them stay-at-home soldiers, sword-dancers, and spectators of games, declaring that they had never seen or tasted of real war, but were full of pride at having cut off the head of an unarmed old man, meaning Galba, though they dared not come out and fight like men. The soldiers were so furiously exasperated by these reproaches that they eagerly besought Spurinna to employ them in whatever service he pleased, assuring him that they would not shrink from any toils or dangers. When the enemy furiously assaulted the walls, and brought up many battering engines,[638] Spurinna's men won the victory, drove back their opponents with great slaughter, and saved from ruin one of the most famous and prosperous cities of Italy. The generals of Otho were found both by cities and by individuals to be much less offensive to deal with than those of Vitellius. Among the latter was Cæcina, a man who neither spoke nor dressed like a citizen of Rome, but was harsh and overbearing, of great stature, wearing the Gaulish trousers and sleeves, and using signs[639] even when addressing Roman magistrates. He was accompanied by his wife[640] who rode with him in a showy dress, escorted by a picked body of cavalry. The other general, Fabius Valens,[641] was so avaricious that neither the plunder which he took from the enemy, nor yet the thefts, which he committed or the bribes which he received from the allied states could satiate him; and he was even suspected of having been too late for the first battle of the war because he delayed his march to amass wealth for himself. Others blame Cæcina, because in his haste to win a victory before Valens came up, he, besides other blunders of less consequence, began a battle so unseasonably and conducted it so remissly that he very nearly brought the cause of Vitellius to ruin. VII. After Cæcina's repulse at Placentia he proceeded to Cremona, another large and flourishing city. Meanwhile Annius Gallus, who was on his way to Placentia to reinforce Spurinna, hearing while on the march that the troops at Placentia had been victorious, but that Cremona was in danger, changed the direction of his march towards that place, and encamped close to the enemy. Here Cæcina concealed many foot-soldiers in rough and wooded ground ordering his cavalry to ride forward and, if they fell in with the enemy, to retire little by little so as to draw them into the ambuscade. This plan was betrayed to Celsus by deserters. Celsus attacked them with the best of his cavalry, pursued them with caution, taking care to avoid the ambuscade, and then surrounded the troops in ambush, and threw them into confusion. He now sent for his infantry from the camp: and it was thought that if they had come up promptly after the cavalry, the whole army of Cæcina might have been destroyed; but as it was, Paullinus brought them up slowly and too late, and tarnished his glory as a general by overcaution. The mass of the soldiers charged him with treason, and tried to exasperate Otho against him by boasting that they had won the victory, but that their success was not followed up owing to the cowardice of their generals. Otho, though he did not believe their accusations, yet feared to be thought to disbelieve them. He accordingly sent his brother Titianus to the army, and with him Julius Proculus[642], the prefect of the prætorians, who virtually had the supreme command, though Titianus was the nominal chief, while Celsus and Paullinus were given the titles of counsellors and friends, but were not allowed the least real power or authority. The enemy also showed want of discipline, especially in the army of Valens. These men, when they heard of the ambuscade and the defeat to which it had led, were greatly enraged at not having been there in time to prevent so great a slaughter of their friends. Valens[643] was forced to beg for his life; for the soldiers were preparing to stone him. He pacified them with difficulty, and led them to join the forces of Cæcina. VIII. When Otho arrived at the camp at Bedriacum,[644] which is a village near Cremona, he held a council of war. Proculus and Titianus were of opinion that, as the troops were full of confidence and flushed with victory, it would be best to fight a decisive battle at once, and not blunt their spirit by delay, which would also bring Vitellius down upon them from Gaul. On the other hand Paullinus argued that the enemy had already collected their entire available force, whereas Otho might expect another army as large as his present one to join him from Moesia and Pannonia, if he would only wait until it suited him to fight, and not play into the hands of the enemy by engaging prematurely. The troops, he said, after being so largely reinforced, would be no less confident than at present, when they are but few; indeed, they would fight with a great superiority of numbers. Besides this, delay would be all in their favour, as they had abundance of supplies, while the opponents, who were in an enemy's country, would soon be reduced to great straits by the want of provisions. Marius Celsus agreed with the views of Paullinus. Annius Gallus was not present at the council, having been disabled by a fall from his horse: but when Otho wrote a letter to him, asking his opinion, he advised the emperor not to be hasty, but to await the arrival of the legions which were already on their way from Moesia. However Otho was not convinced by these arguments, but agreed with those who urged him to fight at once. IX. Many other reasons for this decision are given by various writers, and it is evident that the prætorians, or bodyguard of the emperor, who now for the first time had experience of actual warfare, were eager to return to their old haunts at Rome, and the unwarlike pleasures of the theatre and the circus, and that their eagerness for battle could not be restrained, as they imagined that they would overthrow their antagonists at the first onset. It seems, too, that Otho himself could no longer endure the uncertainty of his position, for his ignorance of war and his life of enervating luxury had unfitted him for a calm calculation of his chances of success, and, worn out as he was with anxiety, he longed to let the matter be settled whichever way chance might determine, like a man who covers his face through dizziness at looking over a precipice. This is the account which is given by the orator Secundus, who acted as private secretary to Otho. Other[645] authorities relate that many efforts were made by the soldiers of both armies to combine, and agree to elect an emperor from among their own officers: or, if this proved impossible, to place the election in the hands of the senate. It seems indeed rightly probable, considering the ill-repute of both claimants of the throne, that the more sedate and thoughtful of the soldiers should have reflected that it would be a horrible and shameful thing that the Romans should be made to suffer for a second time all the miseries which they had once endured in the civil wars of Sulla and of Marius and of Cæsar and Pompeius, merely in order to provide an empire to bear the charges of the gluttony and drunkenness of Vitellius, or of the luxury and profligacy of Otho. It is suspected that Marius Celsus, knowing that this feeling was gaining ground, endeavoured to gain time, hoping that the whole matter might be decided without fighting; and that Otho, fearing this, hurried on an engagement. X. After the council Otho again retired to Brixellum. This was a mistake, not only because the army would have fought with greater zeal and discipline when under the eye of the emperor, but because by taking away the best and most loyal troops, both of cavalry and infantry, to act as his bodyguard, he made his army like a spear which has lost its steel point. At this time a battle took place on the bank of the Padus, across which Cæcina endeavoured to throw a bridge, while the Othonians tried to prevent him from doing so. As they did not succeed in this, they threw lighted sulphur and pitch into the boats which formed the bridge, and a wind suddenly springing up carried the fire across the stream towards the enemy. At first volumes of smoke, and then a mass of flames burst out, so that the enemy were thrown into confusion and forced to leap from the bridge into the river, upsetting the boats and exposing themselves to the missiles and the ridicule of the enemy. However, the Germans were victorious in a fight with Otho's corps of gladiators for the possession of an island in the river, and slew many of them. XI. As, after this, the soldiers in Otho's camp at Bedriacum were frantically eager for battle, Proculus led them forward about six miles from that place and encamped in such an ignorant and ridiculous fashion that the men suffered from want of water, although it was spring time, and all the surrounding country was full of springs and perennial streams. On the next day he wished to lead them at least twelve miles nearer the enemy, but Suetonius Paullinus would not allow him to do so, thinking that the soldiers ought to have some rest, and not first be fatigued with a long march, and then while they were confusedly mixed up with baggage animals and camp-followers, be brought to fight against an enemy who could quietly and deliberately place themselves in order of battle. While the generals were at variance, one of the horsemen called Numidians rode up bearing a letter from Otho, in which he ordered them not to waste any time, but to march against the enemy at once. On receiving this they started. Cæcina, hearing of their march, was much disquieted, abandoned his operations by the river, and proceeded to the camp. Here after Valens had got the men under arms, and had given them the watchword, he sent forward the best of the cavalry while the legions were taking up their respective positions in the line of battle. XII. For some reason or other the men of Otho's vanguard conceived an idea that the generals of Vitellius intended to desert to their side: and so, when they came near to one another, they saluted the Vitellians and addressed them as friends and comrades. As the Vitellians made an angry and fierce response, the Othonians were discouraged, while their opponents imagined that they intended to desert. This incident at the first onset caused some confusion among the troops of Otho: and, besides this, everything was in disorder, for the baggage train was entangled among the ranks, and the line was broken in many places by the ditches and trenches with which the ground was intersected, so that the soldiers, in trying to avoid these obstacles, were forced to attack in detail, and in disorganised crowds. Two[646] legions alone, that named "Rapax" on the side of Vitellius, and "Adjutrix" on that of Otho, were able to find a level plain, upon which they deployed into a regular line of battle and fought front to front for a long time. Otho's soldiers were active and brave, but had never been in action before, while those of Vitellius had fought many battles, but were somewhat elderly and past their prime. At the first charge the Othonians drove them back, and captured their eagle, killing almost every man in the front rank; but the Vitellians, filled with shame and rage, charged in their turn, slew Orfidius, the legate in command of the legion, and took many standards. The corps of gladiators, who were supposed to possess both courage and practice in close combat, were attacked by Alphenus Varus with the Batavians, who inhabit an island formed by the river Rhine, and who are the best horsemen in Germany. Few of the gladiators stood to receive their charge, but most of them fled towards the river, where they fell in with other bodies of the enemy, by whom they were entirely cut to pieces. The worst fight of all was made by the Prætorians, who did not even wait until the enemy reached them, but by their panic flight struck terror even into the unbroken troops through whose ranks they fled. Yet many of Otho's troops, after having conquered their immediate opponents, forced their way back through their victorious enemies to their own camp. XIII. Of the generals, neither Proculus nor Paullinus dared to return with their men, but went off another way, fearing the soldiers, who already began to throw the blame of their defeat upon the generals. Annius Gallus assumed the command of the soldiers as they assembled in the town of Bedriacum, and encouraged them by assurances that the battle had been a drawn one, and that in many cases they had beaten the enemy. Marius Celsus called a meeting of the generals, and bade them take measures for the common good. He said that after so great a disaster and so much slaughter of their countrymen not even Otho himself, if he were a right-thinking man, would wish to make any further trial of fortune; since even Cato and Scipio, although they fought in defence of the liberty of Rome, were blamed for having wasted the lives of many brave men in Africa, by not yielding to Cæsar immediately after the battle of Pharsalia. All men, he urged, are equally liable to the caprices of fortune; but they have the advantage, even when defeated, of being able to form wise resolutions. By this reasoning Celsus convinced the generals: and when, on trying the temper of the soldiers, they found them desirous of peace, and Titianus himself bade them begin negotiations for agreement, Celsus and Gallus determined to go and discuss the matter with Cæcina and Valens. On their way they were met by some centurions, who informed them that Vitellius's army was already advancing, and that they had been sent on before by their generals to arrange terms of peace. Celsus spoke with approval of their mission, and bade them return and conduct him to Cæcina. It happened that when they drew near the army, Celsus was like to have lost his life: for the cavalry who formed the advance guard were the same who had been defeated in the ambuscade, and when they saw Celsus approaching, they set up a shout of rage and rode towards him. However the centurions stood before Celsus and kept them back; and as the other officers called to them to spare him Cæcina perceived that some disturbance was taking place and rode up. He quickly repressed the disorderly movement of the cavalry, greeted Celsus affectionately, and proceeded with him to Bedriacum. Meanwhile Titianus had repented of having sent the embassy. He manned the walls of the camp with those soldiers who had recovered their spirits, and was encouraging the rest to fight. However, when Cæcina rode up and held out his hand no one resisted him, but some of the soldiers greeted his troops from the walls, and others opened the gates, came out and mingled with the new-comers. No violence was done to any one, but they all fraternised and shook each other by the hand, swore fealty to Vitellius and joined his army. XIV. The above is the account which most eye-witnesses give of the battle, though they themselves admit that they do not know all the details of it because of the confusion which prevailed and the irregularity of the ground. Some time afterwards when I was journeying across the battlefield, Mestrius Florus, a man of consular rank, who had fought under Otho not from choice but from necessity, showed me an ancient temple, and related that after the battle he came there and saw so huge a pile of corpses, that those on the top were level with the pinnacles of the roof. He said that he could not discover himself or learn from any one else the cause of this heap; for though a greater slaughter of the vanquished is made in civil wars than in any others, because no quarter is given, as no use can be made of prisoners, yet it was hard to imagine how such a mass of carcasses came to be piled together on that spot. XV. Otho, as is usual in such cases, first heard only confused rumours of how the battle went. When however wounded men came from the scene of action bringing the news of the defeat, not only his friends, as might be expected, bade him keep up his spirits and not despair, but his soldiers were wonderfully affected. None of them left him, or deserted to the enemy, and no one consulted his own safety when his chief despaired of his. All of them alike repaired to his quarters, and called him their emperor. When he came out to them, they fell at his feet and caught hold of his hands with shouts, and prayers, and tears, beseeching him not to desert them, or betray them to the enemy, but to make use of them to fight for him, body and soul, until their last breath. While all besought him thus, one of the common soldiers drew his sword, and crying, "Cæsar, this is what we are all prepared to do for you," stabbed himself. Otho, unmoved by any of these entreaties, gazed round upon them all with a calm and composed countenance, and said: "My comrades, your noble conduct and your loyal devotion make this a happier day to me than that on which you elected me your emperor. Yet do not deprive me of the still greater happiness of dying for so many and such noble friends. If I am worthy to be an emperor of Rome, I ought not to grudge my life to my country. I am aware that our enemy's victory is not decisive or crushing. News has reached me that the Moesian legions have already reached the Adriatic, and are not many days' march distant. Asia, Syria, Egypt, and the army engaged with the Jews are all on our side, while we have in our power both the senate, and the wives and children of our enemy. But we are not defending Italy from Hannibal, or Pyrrhus, or the Cimbri, but Romans are fighting against Romans, and our native land will suffer equally whichever side is victorious, for she must lose what the conqueror gains. Believe me, I pray you, that it is more to my honour to die than to reign: for I cannot imagine that if victorious I could do anything which would benefit the Romans so much as I can by giving my life to obtain peace and concord, and to save Italy from seeing another day such as this." XVI. After speaking thus, he tore himself away from the soldiers, who tried to hold him back and bade him take courage. He ordered his friends and such senators as were present to leave his camp: and to those who were not present he sent similar orders, and also rescripts to the magistrates of the cities through which they would have to pass, that they might accomplish their journey[647] with honour and in safety. He next sent for his nephew Cocceius, who was still a youth, and bade him be of good cheer and not fear Vitellius, whose mother, children, and wife he himself had protected as carefully as if they had been members of his own family. He had wished, he said, to adopt the boy as his heir, but had put off doing so till the end of the war, meaning to make him his colleague if he succeeded, but not wishing to involve him in his own destruction if he failed. "My last charge to you," he continued, "is that you neither forget altogether nor yet remember too well that you have had a Cæsar for your uncle." Shortly after this interview Otho heard a shouting and disturbance outside his quarters; for the senators were preparing to depart, and the soldiers were threatening to murder them if they did so, and reproached them with deserting their emperor. Otho, who feared for their lives, now came out a second time, no longer in a mild and supplicatory manner, but, frowning savagely, he cast so terrible a look upon the most turbulent of the rioters that they shrank away terrified and abashed. XVII. Towards evening he became thirsty, and drank a little water: after which he spent a long time in examining the blades of two swords. At last he rejected one of them, and hid the other in his clothes. He now called together his servants, and distributed his money amongst them, not recklessly, as though he were dealing with property not his own, but giving them each various sums, carefully apportioned according to each man's deserts. When he sent them away he rested for the remainder of the night, and those about his bed-chamber noticed how soundly he slept. At daybreak he called to a freedman who had been entrusted with the management of the departure of the senators, and ordered him to learn what had happened to them. When he was told that they had left the camp, and had received every attention they could wish, he said, "Go now, and show yourself to the soldiers unless you wish to perish miserably at their hands; for they will suspect you of having assisted me to die." When this man was gone, Otho held the sword upright with both his hands and fell upon it, dying with only one groan, which apprised those without of his fate. The wailing of his slaves was taken up by the whole of the camp and city. The soldiers noisily forced their way into his quarters and lamented over him with bitter grief, reproaching themselves for not having guarded their emperor, and prevented his dying for them. None of Otho's bodyguard deserted him, although the enemy was drawing near, but after laying out his body, and erecting a funeral pile, they bore him to it, armed at all points; and happy was the man who could find a place among the bearers. Of the rest, some kissed his wounds, some pressed his hands, and some, who could not come near him, knelt as his body passed by them. Some, who had received no especial favours from Otho, and had nothing to fear from his successor, slew themselves after they had applied the torch to his funeral pile. It seems, indeed, that no king or despot ever was possessed with so frantic a desire to rule, as these men had to be ruled by Otho and to serve him; for their love for him did not cease with his life, but remained implanted in their breasts, causing them to regard Vitellius with the bitterest hatred. Of what followed from this I shall give an account in its proper place. XVIII. After the remains of Otho were buried they erected over him a tomb which could offend no one either by its size or by the pomp of its inscription. When I was at Brixellum I myself saw a small monument on which was written in the Latin language "In memory of Marcus Otho." Otho died in his thirty-seventh year, after a reign of three months. Many good men, though they blamed his life, yet could not refrain from admiring his death; for though his life had been no better than that of Nero, his end was a far nobler one. When he was dead, Pollio, one of the two prefects, offended the soldiers by requiring them at once to swear fealty to Vitellius. Some of the senators were still left in Brixellum; and the soldiers, hearing of this, let them go with the exception of Virginius Rufus, whom they greatly embarrassed by coming to his house under arms, and bidding him either take the command of them or at any rate act as ambassador on their behalf. Virginius, who had refused the crown when it was offered him by a victorious army, thought that it would be the act of a madman to accept it from a beaten one. He feared, also, to go as an ambassador to the Germans, who thought that in time past he had forced them to do many things against their will. Accordingly, he escaped from his house by a back door; and the soldiers, when they discovered that he was gone, took the oaths to the new emperor. They were pardoned by him, and were sent to serve with the troops under the command of Cæcina. FOOTNOTES: [1] More properly Mandyria. This battle was fought in August B.C. 338, the same day as that of Chæronea. "Not long before the battle of Chæronea, the Tarentines found themselves so hard pressed by the Messapians, that they sent to Sparta, their mother city, to entreat assistance. The Spartan king, Archidamus, son of Agesilaus, perhaps ashamed of the nullity of his country since the Sacred War, complied with their prayer, and sailed at the head of a mercenary force to Italy. How long his operations there lasted we do not know; but they ended by his being defeated and killed, near the time of the battle of Chæronea. B.C. 338."--Grote, 'History of Greece,' part ii. chap. xcvii. [2] See vol. ii., Life of Lysander, chap. xxx. [3] See vol. ii., Life of Pyrrhus, chap. xxvi. [4] See vol. i., Life of Lykurgus, chap. viii. [5] Cf. note, vol. ii., Life of Lucullus, chap. xxxvi. [6] Probably the celebrated temple of Poseidon at Tænarus. [Cape Matapan.] [7] Borysthenes, also called Olbia, Olbiopolis, and Miletopolis, was a town situated at the junction of the Borysthenes and Hypania, near the Euxine sea. It was a colony of Miletus, and was the most important Greek city north of the Euxine. [8] In Cyprus. Zeno was the founder of the Stoic school of Philosophy. [9] The allusion is to a saying of Agis II., that "The Lacedæmonians never ask how many their enemies are, but where they are." [10] Called Ladokea by Polybius, ii. chap. 3; and Pausanias viii. 44. 1. [11] [Greek: mothakes] seem to have been children of Helots brought up as foster-brothers of young Spartans, and eventually emancipated, yet without acquiring full civic rights.--Liddell and Scott, s.v. [12] The ancients always reclined at meals. See the article Triclinium in Smith's 'Dictionary of Antiquities.' [13] The western harbour of Corinth. [14] Who these Leukaspids were I do not know. White was the Argive colour, and in earlier times men with white shields are always spoken of as Argives. The celebrated Argyraspids, the silver-shielded regiment of Alexander, was destroyed by Antigonus I. after their betrayal of Eumenes; but this may have been a corps raised by Antigonus Doson in imitation of them. [15] [Greek: krypteia] meant at Sparta a duty or discipline of the young men, who for a certain time prowled about, watching the country, and enduring hardships: intended to season them against fatigue, and, unless they are much belied, to reduce the number of the helots by assassination.--Liddell and Scott, s.v. [16] This conversation Thirlwall conjectures to have been drawn from some sophistical exercise. 'History of Greece,' chap. lxii. [17] Ptolemy Euergetes I. [18] Ptolemy Philopator succeeded his father, Ptolemy Euergetes, B.C. 222. [19] The sacred bull of Memphis was worshipped as a god by the Egyptians. There were certain signs by which he was recognised to be the god. At Memphis he had a splendid residence, containing extensive walks and courts for his amusement. His birthday, which was celebrated every year, was a day of rejoicing for all Egypt. His death was a season of public mourning, which lasted till another sacred bull was discovered by the priests.--Dr. Smith's Classical Dictionary, s.v. Agis. [20] Plutarch calls the Lives of Agis and Kleomenes a History, though he says in his Life of Alexander (c. 1) that his object is not to write Histories ([Greek: historiai]) but Lives ([Greek: bioi]). But the Lives of the two Spartan reforming kings may consistently enough be called a History, when contrasted with the Lives of the two Roman reforming tribunes. Plutarch's notion of History as contrasted with Biography appears pretty plainly from the first chapter of his Life of Alexander. A complete view of the events in the Lives of Alexander and Caius Julius Cæsar would have formed, according to his notion, a History; but he does not aim at this completeness: he selects out of the events of their lives such as best show the character of the men, whether the events be of great political importance or of none at all, and this method of treating the subject he calls a Life. I believe the word Biography is a modern invention. The distinction between History and Annals, though the words have sometimes been used indiscriminately (c. 3, notes), is clearly expressed by the Roman historian Sempronius Asellio, as quoted by Aulus Gellius (v. 18). [21] Most of Plutarch's extant Lives run in parallels, whence they are entitled Parallel Lives. He compares a Greek with a Roman: thus he compares Alexander with Caius Julius Cæsar, and Demosthenes with Cicero. The beginning of the Life of Tiberius Gracchus is somewhat abrupt, after Plutarch's fashion. He had no regular plan for beginning and ending his stories, and thus he avoids the sameness which is so wearisome in a Dictionary of Biography. The career of Tiberius and Caius Gracchus was the same, and accordingly Plutarch considers their lives as one; and he has found a parallel to them in two Spartan kings, who were also reformers, Agis IV. and Kleomenes III. Agis became king of Sparta B.C. 244, and reigned only four years: his colleague in the first part of his reign was Leonidas II., and afterwards Kleombrotus. Agis attempted to restore the old institutions of Lykurgus which had fallen into disuse. Wealth had become accumulated in a few hands. He proposed to adjust the disputes between debtor and creditor by the short method of abolishing debts; and he proposed to restore the spirit of the old institutions by dividing all the lands in equal lots among the Spartan citizens, the chief class in the state; and by assigning lots also to the Perioeki, who were in the relation of subjects. He carried the project for the abolition of debts, but before he could accomplish the rest of his reforms, he was thrown into prison and strangled there. His grandmother and mother, both of whom had favoured his schemes of reform, were strangled at the same time. He was about twenty-four years of age when he died. His reform was not a revolution, but an attempt to restore the old constitution. Kleomenes III., King of Sparta, reigned from B.C. 236 to B.C. 220. In the first part of his reign, the infant son of Agis IV., and afterwards Archidamus V., the brother of Agis IV., were his colleagues. Leonidas II., who had been deposed by Agis, had returned to Sparta during the absence of Agis on a military expedition, and he was most active in bringing about the death of Agis. Leonidas compelled the widow of Agis to marry his son Kleomenes, who was instructed by his wife in the views and designs of Agis. Thus Kleomenes also became a reformer, and attempted to restore the institutions of Lykurgus. But his measures were violent. He is charged with poisoning his infant colleague, the son of the widow whom he married, and with other wrongful acts. He was defeated at the head of the Spartan army by Antigonus in the great battle of Sellasia B.C. 222, and fled to Egypt, where he was kindly received by Ptolemæus III. (Euergetes) the king. Ptolemæus IV. (Philopator) the successor of Euergetes, put Kleomenes in prison, but he contrived to get out and attempted to make a revolution in Alexandria. Failing in the attempt Kleomenes killed himself. "In this manner," says Polybius, "fell Kleomenes; a prince whose manners were dexterous and insinuating, as his capacity in the administration of affairs was great: and who, to express his character in a word, was most admirably formed by nature both for a general and a king" (Polybius, v. c. 39; Hampton's Translation, v. chap. 4). Plutarch in his comparison of Agis and Kleomenes with Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, concludes that "Tiberius in virtue surpassed the rest, that the youth Agis was guilty of the fewest faults, and that in doing and daring Caius was much inferior to Kleomenes;" which appears to be a correct judgment. [22] His complete name was Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. The Sempronia gens contained the families of the Atratini, Gracchi, and Pitiones. The Gracchi were plebeians, and the Atratini patricians: the order of the Pitiones is uncertain. The name of the Gracchi is best known from the political career of the two brothers, whose measures were the immediate cause of the civil disturbances which ended in the establishment of the Imperial power. Tiberius Gracchus, the father, was tribune of the plebs B.C. 187, consul B.C. 177 and a second time in B.C. 163: he was censor B.C. 169. Tiberius Gracchus had his first triumph in B.C. 178 for his victories over the Celtiberians in Spain while he was proprætor of Hispania Citerior, or that division of the Peninsula which was nearer to the Pyrenees (Liv. 41, c. 11). In his first consulship Gracchus had Sardinia assigned for his province, and he defeated the Sardinians in a great battle. He was continued in his province as proconsul, and he completely subdued the island (Liv. 41, c. 21), for which he had a triumph which appears to be commemorated by an extant medal (Rasche, _Lexicon Rei Numariæ_). Cicero numbers Tiberius among the Roman orators (_Brutus_, c. 20). [23] Publius Cornelius Scipio defeated Hannibal at the battle of Zama in the territory of Carthage B.C. 202. He died B.C. 183 in his retirement at Liternum in Campania. Though Tiberius Gracchus, the father, was not on friendly terms with Scipio, yet during his tribunate B.C. 187 he prevented Scipio from being tried on certain frivolous charges brought against him by the tribunes, and owing to this interference of Gracchus, the greatest commander that Rome had yet seen, was allowed to spend the remainder of his days in quiet privacy. (Liv. 38, c. 50, &c.; Cicero, _De Provinciis Consularibus_, c. 8.) [24] This story of the snakes is told by Cicero in his treatise on Divination (i. 18, ii. 29). He says that Tiberius died a few days after he had let the female snake go, and he refers as his authority to a letter of Caius Gracchus to M. Pomponius:--"I wonder," says Cicero, "if the letting loose the female was to cause the death of Tiberius, and letting loose the male was to cause the death of Cornelia, that he let either of them go. For Caius does not say that the haruspices said any thing of what would happen if neither snake was let go." To the objection, that the death of Gracchus did follow the letting loose of the female snake, Cicero replies that he supposes he must have died of some sudden attack, and he adds that the haruspices are not so unlucky but that their predictions sometimes happen to come true. [25] I do not know if this offer of King Ptolemæus is noticed by any other writer. It is not certain whether it was Ptolemæus VI. Philometor or his younger brother Ptolemæus VII. Euergetes II. Their two reigns lasted 64 years from B.C. 181 to B.C. 117. Philometor died B.C. 146 and was succeeded by Euergetes who died B.C. 117. The death of Tiberius Gracchus the father is not ascertained. He married his wife Cornelia after B.C. 183 and he was consul B.C. 163. His son Tiberius, who was killed B.C. 133, was not thirty years old at the time and therefore was born about B.C. 163. Caius, who was nine years younger, was born about B.C. 154. It is not known whether Caius was the youngest child of Cornelia. Ptolemæus Philometor went to Rome B.C. 163, being driven out of his kingdom by his younger brother Euergetes, and he was well received by the senate. His brother also made a journey to Rome in the following year, B.C. 162. In B.C. 154 Ptolemæus Euergetes was at Rome for the second time, and he obtained the aid of the senate against his brother. Both the brothers may have seen Cornelia at Rome, but probably during the lifetime of her husband. Scipio Africanus, the son-in-law of Cornelia, was sent on an embassy to Alexandria to Euergetes B.C. 143. An Egyptian king might wish to strengthen himself at Rome by an alliance with the illustrious families of the Gracchi and the Scipios; but it is impossible to determine which of these two kings was the suitor. Philometor is spoken of as a mild and generous prince: Euergetes, who was also called Physcon, or Big-belly, was a cruel sensualist. The daughter of Scipio Africanus, the conqueror of Hannibal, might well decline a marriage with him, and any Egyptian alliance would have been viewed as a degradation to a noble Roman matron. The portrait of Physcon is given in Rosellini's work on Egypt, from the ancient monuments, and he is very far from looking like a winning suitor. Kaltwasser assumes that it was Ptolemæus Philometor who made the offer to Cornelia; and he adds that he was also called Lathyrus; but this is a mistake; Lathyrus was the surname of Ptolemæus VIII. Soter II., the son of Physcon. He has not examined the chronology of these two kings. [26] This was Publius Cornelius Scipio Æmilianus Africanus Minor. He was the son of L. Æmilius Paulus, the conqueror of Macedonia, and he was the adopted son of P. Cornelius Scipio, the son of the conqueror of Hannibal. According to the Roman usage in case of adoption, the son of Æmilius Paulus took the name of his adopted father, P. Cornelius Scipio, to which was added, according to the usage, the name of Æmilianus, which marked the gens to which he belonged by birth. It was after the destruction of Carthage that he acquired the additional name or title of Africanus, like his adoptive grandfather, from whom he is usually distinguished by the addition of the name Minor or younger. The daughter of Cornelia, whom he married, was named Sempronia. She was ugly and bore her husband no children, and they did not live harmoniously together. (Appian, _Civil Wars_, i. 20.) As to the Roman names see the note on Marius, c. 1. [27] The Greek name for Castor and Pollux, who were the sons of Jupiter and Leda. Pollux was a boxer, and Castor distinguished for his management of horses and as a runner. Their statues were generally placed side by side with their appropriate characters, to which Pluturch alludes. [28] Plutarch uses the Greek word Bema ([Greek: bêma]), which is the name for the elevated stone station in the Pnyx from which the Athenian orators addressed the public assemblies. The place from which the Roman orators addressed the public assemblies was called the Rostra, or the beaks, because it was ornamented with the beaks of the ships which the Romans took from the people of Antium. (Liv. 8, c. 14.) The Rostra were in the Forum, and in a position between the Comitium and that part of the Forum which was appropriated to the meeting of the Roman tribes. (See Caius Gracchus, c. 5.) [29] The history of this Athenian demagogue is in Thucydides, ii. &c. The play of Aristophanes called "The Knights" ([Greek: Hippês]) is directed against him. By his turbulent oratory he acquired some distinction at Athens during the Peloponnesian war, after the death of Perikles. (See Plutarch, _Nikias_, c. 2, 3.) [30] The MSS. have [Greek: delphinas], dolphins, which some critics would change to [Greek: delphikas], tables made at Delphi or in Delphic fashion. Plinius (_Nat. Hist._ 33, c. 11) speaks of these dolphins, though he does not say what they were. The alteration in the text is quite necessary. The dolphins were probably ornaments attached to some piece of furniture. Plutarch gives the value in drachmæ, the usual Greek silver coin, and the money of reckoning: the usual Roman money of reckoning was the sestertius. Plinius mentions the value of these dolphins at 5000 sestertii a pound, which would make 4 sestertii equivalent to a drachma. The drachma is reckoned at about 9-3/4_d._ and the sestertius at 2-1/4_d._ under the Republic. [31] The original is literally "an instrument for practising the voice by which they raise sounds." Perhaps a musician may be able to interpret the passage, without explaining the instrument to be a pitch-pipe as some have done. Cicero (_De Orat._ iii. 60) tells the same story somewhat differently. He says that this Licinius was a lettered man (literatus homo), and that he used to stand behind Caius Gracchus, yet so as to be concealed, with an ivory pipe (fistula), when Gracchus was addressing the public assemblies; his duty was to produce a suitable note either for the purpose of rousing his master when his tone was too low or lowering his tone when it was too vehement. (See also Dion, _Fragmenta_, p. 39, ed. Reimarus.) [32] An augur was one who ascertained the will of the gods by certain signs, but more particularly the flights of birds. The institution of augurs was coeval with the Roman state, and as the augural ceremonial was essential to the validity of all elections, the body of augurs possessed great political influence. The college of augurs at this time consisted of nine members, who filled up the vacancies that occurred in their body. A member of the college held his office for life, and the places were objects of ambition to all the great personages in the state. They were not appropriated to a class of priests: they were held by persons who had no other priestly character. Cicero, for instance, was an augur. The Roman system of placing the highest religious offices not in the hands of a priestly class, but in the hands of persons who had held and might still hold civil offices, perhaps possessed some advantages. There are many valuable remarks on the Roman Auguria and Auspicia in Rubino, _Untersuchungen über Römische Verfassung_. [33] Appius Claudius Pulcher was a member of the Claudia gens, and belonged to an old patrician family, which had long been opposed to all the pretensions of the plebeian order. He was consul B.C. 143. He did not long survive his son-in-law. Cicero (_Brutus_, 28) enumerates him among the orators of Rome; he observes that he spoke fluently, but with rather too much heat. [34] The rank of Princeps Senatus was given at one time by the censors to the oldest of those who had filled the office of censor (Liv. 27, c. 11), but after the election of Q. Fabius Maximus mentioned in the passage of Livius, it was given to any person whom the censors thought most fit; and it was for the same person to be reappointed at each successive lustrum, that is, every five years. It was now merely an honorary distinction, though it had once been a substantive office. The title was retained under the Empire by the Emperors; and Princeps is the title by which Tacitus designates Augustus and his successor Tiberius. The title has come down to us through the French language in the form of Prince. Plutarch sometimes gives the Roman words in a Greek form, but he more usually translates them as well as he can, which he has done in this instance. The titles consular, censorian, prætorian, were the Roman names for designating a man who had been consul, censor, or prætor. [35] Livius (38, c. 57) is one of those who tell the story of Scipio Africanus the elder giving his daughter Cornelia to Tiberius Gracchus the father. Plutarch has done best in following Polybius, who was intimate with the younger Africanus and had the best means of knowing the facts. [36] I have retained this name for Africa as it is in Plutarch. The Greek name for the continent of Africa was Libya ([Greek: Libyê]), which the Romans also used. In the Roman writers Africa properly denotes the Roman province of Africa, which comprehended Carthage and a considerable territory; but it was common enough for the Romans to designate the whole continent by the name of Africa. [37] Plutarch is here alluding to the campaign of Scipio in which he destroyed Carthage B.C. 146, whence he got the name of Africanus. It was usual for the Roman commanders to have with them a number of youths of good family who went to learn the art of war, and were trained under the eye of the general, to whose table and intimacy they were admitted according to their deserts. Thus Agricola, during his early service in Britain, was attached to the staff of Suetonius Paullinus. (Tacitus, _Agricola_, c. 5.) Those who were admitted to the intimacy and tent of the commander, were sometimes called Contubernales. [38] Caius Fannius Strabo was quæstor in the consulship of Cn. Calpurnius Piso and M. Popilius Lænas B.C. 139, and two years after he was prætor. He served in Africa under the younger Scipio Africanus, and in Spain under Fabius Maximus Servilianus. He was the son-in-law of Lælius, surnamed Sapiens, or the Prudent. He wrote an historical work which Cicero sometimes calls a History (_Brutus_, c. 26), and sometimes Annals (_Brutus_, c. 21; _De Oratore_, ii. 67). It is unknown what period his work comprised, except that it contained the history of the Gracchi. Cicero does not speak highly of his style, but Sallustius seems to commend his veracity (Lib. i. _Historiarum_). Tiberius would be entitled to a mural crown (muralis corona), which was the reward of the soldier who first ascended the enemy's wall. Plutarch appears to mean that Fannius also received one. Livius (26, c. 48) mentions an instance of two mural crowns being given by Scipio (afterwards Africanus) at the capture of Nova Carthago (Carthagena) in Spain. [39] It appears that at this time the quæstors had their provinces assigned by lot, and this was the case under the Empire. (Tacitus, _Agricola_, c. 6.) The functions of a quæstor were of a civil kind, and related, in the provinces, to the administration of the public money. He was a check on the governor under whom he served when he was an honest man: sometimes the quæstor and governor agreed to wink at the peculations of each other. [40] Caius Hostilius Mancinus was consul with Marcus Æmilius Lepidus B.C. 137. Numantia, which gave the Romans so much trouble, was situated in Old Castile on the Douro, but it is not certain what modern site corresponds to it. [41] The Romans used the words Iberia and Hispania indifferently to denote the Spanish Peninsula. From the word Hispania the Spaniards have formed the name España, the French Espagne, and the English Spain. The river Ebro, which the Romans called Iberus, is a remnant of this old name. The Iberi originally occupied a part of Southern Gaul (the modern France) as far east as the Rhone, where they bordered upon the Ligurians. They were a different people from the Celtæ, who in the time of C. Julius Cæsar occupied one of the three great divisions of Gaul. (_Gallic War_, i. 1.) The Celtæ, at some unknown time, crossed the Pyrenees and mingling with the Iberi, formed the Celtiberi, a warlike race with whom the Romans had many wars, and over whom Tiberius, the father of Tiberius Gracchus, gained a victory. (Note, c. 1.) It is maintained by William Humboldt in his work on the original inhabitants of Spain (_Prüfung der Untersuchungen über die Urbewohner Hispaniens_) that the present Basque is a remnant of the Iberian language, which he supposes not to have been confined to Spain, but to have spread over part of Italy, the south of France, and the islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. Thucydides (vi. 2) says that the Sicani, or old inhabitants of Sicily, were Iberi who were driven from the river Sicanus in Iberia by the Ligurians. The name Iberia was also given by the Greeks and Romans to a part of that mountainous region, commonly called the Caucasus, which lies between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea. The Albani and Iberi were the two chief nations that occupied this tract; the Albani were between the Caspian Sea and the Iberi, who were their neighbours on the west. The great river Cyrus (Kur) flowed through Albania into the Caspian. Iberia was partly surrounded by the mountains of the Caucasus and it bordered on Armenia and Colchis: the river Cyrus was the chief river (Strabo, 499, ed. Casaub.). There is no evidence that these Iberi of the Caucasus were related to the western Iberi. The country was invaded by the Romans under L. Lucullus and Pompeius Magnus. [42] The allusion is to a memorable event in the Samnite war. The consuls Spurius Postumius Albinus and Titus Veturius Calvinus B.C. 321, with their army, were caught by the Samnites in the pass called Furculæ Caudinæ, and they were compelled, in order to save themselves, to submit to the ignominy of passing under the yoke. The Roman senate rejected the terms which had been agreed on between the consuls and the officers of the army on the one side, and the Samnites on the other. It was not a treaty (foedus) as Livius shows, for such a treaty could not be made without the consent of the Populus nor without the proper religious ceremonies. (Liv. 9, c. 5.) The senate, upon the proposition of Postumius himself, sent to the Samnites all the persons who were parties to the agreement and offered to surrender them, but the Samnites would not receive them and they upbraided the Romans for want of good faith. Mancinus also supported the proposition for his own surrender to the Numantines, and he was offered to them in due form by the officer called the Pater Patratus, but the Numantines declined accepting him. (Cicero, _De Officiis_, iii. 30.) The principle that a general could not formally make a treaty, and that all treaties required the sanction of the senate or in earlier times perhaps of the patrician body in their assembly, appears to be well established. Those who made the treaty with a Roman general might not know this constitutional rule, but the principle on which the Romans acted in such cases was sound, and the censure that has been directed against them as to their conduct in such transactions, proceeds from ignorance of the Roman constitution and of the nature of the power which a sovereign state delegates to its ministers. Delegated power or authority never authorises the persons to whom it is delegated to do an act which is inconsistent with the constitution or fundamental principles on which the sovereign power is based. Mancinus returned to Rome and ventured to appear in the senate, but a question was raised as to his right to be there, for it was argued that a man who had been so surrendered ceased to be a citizen and could not recover his civic rights by the fiction of postliminium, as a man who had escaped from the enemy could. (Cicero, _De Oratore_, 40.) But the subtlety of the Romans found a solution of the difficulty in the case of Mancinus: there can be no surrender, if there is nobody to receive the surrender; therefore Mancinus was not surrendered; therefore he was capable of recovering his civil rights. (Cicero, _Topica_ 1.) [43] The war of Numantia was prolonged to their disgrace, as the Romans considered it, and they at last elected Scipio consul B.C. 134, and sent him to Spain. He took Numantia after a siege of fifteen months, and totally destroyed it, B.C. 133, the same year in which his brother-in-law Tiberius Gracchus lost his life. (Velleius Paterc. ii. 4.) Caius Gracchus, the brother of Tiberius, served under Scipio at Numantia, and also Jugurtha, afterwards king of the Numidians, and Caius Marius, the conqueror of Jugurtha. [44] Plutarch's account of the Roman public land is brief and not satisfactory. A clearer statement, which differs from Plutarch's in some respects, is given by Appian. (_Civil Wars_, i. 7, &c.) The Roman territory (Romanus Ager) was originally confined to a small circuit, as we see from the history of the early wars of Rome. Even Aricia (La Riccia) about fifteen miles south-east of Rome, was a city of the Latin confederation in the reign of Tarquinius Superbus. (Liv. 1, c. 50.) The Romans extended their territory by conquest, and they thus acquired large tracts of land in Italy, which were made the property of the state under the name of Ager Publicus. This public land was enjoyed originally by the patricians, and perhaps by them only, on payment of a certain rent to the treasury (Ærarium). The rents of the public land were a large part of the public income, and intended to defray a portion of the public expenditure. The plebs soon began to lay claim to a share in these lands, and a division of some tracts was made among the plebeians in the reign of Servius Tullius. The lands divided among the plebeians were given to them in ownership. The tracts of public land which were enjoyed by the patricians on the terms above mentioned, were considered, as they, in fact, were, public property; and the interest of the patricians in such lands was called a possession (possessio). Those who enjoyed the public land as a possessio were said to possess it (possidere), and they were called possessores, a term which often occurs in the first six books of Livius, and which Plutarch has attempted to translate by a Greek word ([Greek: ktêmatikoi]). It is likely enough that the patricians abused their right to the use of the land by not always paying the rent; as we may collect from the passages in Dionysius (_Antiq. Rom._ viii. 70, 73, ix. 51, x. 36). Their enjoyment of extensive tracts also prevented the public land from being distributed among the plebeians to the extent that they wished. The disputes between the two orders in the state, the aristocracy or nobles and the plebeians, or, as Livius generally calls them, the patres and the plebs; (the padri and the plebe of Machiavelli, _Discorsi_, &c.), about the public land, commenced with the agitation of Spurius Cassius, B.C. 486, the history of which is given by Livius in his Second Book (c. 41). The contest was continued at intervals to B.C. 366, when a law was passed which is commonly called one of the Licinian Rogations, which forbade any man to have a possession in the public lands to the amount of more than 500 jugera. This is the law to which Plutarch alludes. The extent and difficulty of the subject of the public land makes it impossible to examine it fully in a note. I propose to treat of it at length in an appendix in a future volume. [45] The words in Plutarch literally signify "barbarian prisons," but I have used the word ergastula, which was the Roman name, though it is a word of Greek origin, and signifies "working-places." The ergastula were places generally under ground and lighted from above: they were used both as places to work in and as lodging-places for slaves who cultivated the fields in chains. (Plinius, _N.H._ 18, c. 3; Florus, iii. 19.) They were also places of punishment for refractory slaves. The object of these places of confinement was also to prevent slaves from running away, and rising in insurrection. The slaves were placed at night in separate cells to prevent all communication between them. When the slaves broke out in rebellion in Sicily under Eunus, who is mentioned by Plutarch (Sulla, c. 36), the ergastula were broken open, and a servile army of above sixty thousand men was raised. The Roman master had full power over his slave, who was merely viewed as an animal; and these ergastula, being in the country and out of sight, would give a cruel master full opportunity of exercising his tyranny. They were abolished by the Emperor Hadrian (Spartianus, _Hadrianus_, 18). [46] C. Lælius, the father, was an intimate friend of Scipio Africanus the Elder. C. Lælius, the son, the Wise or the Prudent, was also an intimate friend of the younger Africanus. Cicero's treatise on Friendship is entitled Lælius in honour of Lælius the Prudent. [47] Tiberius Gracchus was elected Tribune B.C. 133, and he lost his life the same year. [48] Cicero (_Brutus_, c. 27) calls the Greek Diophanes a teacher of Tiberius Gracchus. Blossius is mentioned by Cicero (_Lælius_, c. 11) as one of those who urged Tiberius to his measures of reform. Antipater of Tarsus was a Stoic. The two sons of Cornelia had a learned education and were acquainted with the language and philosophy of the Greeks, and it is probable that the moral and political speculations with which they thus became familiar, and their associating with Greeks, had considerable influence on their political opinions. Tiberius Gracchus the father was also well enough acquainted with Greek to speak the language. His oration to the Rhodians was spoken in Greek. [49] It does not seem certain what Postumius is intended. Sp. Postumius Albinus Magnus was consul B.C. 148, and is supposed by Meyer (_Orat. Rom. Fragmenta_, 197) to be the orator alluded to by Cicero (_Brutus_, 25). But this Postumius was too old to be a rival of Gracchus. Another of the same name was consul B.C. 110, and conducted the war against Jugurtha unsuccessfully; but he was perhaps too young to be a rival of Gracchus. (Cicero, _Brutus_, 34.) [50] This was P. Licinius Crassus Mucianus Dives, the son of P. Mucius Scævola, and the adopted son of P. Licinius Crassus Dives, as appears from Cicero (_Academ._ 2, c. 5), who mentions him with his brother P. Scævola as one of the advisers of Tiberius Gracchus in his legislation. Crassus was consul with L. Valerius Flaccus B.C. 131. He was a soldier, a lawyer, and an orator. He lost his life in the war against Aristonikus in the Roman province of Asia B.C. 131. It is remarked that he was the first pontifex maximus who went beyond the limits of Italy, for he was consul and pontifex maximus when he went to carry on the war against Aristonikus. (Livius, _Epitome_, 59.) The pontifex maximus, as the head of religion, had important duties which required his presence at Rome. [51] The illustrious family of the Scævolæ produced many orators and jurists. This Scævola was P. Mucius Scævola, the brother of P. Licinius Crassus Mucianus. He was consul B.C. 133, the year in which Tiberius Gracchus attempted his reform. He attained the dignity of pontifex maximus in B.C. 131 on his brother's death. Scævola was probably a timid man. Cicero states that his brother openly favoured the measures of Tiberius; and Scævola was suspected of doing so. After the death of Tiberius he approved of the conduct of Scipio Nasica, who was the active mover in this affair, and assisted in drawing up several decrees of the Senate in justification of the measure and even in commendation of it. (Cicero _Pro Domo_, c. 34; _Pro Plancio_, 36.) He was a great orator, but his chief merit was as a jurist. He was the father of a son still more distinguished as a jurist, Quintus Mucius Scævola, who also became pontifex maximus, and was one of the teachers of Cicero. He is considered to be one of those who laid the foundations of Roman law and formed it into a science (_Dig._ 1, tit. 2, s. 2). Quintus Mucius Scævola, commonly called the augur, also a distinguished jurist, was a cousin of P. Mucius Scævola, the pontifex, and a teacher of Cicero before Cicero became a hearer of the pontifex. [52] The eloquence of Tiberius Gracchus is commemorated by Cicero (_Brutus_, c. 27), who had read his orations. He describes them as not sufficiently ornate in expression, but as acute and full of judgment. The specimens of the orations of Tiberius (c. 9. 15) and those in Appian (_Civil Wars_, 9. 15) fully bear out the opinion of Cicero as to his acuteness. Some German writers assert that these speeches in Plutarch are either fabricated by him or taken from other writers; but assertions like these, which are not founded on evidence, are good for nothing. Plutarch gives the speeches as genuine: at least he believes them to be so, and therefore he did not fabricate them. And it is not likely that any body else did. These two fragments (c. 9. 15) bear no resemblance to the style of most writers who have fabricated speeches. They are in a genuine Roman style. If any man could fabricate them, it was Livius, and Plutarch may have taken them from him. [53] The same expression occurs in Horace (1 _Carm._ 1), which there also applies to the Romans, and not to the gods, as some suppose. [54] Marcus Octavius, who was one of the tribuni plebis B.C. 133, was a descendant of Cneius Octavius, quæstor B.C. 230. Caius Octavius, better known as Caius Julius Cæsar Octavianus and as the Emperor Augustus, was a descendant of Caius the second son of Cneius. Cicero, whose opinion about the Gracchi changed with the changed circumstances of his own life, commends the opposition of Marcus Octavius to the measures of Gracchus. (_Brutus_, c. 25.) He also says that Octavius was a good speaker. The institution of the tribuni plebis is one of the most important events in the history of Rome, and the struggle between the plebeians headed by their tribunes, and the nobility, is the development of the constitutional history of Rome. Though there were tribunes in the kingly period, the establishment of the tribuni plebis as the guardians of the plebs is properly referred to the year B.C. 494, when the plebs seceded to the Mons Sacer or the Sacred Mount. On this occasion the patricians consented to the election of two tribunes from the plebs. (Livius, 2, c. 33: compare Livius, 2, 56. 58.) The number was afterwards increased to ten, and this number continued unaltered. Only a plebeian could be elected tribune. The persons of the tribunes were declared to be sacred (sacrosancti). Their powers were originally limited, as above stated, to the protection of the rights of the plebs and of the individuals of the plebeian body against the oppression of the patrician magistrates. It is not possible within the compass of a note to trace the history of the gradual increase of the tribunitian power (tribunitia potestas): such a subject is a large chapter in the history of Rome. Incidental notices often appear in Plutarch's Lives, which will help a reader to form a general notion of the nature of the magistracy, and the effect which it had on the development of the Roman constitution. The article Tribuni in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities gives an outline of the functions of the tribuni plebis. Very soon after the institution of the tribunate, the nobles learned the art of destroying the power of the college of tribunes by gaining over one or more of the members; for, as Plutarch states, the opposition (intercessio) of a single tribune rendered the rest of his colleagues powerless. [55] As this is the first time that I have used this word, it requires explanation. The origin of the Roman state is a matter involved in great obscurity; but its history after the expulsion of the kings B.C. 509 is the history of a struggle between a class of nobles, an aristocracy, and the people. The old nobility of Rome were the patricians, whom Livius calls indifferently patres (father) and patricii. In his early History patres and plebs are opposed to one another, as we should now oppose the terms nobles or aristocracy, and commonalty or people; not that nobles and aristocracy are among us exactly equivalent, but in the history of Rome there is no distinction between them. Livius frequently uses the term patres and plebs as comprehending all the Roman citizens (ii. 33). The word populus was originally and properly not the people in our sense; it signified the superior and privileged class and was equivalent to patricians. The plebs were originally not a part of the populus. In later times the word populus was often used loosely to express generally the Roman people, and the style and title of the Roman state was Senatus Populusque Romanus--The Senate and the Roman populus, which term populus in the later republic certainly included the plebs, though the plebs is still spoken of as a class. As the plebeians gradually obtained access to the higher honours of the state and to the consulship by a law of Licinius Stolo B.C. 366, a new class of nobles was formed out of those persons who had enjoyed those honours and out of their descendants. This class was called nobiles by the Romans; the word nobilitas denoted the rank or title of the class, but it was also used like our word nobility to express the body of nobiles. Livius uses this term even in the earlier books of his History, but perhaps not with strict correctness, for in some cases at least he makes the term nobility equivalent to the patricians. He wrote in the reign of Augustus, and he has not always applied his terms in the earlier periods with perfect accuracy. Still we may trace the meaning of political terms in the Roman writers with great clearness, for no nation ever stuck more closely to old forms and expressions, and there is a wonderful precision in the use of political terms by Roman writers of all ages and of all classes. The name patricians still existed after the term nobilis was introduced: a noble might be either a patrician or a plebeian, but the distinction was well understood between an old patrician family and a plebeian family, however distinguished the plebeian family might become. Under the Emperors it was not uncommon for them to promote a man to the rank of patrician for eminent services, which under the monarchy was equivalent to the conferring of a title of dignity in modern times, and nothing more. (Tacit. _Ann._ xi. 25.) In Cicero we find the aristocratical order often spoken of as the optimates (the class of the best), a term which corresponds to the Greek aristi ([Greek: aristoi]), whence we have the word aristocracy, which, however, the early Greek writers, at least, only used to express a form of government and not a class of persons. Cicero on one occasion (_Pro P. Sestio_, c. 45) attempts to give to the word optimates a much wider signification; to make it comprehend all good and honest people: but this is a mere piece of rhetoric. When a poor plebeian heard the optimates spoken of, he never imagined that it was intended to place him among them, were he as honest as the best man among the optimates. Cicero also says the populares were those who merely spoke and acted to please the multitude; which shows that populus must now have changed its meaning: the optimates were those who wished to act so as to get the approbation of all honest men. Plutarch's perception of the early periods of Roman history was perhaps not strictly exact; but he comprehended very clearly the state of the parties in the age of the Gracchi. On the one side were the nobles and the rich, some of whom were noble and some were not; on the other side were the people, the mass, the poor. The struggle was now between rich and poor, and the rich often became the leaders of the poor for the purpose of political distinction and influence, and hence the name populares. Probably few states have ever presented the spectacle of the striking contrast between wealth and poverty which the Roman state exhibited from the time of the Gracchi; a class of rich, rich by hereditary wealth and by all the modes of acquiring wealth which the possession of office and the farming of the public revenues offered to them; a class of poor who were born poor, who had little industry and few means of exercising it. To this we must add, that though there were many cultivators in the country who might enjoy a moderate subsistence from their small estates, there was a city crowded with poor who had votes, and by their union and numbers mainly determined the elections and the acceptance or rejection of legislative measures. Rome, in fact, was the centre of all political agitation, and the result of a revolution in the city generally determined the dispute between two rival factions. We have still to take into the account a very numerous class of slaves. It is probable that in the earlier periods of Roman history the slaves were comparatively few; in the later republic they became very numerous. They formed a large part of the wealth of the rich, and they were always a dangerous body to the state. The effect of employing slaves generally in agriculture and other occupations was, as it always must be, unfavourable to industry among free men. Slaves, also, were often manumitted, and though the son of a manumitted slave was in all respects on the same footing as a complete Roman citizen, if his father was made such by the act of manumission, yet persons of this condition, and especially those who had been liberated from slavery, were looked upon as a somewhat inferior class. Their connection with the powerful families to which they had belonged, also gave such families great influence in all elections; and as we see in various instances, the class of libertini, manumitted slaves, was viewed as a dangerous body in the state. The equites at Rome can scarcely be called a middle class: they were generally rich and the farmers of the revenues, under the name of publicani. They were often opposed to the senate, but it was an opposition of pure interest, and their wealth made them rather the partisans of the aristocratical than of the popular body. Such were the political elements with which Tiberius Gracchus had to deal, when he attempted a reform which perhaps the times did not render practicable, and for which he certainly did not possess the courage or the judgment or the inflexible resolution which were necessary to secure success. The word in Plutarch which I have here translated nobles is [Greek: dynatoi], the powerful. In other places he calls them the rich ([Greek: plousioi]), the possessors [of public land] ([Greek: ktêmatikoi]), the aristocratical body ([Greek: aristokratikoi]); and perhaps other terms. He calls the plebs, or people as opposed to this class, by various names, of which [Greek: dêmos] is the most common: he also calls them the multitude ([Greek: plêthos]), the many ([Greek: hoi polloi]), and other like names. It is impossible to attain perfect precision in the use of political terms in a translation of Plutarch; and in order to be critically exact, it would be necessary to load these notes continually with remarks. But this critical exactness is not required here: the opposition of the two orders in the state is intelligible to everybody. The contests in Rome from the time of the Gracchi to the establishment of the monarchy under Augustus, were contests in which the rich and the powerful were constantly struggling among themselves for political supremacy; there was an acknowledged aristocratical and an acknowledged popular party. But the leaders of both parties, with perhaps some few exceptions, were mainly bent on personal aggrandisement. The aristocratical class had a clearer object than the leaders of the popular party: they wished to maintain the power of their order and that of the senate, which was the administering body. The leaders of the popular party could have no clear object in view except the destruction of the power of the senate: the notion of giving the people more power than they possessed would have been an absurdity. Accordingly the depression of the aristocratical body had for a necessary consequence the elevation of an individual to power, as in the case of Cæsar the dictator. Sulla, it is true, was an aristocrat, and he destroyed so far as he could the popular party; but he made himself dictator, and to the last day of his life he ruled all parties with a rod of iron. The existence of a numerous and needy class who participated in political power without having any property which should be a guarantee for their honest use of it, was the stuff out of which grew the revolutions of Rome. There was a crowded city population, clamorous, for cheap bread, for grants of land, for public shows and amusements, averse to labour, constantly called into political activity by the annual elections, always ready to sell their votes to the best bidders; and a class always ready to use this rabble as a tool for their political and personal aggrandisement. Machiavelli observes (_Istor. Fiorent._ iii.) that the natural enmity which exists between the men of the popular party and the nobles (gli uomini Populari e i Nobili), proceeds from the wish of the nobles to command and of the others not to obey, and that these are the causes of all the evils that appear in states. He adds (iv.) that states, and especially those that are not well constituted, which are administered under the name of republics, often change their government and condition, but the fluctuation is not between liberty and servitude, as many suppose, but between servitude and licence. It is only the name of liberty which is in the mouths of the ministers of licence who are the popular leaders, and the ministers of servitude who are the nobles; both of them wish to be subject neither to the laws nor to men. These remarks, which are peculiarly applicable to Florence and the so-called republics of Italy of that time, apply equally to the Roman state. There are governments, however, to which the name republic can be properly applied, and that of Great Britain is one, which owing to the possession of certain elements have a more stable character. Still the general character of a popular and of an aristocratical party is correctly sketched by Machiavelli. [56] Plutarch, who is fond of allusions to the Greek poets, here alludes to a passage in the Bacchæ of Euripides, l. 387: "for e'en in Bacchus' orgies She who is chaste will never be corrupted." See Bacchæ, ed. Elmsley, l. 317, 834, and the notes. [57] The temple of Saturn was now used, among other purposes, as the treasury of the state, the Ærarium. [58] A dolo is described by Hesychius, v. [Greek: Dolônes], in one sense, as a dagger contained in a wooden case, a kind of sword-stick. (See Facciolati, _Lexicon_.) Kaltwasser describes it as a walking-stick containing a dagger, and translates the passage, "he provided himself with a robbers' dagger, without making any secret of it." I think that he wore it concealed, but made no secret of it, which agrees better with the whole context; and Amyot has translated it so. [59] The word in Plutarch is water jars, _hydriai_ ([Greek: hydriai]), the Roman sitellæ, urnæ or orcæ. The sitellæ were a kind of jar with a narrow neck: they were filled with water so that the wooden lots (sortes) would float at the top, and only one could be there at a time. These lots were used for the purpose of determining in what order the tribes or centuries should vote, for the names of the several tribes or centuries were on the several lots. The vessel into which the voters put their votes (tabellæ), when the order of voting had been fixed for the tribes and centuries, was called cista; and it was a basket of wicker-work or something of the kind, of a cylindrical shape. If Plutarch has used the proper word here, the preliminary proceedings were disturbed by the rich seizing or throwing down the vessels, out of which were to be drawn the lots for determining in what order the tribes should vote. The business had not yet got so far as the voting, which consisted in the voters depositing in a cista one of the tablets (tabellæ), which were distributed among them for this purpose, and which were marked with an appropriate letter to express acceptance of a measure or rejection of it. There is a Roman denarius which represents a man going to put a tabella into a cista: the tabella is marked A, which means Absolvo, I acquit. The letter C (Condemno, I condemn) was marked on the tabella of condemnation. (Eckhel, _Doctr. Num. Vet._ V. 166.) The coin was struck to commemorate the carrying of a law by L. Cassius Longinus B.C. 137, by which the voting in criminal trials (judicia populi) except for perduellio (treason) should be by ballot and not as before by word of mouth. These remarks are taken from an essay by Wunder (_Variæ Lectiones &c. ex Codice Erfurtensi_), in which he has established the meaning of sitella and cista respectively to be that which Manutius long ago maintained. He observes that in the Roman comitia one sitella would be sufficient, as it was only used for receiving the names of the tribes or centuries, which were put in for the purpose of determining by drawing them out, in what order the tribes or centuries should vote. And accordingly he says that when comitia are spoken of, we never find urns or sitellæ spoken of in the plural number. But he has not mentioned the passage of Plutarch. It may be difficult to determine if Plutarch considered that the preliminary lot-drawing had been gone through, and the people were voting. If he considered the voting to be going on, he has used the wrong word. With this explanation, I leave the word "voting-urns" in the text, which is not the correct Roman word but may be what Plutarch meant. It seems as if he thought that the voting had commenced. [60] Plutarch writes it Mallius, for the Greeks never place _n_ before _l_. [61] From this it appears that the vote of each tribe counted as one, and the vote of the tribe was determined by the majority of voters in each tribe. It seems to follow that each tribe had a cista to receive its votes. It is said, the practice was to count the votes when all was over; but they must have been counted as each tribe voted, according to this story. The narrative of Appian is the same (_Civil Wars_, i. 12). [62] The names of various Roman officers and functionaries were derived from their number, as duumviri (two men), triumviri (three men), decemviri, and so on. Some description was added to the name to denote their functions. There were triumviri agro dando or dividendo, triumviri for the division of public land; duumviri juri dicundo, for administering justice, and so forth. [63] Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 13) calls him Quintus Mummius. [64] Plutarch and other Greek writers translate the Roman word, cliens, by Pélates ([Greek: pelatês]). (See Marius, c. 5, notes.) [65] Plutarch generally uses Attic coins. Nine oboli were a drachma and a half, or about six sestertii. (See c. 2, note.) [66] See c. 21. [67] This Attalus III., the last king of Pergamum, left his kingdom to the Romans on his death B.C. 133, the year of the tribunate of Gracchus. His kingdom comprised the best part of that tract out of which the Romans formed the province of Asia. Pergamum was the name of the capital. This rich bequest was disputed by Aristonikus. (See c. 20.) [68] Perhaps Q. Pompeius Rufus who was consul B.C. 141, and disgraced himself by a treaty with the Numantines and his subsequent behaviour about it. (Cicero, _De Officiis_, iii. 30; _De Finibus_, ii. 17; Appian, _Iberica_, c. 79.) [69] Quintus Cæcilius Metellus Macedonicus, who was consul B.C. 143. Kaltwasser says, that Plutarch without doubt means Balearicus, the son of Metellus Macedonicus, which son was consul B.C. 123. Without doubt he means the father, who is mentioned by Cicero as an opponent of Tiberius Gracchus, and he states that an oration of his against Gracchus was preserved in the Annals of Fannius. (_Brutus_, 21.) [70] Titus Annius Luscus was consul with Q. Fulvius Nobilior B.C. 153. (Cicero, _Brutus_, c. 20; Livius, _Epitome_, 58.) [71] It is clear that Plutarch believed this to be a genuine speech of Tiberius. It is not an argument that he could have made, nor is it likely that it is a fabrication of any professed speech-writer. It is true that there were many speeches extant among the Romans, which, though mere rhetorical essays, were attributed to persons of note and passed off as genuine speeches. But this is either not one of them, or it has been managed with consummate art. The defence of Tiberius is a blot on his character. He could not avoid knowing that his arguments were unsound. To abdicate, which means to resign a Roman magistracy, was a different thing from being deprived of it. The Tribunes were elected at the Comitia Tributa, but they derived their powers by uninterrupted succession from the consecrated act (Lex Sacrata) done on the Holy Mount and confirmed after the overthrow of the Decemviral power. (Livius, 2, c. 33; 3, c. 55.) On this subject, see Bubino, _Untersuchungen über Röm. Verfassung_, p. 32. [72] See Caius Gracchus, c. 5. Appian does not mention these measures of Tiberius. [73] The elections of Tribunes in the time of Cicero were on the 17th of July (_Ad Attic._ i. 1). According to Dionysius the first Tribunes entered on their office on the 10th of December. Kaltwasser suggests that as it was now the summer season, the country people were busy in their fields and could not come to the election, which thus would be in the hands of the townspeople. If Tiberius was killed in July and entered on his office in the previous December, this will agree with what Cicero says of him, "he reigned a few months." (_Lælius_, c. 12.) [74] A cage, the Roman cavea. This was one of the modes of ascertaining the will of the gods. It was a firm belief among the nations of antiquity that the gods did by certain signs and tokens give men the opportunity of knowing their will. The determination of these signs was reduced to a system, which it was the duty of certain persons, augurs and others, to learn and to transmit. The careful reader will find many other notices of this matter in Plutarch and some in these notes. (See Sulla, c. 6, notes.) P. Claudius Pulcher, who was consul B.C. 249, and in the command of the Roman fleet off Sicily, despised the omens. The fowls would not eat, which portended that his projected attack on the Carthaginians would be unfavourable; but Claudius said that if they would not eat, they should drink, and he pitched the sacred fowls into the sea. He lost most of his ships in the engagement that followed. (Cicero, _De Natura Deorum_, ii. 3.) The "birds" of Plutarch are "fowls," "pulli." [75] His name was Fulvius Flaccus; the name of Flaccus belongs to the Fulvii. As he was a friend of Tiberius, it is probable that a Marcus Fulvius Flaccus is meant, who is mentioned in the Life of Caius. [76] This was P. Mucius Scævola. His colleague L. Calpurnius Piso was conducting the war in Sicily against the slaves who had risen. The Senate, according to Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 16), was assembled in the Temple of Fides on the Capitol. The circumstances of the death of Tiberius are told by Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 15. 16), who states that there was a fight between the partisans of Tiberius and the other party before the Senate met. [77] To make Plutarch consistent, we must suppose that Caius had returned to Rome. (See c. 13.) [78] I can find nothing more about him. This strange punishment was the punishment for parricide. [79] Cicero (_Lælius_, c. 11) and Valerius Maximus (4, c. 7) make Lælius ask these questions. [80] Aristonikus was an illegitimate son of Eumenes II. King of Pergamum. He disputed the will of Attalus III. and seized the kingdom. Publius Licinius Crassus Mucianus Dives, who was sent against him B.C. 131, was unsuccessful, and lost his life; but Aristonikus was defeated by the consul M. Perperna B.C. 130, and taken to Rome, where he was strangled in prison. [81] This is P. Licinius Crassus Mucianus Dives, c. 9. 20. [82] This does not appear in the extant Lives which bear the name of Nepos; but what we have under his name is a spurious work of little value except the Life of Atticus. [83] D. Junius Brutus Gallæcus was consul with P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio B.C. 138. He completely subdued the Gallæci (people of Galicia) and the Lusitani who occupied a part of modern Portugal, and carried the Roman arms to the western extremity of the Spanish peninsula. [84] He was the colleague of Brutus B.C. 138, as just stated, and Pontifex Maximus in the year of the death of Tiberius. He must have died soon after going to Asia; for Publius Licinius Crassus Mucianus Dives was Pontifex Maximus B.C. 131 (c. 9); but the remark in the Epitome of Livius (lib. 59) that he was the first Pontifex Maximus who went beyond the limits of Italy is not true. The Pontifex Maximus, who was the chief of the college of Pontifices, was chosen for life. He could not be deprived of his office, nor, it seems, could he give it up. Augustus allowed his old rival Lepidus to keep his dignity of Pontifex Maximus till his death. (Dion Cassius, 49, c. 15.) [85] The line is from Homer's _Odyssey_, i. 47. [86] This is lost, and also Plutarch's Life of Scipio Africanus Major. [87] The word by which Plutarch has translated Forum is Agora ([Greek: agora]). A Forum was an open place or area, and is often generally used for Public Place, such as almost every town has. _The_ Forum at Rome was the Forum Romanum, which was situated between the Palatine and Capitoline Hills; it was surrounded by buildings and was the chief place for the administration of justice and for the public assemblies. To keep away from the Forum here means to take no share in public affairs. Sometimes, Forensic (forensis), a term comprehending all that relates to public business and the proceedings in the courts, is opposed to Domestic (domesticus), private, as we see in Cicero (_Ad Attic._ i. 5, &c.). [88] As thirty-one was the age at which according to a law (Lex Annalis Villia) a man could become Quæstor, Tiberius, who was Quæstor before he was tribune, must have been older than Plutarch says that he was; unless he was elected Quæstor before the legal age. [89] The island of Sardinia was made a Roman province B.C. 235. [90] Lucius Aurelius Orestes and M. Æmilius Lepidus were consuls B.C. 126. [91] This dream is mentioned by Cicero, _De Divinatione_, i. 26. C. Gracchus told his dream to many persons, before he was elected tribune. It happened while he was a candidate for the quæstorship. [92] Micipsa, King of Numidia, was the son of Massinissa, who was the firm ally of the Romans in their contest with the Carthaginians in the Second Punic War. At the close of this war, his territory was greatly enlarged by the addition of the dominions of Syphax and a large part of the Carthaginian territory. He was succeeded by Micipsa, who died B.C. 118. The Carthaginian territory which subsequently formed a large part of the Roman province of Africa was a rich corn country, and one of the granaries of Rome under the latter Republic and the Empire. [93] Gracchus made his defence before the Censors Cn. Servilius Cæpio and L. Cassius Longinus B.C. 124. Gracchus belonged to the class of Equites, and as such he had a Public horse. The censors summoned him to account for leaving his province, and, if he was not able to justify himself, he would be deprived of his horse and marked with the Nota Censoria, in the lists of the Censors, the consequence of which was what the Romans called Ignominia, or temporary civil incapacity. If Caius was born B.C. 154 and had now (B.C. 124) served twelve years, he entered the army B.C. 136, when he was eighteen. It is true as he here says, that he was only required to serve ten years. This fragment of his speech is preserved by Aulus Gellius (xv. 12), and it is expressed with all the vigour of the best Roman style. A comparison of this fragment with the passages from the speeches of Tiberius Gracchus, which are given by Plutarch, is sufficient to show that Plutarch's extracts are genuine. There appears to be an error in Plutarch as to the "three years." Gellius makes Caius say: "Biennium fui in Provincia;" "I was two years in the province:" and one MS. is said to have "two years" ([Greek: dietia]), which Coraes has adopted in his edition of Plutarch. [94] Fregellæ was a subject city in the territory of the Volsci. The people wished to have the Roman citizenship, and as it was refused they rebelled. Fregellæ was destroyed by L. Opimius the Prætor B.C. 125. Caius Gracchus was tried B.C. 124 before the Prætor Opimius on the charge of conspiring with the people of Fregellæ. (Velleius, 2, c. 6.) [95] Plutarch simply says the Plain ([Greek: to pedion]): but he means the Campus Martius, or Field of Mars. Compare Marius c. 34. The Roman writers often call the Campus Martius simply Campus. The people did not mount on the house-tops to vote, as Amyot and Kaltwasser say, if I understand them right. Crowds came to Rome, who had no votes; they came to see and to affect the elections if they could. Caius was elected tribune B.C. 123, just ten years after his brother's tribunate. The consuls were Quintus Cæcilius Metellus Balearicus, a son of Metellus Macedonicus, an opponent of Tiberius Gracchus, and Titus Quinctius Flamininus. (See Tiberius Gracchus, c. 14 notes.) [96] Cicero, in _Brutus_, c. 33, and in other passages, bears testimony to the powerful eloquence of Caius Gracchus. Up to the time of Cicero, the orations of Gracchus were the models of oratory which all Romans studied. Cicero says that his speeches did not receive the finishing touch; he left behind him many things which were well begun, but not perfected. The practice of revising speeches for the purpose of publication was common among the Athenian and Roman orators. In manly and vigorous oratory we may doubt if Caius Gracchus ever had his equal among the Romans; and if not among the Romans, where shall we look for his equal? [97] I have here allowed a word to stand by something of an oversight, to which however there is no objection. Plutarch uses the word "law;" but the Roman word is "Rogatio," which means a Bill, a proposed Law, so called because the form of passing a law was to ask (rogare) the assembly if they would have it. The form of voting was to reject (antiquare) by the formula A., or to confirm (jubere) by the formula U.R. (Uti Rogas), "as you propose," which were marked on the tabellæ or voting-tablets. (Cicero, _Ad Attic._ i. 14.) To Promulgate a law, or more properly a Rogation, signified among the Romans, to make public (for promulgare is only another form of Provulgare) a proposed law; to give notice of a proposed measure and its contents. To promulgate a law in modern times means to make known a law which is already a law; but the expression is not much used. [98] P. Popillius Lænas was also consul with P. Rupilius B.C. 132. He returned to Rome after the death of Caius Gracchus. [99] The erecting of statues to their great men was probably more common at Rome after the conquest of Greece, when they became acquainted with Greek art. Rome at a later period was filled with statues. Though most of the great Romans were distinguished by their military talents, it was not only in respect of military fame that statues were erected; nor were they confined to men as we see in this instance. The daughter of him who conquered Hannibal, the wife of Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, a successful general, a prudent politician and an honest man, the mother of two sons who died in the cause of the people--the memory of such a woman was perpetuated in the manner best suited to the age by an imperishable monument. [100] A complete view of the legislation of Gracchus is beyond the limits of a note. Part of the subject has been referred to already. (Tiberius Gracchus, c. 8, note.) The Roman allies (Socii) were subjects of the Roman State, subject to the sovereign power of Rome, a power which was distributed among many members. They bore heavy burdens, particularly in the form of supplies of men and money for war; and they claimed as an indemnification the citizenship (civitas), or admission to the sovereign body, as members of it. The claim was finally settled by the Marsic or Social war. (See Marius and Sulla.) The law about the price of grain belonged to the class of Laws which the Romans called Frumenteriæ Leges, or Corn Laws; the object of these laws was not to keep up the price of grain, but to furnish it to the poor at a low rate. This low rate however was not effected in the only way in which such an object could profitably be effected, by allowing corn to come to Rome from all parts free of duty, but by buying grain with the Public money and selling it to the poor at a lower rate. This law of Gracchus proposed that corn should be sold to the people (plebs) monthly at the rate of 5/6 of the as for a modius. This is the first recorded instance in Roman History of the poor being relieved in this manner. The city was crowded with poor who had few or no means of subsistence, but had votes in the annual elections and were members of the sovereign body. The consequences of such a measure might be easily foreseen: the treasury became exhausted, and the people were taught to depend for their subsistence, not on their industry, but on these almost gratuitous distributions of grain. This allowance, which was made monthly, added to the sale of their votes at the annual elections and the distributions on extraordinary occasions, of corn and oil (Dion Cassius, 43, c. 31) helped a poor Roman to live in idleness. This system of distributions of corn, sometimes free of cost, being once established was continued all through the Republic and under the Empire. It was impossible to stop the evil, when it had been rooted, and in the crowded city of Rome under the Empire, it was an important duty of the adminstration to prevent famine and insurrection by provisioning the city. C. Julius Cæsar reduced the number of those who received this corn relief from 320,000 to 150,000. The number of receivers must have increased again, for Augustus reduced the number to 200,000. This subject of the distribution of corn among the poor is an important element in the history of the later Republic. Dureau de la Malle (_Économie Politique des Romains_, ii. 307) has compared it with the English mode of providing for the poor by the Poor Laws; but though there are some striking points of resemblance between the two systems, there are many differences, and the matter requires to be handled with more knowledge and judgment than this writer has shown in order to exhibit it in its proper light. Plutarch's account of the changes made by Gracchus in the body of the Judices is probably incorrect. The law of Gracchus related to trials for offences, such as bribery at elections (ambitus), and corruption in the administration of offices (repetundæ), which belong to the class of trials called at a later time judicia publica or public trials. In the trials for these offences, those who had to decide on the guilt or innocence of the accused, were called judices; and the judices were taken only from the senators. But as the persons accused of offences, of the kind above mentioned generally belonged to the senatorian order, it was found very difficult to get a man convicted. Some notorious instances of acquittals of persons, who had been guilty of corruption, had occurred just before Gracchus proposed his law. According to Appian, his law gave the judicial power solely to the equites, who formed a kind of middle class between the senators and the people. But the equites were not a safe body to intrust with this power. To this body belonged the publicani, or publicans as they are called in our translation of the Gospels (_Matt._, ch. v., v. 47), who farmed the revenues in the provinces. A governor who winked at the extortion of the farmers of taxes would easily be acquitted, if he was tried for maladministration on his return to Rome. The equites at Rome had an interest in acquitting a man who favoured their order. Cicero remarks (_In Verrem_, Act Prima, 13) that the judices were selected out of the equites for near fifty years until the functions were restored to the senate. He is alluding to the change Sulla made B.C. 83; but it appears that there were some intermediate changes. Cicero adds that during all this time there was never the slightest suspicion of any eques taking a bribe in the discharge of his functions as judex. Appian says that they soon became corrupt; and Cicero, who is in the habit of contradicting himself, says in effect the same thing (_In Verrem_, lib. iii. 41; _Brutus_, c. 34). The judices of Gracchus condemned Opimius, whose character Cicero admired. (See c. 18, notes.) The condemnation was either honest or dishonest: if honest, Cicero is a dishonest man for complaining of the sentence (_Pro Plancio_, c. 29): if dishonest then Cicero here contradicts what he has said elsewhere. (See also _In Pisonem_, c. 39.) I have used the Roman word judices, which is the word that Plutarch has translated. These judices were selected out of the qualified body by lot (at least this was the rule sometimes) for each particular trial. A judge, generally the prætor, presided, and the guilt or innocence of the accused was determined by the judices by a majority of votes; the votes were given by ballot at this time. This law of Gracchus about the judicia is a difficult subject, owing to the conflicting evidence. [101] The character of the Roman roads is here accurately described. The straight lines in which they ran are nowhere more apparent than in England, as may be seen by inspecting the Ordnance maps. That from Lincoln to the Humber is a good example. It is conjectured that some of the strong substructions at La Riccia (Aricia) on the Appian Road near Rome may be the work of Caius; but I do not know on what this opinion rests. (See _Classical Museum_, ii. 164.) The Roman mile is tolerably well ascertained. It is variously estimated at 1618 and 1614 yards, which is less than the English mile. The subject of the stadium, which was the Greek measure of length, is fully examined by Colonel Leake, _London Geographical Journal_, vol. ix. [102] Caius Fannius Strabo must not be confounded with the historian of the same name. He was consul B.C. 122 with C. Domitius Ahenobarbus. Cicero speaks of an excellent speech of his against the proposal of Gracchus to give the Latins the full citizenship, and the suffrage to the Italian allies. (Cic., _Brutus_, c. 26.) [103] M. Fulvius Flaccus was consul B.C. 125, and during his year of office he defeated the Transalpine Ligurians. He was an orator of no great note, but an active agitator. He perished with Caius Gracchus (c. 16): his house was pulled down, and the ground made public property. [104] Plutarch's Life of the younger Scipio Africanus is lost. Scipio died B.C. 159, six years before Caius was tribune. He had retired to rest in the evening with some tablets on which he intended to write a speech to deliver before the people on the subject of the Agrarian Law of Tiberius Gracchus and the difficulties of carrying it into effect. He was found dead in the morning, and it was the general opinion that he was murdered. His wife Sempronia was suspected, and even Cornelia his mother-in-law, as well as C. Gracchus. C. Papirius Carbo, one of the triumviri for dividing the land with Caius and Fulvius Flaccus is distinctly mentioned by Cicero as one of the murderers. As to him, there is no doubt that he was believed to be guilty. It is also admitted by all authorities that there was no inquiry into the death of Scipio; and Appian adds that he had not even a public funeral. [105] This was the first Roman colony that was established beyond the limits of the Italian Peninsula, which Velleius reckons among the most impolitic measures of Gracchus. The colony of Gracchus appears to have been neglected, and the town was not built. At the destruction of Carthage heavy imprecations were laid on any man who should restore the city. The colony was established by Cæsar the Dictator. The foundation of a Roman colony was accompanied with solemn ceremonials, to which Plutarch alludes. The anniversary day of the foundation was religiously observed. On some Roman coins there is a representation of a man driving a yoke of oxen and a vexillum (standard), which are the symbols of a Roman colony. [106] Plutarch has here used the word oligarch ([Greek: oligarchikos]), one who is a friend to the party of the Few as opposed to the Many. The meaning of an oligarchy, according to Aristotle (_Politik_, 4, c. 4), is a government in which the rich and those of noble birth possess the political power, being Few in number. But the smallness of the number is only an accident: the essence of an oligarchy consists in the power being in the hands of the rich and the noble, who happen in all countries to be the Few compared with the Many. [107] This was a proverbial expression, of which different explanations were given. Sardinia, it is said, was noted for a bitter herb which contracted the features of those who tasted it. Pausanias (x. 17) says it is a plant like parsley, which grows near springs, and causes people who eat it to laugh till they die; and he supposes that Homer's expression (_Odyssey_ xx. 302), a Sardinian laugh, is an allusion to this property of the plant: but this is not a probable explanation of the expression in Homer. [108] Some fragments of the Letters of Cornelia are extant, but there is great difficulty in determining if they are genuine, and opinions are divided on the subject. Gerlach, in his essay on Tiberius and Caius Gracchus (p. 37), maintains their genuineness against the opinion of Spalding and Bernhardy. The Fragments are collected by Roth. [109] The story in Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 25) is somewhat different. [110] The Roman stilus, which Plutarch translates by _graphíum_ ([Greek: grapheion]), "a writing instrument," was of metal, iron or brass, sharp at one end and flat at the other. The point was used for writing on tablets which were smeared with wax: the other end was used for erasing what was written and making the surface even again. The word was often used by the best Roman writers in a metaphorical sense to express the manner and character of a written composition, and from them it has passed into some of the modern languages of Europe, our own among the rest: thus we speak of a good style, a bad style of writing, and so on. [111] The form of the decree was, Videant consules ne quid respublica detrimenti capiat (Livius, 3, c. 4), which empowered the consuls or consul, as the case might be, to provide that the commonwealth sustained no damage. The word detrimentum, which signifies damage caused by rubbing off, had a tacit reference to the majestas of the Populus Romanus. The majestas (majesty) of the state is its integrity, its wholeness, any diminution of which was an offence; and under the Emperors the crime of majestas, that is majestas impaired, was equivalent to high treason. The decree here alluded to was only adopted, as Livius expresses it, in the utmost extremity, when the state was in danger; its effect was to proclaim martial law, and to suspend for the time all the usual forms of proceeding. [112] This was one of the hills or eminences in Rome: it was the plebeian quarter. [113] This is the Roman term which corresponds to the _kerukeion_ ([Greek: kêrykeion]) of Plutarch, or the staff which ambassadors or heralds carried in time of war when they were sent to an enemy. [114] The Cretans were often employed as mercenaries in the Roman army, as we see from passages in Livius (37, c. 41). [115] This is not Plutarch's word, but it expresses his meaning, and he uses the word elsewhere. Amnesty is Greek and was used by the later Greek writers in a sense the same or nearly the same as in modern times, to express a declaration on the part of those who had the sovereign power for the time that they would pardon those who had in any way acted in opposition to such power. [116] The Pons Sublicius as it was called, the oldest bridge over the Tiber at Rome. [117] As usual in such cases, there is a dispute about the person or at least his name. Velleius (ii. 6,) and Aurelius Victor called him Euporus. Both names are Greek, and the faithful slave was doubtless a Greek, of whom there were now many at Rome. They were valued for their superior acquirements and dexterity, and filled the higher places in great families. The slaves from barbarous nations, that is, nations not Greek, were used for meaner purposes. [118] Kaltwasser remarks that Aurelius Victor (_De Viris Illustribus_, c. 55) says that Caius died in the grove of Furina, the goddess of thieves, whose sacred place was beyond, that is on the west side of the Tiber, and that Plutarch appears to have confounded this with the name of the Furies, the Greek Erinnyes. This may be so; or Victor may have made a mistake, which he often has done. [119] Opimius must have been as great a knave as Septimuleius, for the fraud was palpable. Stories of this kind are generally given with variations. Plinius (_N.H._ 33, c. 14) says it was the mouth that was filled with lead, and that Septimuleius had been a confidential friend of Caius. This was the first instance in Rome of head money being offered and paid; but the example was followed in the proscriptions of Sulla, and those of the triumviri Lepidus, M. Antonius, and Cæsar Octavianus. [120] I have followed Kaltwasser in translating the Greek word [Greek: aponoia], which signifies madness, desperation, or a desperate deed, by discord, for the sake of maintaining something like the opposition between the two words which exists in the original. [121] Caius Opimius was consul with Q. Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus, B.C. 121, the year of the death of Caius. The history of his conduct in Libya is told by Sallustius in the Jugurthine war. He was one of ten commissioners who were sent, B.C. 112, to settle the disputes between Adherbal, the son of Micipsa, and Jugurtha, the illegitimate son of Micipsa's brother. The commissioners were bribed by Jugurtha and decided in his favour. Opimius and the rest of them were tried for the offence, B.C. 109, and banished. Opimius died in great poverty at Dyrrachium (Durazzo) in Epirus. (Sallustius, _Jugurthine War_, c. 134; Velleius, ii. 7.) Cicero thinks that Opimius was very hardly used after his services in crushing the insurrection at Fregellæ and putting down the disturbances excited by Caius Gracchus and Fulvius Flaccus: he calls him the saviour of the state, and laments his condemnation. (Cicero, _Pro Plancio_, c. 28, &c.; _Brutus_, c. 34; &c.) [122] M. Fulvius Flaccus was consul, B.C. 125, during which year he defeated the Transalpine Ligurians. [123] The legislation of the Gracchi, particularly of Caius Gracchus, comprehended many objects, the provisions as to which are comprehended under the general name of Semproniæ Leges, for it was the fashion to name a law after the gentile name of him who proposed it. The most important of the measures of Caius have been mentioned by Plutarch, with the exception of a law about the provinces. At the outbreak of the Social War, B.C. 91, the Roman provinces comprehended Sardinia, Corsica, Sicily, the Spanish Peninsula, the whole of which, however, was not subdued, Cisalpine Gaul, Asia, Macedonia, Achæa, Transalpine Gaul, and some others of less note. The original sense of the word provincia had no reference to a territory, though this is the later sense of the word and the common usage of it. The functions of the prætor urbanus who stayed at Rome were called his provincia, that is, the administration of justice was his provincia or business. The word is used in the sense of a function or office by Livius with reference to a time when there was no provincia in the later sense of the word. In the time of Cicero, provincia signified a territory out of Italy, which was administered by a Roman governor. The term Italy, at this time, did not comprise the whole peninsula, but only that part which was south of the rivers Rubico and Macra. The primary meaning of the word is confirmed by its etymology; provincia is a shortened form of providentia, which also appears in the shape prudentia. Providentia signifies "foresight," "superintending care," and so forth; and it is formed on the same principle as beneficentia, benevolentia, and other Latin words which are of a participial character. The etymology of Niebuhr (proventus) is untenable, and that which I have partly adopted (Smith's _Dict. of Antiquities_, art. "Provincia") is no better. Since writing that article, I saw that the word is only another form of providentia, and a friend has pointed out to me that Mr. G. C. Lewis first suggested this as the origin of the word in his Essay on the Government of Dependencies, London, 1841, Note H. p. 353. If this explanation of the word is correct, the true orthography is provintia, but I have not yet been able to find it on an inscription. The old practice was for the Senate, after the elections of the Consuls and Prætors, to name two provinces which should be given to the consuls after the consulship was expired. The two consuls settled by lot or by agreement which province of the two they should have. As the consuls were chosen before the two consular provinces were determined by the senate, it was in the power of the senate to give what provinces they pleased to the consuls, and so make the appointment either a favour or not. A law of Gracchus enacted that the two consular provinces should be determined before the election of consuls, and that the senate should not have the power, which they had formerly exercised, of prolonging a man's government in a province beyond the year. This law manifestly limited the power of the Senate, though some writers conceive that it was enacted for the advantage of that body as some compensation for their loss of the judicial power. Plutarch has treated the subject of the Gracchi with perfect impartiality. He has given them credit for good motives, and approved of their measures in general, but he has not disguised their faults. Appian considered that the measures of Tiberius were for the public good, but that his conduct was not judicious. Sallustius also admits that the Gracchi did not conduct themselves with sufficient moderation (_Jugurthine War_, c. 46); but Sallustius belonged to the popular party, and he approved of their measures. Most of the other Roman writers express an unfavourable opinion of the Gracchi. Florus however gives them credit for good intentions, but disapproves of the means by which they attempted to carry their measures into effect. That part of the work of Livius which treated of this period is lost, but we may collect his opinions of the Gracchi from the Epitomes of the lost books, and the general tenor of his History. The measures of the Gracchi were estimated by the rule of party spirit. The judgment of Cicero, who often mentions the Gracchi, is both for and against. His expressed opinion, whatever might be his real opinion, varied with circumstances. If we only knew his opinion from the second oration against the Agrarian Law of Rullus (ii. 5), we should consider him as approving of all the measures of the Gracchi. When he delivered that oration, Cicero had just been elected Consul: he was a Novus homo, a new man as the Romans called him, who was the first of his family to attain to the high honours of the State, and he had obtained the consulship as a friend of the people, as a popular man (Popularis). In his treatise on Friendship and other of his writings, he gives a contradictory judgment of the Gracchi; he says that Tiberius Gracchus aimed at the kingly power, or rather in fact was king for a few months; he calls the two Gracchi degenerate sons of their father; he extols the murderers of Tiberius Gracchus; he commiserates the hard fate of Opimius after saving the state by putting Caius Gracchus to death. All this was written or said after he was consul, after he had done what the murderers of the Gracchi had done, after he had put to death Catilina and his accomplices without trial contrary to the constitution, contrary to a special law which Caius Gracchus had carried that no Roman citizen should be put to death without a duly constituted trial; after he had, like Nasica and Opimius, made himself a murderer by putting men to death without letting them be tried according to law; whether they were guilty or not, is immaterial; they were put to death without trial, contrary to a principle of justice which, before he became guilty himself, Cicero had maintained and defended. The acts of the Gracchi were on record and well understood; but Cicero made his opinion of their acts depend not on his convictions, but on his interests; it is to him mainly that we may trace the common notion that the Gracchi were merely a couple of designing demagogues. The Gracchi were not wise enough or firm enough to be good reformers, but few reformers in so difficult a situation have left behind them so fair a reputation for honest intention. There was a great mass of contemporary materials for the history of the Gracchi, consisting of the speeches of the two brothers, of the numerous speeches made against them, the history of Polybius, who could not have overlooked the Gracchi in his account of the Numantine war, the history of Fannius, and other materials which Gerlach has enumerated in his Essay on the Gracchi. It is plain from Plutarch's narrative, that he used these authorities; and if we consider how far removed he was from the time of the Gracchi, and his character, we may conclude that he has given as impartial a view of the times as he could collect from contemporary evidence. He may have made mistakes, and some mistakes we cannot help considering that he has made; but he can hardly have made any mistake in his representation of the nature of the reforms which the two brothers attempted, of the opposition that they encountered, and of their general character. _Misenum._ Misenum was on the coast of Campania near Cape Miseno, a favourite residence of the wealthy Romans, who built villas there. The house of Cornelia had many occupants. It became the property of Caius Marius (c. 34), then of Lucius Lucullus, and finally of the Emperor Tiberius, who died here. It was seated on a hill which commanded an extensive sea-view. In the last sentence of this chapter I have adopted the reading of Sintenis ([Greek: phylattomenês]), which is necessary for the sense. [124] Alluding to the fight of Herakles with the Lernæan hydra which had nine heads. Herakles struck off its heads with his club, but in the place of the head he cut off, two new heads grew forth each time. [125] This was a frontier town, whose possession was disputed by the Athenians and Boeotians. [126] An Athenian of the township of Thriasia, near Eleusis. [127] A fellow-scholar of Demosthenes. [128] A low quarter of Athens. [129] See Life of Crassus, ch. 2. [130] The battle of Chæronea, B.C. 338, in which Philip defeated the Athenians and Boeotians, and crushed the liberties of Greece. [131] The hero of a mock-heroic poem supposed to have been written by Homer. [132] Kassander built a new city on the site of Potidæa, on the narrow isthmus of the promontory of Pallene. Potidæa had been destroyed by Philip, B.C. 356. The new city of Kassandrea soon became the most flourishing city in Macedonia. [133] This was Agis III. who at the time of the battle of Issus, B.C. 333, was communicating with the Persian naval commanders in the Ægean, to obtain supplies for the war against the Macedonians. He was killed in action, about the time of the battle of Arbela, B.C. 331. [134] The second month of the Attic year, the latter half of August and first of September. The two next months mentioned in the text correspond to the latter half of September and the first of October and the latter half of October and first of November respectively. [135] A small island in the Saronic Gulf off the coast of Argolis and opposite Troezen, where was a celebrated temple of Poseidon which was regarded as an inviolable asylum. Hither Demosthenes fled to avoid Antipater, and here he took poison, B.C. 322. [136] The Greek word signifies a reed, in the upper part of which poison might easily be placed. [137] A festival in honour of Demeter. For details see Smith 'Dict. of Antiq.' [138] The Helvia Gens was plebeian. It becomes historical from the time of the second Punic war, and became ennobled (nobilis) by M. Helvius being elected prætor B.C. 197, the first year in which six prætors were elected (Liv. 32. c. 27). It is said that Cicero never mentions his mother in his writings, but an anecdote of her careful housekeeping is recorded by her son Quintus (Cic. _Ad Diversos_, xvi. 26). The allusion is to the Volscian with whom Coriolanus took refuge when he left Rome (Plutarch, _Life of Coriolanus_, c. 22; Livy, 2, c. 35). [139] Cicero himself did not claim any illustrious descent. The family had been long settled at Arpinum, now Arpino, a Volscian town. The first person who is mentioned as bearing the name of Cicero is C. Claudius Cicero, a tribunus plebis, B.C. 454 (Liv. 3. c. 31). M. Tullius Cicero, the grandfather of the orator, was born B.C. 140, and nothing is known of the orator's family before him. Arpinum received the limited Roman civitas in B.C. 303 (Liv. 10. c. 1), that is, probably Commercium and Connubium, for the suffrage (suffragii latio) was not given to the people of Arpinum till B.C. 188 (Liv. 38. c. 36). The orator's grandfather lived to see his grandson born B.C. 106. Cicero's father belonged to the class of Equites. He spent the greater part of his life on his lands at Arpinum, near the junction of the Fibrenus with the Liris (Garigliano). He afterwards removed to Rome to educate his sons Marcus and Quintus, and had a house in the Carinæ. Among his friends were the orators M. Antonius and Lucius Crassus, and Q. Scævola the Augur, a distinguished Jurist. His sons had accordingly the advantage of being acquainted in their youth with some of the most distinguished of the Romans. He is said to have died B.C. 64, the year before his son was consul. A letter of Cicero to Atticus (i. 6) is generally supposed to speak of his father's death, but the true reading is undoubtedly "pater a nobis discessit;" and it is plain that Cicero is simply speaking of his father leaving Rome for a time (Drumann, _Tullii_, p. 213). [140] The cognomen Cicero, as already observed, occurs early in Roman history. Many of the Roman cognomina were derived from some particular plant which a man cultivated, or from some personal peculiarity, or from some other accidental circumstance. The mark on the nose is just as likely to be the origin of the name as the cultivation of the _cicer_; for if the name Fabius comes from _faba_, "a bean," and Lentulus, from _lens_, "pulse;" yet Catulus means "a whelp," and Scaurus means "knock-knee'd," or something of the kind. The words [Greek: diastolê, diaphyê] mean what I have translated them. Kaltwasser has translated the passage thus, according to Reiske's explanation:--"Jener hatte an der spitze der nase einen kleinen anwuchs oder warze in form einer solchen erbse, woven er den beinamen erhielt." But this is not a translation. Plutarch does not say that he had a wart at the end of his nose, but that the end of his nose was like a vetch, because there was a kind of split or cleft in it. There is no reason for misrepresenting even a man's nose. [141] The "third day of the new calends" is the third of January of the unreformed Roman calendar. Pompeius Magnus was born in the same year, B.C. 106. Cicero himself mentions his birthday (_Ad Attic._ vii. 5; xiii. 42). Plutarch's stories of his aptitude for learning might be collected from the mass of anecdotes that existed in his time about all the great Romans of Cicero's period. The story shows at least what were the traditional stories about Cicero's youth. [142] Kaltwasser refers to the passage in Plato's Republic, book v. p. 56, of the Bipont edition. [143] Glaucus was a fisherman of Anthedon in Boeotia. After eating of a certain herb he jumped into the sea and became a sea-god with the power of prophecy (Pausanias, ix. 22). Strabo (p. 405, ed. Casaub.) says that he became a fish of some kind ([Greek: kêtos]), a change more appropriate to his new element, though perhaps not to his new vocation. Æschylus made a drama on the subject, which Cicero may have used. [144] Cicero translated the poem of Aratus into Latin verse. He also wrote an epic poem, the subject of which was his countryman Caius Marius; and one on his own consulship, which was always a favourite topic with him. Of the translation of the 'Phænomena' of Aratus, which was made when he was a youth, about four hundred lines remain. The fragments of these poems, and of others not here enumerated, are in Orelli's edition of Cicero, vol. iv. [145] Philo, a pupil of the Carthaginian Clitomachus, fled from Athens to Rome in B.C. 88, at the time when the troops of Mithridates were in possession of Athens (Cicero, _Brutus_, c. 89, and Meyer's note). [146] The elder of these Mucii was Q. Mucius Scævola, Consul B.C. 117, commonly called the Augur. After his death Cicero attached himself to Q. Mucius Scævola, Pontifex Maximus, who was a distinguished jurist. The Pontifex was assassinated in the consulship of the younger Marius, B.C. 82, in the temple of Vesta (Florus, iii. 21). Cicero has in several places commemorated his virtues and talents (_De Orat._ i. 39; iii. 3). Cicero, in his _Brutus_, c. 88, &c., has given an account of his own early studies. [147] In B.C. 89 Cicero served under Cn. Pompeius Strabo, the father of Pompeius Magnus (Life of Pompeius, c. 1. notes). Cicero speaks of this event of his life in his twelfth Philippic, c. 11. [148] L. Cornelius Chrysogonus was probably a Greek. His name Cornelius was derived from his patron (Life of Sulla, c. 31, notes). Cicero's speech for Sextus Roscius Amerinus was spoken B.C. 80; it is still extant. Cicero's first extant speech, pro P. Quintio, was spoken B.C. 81. [149] Cicero went to Greece B.C. 79. The reasons for his journey are stated by himself in his _Brutus_ (c. 91). He speaks of his leanness and weakness, and of the length and slenderness of his neck. His physicians recommended him to give up speaking for a time. When he left Rome he had been engaged for two years in pleading causes. [150] Cicero stayed six months at Athens. The New Academy was founded by Arkesilaus. The school taught that certainty was not attainable in anything, and that the evidence of the senses was deceptive. The words "by the evidence and by the senses" are the exact copy of the original. Schaefer proposes to omit "and" ([Greek: kai]), in which case the passage would stand thus--"by the evidence of the senses." Sintenis retains the conjunction ([Greek: kai]), and refers to Cicero, _Academ._ 2. 6 and 7. [151] Cicero was at Rhodes in B.C. 78 (compare his _Brutus_, c. 91). Cicero calls this "Apollonius the son of Molo," simply Molo (see the Life of Cæsar, c. 3, notes). Molo had the two most distinguished of the Romans among his pupils, C. Julius Cæsar and Cicero. Poseidonius was the chief Stoic of his time. [152] Cicero never mentions this visit to Delphi in his writings, and Middleton thinks the visit is improbable, because Cicero (_De Divinatione_, ii. 56) shows that he knew what was the value of the oracle. But a man who despises a popular superstition may try to use it for his purposes, and may be disappointed if he cannot. Perhaps the soundness of the oracle's advice may be a good reason for disbelieving the story. Cicero returned to Rome in B.C. 77. [153] This was Q. Roscius, in whose behalf Cicero made a speech in B.C. 76, before C. Piso as judex. The subject of the cause is stated in the arguments to the oration. Claudius Æsopus, the great tragic actor, whom Cicero considered a perfect master of his art, was probably a Greek and a freedman of some member of the Claudia Gens. He was liberal in his expenditure, and yet he acquired an enormous fortune, which his son spent. [154] [Greek: ek tou hypokrinesthai], that is, from "acting." One Greek word for actor is [Greek: hypokritês]. Oratorical action was therefore viewed as a part of the histrionic art; and so it is. But oratorical acting requires to be kept within narrower limits. [155] Bawling is properly viewed as an effort to accomplish by loudness of voice what ought to be accomplished by other means. It is simply ridiculous, and misses the mark that it aims at. "If you mouth it," says Hamlet to the players, "as many of your players do, I had as lief the town crier had spoke my lines."--"Let your discretion be your tutor: suit the action to the word, and the word to the action; with this special observance, that you o'erstep not the modesty of nature." [156] Cicero was elected quæstor B.C. 76, when he was thirty years of age. He discharged the duties of his office during B.C. 75. He speaks well of his own quæstorship in his oration for Cn. Plancius (c. 26). [157] Cicero tells the story himself in his oration for Cn. Plancius (c. 26). The place of the adventure was Puteoli (Pozzuoli), B.C. 74, a place to which the Romans used to resort to enjoy the natural hot springs and the agreeable neighbourhood. [158] Verres during his prætorship in Sicily, B.C. 73-71, had greatly misconducted himself. He was prosecuted in B.C. 70, in which year Pompeius Magnus and M. Licinius Crassus were consuls (Life of Crassus, c. 12). Hortensius, the orator, defended Verres. The object of Hortensius and of these prætors was to prolong or defer the trial to the next year, for which Hortensius was elected consul. There are extant seven orations of Cicero on the matter of Verres, of which two only were delivered; that against Cæcilius (_De Divinatione_), who claimed to conduct the prosecution, his object being to get Verres off, and the Actio Prima, which is an opening of the whole case. Before the other speeches were delivered, Verres gave up his defence and went into exile. Cicero, however, published the speeches, or probably even wrote them entire after the affair was over. This Cæcilius was Q. Cæcilius Metellus, a Sicilian by birth, and probably the descendant of a freedman of one of the Metelli. It seems that he was suspected of being of Jewish origin. Cicero's allusion to the hog, and many other passages in the Roman writers, show that the Jews were well known in Rome at this time. [159] [Greek: entos thyrôn], "within doors." Kaltwasser has translated the passage: "So solltest du hinter der thür mit deinen söhnen schmälen." The repartee does not admit or need explanation. [160] The story of the monster sphinx and her ænigma which OEdipus solved is well known. This work of art was of metal, according to Pliny (_Hist. Nat._ 34. c. 18). [161] There is probably some error in Plutarch as to the amount. In the Divinatio (c. 5) the peculations of Verres were estimated at "millies HS.," or one hundred millions of sesterces; but in the Actio Prima (c. 18), which was spoken after Cicero had been in Sicily to collect evidence, he put the amount at forty millions of sesterces, or two-fifths of the first sum. If Plutarch's drachmæ are Roman denarii, his 750,000 drachmæ will make only three millions of sesterces. Verres continued in exile, and he remained quiet during the civil wars. Though an unprincipled scoundrel, he showed his taste in stealing: he had kept many valuable objects of art, and he would not part with them. The story is that M. Antonius put his name in the proscription list, B.C. 43, because he would not give up his Corinthian vessels. He was put to death, but he died, it is said, with great resolution; and he had the satisfaction of hearing that his old enemy Cicero had gone before him (Drumann, _Tullii_, p. 328). But all this story is very improbable. [162] Cicero was Curule Ædile in B.C. 69, with M. Cæsonius for his colleague. [163] This is evidently a mistake in Plutarch's text. Arpinum is meant. [164] This is what Cicero calls his Pompeianum. Middleton, in his Life of Cicero, has mentioned all Cicero's country residences in Italy, which were very numerous. [165] See the Life of Cato, c. 19. The time of Cicero's marriage is uncertain. Drumann conjectures that he married her about B.C. 80 or 79, before his journey to Asia. [166] Cicero was Prætor in the year B.C. 66, and it fell to his lot to preside at the trials for Repetundæ. This Macer was C. Licinius Macer. After he had been prætor he had a province, and during his administration he was guilty of illegal practices, for which he was tried and convicted (Cic. _Ad Attic._ i. 4). Crassus, who also belonged to the Licinia Gens, felt some sympathy for a man whose crime was getting money by unlawful means. Macer was an orator and a writer. A few fragments of his Annals (Krause, _Vitæ et Fragm. Vet. Histor. Rom._) are preserved. [167] P. Vatinius was afterwards consul B.C. 47. There is extant a speech of Cicero against him, in which of course he has a very bad character given to him. Kaltwasser says that a thick neck was considered by the Romans as a sign of a shameless man, and he refers to the Life of Marius, c. 29, where a like expression is used. Cicero's neck, according to his own account, was very thin, and he thought it no good sign of his strength. However this may be as to the thickness of the neck of Vatinius, it was clearly not a thing that he could alter. [168] C. Manilius, a Tribunus Plebis, had in this same year proposed and carried the law which gave Pompeius the command in the Mithridatic war, and Cicero had supported the measure in a speech which is extant (Life of Pompeius, c. 30). This story of the accusation and defence of Manilius is unintelligible. C. Orchinius presided at the trials for peculatus, and Manilius should have been brought before him (Cic. _Pro Cluentio_, c. 53). See Dion Cassius, 36, c. 27; and Drumann's remarks, _Tullii_, p. 375. [169] Cicero was consul in B.C. 63 with C. Antonius. As to the affair of Catiline, see the Lives of Cæsar and Cato, and the notes; and Drumann, _Tullii_, p. 385, &c. [170] See the Life of Sulla, c. 32. [171] Sallust (_Bell. Catilin._ c. 22) tells a story somewhat to the same effect, of the conspirators drinking of human blood, but he does not believe the story, and perhaps few people will. [172] The measure to which Plutarch alludes was the Agrarian Law of the tribune P. Servilius Rullus. Cicero made three speeches against the proposal, which are extant, and he defeated the scheme. [173] C. Antonius went as governor to Macedonia in B.C. 62, where he took the opportunity of getting all the money that he could. He gave it out that Cicero was to have a share of it. The evidence of such an unprincipled man is not worth much; but one of Cicero's letters to Atticus (i. 12), which he never expected would be read by anybody else, shows that he knew there was such a rumour; and the manner in which he treats it is perfectly incomprehensible. A certain Hilarus, a freedman of Cicero, was then with Antonius in Macedonia, as Cicero was informed, and Cicero was also informed that Antonius declared that Cicero was to have some of the money that he was getting, and that Hilarus had been sent by Cicero to look after his share. Cicero was a good deal troubled, as he says, though he did not believe the report; yet, he adds, there was certainly some talk. Cn. Plancius was named to Cicero as the authority for the report. Atticus is requested to examine into the matter, and--not to apply to Antonius or to Plancius--but to get the rascal (Hilarus) out of those parts, if in any way he can. This is a mode of proceeding that is quite inconsistent with perfect innocence on the part of Cicero. There was something between him and Antonius. Cicero says that if Antonius should be recalled, as was expected, he could not for his character's sake defend the man; and what is more, he says, he felt no inclination; and then he proceeds to tell Atticus about this awkward report. Yet Cicero did defend Antonius (B.C. 59) and Antonius was convicted. [174] It appears from Cicero's oration for Murena, c. 19, that his name was Lucius Roscius Otho, and he was not Prætor, but Tribunus Plebis. This Lex Roscia was enacted B.C. 67, in the consulship of M. Acilius Glabrio and C. Calpurnius Piso (Dion Cassius, 36. c. 25). His law gave to the equites and those who had the equestrian census a select place of fourteen rows at the public spectacles, which were next to the seats of the senators. This unpopular measure was that which Cicero now spoke in favour of (_Ad. Attic._ ii. 1). Cicero's oration is lost, but a passage is preserved, says Kaltwasser, by Macrobius (_Saturnalia_ ii. 10). Some also suppose, as Kaltwasser says, that Virgil alludes to it in the passage in the Æneid (i. 152). There is no extract from this oration in Macrobius, who appears to suppose that Cicero made an oration to rebuke the people for making a disturbance while Roscius, the player, was acting. [175] As to the conspiracy, see the Lives of Cæsar and Cato, and the notes. [176] His name was C. Manlius Acidinus. There is no reason for saying that his true name was Mallius: that was merely a Greek form of Manlius. He fell in the battle in which Catiline's troops were defeated. [177] Cicero has recorded this answer of Catiline in his oration for Murena, c. 25: "duo corpora esse in republica, unum debile, _infirmo_ capite, alterum firmum, sine capite: huic, cum ita de se meritum esset, caput se vivo non defuturum." Cicero makes Catiline say that the weak body had a weak head. Cicero's version of what he said is obviously the true one. [178] Decimus Junius Silanus and L. Licinius Murena were consuls for the year B.C. 62. As to the trial of Murena for bribery at the elections (ambitus), see the Life of Cato, c. 21. [179] This affair is not mentioned by Sallustius in his history of the conspiracy of Catiline. The usual form in which the Senate gave this extraordinary power is mentioned by Sallustius (c. 29): "dent operam consules nequid Res Publica detrimenti capiat." [180] The assassins, according to Sallustius, were C. Cornelius and L. Vargunteius. See the note of Drumann, _Tullii_, p. 457: "Plutarch hunted in his authorities only after anecdotes and traits of character in order to paint his heroes: the names of the subordinate persons were indifferent to him; with such frivolous and one-sided views he could not fail to confound persons." "Frivolous," is perhaps hardly the translation of Drumann's "leichtsinnig," but it comes pretty near to it. And yet the fact of the design to assassinate is the main feature in the history: the actors in the intended assassination are subordinate to the design. A painstaking compiler is entitled to grumble at such a blunder, but Plutarch does not merit reproach in these terms. [181] She was a mistress or something of the kind of one Q. Curius. Whether Curius sent her to Cicero or she went of her own accord is doubtful. Perhaps she expected to get something for her information. Sallustius, c. 23. 28, speaks of this affair; and Cicero, _Catilin._ i. c. 9. [182] Plutarch, as Kaltwasser observes, appears to refer to the words of Cicero (_Catilin._ i. c. 5): "magno me metu liberabis, dum modo inter me atque te murus intersit." Catiline left Rome on the night of the 8th of November. [183] L. Cornelius Lentulus Sura was consul B.C. 71. He had been put out of the Senate by the censors for his irregular life. His restoration to his rank and the matter of the prætorship are mentioned by Dion Cassius (37, c. 30, and the note of Reimarus). The meaning of the story about the ball is obvious enough; but Lentulus was not the first who had the name Sura, and Plutarch's story is so far untrue. See Drumann's note on the name Sura, _Cornelii_, p. 530. [184] See the Lives of Marius and Sulla. [185] It was a period of festivity, and considered suitable for the purpose of the conspirators. See the Life of Pompeius, c. 34, notes. [186] The narrative of Sallustius, as to the proposed burning of the city, is somewhat different (_Bell. Catil._ c. 43). [187] The Allobroges were a Celtic tribe of Gallia, on the Rhone. They belonged to the division of Gallia which under Augustus was called Gallia Narbonensis. Their chief town was Vienna, now Vienne. According to Cæsar's description (_Bell. Gall._ i. 6.) the Rhodanus in the upper part of its course separated the Helvetii from the Allobroges. The remotest town of the Allobroges, on the side of the Helvetii, was Geneva. Cæsar describes the Allobroges as recently (B.C. 58) brought to friendly terms with the Romans. [188] This Titus of Croton is named Titus Volturcius by Sallustius. [189] The Senate met on the third of December of the unreformed calendar in the temple of Concord, on the Capitoline Hill. [190] See the Life of Cæsar, c. 9, and the notes. [191] Compare Dion Cassius, 37, c. 35. Fabia, the sister of Terentia, was one of the Vestals, and Drumann supposes that this fact confirms his supposition that Cicero had arranged all this affair with his wife, in order to work on the popular opinion. Middleton made the same supposition a long time ago. It requires no great penetration to make such a conjecture; but it may not be true. [192] It is said that this does not appear in any of Cicero's extant writings. [193] The Senate assembled on the fourth of December in the temple of Concord; and again on the fifth to pass judgment on the conspirators. As to the speeches delivered on the occasion, see the Lives of Cæsar and Cato, and the notes. The whole matter of the conspiracy is treated with great minuteness and tedious prolixity by Drumann (_Tullii_, under the year B.C. 63). [194] I believe that I have translated this correctly. I suppose that Plutarch means to say, that if Cæsar had been accused as a member of the conspiracy, he would have been acquitted, and the conspirators would have had a chance of escaping also. There was no chance of securing the condemnation of the conspirators and involving Cæsar in their fate. On the contrary, if Cæsar was accused, all might escape. It was better, therefore, not to touch him. Kaltwasser has made the passage unintelligible. The explanation of Coraës, as corrected by Schäfer, is right. [195] Sallustius (_Bell. Cat._ c. 51, &c.) states Cæsar's proposal to have been the confiscation of the property of the conspirators and their perpetual confinement in the chief municipia of Italy, and that the Senate should make a declaration that any man who proposed to set them at liberty, or to mitigate their punishment, should be considered an enemy of the State. Cicero (_In Catilin._ iv. 5) states the opinion of Cæsar to the same effect. Cæsar had urged the illegality of condemning Roman citizens to death without a trial, and this was provided by a Lex Sempronia of C. Gracchus. But Cicero replies that Cææar's measure was as severe. [196] The speech which he delivered on the occasion is the fourth oration against Catiline. Some critics maintain that it is not genuine. Drumann, who maintains that it is, has a long note on the subject (_Tullii_, p. 512). [197] Plutarch likens the feelings of the youth at the sight of the prisoners being led to execution to the solemn ceremonies of initiation in some mysterious rites. The conspirators were taken to the only prison that Rome then had, the Tullianum, where they were strangled. Five men were put to death. Nine had been condemned to death, but four had escaped being seized. Appian (_Civil Wars_, ii. 6) seems to say that Cicero saw the men put to death. If he did not see the execution, we may safely assume that he took care to see that the men really were dead. Their bodies were delivered to their kinsfolk for interment. [198] Antonius did not command in the battle. He was ill, or pretended to be ill. His legatus, Petreius, an able officer, commanded the troops. The battle was fought early in B.C. 62, probably near Pistoria (Pistoia) in Etruria. It was a bloody struggle, hand to hand, and the loss on the victorious side was great. Dion says that Antonius sent the head of Catilina to Rome. According to Roman usage, he was entitled to the honour of the victory, because Petreius was his inferior officer. [199] Metellus Nepos and the other tribunes began to exercise their functions on the tenth of December. The consuls began to exercise their functions on the first of January. The oath that Cicero had to swear was, that he had obeyed the laws. He alludes to the oath that he did swear on the last day of December on giving up his office, in a letter to Q. Metellus Celer, the brother of Nepos (_Ad Diversos_, v. 2), and in his oration against Piso, c. 3. Manutius (_Comment. in_ Cic. Ep. _Ad Divers._ v. 2) shows that Bestia was a tribune during Cicero's consulship, and as he had gone out of office on the ninth of December he could not have acted with Metellus on the thirty-first of December. As to Metellus Nepos, see the Life of Cato, c. 20. [200] It is said that this does not occur in the extant letters of Cicero. [201] In the beginning of his treatise De Officiis, which is addressed to his son, then at Athens (B.C. 44), Cicero speaks of the youth having then been a year under the instruction of Kratippus. Kratippus was a native of Mitylene, and he was living there when Pompeius touched at the island after the battle of Pharsalia (Life of Pompeius, c. 75). Cicero's son was attached to his master, and in an extant letter to Tiro (Cic. _Ad Diversos_, xvii. 21) he expresses his affection for him. Kratippus was more than a philosopher: he was a pleasant companion, and perhaps young Cicero liked his table-talk as much as his philosophy. [202] He is mentioned by Cicero in his Letters to Atticus (xiv. 16, 18, and xv. 16). [203] Cicero, in the letter to Tiro (xvi. 21) above referred to, says that Gorgias was useful to him in his declamatory exercises, but he had dismissed him in obedience to his father's positive command. [204] It does not appear which of the Munatii this was. [205] Crassus could not well misunderstand the Stoical doctrine, but he appears to have purposely expressed himself as if the Stoics considered "rich" and "good" as convertible terms. Cicero's repartee implies that "good" is the more comprehensive term: Crassus therefore was not "good," because he was "rich." [206] This is a frigid joke. Axius in Greek ([Greek: axios]) signifies "worthy;" and Cicero's words literally translated are, he is "worthy of Crassus," if we take Axius as a Greek word. They can also mean, he is "Axius son of Crassus." The wit lay in associating the name of Axius and Crassus; but the joke is only made duller by the explanation. A Roman Senator named Axius is mentioned by Cicero (_Ad Attic._ iii. 15, and elsewhere). [207] See the Life of Crassus, c. 16. [208] L. Gellius Publicola was consul with Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, B.C. 72. [209] It is uncertain who this man was. The allusion to the hole in his ear signifies that his ears were bored to carry pendants or earrings after the fashion of some nations at that time. Cicero meant to imply that he was not of genuine Italian stock. Juvenal alludes to a man's foreign origin being shown by his ears being bored, in the following terms:-- "----quamvis Natus ad Euphratem, molles quod in aure fenestræ Arguerint, licet ipse neges." _Sat._ i. 103, and the note of Heinrichs. [210] Publius Sextius or Sestius was the name of a tribunus plebis who exerted himself to accomplish the recall of Cicero. There is extant an oration of Cicero entitled Pro P. Sestio, in defence of Publius, who was tried in the year after Cicero's return on a charge of raising a tumult (de vi) at the popular meeting in which Cicero's recall was proposed. Cicero speaks of the acquittal of Publius in a letter to his brother Quintus (ii. 4). [211] This obscure man's name is also incorrectly written. [212] See the Life of Cato, c. 29. [213] Kaltwasser conjectures that the name should be Manius Aquilius, who acted as Proconsul in the Servile war in Sicily B.C. 100. In B.C. 88 he conducted the war against Mithridates in Asia. He fell into the hands of Mithridates, who put him to death. But this cannot be the person meant by Plutarch, who evidently means a person who may be called a contemporary of Cicero. A certain M. Aquinius is mentioned in the Book on the African War (_De Bell. Afric._ 57). [214] Adrastus, king of Argos, gave his two daughters in marriage to Tydeus and Polynices, both of whom were exiles from their native country. [215] L. Aurelius Cotta was consul B.C. 65, and censor B.C. 64, the year in which Cicero was elected consul. In his prætorship, B.C. 70, he proposed the Lex Aurelia, which determined that the judices for public trials should be chosen from the Senators, Equites and Tribuni Ærarii. Notwithstanding this joke, Cotta was a friend of Cicero, and Cicero often speaks in high terms of praise of him. [216] It is uncertain who this Voconius was. The verse, which is apparently from some Greek tragedian, is conjectured to allude to Laius, who begat OEdipus contrary to the advice of the oracle of Apollo. [217] Cicero means that he had acted as a public crier (præco). Such persons were often of servile descent. [218] See the life of Sulla, c. 34. The Roman word "Proscriptio" means putting up a public notice, as a sale and the like. The term was also applied to the public notices, now commonly called proscriptions, by which Sulla and the Triumviri declared the heads of their enemies and their property to be forfeited. (See the Life of Sulla, c. 81, and the notes.) This saying of Cicero had both truth and point. [219] This story of the intrigue of Clodius is told in the Life of Cæsar, c. 9. [220] There is something wanting in the Greek text; but the meaning is not obscure. See the note of Sintenis. [221] Of course on the day on which Clodius pretended that he was not at Rome. Kaltwasser has inserted the words "on that day;" but they are not in the original. [222] So it is in the MSS., though it should probably be Tertia. A confusion may easily have arisen between the name Terentia, which has already been mentioned in this chapter, and the name Tertia (third), though the wife of Q. Marcius Rex is said to have been the oldest of the three sisters. Quadranteria is a misprint for Quadrantaria. This lady was the wife of Q. Metellus Celer, and was suspected of poisoning him. Cicero vents unbounded abuse upon her; and he also preserved the name Quadrantaria (_Or. Pro Cælio_, c. 26). The Roman word Quadrans, a fourth, signified a fourth part of a Roman as, and was a small copper coin. The way in which one of her lovers is reported to have paid her in copper coin seems to have circulated in Rome as a good practical joke. [223] See the Life of Cæsar, c. 10, and the notes. [224] The number twenty-five agrees with the common text in Cicero's Letter to Atticus (i. 16): the other number in the common text of Cicero is thirty-one. See the note in the Variorum edition. [225] Clodius was tribunus plebis in B.C. 58. The consuls of the year were L. Calpurnius Piso, the father of Calpurnia, Cæsar's wife, and Aulus Gabinius, a tool of Pompeius. [226] Dion Cassius (38, c. 15) says that Cæsar proposed to Cicero to go to Gaul with him; and Cicero, in a letter to Atticus (i. 19), speaks of Cæsar's proposal to him to go as his legatus. It is difficult to imagine that Cæsar made such a proposal, or at least that he seriously intended to take Cicero with him. He would have been merely an incumbrance. [227] Read "as in a public calamity." Cicero speaks of this affair in his oration for Cn. Plancius, c. 35; in the latter part of which oration he speaks at some length of the circumstances that attended his going into exile. [228] This was C. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, the first husband of Tullia. She was his wife at least as early as B.C. 63, and she was his widow before the end of B.C. 57. [229] Cicero, in the oration which he subsequently spoke against this Piso, gives (c. 6) a strange account of his reception by Piso. Cato and Hortensius advised Cicero to go (Dion Cassius, 38, c. 17). [230] Compare Cicero _De Legibus_, ii. 17, ed. Bakius; and _Ad Attic._ vii. 3. Cicero left Rome in the month of March, B.C. 58. [231] Cicero, in a letter to Atticus (iii. 4) says that he was required to move four hundred Roman miles from the city. Compare Dion Cassius, 38, c. 17. [232] Cicero received the news of his sentence when he was near Vibo, a town in the country of the Brutii, now Bivona, on the gulf of Sta. Eufemia. He had written to Atticus (iii. 3) to meet him at Vibo, but his next letter informed Atticus that he had set out to Brundusium. Cicero names the person, Sica, who had shown him hospitality near Vibo. Plutarch calls him [Greek: Ouibios Sikelos anêr], as if he had mistaken the name Sica. [233] Cicero mentions this circumstance in his oration for Cn. Plancius, c. 40 (ed. Wunder, and the Notes). He was well received by the municipia which lay between Vibo and Brundusium. He did not enter the city of Brundusium, but lodged in the gardens of M. Lænus Flaccus. [234] Cicero did not remain at Dyrrachium. His movements are described in his own letters, and in his oration for Cn. Plancius. He went to Thessalonica in Macedonia, where Plancius then was in the capacity of quæstor to L. Apuleius, Prætor of Macedonia. He reached Thessalonica on the 23rd of May (x. Kal. Jun.), and there is a letter extant addressed to Atticus (ii. 8), which is dated from Thessalonica on the 29th of May (Dat. iiii. Kal. Jun. Thessalonicæ). [235] His unmanly lamentations are recorded in his own letters and in his own speech for Cn. Plancius, c. 42. [236] Cicero was not a practical philosopher. Like most persons who have been much engaged in public life, he lived in the opinion of others. He did not follow the maxim of the Emperor Antoninus, who bids us "Look within; for within is the source of good, and it sends up a continuous stream to those who will always dig there" (vii. 59). Cicero did not reverence his own soul, but he placed his happiness "in the opinion of others" (i. 6). Perhaps however he was not weaker than most active politicians, whose letters would be as dolorous and lachrymose as his, if they were banished to a distant colony. [237] This is not obscure, if it is properly considered, and it contains a serious truth. A man must view things as they are, and he must not take his notions of them from the affects of the many. "Things touch not the soul, but they are out of it, and passive; perturbations come only from the opinion that is within a man" (M. Antoninus, iv. 3). The philosophic emperor and the unphilosophic statesman were very different persons. The emperor both preached and practised. The statesman showed his feebleness by his arrogance in prosperity and his abjectness in adversity. [238] These proceedings are described by Cicero in his oration (_Pro Domo_, c. 24). The marble columns were removed from his house on the Palatine to the premises of the father-in-law of the consul Piso, in the presence of the people. Gabinius, the other consul, who was Cicero's neighbour at Tusculum, removed to his own land the stock that was on Cicero's estate and the ornaments of the house, and even the trees. [239] In B.C. 57, P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther and Q. Cæcilius Metellus Nepos were consuls. Cicero alludes to the disturbance which preceded his recall in his oration for P. Sextius, c. 35: "Caedem in foro maximam faciunt, universique destrictis gladiis et cruentis in omnibus fori partibus fratrem meum, virum optimum, fortissimum, meique amantissimum oculis quaerebant, voce poscebant." Cicero adds that his brother being driven from the Rostra lay down in the Comitium, and protected himself "with the bodies of slaves and freedmen;" by which Cicero seems to mean that his slaves and freedmen kept watch over him till he made his escape at night. Plutarch appears to have misunderstood the passage or to have had some other authority. In this dreadful tumult "the Tiber was filled with the dead bodies of the citizens, the drains were choaked, and the blood was wiped up from the Forum with sponges." This looks somewhat like rhetorical embellishment. [240] Cicero in a letter to Atticus (iv. 2) gives an account of the compensation which he received. The valuation of his house at Rome (superficies aedium) was fixed at HS. vicies, or two million sesterces. He seems not to have objected to this, but he complains of the valuation of his Tusculanum and Formianum. [241] In the seventeenth month according to Clinton (_Fasti Hellen._ B.C. 57). The passage that Plutarch refers to is in the Oration to the Senate after his return (c. 15): "Cum me vestra auctoritas arcessierit, Populus Romanus revocarit, Respublica implorarit, Italia cuncta paene suis humeris reportarit." [242] See the Life of Cato, c. 40, and Dion Cassius, 39, c. 21. [243] Clodius was killed B.C. 52, the year in which Pompeius was chosen sole consul. Cicero's speech for Milo is extant, or at least a speech which he wrote after the trial. Milo was condemned and went an exile to Massilia. His property was sold and it went cheap. Cicero was under some suspicion of being a purchaser; but the matter is quite unintelligible (Drumann, _Annii_, p. 49, and the references). There could be no reason why Cicero should write in such obscure terms to Atticus, if his conduct in this matter was fair. [244] Crassus perished B.C. 54. See the Life of Crassus. [245] His province also comprehended Pisidia, Pamphylia, and Cyprus. The proconsulship of Cicero was in B.C. 51, though he had been consul in B.C. 63. Cicero went to Cilicia against his will (_Ad Diversos_, iii. 2). Pompeius had got the Senate (B.C. 52) to pass an order that no person should hold a province within five years after being consul or prætor. This was aimed at Cæsar, if he should get a second consulship. Pompeius also wished to have Cicero out of the way, and the provinces were to be supplied with governors from among those who did not come within the terms of the new rule: and Cicero was one of them (Cicero, _Ad Diversos_, iii. 2; _Ad Attic._ vi. 6). [246] He was the third Cappadocian king of this name. This unlucky king was a debtor of Cn. Pompeius and M. Junius Brutus, the most distinguished Roman money-lender of his day (Cicero, _Ad Attic._ vi. 1-3). Both Pompeius and Brutus were pressing the king for money. Deiotarus also sent to Ariobarzanes to try to get some money out of him for Brutus. The king's answer was that he had none, and Cicero says that he believed he told the truth, for that no country was in a more impoverished state and nobody more beggared than the king. Cicero dunned the king continually with letters, but he was not particularly well pleased with his commission (_Ad Attic._ vi. 2). The end was that the king provided for the payment of about one hundred talents to Brutus during Cicero's year of government. He had promised Pompeius two hundred in six months, which, as a judicious commentator remarks, is not worth so much as a security for one hundred. These money doings of the supposed patriot Brutus should be well examined by those who still retain an opinion of the virtues of this Republican hero. [247] There seems no reason to doubt that Cicero's administration of his province was just and mild. Plutarch has apparently derived some of the facts here mentioned from Cicero himself (_Ad Attic._ vi. 2): "Aditus autem ad me minime provinciales; nihil per cubicularium: ante lucem inambulabam domi, ut olim candidatus." [248] Cicero's exploits were such as would not have been recorded, if he had not been his own historian. In a letter to Cato (_Ad Diversos_, xv. 4), he gives a pretty full account of his operations; and he asks Cato to use his influence to get him the honour of a Supplicatio or Public Thanksgiving. Cato's short reply, which he says is longer than his letters usually are, is a model in its way. [249] So it is in Plutarch's text: it may be the blunder of Plutarch, or the blunder of his copyists. The true name is M. Cælius (Cic. _Ad Diversos_, ii. 11), who was curule ædile B.C. 51. The saying about the panthers is in this letter of Cicero, who had set the panther-hunters to work. Cicero returned to Rome in B.C. 50. He mentions (_Ad Attic._ vi. 7) his intention to call at Rhodes. [250] The events of this chapter, which belong to B.C. 49, are told at length in the Lives of Pompeius and Cæsar. Cicero's irresolution is well marked in his own letters; in one of which (_Ad Attic._ viii. 7, referred to by Kaltwasser) he says:--"Ego quem fugiam habeo, quem sequar non habeo." There are no letters extant of Trebatius to the purport which Plutarch states, but Cæsar wrote to Cicero and begged him to stay at Rome. Cicero (_Ad Attic._ ix. 16) has given a copy of Cæsar's letter; and a copy of another letter from Cæsar (_Ad Attic._ x. 8), in which he urges Cicero to keep quiet. There seems to be no doubt that Trebatius had been employed by Cæsar to write to Cicero and speak to him about remaining neutral at least. Cicero had an interview with Cæsar at Formiæ, after Cæsar's return from Brundusium (_Ad Atticum_, ix. 18, 19; _Ad Diversos_, iv. 1). The letter last referred to is addressed to Servius Sulpicius. [251] L. Domitius Ahenobarbus. See the Life of Cæsar, c. 34. [252] See the Life of Pompeius, c. 37, notes. [253] Smart sayings are not generally improved by explanation, and they ought not to require it. Cicero apparently meant to say that it was as absurd to talk of men being dispirited after a victory, as if one were to say that Cæsar's friends disliked him. [254] After defeating Pharnaces Cæsar landed in Italy, in September, B.C. 47, of the unreformed calendar. Cicero had received a letter from Cæsar before Cæsar's arrival in Italy. The letter was written in Egypt (Cicero, _Ad Diversos_, xiv. 23; _Pro Q. Ligario_, c. 3). Compare Dion Cassius, 46, c. 12, 22, as to the conduct of Cicero to Cæsar. Before the end of the year Cicero was in Rome. [255] It is difficult to see what was the resemblance between Perikles and Cicero. Theramenes was somewhat more like him, for he tried to be on more sides than one, and met with the usual fate of such people. He was one of the so-called Thirty Tyrants of Athens, and he was sacrificed by his colleagues. [256] The speech of Cicero is extant. The allusion of Plutarch is particularly to the third chapter. [257] Cicero in a letter to L. Papirius Pætus (_Ad Diversos_, ix. 18) alludes to his occupations at Tusculum. He compares himself to Dionysius, who after being driven from Syracuse is said to have opened a school at Corinth. Cicero's literary activity after B.C. 47 is the most remarkable passage in his life. He required to be doing something. [258] The allusion is to the story of Laertes in the Odyssey, i. 190, and xxiv. 226. [259] She was divorced some time in B.C. 46. The latest extant letter to Terentia is dated on the first of October, B.C. 47, from Venusia. Cicero was then on his road from Brundusium to Tusculanum. He orders his wife to have everything ready for him; some friends would probably be with him, and they might stay some time. The bath was to be got ready, and eatables, and everything else. A gentleman would write a more civil letter to his housekeeper. In a letter to Cn. Plancius (_Ad Diversos_, ix. 14), who congratulates Cicero on his new marriage, he says that nothing would have induced him to take such a step at such a time, if he had not found on his return his domestic affairs even worse than public affairs. According to his own account he was hardly safe in his own house, and it was necessary to strengthen himself by new alliances against the perfidy of old ones. Terentia may have been a bad housekeeper, and her temper was not the sweetest. She could not have any feeling for her husband except contempt, and he repaid it by getting rid of her. Cicero had to repay the Dos of Terentia, but she never got it back, so far as we can learn. It is not known what was the age of Terentia when she was divorced, but she could not be young. Yet there are stories of her marrying Sallustius, the historian, and after him Messala Corvinus, but the authority for these marriages is weak. She is said to have attained the age of one hundred and three. Terentia had a large property of her own. There is no imputation on her character, which, for those times, is much in her favour. She had courage in danger and firmness of purpose, both of which her husband wanted. "Her husband," says Drumann, "who always looked for and needed some support, must often have acted under her influence: for him it was a fortunate thing to have such a woman by his side, and a scandal that he put her away." [260] Her name was Publilia. Cicero was now sixty years of age. Various ladies had been recommended to Cicero. He would not marry the daughter of Pompeius Magnus, the widow of Faustus Sulla, perhaps for fear that it might displease Cæsar; another who was recommended to him was too ugly (_Ad Attic._ xiv. 11). Publilia was young and rich: her father had left her a large fortune, but in order to evade the Lex Voconia, which limited the amount that a woman could take by testament, the property was given to Cicero in trust to give it to her. The marriage turned out unhappy. In a letter to Atticus (xiv. 32), written when Cicero was alone in the country, he says that Publilia had written to pray that she might come to him with her mother; but he had told her that he preferred being alone, and he begs Atticus to let him know how long he could safely stay in the country without a visit from his young wife. Tullia died in B.C. 45, and Cicero had now no relief except in his studies; his new wife was a burden to him, and he divorced her. He had the Dos of Publilia now to repay, and Terentia was not settled with; thus, in addition to his other troubles, he was troubled about money (_Ad Attic._, xiv. 34, 47). Dion Cassius (57. 15) says that Vibius Rufus, who was consul A.D. 22, in the time of Tiberius, married Cicero's widow, and Middleton supposes that Terentia is meant, but this is very unlikely; Dion must mean Publilia. [261] Tiro was a freedman of Cicero, and had been brought up in his house. He had a good capacity and his master was strongly attached to him. Cicero's letters to him are in the sixteenth book of the Miscellaneous Collection. It is said that Tiro collected the letters of Cicero after Cicero's death, by doing which he has rendered a great service to history, and little to his master. [262] Tullia's first husband was C. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, who died probably early in B.C. 57. In B.C. 56 Tullia married Furius Crassipes, from whom she was divorced, but the circumstances are not known. Her third husband was P. Cornelius Dolabella, a patrician. It seems that she was separated from Dolabella before she died. Tullia did not die in Rome, but at her father's house at Tusculum, in February, B.C. 45. Tullia left one son by Dolabella, who was named Lentulus. His father, Dolabella, is also named Lentulus, whence it is concluded that he had been adopted by a Lentulus. The Lentuli were Cornelii. [263] Cæsar was murdered on the Ides of March, B.C. 44. The circumstances of Cæsar's death, and the events which follow, are told in the Lives of Cæsar and Antonius. Cicero saw Cæsar fall (_Ad Attic._ xiv. 14), and he rejoiced. [264] An "oblivion" or "non-remembrance" is a declaration of those who have the sovereign power in a state, that certain persons shall be excused for their political acts. It implies that those who grant the amnesty have the power, and that those to whom it is granted are in subjection to them, or have not the political power which the authors of the amnesty assume. After Thrasybulus at Athens had overthrown the Thirty Tyrants as they are called, an amnesty was declared, but the Thirty and some few others were excluded from it (Xenophon, _Hellen._ ii. 4, 38). Cicero in his first Philippic (c. 1) alludes to his attempt to bring about a settlement. The senate met on the eighteenth of March in the temple of Tellus: "In quo templo quantum in me fuit jeci fundamenta pacis, Atheniensiumque renovavi vetus exemplum: Græcum etiam verbum usurpavi quo tum in sedandis discordiis erat usa civitas illa, atque omnem memoriam discordiarum oblivione sempiterna delendam censui." [265] P. Cornelius Dolabella, once the husband of Tullia, Cicero's daughter. He was consul, after Cæsar's death, with M. Antonius, and in the next year, B.C. 43, he was in Syria as governor. Cassius, who was also in Syria, attacked Dolabella and took Laodicea, where Dolabella was. To avoid falling into the hands of his enemy, Dolabella ordered a soldier to kill him. [266] A. Hirtius, or as Plutarch writes the name Irtius, and C. Vibius Pansa were the consuls of B.C. 53. Cicero set out from Rome soon after Cæsar's death with the intention of going to Greece (_Ad Attic._ xiv.). He went as far as Syracuse, whence he returned to Rome, which he reached on the last day of August (_Ad Diversos_, xii. 25; _Ad Attic._ xvi. 7; _Philipp._ i. 5; v. 7). Cicero in the passage last referred to speaks of the violent measures of Antonius; "huc etiam nisi venirem Kal. Sept. fabros se missurum et domum meam disturbaturum esse dixit." On the second of September he delivered his first Philippic in the Senate. It is an evidence of Cicero's great mental activity that he wrote his Topica, addressed to Trebatius, on shipboard after he had set sail from Velia with the intention of going to Greece. He says that he had no books with him (_Topica_, c. 1, &c.). [267] C. Octavius, the grandson of Cæsar's younger sister Julia, and the son of C. Octavius, prætor B.C. 61, by Atia, the daughter of M. Atius Balbus and Julia. C. Octavius, the young Cæsar, was born B.C. 63, in the consulship of Cicero. The dictator by his testament left him a large property and his name. Accordingly he is henceforth called C. Julius Cæsar Octavianus, but he is better known as the future Emperor Augustus. At the time of the Dictator's assassination he was at Apollonia, a town on the coast of Illyricum. He came to Rome on the news of Cæsar's death with his friend M. Vipsanius Agrippa. Cicero saw him at his Cuman villa on his way to Rome (_Ad. Attic._ xiv. 11, 12). [268] Plutarch probably means Greek drachmæ, for he states the sum in his Life of Antonius, c. 15, in round numbers at 4000 talents. The Septies Millies which Cicero speaks of (_Philipp._ ii. 37) is a different sum of money. [269] Cæsar's mother had taken for her second husband L. Marcius Philippus. She just lived to see her youthful son consul in B.C. 43. Octavia, the younger sister of Cæsar, was now the wife of C. Marcellus, who had been consul B.C. 50. After the death of Marcellus, she married M. Antonius (B.C. 40), being then with child by her deceased husband. The Roman law did not allow a woman to marry till ten months after her husband's death; the object of the rule was to prevent the paternity of a child from being doubtful. Plutarch correctly states the time at ten months (Life of Antonius, c. 31). If Octavia was then with child, as Dion Cassius says (48. c. 3), the reason for the rule did not exist. In later times, at least, the rule was dispensed with when the reason for it ceased, as when a pregnant widow was delivered of a child before the end of the ten months. Ten months was the assumed time of complete gestation (Savigny, _System_, &c. ii. 181). [270] Young Cæsar had raised troops in Campania, and chiefly at Capua among the veteran soldiers of the dictator, who had been settled on lands there (Dion Cassius, 45. c. 12; Cicero, _Ad Atticum_, xvi. 8). He gave the men five hundred denarii apiece, about eighteen pounds sterling, by way of bounty, and led them to Rome. These men were old soldiers, well trained to their work. The youth who did this was nineteen years of age, a boy, as Cicero calls him; but a boy who outwitted him and everybody else, and maintained for more than half a century the power which he now seized. [271] Dreams were viewed in a sort as manifestations of the will of the gods. This dream happened, as Dion Cassius tells (45. c. 2), to Catulus; and he makes Cicero dream another dream. Cicero dreamed that Octavius was let down from heaven by a chain of gold, and was presented with a whip by Jupiter. Suetonius (_Octav. Cæsar_, c. 94) agrees with Dion Cassius. The whip was significant. Jupiter meant that somebody required whipping, and he put the whip in the hands of a youth who knew how to use it. [272] The young man cajoled the old one and made a tool of him. Like all vain men, Cicero was ready to be used by those who knew how to handle him. There is a letter from Brutus to Cicero (_Ad Brutum_, 16), and one of Brutus to Atticus (_Ad Brutum_, 17), to the purport here stated by Plutarch. But these letters may be spurious. [273] He was at Athens in B.C. 44, when Cicero addressed to him his Officia. He had been a year there (_De Offic._ i. 1) at the time when the first chapter was written. The poet Horatius was there at the same time. When M. Brutus came to Athens in the autumn of B.C. 44, Cicero joined Brutus, who gave him a command in his cavalry (Plutarch, _Brutus_, c. 24, 26). [274] The consuls were sent to relieve Mutina (Modena), in which Decimus Brutus, the governor of Cisalpine Gaul, was besieged by Antonius. Cicero had recommended the Senate to give Cæsar the authority of a commander. Cæsar received a command with the insignia of a prætor. There were two battles at Mutina, in April, B.C. 43, in which the two consuls fell. [275] It is stated by various authorities that Cicero was cajoled with the hopes of the consulship (Dion Cassius, 46. c. 42; Appian, _Civil Wars_, iii. 82). The testimony of the tenth letter to Brutus (Cicero _Ad Brutum_, 10) is not decisive against other evidence. Cæsar came to Rome in August, B.C. 43, with his army, and through the alarm which he created, was elected consul with Q. Pedius (Dion Cassius, 16. c. 43, &c.; Appian, _Civil Wars_, iii. 94). [276] After he was elected consul, Cæsar left the city for North Italy, and was joined by Antonius and Lepidus (Appian, _Civil War_, iii. 96, &c.). M. Æmilius Lepidus, son of M. Lepidus, consul B.C. 78, was consul in B.C. 46, with C. Julius Cæsar. He was elected Pontifex Maximus after Cæsar's death: he had been declared an enemy of the State by the Senate, but Cæsar had compelled the Senate to annul their declaration against Antonius and Lepidus, as a preparatory step to the union with them which he meditated. Lepidus is painted to the life by Shakespeare (_Julius Cæsar_, iv. 2): "_Ant._ This is a slight unmeritable man, Meet to be sent on errands." [277] Now Bologna. They met in a small island of the Rhenus, or Lavinius, as the name is in Appian (_Civil Wars_, iv. 2). The meeting is also described by Dion Cassius (46. c. 45), and here they formed a triumvirate for five years. The number of the proscribed, according to Appian, was three hundred senators and two thousand equites. The power of the triumvirate was confirmed at Rome in legal form (Appian, _Civil Wars_, iv. 7). [278] L. Æmilius Paulus, consul B.C. 50, who is said to have sold himself to the Dictator Cæsar (_Life of Cæsar_, c. 29). As to his name Paulus, see Drumann (_Æmilii_). Paulus was allowed to escape to M. Brutus, by the favour of some soldiers. He was as insignificant as his brother the Triumvir. L. Cæsar, consul B.C. 64, was the brother of Julia, the mother of M. Antonius. Julia saved her brother's life. Lucius was a man of no mark. [279] The circumstances of Cicero's death are told more minutely by Plutarch than by any other writer. He left the city before the arrival of the Triumviri in November, and apparently when the bloody work of the proscription had commenced. He had probably heard of his fate before he reached Tusculum. [280] Astura was a small place on the coast of Latium, a little south of Antium. Near Astura a small stream, Fiume Astura, flows into the sea. Cicero had a villa here. The country at the back was a forest. (Westphal, _Die Römische Kampagne_, and his maps.) [281] Appian (_Civil Wars_, iv. 20) says that the father told his murderers to kill him first, his son did the same, on which they were parted and murdered at the same time. Dion Cassius (47, c. 10) gives a different story. The main fact that they were murdered is not doubtful, but, as is usual, the circumstances are uncertain. [282] Or Circeii, now Monte Circello, that remarkable mountain promontory which is the only striking feature on the coast of Latium. The agony of Cicero's mind is powerfully depicted in his irresolution. The times were such as to make even a brave man timid, but a true philosopher would have shown more resolution. His turning his steps towards Rome and his return are not improbable. He had been doing the same kind of thing all his life. [283] So in the text of Plutarch, but Caieta (Gaeta) is meant. Cicero had a villa at Formiæ, near Caieta, his Formianum, which he often mentions and which in his prosperous days was a favourite retreat. The Appian road passed from Terracina through Fundi (Fondi) and Itri, whence there is a view of Gaeta. The next place is Formiæ, Mola di Gaeta, on the beautiful bay of Gaeta. There are numerous remains about the site of Formiæ, which of course are taken for Cicero's villa. The site was doubtless near the Mola and the village Castiglione. The Formian villa was destroyed when Cicero was banished, but he received some compensation, and he rebuilt it. [284] This Popilius was C. Popilius Lænas, a military tribune, whom Cicero at the request of M. Cælius had once defended (Dion Cassius, 47. c. 11). [285] Plutarch's narrative leads us to suppose that Cicero saw that his time was come and offered his neck to the murderers. Appian's narrative (_Civil Wars_, iv. 20) is that Lænas drew Cicero's head out of the litter and struck three blows before he severed it. He was so awkward at the work that the operation was like sawing the neck off. Cicero was murdered on the 7th of December, B.C. 73, being nearly sixty-four years of age. [286] The same story is told by Appian, except that he mentions only the right hand. The murderer received for his pains a large sum of money, much more than was promised. It is hardly credible that Antonius placed the head of Cicero on a tablet at a banquet (Appian, _Civil Wars_, iv. 20). Though he hated Cicero and with good reason, such a brutal act is not credible of him, nor is it consistent with the story of the head being fixed on the Rostra; not to mention other reasons against the story that might be urged. Dion Cassius (47. c. 8) says that Fulvia, the wife of Antonius, pierced the tongue of Cicero with one of the pins which women wore in their hair, and added other insults. To make his story probable, he says that it was done before the head was fixed on the Rostra. [287] His name was Philogonus. The story about Philogonus is refuted by the silence of Tiro. Pomponia, the wife of Quintus, was the sister of T. Pomponius Atticus, the friend of Cicero. She and her husband did not live in harmony. [288] These were Caius and Lucius, the sons of Cæsar's daughter Julia by M. Vipsanius Agrippa. [289] Cæsar defeated Antonius at the battle of Actium, B.C. 31. Cicero's son Marcus was made an augur, and he was consul with Cæsar in B.C. 30. He was afterwards proconsul of Asia. The time of his death is unknown. Cicero's son had neither ambition nor ability. All that is certainly known of him is that he loved eating and drinking, for neither of which had his father any inclination. There are two letters of the son to Tiro extant (Cicero, _Ad Diversos_, xvi. 21, 25). The Life of Cicero is only a sketch of Cicero's character, but a better sketch than any modern writer has made. It does not affect to be a history of the times, nor does it affect to estimate with any exactness his literary merit. But there is not a single great defect in his moral character that is not touched, nor a virtue that has not been signalized. Those who would do justice to him and have not time to examine for themselves, may trust Plutarch at least as safely as any modern writer. If in these notes I have occasionally expressed an unfavourable opinion directly or indirectly, I have expressed none that I do not believe true, and none for which abundant evidence cannot be produced, even from Cicero's own writings. It is a feeble and contemptible criticism that would palliate or excuse that which admits not of excuse. It is a spurious liberality that would gloss over the vices and faults of men because they have had great virtues, and would impute to those who tell the whole truth a malignant pleasure in defaming and vilifying exalted merit. This assumed fair dealing and magnanimity would deprive us of the most instructive lessons that human life teaches--that all men have their weaknesses, their failings and their vices, and that no intellectual greatness is a security against them. "It is not absolutely railing against anything to proclaim its defects, because they are in all things to be found, how beautiful or how much to be coveted soever" (Montaigne). The failings of a great man are more instructive than those of an obscure man. They exhibit the weak points at which any man may be assailed, and in some of which no man is impregnable. Cicero's writings have made us as familiar with him as with the writers of our own country, and there is hardly a European author of modern times who is more universally read than Cicero in some or other of his numerous compositions. His letters alone, which were never intended for publication, and were written to a great variety of persons as the events of the day prompted, furnish a mass of historical evidence, which, if we consider his position and the times in which he lived, is not surpassed by any similar collection. He is thus mixed up with the events of the most stirring and interesting period of his country's history; and every person who studies that history must endeavour to form a just estimate of the character of a man who is both a great actor in public events and an important witness. The Life of Cicero by Middleton is a partial work: the evidence is imperfectly examined and the author's prejudices in favour of Cicero have given a false colouring to many facts. The most laborious life of Cicero is by Drumann (_Geschichte Roms_, Tullii), in which all the authorities are collected. In the 'Penny Cyclopædia' (art. 'Cicero') there is a good sketch of Cicero's political career; and in the 'Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology,' edited by Dr. W. Smith, a very complete account of Cicero's writings, distributed under their several heads. [290] "Cedant arma togæ, concedat laurea linguæ." [291] "Written," because many of them were never spoken. [292] Augustus. [293] For some account of the evil repute of those who dealt in these insurances, see vol. ii., Life of Cato Major, ch. 21. [294] Plutarch uses the equivalent Greek word for ædile, but we know that Cicero went to Sicily as quæstor. [295] Antigonus, surnamed the one-eyed, King of Asia, was the son of Philip of Elymiotis. He was one of the generals of Alexander the Great. [296] Hor. Carm. ii. 19. [297] This was the holy robe of Athena, carried in procession through Athens at the Panathenaic festival. See Smith's 'Dict. of Antiq.,' s.v. [298] A poisonous plant of the convolvulus kind. [299] An engine described by Amm. Marcell. 23. 4. 10, and also in Smith's 'Dict. of Antiq.' art. 'Helepolis.' See also Athen. v. p. 206. d. for a description of these machines. [300] A mina weighed 100 drachmæ, 15·2 oz. [301] The Attic talent, which is probably meant, weighed about 57 lbs. avoird. [302] This is the famous picture of Ialysus and his dog, spoken of by Cicero and Pliny, in which the foam on the dog's mouth was made by a happy throw of the sponge, while the painter in vexation was wiping off his previous unsuccessful attempts. (Clough.) [303] A nephew of Demosthenes. [304] Meaning that Stratokles would be mad not to continue his flattery of Demetrius, because it was so profitable to himself. [305] Hereditary chief minister in the mysteries. [306] The minor rite. See Smith's 'Dict. of Antiq.' s.v. 'Eleusinia.' [307] Lamia in Greek is the name of a fabulous monster, a bugbear to children. [308] A much more decent version of this story will be found in Rabelais, book iii. ch. 37. [309] The Thracian Chersonese. [310] The capital city of Seleukus, now Antioch. [311] Tyre and Sidon. [312] The usual Attic corn-measure, containing about 12 gallons. [313] A dry measure, containing a sixth of a medimnus, or about 2 gallons. [314] By the entrance commonly assigned to the principal person in a drama.--Thirlwall. [315] Alexander, Antipater's younger brother. [316] Antigonus, surnamed Gonatas, afterwards King of Macedonia. [317] He laid siege to Thebes, the only important city in Boeotia, which seems to have quickly recovered itself after its destruction by Alexander. [318] O. Kardia. [319] See vol. ii., Life of Pyrrhus, ch. 7. [320] See ch. 10. [321] Wife of Ptolemy, King of Egypt. [322] B.C. 284. [323] His death is told in the Life of Marius, c. 44. [324] The Antonia Gens contained both Patricians and Plebeians. The cognomen of the Patrician Antonii was Merenda. M. Antonius Creticus, a son of Antonius the orator, belonged to the Patricians. In B.C. 74 he commanded a fleet in the Mediterranean against the pirates. He attacked the Cretans on the ground of their connection with Mithridates; but he lost a large part of his fleet, and his captured men were hung on the ropes of their own vessels. He died shortly after of shame and vexation. The surname Creticus was given him by way of mockery. According to Dion Cassius (xlv. 47) he died deeply in debt. He left three sons, Marcus, Caius and Lucius. His eldest son Marcus was probably born in B.C. 83. [325] See the Life of Cicero, c. 22. [326] C. Scribonius Curio, the son of a father of the same name. See the Life of Cæsar, c. 58. The amount of debt is stated by Cicero (Philipp. ii. 18) at the same sum, "sestertium sexagies." [327] He joined Aulus Gabinius at the end of B.C. 58. Gabinius and L. Calpurnius Piso were consuls in that year. [328] He was king and high priest of the Jews. Pompeius had taken him prisoner and sent him to Rome, whence he contrived to make his escape, B.C. 57. Gabinius again sent him prisoner to Rome (Dion Cass. xxxvi. 15; xxxix. 55). [329] Ptolemæus Auletes was the father of Cleopatra, and now an exile at Ephesus. His visit to Rome is mentioned in the Life of the younger Cato, c. 35, and in the Life of Pompeius, c. 49. During his exile his daughter Berenice reigned, and she was put to death by her father after his restoration. [330] This Greek word literally signifies "outbreak." It was the narrow passage by which the Serbonian lake was connected with the Mediterranean. This lake lay on the coast and on the line of march from Syria to Pelusium, the frontier town of Egypt on the east. [331] Typhon, a brother of Osiris and Isis, was the evil deity of the Egyptians, but his influence in the time of Herodotus must have been small, as he was then buried under the Serbonian lake (Herodotus, iii. 5). [332] The Greek name is Erythra, which may be translated Red: the Romans called the same sea Rubrum. In Herodotus the Red Sea is called the Arabian Gulf; and the Erythræan sea is the Indian Ocean. See the Life of Pompeius, c. 38. [333] He was the son of Archelaus, the general of Mithridates. See the Life of Sulla, c. 23. He had become the husband of Berenice and shared the regal power with her. Probably Antonius had known Archelaus in his youth, for Archelaus the father went over from Mithridates to the Romans. Dion Cassius (xxxiv. 58) says that Gabinius put Archelaus to death after the capture of Alexandria. This Egyptian campaign belongs to B.C. 55. [334] This characteristic appears on the coins of Antonius. [335] Decies is literally "Ten times." The phrase is "Decies sestertium," which is a short way of expressing "ten times a hundred thousand sesterces." When Plutarch says "five-and-twenty thousand," he means drachmæ, as observed in previous notes, and he considers drachmæ as equivalent to Roman Denarii. Now a Denarius is four sesterces, and 25,000 Denarii = 1,000,000 sesterces, Kaltwasser suggests that in the Greek text "sestertium" has been accidentally omitted after "decies;" but "decies" is the reading of all the MSS., and it is sufficient. [336] Antonius, after returning from Egypt in B.C. 54, went to Cæsar in Gaul, who was then in winter-quarters after his return from the second British expedition. In B.C. 53 Antonius was again at Rome, and in B.C. 52 he was a Quæstor, and returned to Cæsar in Gaul. In B.C. 50 he was again in Rome, in which year he was made Augur, and was elected Tribunus Plebis for the following year. Compare with this chapter the Life of Pompeius, c. 58, and the Life of Cæsar, c. 31. [337] Quintus Cassius Longinus is called by Cicero a brother of C. Cassius; but Drumann conjectures that he may have been a cousin. After the defeat of Afranius and Petreius by Cæsar B.C. 49, he was made Proprætor of Spain. [338] This expression of Cicero occurs in his Second Philippic, c. 22: "ut Helena Trojanis, sic iste huic reipublicæ causa belli, causa pestis atque exitii fuit." Plutarch's remark on Cicero's extravagant expression is just. As to the events mentioned in this chapter, compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 34, &c. [339] Cæsar returned from Iberia (Spain) before the end of B.C. 49. Early in B.C. 48 he crossed over from Brundusium to the Illyrian coast, where he was joined by Antonius and Fufius Calenus. [340] Gabinius took his troops by land, and consequently had to march northwards along the Adriatic and round the northern point of it to reach Illyricum. From Plutarch's narrative it would appear that he set out about the same time as Antonius. Drumann (_Cornificii_, 3) states that the time of his leaving Italy is incorrectly stated by Plutarch, Appian, and Dion Cassius (xlii. 11), and he places it after the battle of Pharsalus (B.C. 48). Gabinius, after a hard march, reached Salonæ in Dalmatia, where he was besieged by M. Octavius and died of disease. [341] L. Scribonius Libo commanded the ships before Brundusium with the view of preventing Antonius from crossing over to Macedonia. He was the father-in-law of Sextus Pompeius, the son of Pompeius Magnus; and Cæsar Octavianus afterwards married Libo's sister Scribonia, as a matter of policy. [342] See the Life of Cæsar, c. 44. [343] P. Cornelius Dolabella, the son-in-law of Cicero, who complains of his measures (Ep. _Ad Attic._ xi. 12, 14, 15; xiv. 21). Dolabella was in debt himself and wished to be relieved. If he had lived in England, he could easily have got relief. The story is told by Dion Cassius (xlii. 29). The Romans _occasionally_ proposed sweeping measures for the settlement of accounts between debtor and creditor. A modern nation has a permanent court for "the _relief_ of insolvent debtors;" and a few years ago a statute was passed in England (7 & 8 Vict. c. 96), which had the direct effect of cancelling all debts under 20_l._; the debtors for whose relief it was passed were well pleased, but the creditors grumbled loudly, and it was amended. Those who blame the Roman system of an occasional settlement of debts, should examine the operation of a permanent law which has the same object; and they will be assisted in comparing English and Roman morality on this point by J.H. Elliott's 'Credit the Life of Commerce,' London, Madden and Malcolm, 1845. [344] Fadia was the first wife of Antonius. His cousin Antonia was the second. Cicero's chief testimony against Antonius is contained in his Second Philippic, which is full of vulgar abuse, both true and false. [345] She was sometimes called Volumnia, because she was a favourite of Volumnius. Cicero (_Ad Div._ ix. 26) speaks of dining in her company at the house of Volumnius Eutrapolus. [346] Her first husband was P. Clodius, and she was his second wife. She had two children by Clodius, a son and a daughter. The daughter married Cæsar Octavianus B.C. 43 (c. 20). After the death of Clodius she married C. Scribonius Curio, the friend of Antonius, by whom she had one son, who was put to death by Cæsar after the battle of Actium. Curio perished in Africa B.C. 49. In B.C. 46 Antonius married Fulvia, after divorcing Antonia, and he had two sons by her. Fulvia was very rich. [347] Cæsar returned from Iberia in the autumn of B.C. 45, after gaining the battle of Munda. He was consul for the fifth time in B.C. 44 with Antonius; and also Dictator with M. Æmilius Lepidus for his Magister Equitum. [348] See the Life of Cæsar, c. 61. [349] Compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 67, and of Brutus, c. 16. [350] Compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 68, and of Brutus, c. 20. Dion Cassius (xliv. 36-49) has given a long oration which Antonius made on the occasion. It is not improbable that Dion may have had before him an oration attributed to Antonius; nor is it at all improbable that the speech of Antonius was published (Cic. _Ad Attic._ xiv. 11). Meyer (_Oratorum Romanorum Frag._ p. 455) considers this speech a fiction of Dion and to be pure declamation. He thinks that which Appian has made (_Civil Wars_, ii. 144, &c.) tolerably well adapted to the character of Antonius. Appian, we know, often followed very closely genuine documents. Shakespere has made a speech for Antonius (_Julius Cæsar_) which would have suited the occasion well. [351] Charon was the ferryman over the river in the world below, which the dead had to pass; hence the application of the term is intelligible. The Romans' expression was Orcini, from Orcus (Sueton. _August._ c. 35). [352] See the Life of Cicero, c. 43, and Dion Cassius (xlv. 5) as to the matter of the inheritance. A person who accepted a Roman inheritance (hereditas) took it with all the debts: the heir (heres), so far as concerned the deceased's property, credits and debts, was the same person as himself. There was no risk in taking the inheritance on account of debts, for Cæsar left enormous sums of money: the risk was in taking the name and with it the wealth and odium of the deceased. Cæsar might have declined the inheritance, for he was not bound by law to take it. Cæsar had three-fourths of the Dictator's property, and Q. Pedius, also a great-nephew of the Dictator, had the remainder. [353] See the Life of Cicero, c. 44. [354] Consuls in B.C. 43. See the Life of Cicero, c. 45. As to the speech of Cicero, see Dion Cassius, xlv. 18, &c. [355] Lepidus was in Gallia Narbonensis. He advanced towards Antonius as far as Forum Vocontiorum, and posted himself on the Argenteus, now the Argens. (Appian, _Civil Wars_, iii. 83; Dion. Cass. xlvi. 51, &c.; Letter of Munatius Plancus to Cicero, _Ad Div._ x. 17; Letter of Lepidus to Cicero, _Ad Div._ x. 34.) Lepidus and Antonius joined their forces on the 29th of May, and Lepidus informed the Senate of the event in a letter, which is extant (Cic. _Ad Div._ x. 35). [356] Cotylon is "cupman," or any equivalent term that will express a drinker. [357] See the Life of Cicero, c. 46. [358] Appian (_Civil Wars_, iv. 2) states how they divided the empire among them; and Dion Cassius, xlvi. 55. [359] Cæsar was already betrothed to Servilia, the daughter of P. Servilius Isauricus. When he quarrelled with Fulvia, he sent her back to her mother, still a maid. (Dion Cass. xlvi. 56.) [360] The number that was put to death was much larger than three hundred. Appian (_Civil Wars_, iv. 5) states the number of those who were proscribed and whose property was confiscated at about 300 senators and 2000 equites. The object of the proscription was to get rid of troublesome enemies and to raise money. The picture which Appian gives of the massacre is as horrible as the worst events of the French Revolution. He has drawn a striking picture by giving many individual instances. Dion Cassius (xlvii. 3-8) has also described the events of the proscription. [361] This was a crime which would shock the Romans, for the Three not only seized deposits, which the depositary was legally bound to give to the owner, but they seized them in the hands of the Vestals, where they were protected by the sanctity of religion. [362] Compare the Life of Brutus, c. 41, &c., as to the events in this chapter. [363] See the Life of Brutus, c. 26, &c. [364] Antonius crossed over to Asia in B.C. 41. In the latter part of B.C. 42, Cæsar was ill at Brundusium, and in B.C. 41 he was engaged in a civil war with L. Antonius, the brother of Marcus, and Fulvia the wife of Antonius. These are the civil commotions to which Plutarch alludes. Cæsar besieged L. Antonius in Perusia in B.C. 41, and took him prisoner. [365] He was a prætor in B.C. 43, and consul in B.C. 39. [366] The great distinctions that he received are recorded by Strabo (xiv. p. 648, ed. Casaub.). It is not in modern times only that dancers and fiddlers have received wealth and honours. [367] The quotation is from the King OEdipus, v. 4. [368] Bacchus had many names, as he had various qualities. As Omestes he was the "cruel;" and as Agrionius the "wild and savage." One of his festivals was called Agrionia. [369] He was an orator, and also something of a soldier, for he successfully opposed Labienus, B.C. 40, when he invaded Asia (c. 28). [370] There are many ways of flattery, as there are many ways of doing various things. Plutarch here gives a hint, which persons in high places might find useful. Open flattery can only deceive a fool, and it is seldom addressed to any but a fool, unless the flatterer himself be so great a fool as not to know a wise man from a foolish: which is sometimes the case. But there is flattery, as Plutarch intimates, which addresses itself, not in the guise of flattery, but in the guise of truth, one of the characters of which is plain speaking. It is hard for a man in an exalted station to be always proof against flattery, for it is often not easy to detect it. Nor in the intercourse of daily life is it always easy to distinguish between him who gives you his honest advice and opinion, and him who gives it merely to please you, or, what is often worse, merely to please himself. [371] Nothing is known of him, unless he be the person mentioned in c. 59. Kaltwasser conjectures that he may be the Dellius or Delius to whom Horace has addressed an ode. (_Carm._ iii. 2). _See_ c. 1, note. [372] Plutarch alludes to the passage in Homer (_Iliad_, xiv. 162) where Juno bedecks herself to captivate Jupiter. [373] She was now about twenty-eight years of age. Kaltwasser suggests that the words "and Cnæus the son of Pompeius" must be an interpolation, because nothing is known of his amours with Cleopatra. But if this be so, other words which follow in the next sentence must have been altered when the interpolation was made. [374] Antonius was at Tarsus on the river Cydnus when Cleopatra paid him this visit, B.C. 41. Shakespere has used this passage of Plutarch in his "Antony and Cleopatra," act ii. sc. 2-- "The barge she sat in, like a burnish'd throne, Burnt on the water," &c. [375] Plutarch has given a long list of languages which this learned queen spoke. With Arabic and all the cognate dialects, it is probable enough that she was familiar, but we can hardly believe that she took pains to learn the barbarous language of the wretched Troglodytes, who lived in holes on the west coast of the Red Sea. Diodorus (iii. 32) describes their habits after the authority of Agatharchides. Cleopatra's face on the coins is not handsome. On some of them she is represented on the same coin with Antonius. [376] He was a son of T. Labienus, who served under Cæsar in Gaul and afterwards went over to Pompeius (Life of Cæsar, c. 34). The father fell in the battle of Munda, B.C. 45. Labienus, the son, was sent by the party of Brutus and Cassius to Parthia to get assistance from king Orodes. He heard of the battle of Philippi while he was in Parthia and before he had accomplished his mission; and he stayed with the Parthians. In the campaign here alluded to Labienus and the Parthians took Apameia and Antiocheia in Syria. Labienus, after invading the south-western part of Asia Minor (B.C. 40), was forced to fly before Ventidius; and he was seized in Cilicia by a freedman of Julius Cæsar. (Dion Cass. xlviii. 40.) [377] Amphissa was a town of the Locri Ozolæ. Philotas studied at Alexandria, which was then a great school of medicine. We have here an anecdote about Antonius which rests on more direct testimony than many well-received stories of modern days. The bragging physician must have been a stupid fellow to be silenced by such a syllogism. I have translated [Greek: pôs pyrettôn], like Kaltwasser, "Wer _einigermassen_ das Fieber hat," &c., which is the correct translation. The text probably means that Philotas was appointed physician to Antyllus. [378] The passage to which Plutarch alludes is in the Gorgias, p. 464. [379] A great trade was carried on in those times in dried fish from the Pontic or Black Sea. See Strabo, p. 320, ed. Casaub. [380] It was near the end of B.C. 40 that Antonius was roused from his "sleep and drunken debauch." He sailed from Alexandria to Tyrus in Phoenicia, and thence by way of Cyprus and Rhodes to Athens, where he saw Fulvia, who had escaped thither from Brundusium. He left her sick at Sikyon, and crossed from Corcyra (Corfu) to Italy. (Appian, _Civil Wars_, v. 52-55.) Brundusium shut her gates against him, on which he commenced the siege of the city. The war was stopped by the reconciliation that is mentioned in the text, to which the news of the death of Fulvia greatly contributed. Antonius had left her at Sikyon without taking leave of her, and vexation and disease put an end to her turbulent life. (Appian, _Civil Wars_, v. 59.) [381] See the Life of Cicero, c. 44, note. [382] The meeting with Sextus Pompeius was in B.C. 39, at Cape Miseno, which is the northern point of the Gulf of Naples. Sextus was the second son of Pompeius Magnus. He was now master of a large fleet, and having the command of the sea, he cut off the supplies from Rome. The consequence was a famine and riots in the city. (Appian, _Civil Wars_, v. 67, &c.) Antonius slaughtered many of the rioters, and their bodies were thrown into the Tiber. This restored order; "but the famine," says Appian, "was at its height, and the people groaned and were quiet." [383] P. Ventidius Bassus was what the Romans call a "novus homo," the first of his family who distinguished himself at Rome. He had the courage of a soldier and the talents of a true general. When a child he was made prisoner with his mother in the Marsian war (Dion Cass. xliii. 51), and he appeared in the triumphal procession of Pompeius Strabo (Dion Cass. xlix. 21). The captive lived to figure as the principal person in his own triumph, B.C. 38. In his youth he supported himself by a mean occupation. Hoche, when he was a common soldier, used to embroider waistcoats. Julius Cæsar discovered the talents of Bassus, and gave him employment suited to his abilities. In B.C. 43 he was Prætor and in the same year Consul Suffectus. (Drumann, _Antonii_, p. 439; Gell. xv. 4.) [384] Cockfighting pleased a Roman, as it used to do an Englishman. The Athenians used to fight quails. [385] The name is written indifferently Hyrodes or Orodes (see the Life of Crassus, c. 18). Plutarch, on this as on many other occasions, takes no pains to state facts with accuracy. Labienus lost his life and the Parthians were defeated; and that was enough for his purpose. The facts are stated more circumstantially by Dion Cassius (xlviii. 40, 41). [386] The president of the gymnastic exercises. Dion Cassius (xlviii. 39) tells us something that is characteristic of Antonius. The fulsome flattery of the Athenians gave him on this occasion the title of the young Bacchus, and they betrothed the goddess Minerva to him. Antonius said he was well content with the match; and to show that he was in earnest he demanded of them a contribution of one million drachmæ as a portion with his new wife. He thus fleeced them of about 2800_l._ sterling. No doubt Antonius relished the joke as well as the money. [387] The sacred olive was in the Erektheium on the Acropolis of Athens. Pausanias (i. 28) mentions a fountain on the Acropolis near the Propylæa; and this is probably what Plutarch calls Clepsydra, or a water-clock. The name Clepsydra is given to a spring in Messenia by Pausanias (iv. 31). Kaltwasser supposes the name Clepsydra to have been given because such a spring was intermittent. Such a spring the younger Pliny describes (Ep. iv. 30). [388] The defeat of Pacorus (B.C. 38) is told by Dion Cassius (xlix. 19). The ode of Horace (_Carm._ iii. 6) in which he mentions Pacorus seems to have been written before this victory, and after the defeat of Decidius Saxa (B.C. 40; Dion, xlviii. 25). [389] Commagene on the west bordered on Cilicia and Cappadocia. The capital was Samosata, on the Euphrates, afterwards the birthplace of Lucian. This Antiochus was attacked by Pompeius B.C. 65, who concluded a peace with him and extended his dominions (Appian _Mithrid._ 106, &c.). [390] C. Sossius was made governor of Syria and Cilicia by Antonius. He took the island and town of Aradus on the coast of Phoenice (B.C. 38); and captured Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, in Jerusalem. [391] P. Canidius Crassus. His campaign against the Iberi of Asia is described by Dion Cassius (xlix. 24). [392] Antonius and Cæsar met at Tarentum (Taranto) in the spring of B.C. 37. The events of this meeting are circumstantially detailed by Appian (_Civil Wars_, v. 93, &c.). Dion Cassius (xlviii. 54) says that the meeting was in the winter. [393] M. Vipsanius Agrippa, the constant friend of Cæsar, and afterwards the husband of his daughter Julia. Mæcenas, the patron of Virgil and Horace. [394] [Greek: Myoparônes] are said to be light ships, such as pirates use, adapted for quick sailing. [395] Cæsar spent this year in making preparation against Sextus Pompeius. In B.C. 36 Pompeius was defeated on the coast of Sicily. He fled into Asia, and was put to death at Miletus by M. Titius, who commanded under Antonius (Appian, _Civil Wars_, v. 97-121). [396] The passage to which Plutarch alludes is in the Phædrus, p. 556. [397] That is, the Ocean, as opposed to the Internal Sea or the Mediterranean. Kaltwasser proposes to alter the text to "internal sea," for no sufficient reason. [398] This was the Antigonus who fell into the hands of Sossius, when he took Jerusalem on the Sabbath, as Pompeius Magnus had done. (Life of Pompeius, 39; Dion Cassius, xlix. 22, and the notes of Reimarus.) Antigonus was tied to a stake and whipped before he was beheaded. The kingdom of Judæa was given to Herodes, the son of Antipater. [399] Plutarch probably alludes to some laws of Solon against bastardy. [400] A common name of the Parthian kings (see the Life of Crassus, c. 33). This Parthian war of Antonius took place in B.C. 36. [401] See Plutarch's Life of Themistocles, c. 29. It was an eastern fashion to grant a man a country, or a town and its district, for his maintenance and to administer. Fidelity to the giver was of course expected. The gift was a kind of fief. [402] Among the Persians, and as it here appears among the Parthians, "to send a right hand" was an offer of peace and friendship (Xenophon, _Anab._ ii. 4, who uses the expression "right hands"). [403] The desert tract in the northern part of Mesopotamia is meant. [404] There is error as to the number of cavalry of Artavasdes either here or in c. 50. See the notes of Kaltwasser and Sintenis: and as to Artavasdes, Life of Crassus, c. 19, 33, and Dion Cassius, xlix. 25. [405] No doubt Iberians of Spain are meant. [406] Was the most south-western part of Media, and it comprehended the chief part of the modern Azerbijan. [407] Dion Cassius (xlix. 25) names the place Phraaspa or Praaspa, which may be the right name. The position of the place and the direction of the march of Antonius are unknown. [408] Was a king of Pontus: he was ransomed for a large sum of money. Reimarus says in a note to Dion Cassius (xlix. 25) that Plutarch states that Polemon was killed. The learned editor must have read this chapter carelessly. [409] See Life of Crassus, c. 10. [410] [Greek: hoi gnôrimôtatoi], which Kaltwasser translates "those who were most acquainted with the Romans;" and his translation may be right. [411] Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, which is the Roman mode of writing the word. He was the son of Domitius who was taken by Cæsar in Corfinium (Life of Cæsar, c. 34); and he is the Domitius who deserted Antonius just before the battle of Actium (c. 63). [412] The Mardi inhabited a tract on the south coast of the Caspian, where there was a river Mardus or Amardus. Plutarch has derived his narrative of the retreat from some account by an eye-witness, but though it is striking as a picture, it is quite useless as a military history. The route is not designated any further than this, that Antonius had to pass through a plain and desert country. It is certain that he advanced considerably east of the Tigris, and he experienced the same difficulties that Crassus did in the northern part of Mesopotamia. (Strabo, p. 523, ed. Casaub. as to the narrative of Adelphius, and Casaubon's note.) [413] These were used by the slingers (funditores) in the Roman army. [414] [Greek: ep' ouran], Sintenis: but the MS. reading is [Greek: ap' ouras], "from the rear." See the note of Schaefer, and of Sintenis. [415] Contrary to Parthian practice. Compare the Life of Crassus, c. 27. [416] These are the soldiers in full armour. Sintenis refers to the Life of Crassus, c. 25. See life of Antonius, c. 49, [Greek: hoi de hoplitai ... tois thyreois]. [417] The Romans called this mode of defence Testudo, or tortoise. It is described by Dion Cassius (xlix. 30). The testudo was also used in assaulting a city or wall. A cut of one from the Antonine column is given in Smith's Dict. of Antiquities, art. Testudo. [418] The forty-eighth part of a medimnus. The medimnus is estimated at 11 gal. 7·1456 pints English. The drachma (Attic) is reckoned at about 9-3/4d. (Smith's Dict. of Antiquities.) But the scarcity is best shown by the fact that barley bread was as dear as silver. Compare Xenophon (_Anab._ i. 5, 6) as to the prices in the army of Cyrus, when it was marching through the desert. [419] The allusion is to the retreat of the Greeks in the army of Cyrus from the plain of Cunaxa over the highlands of Armenia to Trapezus (Trebizond); which is the main subject of the Anabasis of Xenophon. [420] Salt streams occur on the high lands of Asia. Mannert, quoted by Kaltwasser, supposes that the stream here spoken of is one that flows near Tabriz and then joins another river. If this were the only salt stream that Antonius could meet with on his march, the conclusion of the German geographer might be admitted. [421] The modern Aras. The main branch of the river rises in the same mountain mass in which a branch of the Euphrates rises, about 39° 47' N. lat., 41° 9' E. long. It joins the Cyrus or Kur, which comes from the Caucasus, about thirty miles above the entrance of the united stream into the Caspian Sea. Mannert, quoted by Kaltwasser, conjectures that Antonius crossed the river at Julfa (38° 54' N. lat.). It is well to call it a conjecture. Anybody may make another, with as much reason. Twenty-seven days' march (c. 50) brought the Romans from Phraata to the Araxes, but the point of departure and the point where the army crossed the Araxes are both unknown. [422] The second expedition of Antonius into Armenia was in B.C. 34, when he advanced to the Araxes. After the triumph, Artavasdes was kept in captivity, and he was put to death by Cleopatra in Egypt after the battle of Actium, B.C. 30 (Dion Cassius xlix. 41, &c). [423] Compare Dion Cassius, xlix. 51. [424] The name is written both Phraates and Phrates in the MSS. [425] She went to Athens in B.C. 35. [426] In B.C. 34, Antonius invaded Armenia and got Artavasdes the king into his power. The Median king with whom Antonius made this marriage alliance (B.C. 33) was also named Artavasdes. Alexander, the son of Antonius by Cleopatra, was married to Jotape, a daughter of this Median king. [427] This is Plutarch's word. Its precise meaning is not clear, but it may be collected from the context. It was something like a piece of theatrical pomp. [428] Or Cidaris. (See Life of Pompeius, c. 33.) The Cittaris seems to be the higher and upright part of the tiara; and sometimes to be used in the same sense as tiara. The Causia was a Macedonian hat with a broad brim. (See Smith's Dict. of Antiquities.) [429] After the defeat of Sextus Pompeius, Lepidus made a claim to Sicily and attempted a campaign there against Cæsar. But this feeble man was compelled to surrender. He was deprived of all power, and sent to live in Italy. He still retained his office of Pontifex Maximus (Appian, _Civil Wars_, v. 126; Dion Cassius, xlix. 11). [430] This is an emendation of Amiot in place of the corrupt word Laurians. [431] The preparation was making in B.C. 32. Antonius spent the winter of this year at Patræ in Achæa. [432] An account of these exactions is given by Dion Cassius (l. 10). They show to what a condition a people can be reduced by tyranny. [433] Such is the nature of the people. It is hard to rouse them; and their patience is proved by all the facts of history. [434] It was usual with the Romans, at least with men of rank, to deposit their wills with the Vestals for safe keeping. [435] This great library at Alexandria is said to have been destroyed during the Alexandrine war. See the Life of Cæsar, c. 49. [436] The translators are much puzzled to explain this. Kaltwasser conjectures that Antonius in consequence of losing some wager was required to do this servile act; and accordingly he translates part of the Greek text "in consequence of a wager that had been made." [437] The only person of the name who is known as an active partizan at this time was C. Furnius, tribune of the plebs, B.C. 50. He was a legatus under M. Antonius in Asia in B.C. 35. Here Plutarch represents him as a partizan of Cæsar. If Plutarch's Furnius was the tribune, he must have changed sides already. As to his eloquence, there is no further evidence of it than what we have here. [438] C. Calvisius Sabinus, who was consul B.C. 39 with L. Marcius Censorinus. [439] The name occurs in Horace, 1 Sat. 5; but the two may be different persons. As to the Roman Deliciæ see the note of Coraes; and Suetonius, _Augustus_, c. 83. [440] Dion Cassius (l. 4) also states that war was declared only against Cleopatra, but that Antonius was deprived of all the powers that had been given to him. [441] Now Pesaro in Umbria. [442] See Pausanias, i. 25. 2. [443] The text of Bryan has, "and Deiotarus, king of the Galatians:" and Schaefer follows it. But see the note of Sintenis. [444] Actium is a promontory on the southern side of the entrance of the Ambraciot Gulf, now the gulf of Arta. It is probably the point of land now called La Punta. The width of the entrance of the gulf is about half a mile. Nicopolis, "the city of Victory," was built by Cæsar on the northern side of the gulf, a few miles from the site of Prevesa. The battle of Actium was fought on the 2nd of September, B.C. 31. It is more minutely described by Dion Cassius (l. 31, &c.; li. 1). [445] This word means something to stir up a pot with, a ladle or something of the kind. The joke is as dull as it could be. [446] Sintenis observes that Plutarch has here omitted to mention the place of Arruntius, who had the centre of Cæsar's line (c. 66). C. Sossius commanded the left of the line of Antonius. Insteius is a Roman name, as appears from inscriptions. Taurus is T. Statilius Taurus. [447] There is some confusion in the text here, but the general meaning is probably what I have given. See the note of Sintenis. [448] These were light vessels adapted for quick evolutions. Horace, _Epod._ i., alludes to them:-- "Ibis Liburnis inter alta navium, Amice, propugnacula." [449] Is the most southern point of the Peloponnesus, in Laconica. The modern name of Tænarus is Matapan or "head." [450] Dion Cassius (li. 2) gives an account of Cæsar's behaviour after the battle. He exacted money from the cities; but Dion does not mention any particular cities. [451] By "all the citizens" Plutarch means the citizens of his native town Chæronea. The people had to carry their burden a considerable distance, for this Antikyra was on the Corinthian gulf, nearly south of Delphi. This anecdote, which is supported by undoubted authority, is a good example of the sufferings of the people during this contest for power between two men. [452] This was a town on the coast in the country called Marmarica. It had a port and was fortified, and thus served as a frontier post to Egypt against attacks from the west. [453] See the Life of Brutus, c. 50. [454] He was L. Pinarius Carpus, who had fought under him at Philippi. Carpus gave up his troops to Cornelius Gallus, who advanced upon him from the province Africa (Dion. Cass. l. 5, where he is called Scarpus in the text of Reimarus). [455] Or "Sea that lies off Egypt," that part of the Mediterranean which borders on Egypt. The width of the Isthmus is much more than 300 stadia: it is about seventy-two miles. Herodotus (ii. 158) states the width more correctly at one thousand stadia. In this passage Plutarch calls the Red Sea both the Arabian gulf and the Erythra (Red), and in this he agrees with Herodotus. The Arabian Gulf or modern Red Sea was considered a part of the great Erythræan Sea or Indian Ocean. Herodotus (ii. 11) says that there is a gulf which runs into the land from the Erythræan sea; and this gulf he calls (ii. 11, 158) the Arabian gulf, which is now the Red Sea. See Anton, c. 3. [456] See the Life of Pompeius, c. 41. [457] The Pharos was an island opposite to Alexandria, and connected with it by a dike called Heptastadion, the length being seven stadia. [458] Shakspere has made a play out of the meagre subject of Timon, and Lucian has a dialogue entitled "Timon or the Misanthropist." (Comp. Strab. 794, ed. Cas.) [459] This was the second day of the third Dionysiac festival, called the Anthesteria. The first day was Pithoegia ([Greek: pithoigia]) or the tapping of the jars of wine; and the second day, as the word Choes seems to import, was the cup day. [460] This was Herodes I., son of Antipater, sometimes called the Great. He was not at the battle of Actium, but he sent aid to Antonius (c. 61). [461] This was the toga virilis, or dress which denoted that a male was pubes, fourteen at least, and had attained full legal capacity. The prætexta, which was worn up to the time of assuming the toga virilis, had a broad purple border, by which the impubes was at once distinguished from other persons. Cleopatra's son, Cæsarion, was registered as an Alexandrine. The son of Antonius was treated as a Roman citizen. [462] This seems to be the sense of the passage. The Greek for asp is aspis. Some suppose that it is the poisonous snake which the Arabs call El Haje, which measures from three to five feet in length. But this is rather too large to be put in a basket of figs. [463] Conjectured by M. du Soul to be Alexander the Syrian, who has been mentioned before. [464] He was a native of Alexandria, and had been carried prisoner to Rome by Gabinius. He obtained his freedom, and acquired celebrity as a rhetorician and historian. He was a favourite of Asinius Pollio and of Augustus; but he was too free-spoken for Augustus, who finally forbade him his house (Horat. 1. _Ep._ 19, 15; and the note of Orelli). Life of Pompeius, c. 49. Dion Cassius (li. 8), who believed every scandalous story, says that Cæsar made love to Cleopatra through the medium of Thyrsus. [465] After the battle of Actium, Cæsar crossed over to Samos, where he spent the winter. He was recalled by the news of a mutiny among the soldiers, who had not received their promised reward. He returned to Brundusium, where he stayed twenty-seven days, and he went no further, for his appearance in Italy stopped the disturbance. He returned to Asia and marched through Syria to Egypt (Sueton. _Aug._ c. 17; Dion Cassius, li. 4). [466] The shout of Bacchanals at the festivals. See the Ode of Horace (_Carm._ ii. 19): Evoe, recenti mens trepidat metu. [467] The fleet passed over to Cæsar on the 1st of August (Orosius, vi. 19). The treachery of Cleopatra is not improbable (Dion Cass. li. 10). [468] Compare Dion Cassius, li. 10. [469] His name was C. Proculeius. He appears to be the person to whom Horace alludes (Carm. ii. 2). [470] Dion Cassius (li. 11) says that Cleopatra communicated to Cæsar the death of Antonius, which is not so probable as Plutarch's narrative. [471] C. Cornelius Gallus, a Roman Eques, who had advanced from the province Africa upon Egypt. He was afterwards governor of Egypt; but he incurred the displeasure of Augustus, and put an end to life B.C. 26. Gallus was a poet, and a friend of Virgil and Ovid. The tenth Eclogue of Virgil is addressed to Gallus. [472] Said to have been a Stoic, and much admired by Augustus (Dion Cass. li. 16; Sueton. _Aug._ 89). [473] Probably the same that is mentioned in the Life of Cato the Younger, c. 57. [474] The circumstances of the death of Antyllus and Cæsarion are not told in the same way by Dion Cassius (li. 15). Antyllus had been betrothed to Cæsar's daughter Julia in B.C. 36. [475] The words are borrowed from Homer (_Iliad_, ii. 204):-- [Greek: Ouk agathon polykoiraniê.] There could be no reason for putting Cæsarion to death as a possible competitor with Cæsar at Rome, for he was not a Roman citizen. As it was Cæsar's object to keep Egypt, Cæsarion would have been an obstacle there. [476] There were, as usual in such matters, various versions of this interview: it was a fit subject for embellishment with the writers of spurious history. The account of Plutarch is much simpler and more natural than that of Dion Cassius (li. 12), which savours of the rhetorical. [477] He was the son of P. Cornelius Dolabella, once the son-in-law of Cicero, and one of Cæsar's murderers. His son P. Cornelius Dolabella was consul A.D. 10. [478] The word "companions" represents the Roman "comites," which has a technical meaning. Young men of rank, who were about the person of a commander, and formed a kind of staff, were his Comites. See Horat. I. Ep. 8. [479] The story of Dion (li. 14) is that Cæsar, after he had seen the body, sent for the Psylli, serpent charmers, to suck out the poison (compare Lucan, _Pharsal._ ix. 925). If a person was not dead, it was supposed that the Psylli could extract the poison and save the life. Dion Cassius also states that the true cause of Cleopatra's death was unknown. One account was that she punctured her arm with a hair-pin ([Greek: belonê]) which was poisoned. But even as to the punctures on the arm, Plutarch does not seem to state positively that there were any. The "hollow comb" is hardly intelligible. Plutarch's word is [Greek: knêstis], "a scraping instrument of any kind." One MS. has [Greek: kistis], "a small coffer." Strabo (p. 795, ed. Casaub.) doubts whether she perished by the bite of a serpent or by puncturing herself with a poisoned instrument. Propertius (iii. 11, 53) alludes to the image of Cleopatra, which was carried in the triumph-- Brachia spectavi sacris admorsa colubris Et trahere occultum membra soporis iter. An ancient marble at Rome represents Cleopatra with the asp on her arm. There was also a story of her applying it to the left breast. Cleopatra was born in B.C. 69, and died in the latter part of B.C. 30. She was seventeen years of age when her father Ptolemæus Auletes died: and upon his death she governed jointly with her brother Ptolemæus, whose wife she was to be. Antonius first saw her when he was in Egypt with Gabinius, and he had not forgotten the impression which the young girl then made on him at the time when she visited him at Tarsus (Appian, _Civil Wars_, v. 8). Antonius was forty years old when he saw Cleopatra at Tarsus, B.C. 41, and he would therefore be in his fifty-second year at the time of his death (Clinton, _Fasti_). [480] Octavia's care of the children of Antonius is one of the beautiful traits of her character. She is one of those Roman women whose virtues command admiration. Cleopatra, the daughter of Antonius and twin sister of Alexander, married Juba II., king of Numidia, by whom she had a son Ptolemæus, who succeeded his father, and a daughter Drusilla, who married Antonius Felix, the governor of Judæa. The two brothers of Cleopatra were Alexander and Ptolemæus. Antonius, the son of Fulvia, was called Iulus Antonius. He married Marcella, one of the daughters of Octavia. In B.C. 10, Antonius was consul. He formed an adulterous intercourse with Julia, the daughter of Augustus, which cost him his life B.C. 2. Antonius was a poet, as it seems (Horat. _Carm._ iv. 2, and Orelli's note). The elder Antonia, the daughter of Octavia and Antonius, married L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the son of Cneius, who deserted to Cæsar just before the battle of Actium. This Lucius had by Antonia a son, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who married Agrippina, the daughter of Cæsar Germanicus. Agrippina's son, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, was adopted by the emperor Claudius after his marriage with Agrippina, and Lucius then took the name of Nero Claudius Cæsar Drusus. As the emperor Nero his infamy is imperishable. The younger Antonia, the daughter of Octavia and Antonius, married Drusus, the second son of Tiberius Claudius Nero. Tiberius had divorced his wife Livia in order that Cæsar Octavianus might become her husband. The virtues of Antonia are recorded by Plutarch and others: her beauty is testified by her handsome face on a medal. The expression of Plutarch that Caius, by whom he means Caius Caligula, "ruled with distinction," has caused the commentators some difficulty, and they have proposed to read [Greek: epimanôs], "like a madman" in place of [Greek: epiphanôs], "with distinction." Perhaps Plutarch's meaning may be something like what I have given, and he may allude to the commencement of Caligula's reign, which gave good hopes, as Suetonius shows. Some would get over the difficulty by giving to [Greek: epiphanôs] a different meaning from the common meaning. See Kaltwasser's note. A portrait of Antonius (see Notes to Brutus, c. 52) would be an idle impertinence. He is portrayed clear and distinct in this inimitable Life of Plutarch. Here ends the Tragedy of Antonius and Cleopatra; and after it begins the Monarchy, as Plutarch would call it, or the sole rule of Augustus. See the Preface to the First Volume. [481] Of Athens. [482] The various stories about Plato's slavery are discussed in Grote's 'History of Greece,' part ii. ch. 53. [483] Aristomache and Arete. [484] Periodical northerly winds or monsoons. [485] The ceremony of the libations seems to correspond to our "grace after meat." See vol. i. Life of Perikles, ch. 7. [486] Grote paraphrases this passage as follows:--"A little squadron was prepared, of no more than five merchantmen, two of them vessels of thirty oars, &c." On consulting Liddell and Scott's Lexicon, s.v. [Greek: triakontoros], I find a reference to Thuc. iv. 9; where a Messenian pirate triaconter is spoken of, and for further information the reader is referred to the article "[Greek: pentêkontoros] (sc. [Greek: naus]), [Greek: hê], a ship of burden with fifty oars," Pind. P. 4. 436, Eur. I.T. 1124, Thuc. i., 14, &c. But none of these passages bear out the sense of a "vessel of burden." The passage in Pindar merely states that the snake which Jason slew was as big or bigger than a [Greek: pentêkontoros]. Herod, ii. 163, distinctly says "not ships of burden, but penteconters." In Eur. I.T. 1124, the chorus merely remark that Iphigenia will be borne home by a penteconter, while Thucydides (i. 14) explicitly states that, many generations after the Trojan war, the chief navies of Greece consisted of but few triremes, and chiefly of "penteconters or of long ships equipped like them." From these passages I am inclined to think that the true meaning of the passage is the literal one, that the soldiers were placed on board of two transports, that the two triaconters, or thirty-oared galleys, were ships of war and acted as convoy to them, and that the small vessel was intended for Dion and his friends to escape in if necessary. In Dem. Zen. a [Greek: pentêkontoros] undoubtedly is spoken of as a merchant vessel; but this does not prove that there were no war penteconters in Dion's time. [487] Kerkina and Kerkinitis, two low islands off the north coast of Africa, in the mouth of the Lesser Syrtis, united by a bridge and possessing a fine harbour. 'Dictionary of Antiquities.' [488] The Greek word is [Greek: kontos], which is singularly near in sound to the East Anglian "quant." [489] This seems to be the universally accepted emendation of the unmeaning words in the original text. Grote remarks "The statue and sacred ground of Apollo Temenites was the most remarkable feature in this portion of Syracuse, and would naturally be selected to furnish a name for the gate." 'Hist. of Greece,' part ii. ch. lxxxiv. note. [490] The main street of Achradina is spoken of by Cicero as broad, straight and long; which was unusual in an ancient Greek city. See Grote. ad. loc. [491] The citadel of Syracuse was built upon the island of Ortygia, and was therefore easily cut off by a ditch and palisade across the narrow isthmus by which it was connected with the mainland. [492] "He offered them what in modern times would be called a constitution." Grote. [493] On this passage Grote has the following note:--"Plutarch states that Herakleides brought only seven triremes. But the force stated by Diodorus (twenty triremes, three transports and 1500 soldiers) appears more probable. It is difficult otherwise to explain the number of ships which the Syracusans presently appear as possessing. Moreover, the great importance which Herakleides steps into, as opposed to Dion, is more easily accounted for." [494] The Syracusan cavalry was celebrated, and "the knights" here and elsewhere no doubt means Syracusan citizens, though at first this passage looks as if strangers were meant. See ch. 44, where the knights and leading citizens are mentioned together. [495] I conceive that the "atrium" or "cavædium" of the house, that is, the interior peristyle or court surrounded with columns, is meant, and that Dion, sitting on one side of this room, saw the apparition behind the columns on the other. An outside portico was a very unusual appendage to a Greek house, and Dion's house is said to have been especially simple and unpretending, whereas nearly all houses were built with an inner court or "patio," with its roof supported by columns, and into which the other rooms of the house opened. [496] L. Junius Brutus, consul B.C. 509, was a Patrician, and his race was extinct in his two sons (Liv. ii. 1-4; Drumann, _Junii_, p. 1; Dion Cassius, xliv. 12; Dionys. Hal. _Antiq. Rom._ v. 18). [497] Servilia, the wife of M. Junius Brutus, the father of this Brutus, was the daughter of Livia, who was the sister of M. Livius Drusus, tribunus plebis B.C. 91. Livia married for her first husband M. Cato, by whom she had M. Cato Uticensis; for her second husband she had Q. Servilius Cæpio, by whom she became the mother of Servilia. M. Junius Brutus, the father of this Brutus, was the first husband of Servilia, who had by her second husband, D. Junius Silanus, two daughters. Her son Brutus was born in the autumn of B.C. 85. He was adopted by his uncle Q. Servilius Cæpio, whence he is sometimes called Cæpio, and Q. Cæpio Brutus on coins, public monuments, and in decrees (Drumann, _Junii_). [498] Ahala was Magister Equitum to L. Quinctius Cincinnatus. The story belongs to B.C. 439; and it is told by Livius, iv. 13, 14. The true name of Mallius Spurius is Spurius Mælius. [499] This passage is obscure in the original. The parentage of M. Junius Brutus, the father of this Brutus, does not appear to be ascertained. [500] See the Life of Lucullus, c. 42. [501] See the Life of Cicero, c. 4. Cicero mentions Ariston, which is probably the true name, in his Tusculanæ Quæstiones, v. 8. [502] Nothing more is known of him. [503] The original is obscure. See Sintenis, note; and Schæfer, note. Kaltwasser follows the reading [Greek: pros tas exodous], which he translates "für den Kriegsdienst." [504] See the Life of the Younger Cato, c. 35, &c. [505] Coræs explains the original ([Greek: scholastês]) to mean "one who is engaged about learning and philosophy." [506] The father of this Brutus was of the faction of Marius, and tribunus plebis B.C. 83. After Sulla's return he lost all power, and after Sulla's death Pompeius (B.C. 77) marched against Brutus, who shut himself up in Mutina (Modena). A mutiny among his troops compelled him to open the gates, and Pompeius ordered him to be put to death, contrary to the promise which he had given (Life of Pompeius, c. 16). The allusion at the beginning of this chapter is to the outbreak between Pompeius and Cæsar, B.C. 49. [507] P. Sextius was governor of Cilicia. In the text of Plutarch Sicilia stands erroneously in place of Cilicia: this is probably an error of the copyists, who often confound these names (see Life of Pompeius, c. 61; Cicero, _Ad Attic._ viii. 14; ix. 7). [508] Brutus was a great reader and a busy writer. Drumann (_Junii_, p. 37) gives a sketch of his literary activity. Such a trifle as an epitome of Polybius was probably only intended as a mere occupation to pass the time. The loss of it is not a matter of regret, any further than so far as it might have supplied some deficiencies in the present text of Polybius. Bacon (Advancement of Learning) describes epitomes thus: "As for the corruptions and moths of history, which are epitomes, the use of them deserveth to be banished, as all men of sound judgment have confessed; as those that have fretted and corroded the sound bodies of many excellent histories, and wrought them into base and unprofitable dregs." [509] The story of Cæsar receiving this note is told in the Life of Cato, c. 24. Cæsar was born on the 12th July, B.C. 100, which is a sufficient answer to the scandalous tale of his being the father of Brutus. That he may have had an adulterous commerce with Servilia in and before B.C. 63, the year of Catiline's conspiracy, is probable enough. [510] This was C. Cassius Longinus, who accompanied Crassus in his Parthian campaign (Life of Crassus, c. 18, &c.). After Cato had retired to Africa, Cassius made his peace with Cæsar (Dion Cassius, xlii. 13). [511] Kaltwasser has adopted the correction of Moses du Soul, and has translated the passage "in Nikaea für den König Deiotarus." The anecdote appears to refer clearly to king Deiotarus, as appears from Cicero's Letters to Atticus (xiv. 1). See Drumann's note, _Junii_, p. 25, note 83. Coræs would read [Greek: Galatôn] for [Greek: Libyôn]. [512] This was the north part of Italy. Cæsar set out for his African campaign in B.C. 47. Brutus held Gallia in the year B.C. 46. See Drumann, _Junii_, p. 26, note 91, on the administration of Gallia by Brutus. [513] Plutarch here alludes to the office of Prætor Urbanus, who, during the year of his office, was the chief person for the administration of justice. The number of prætors at this time was ten (Dion Cassius, xlii. 51), to which number they were increased from eight by Cæsar in B.C. 47. The Prætor Urbanus still held the first rank. The motive of Cæsar may have been, as Dion Cassius says, to oblige his dependents by giving them office and rank. Brutus was Prætor Urbanus in B.C. 44, the year of Cæsar's assassination. [514] This anecdote is told in Cæsar's Life, c. 62. [515] Q. Fufius Calenus was sent by Cæsar before the battle of Pharsalus to Greece (Life of Cæsar, c. 43). Megara made strong resistance to Calenus, and was treated with severity. Dion Cassius (xlii. 14) says nothing about the lions. [516] See the Life of Sulla, c. 34, and note to c. 37; and the Life of Cæsar, c. 53, note. [517] See the Life of Cæsar, c. 61, and Dion Cassius, xliv. 3, &c. [518] His name was Quintus. Ligarius fought against Cæsar at the battle of Thapsus B.C. 46. He was taken prisoner and banished. He was prosecuted by Q. Delius Tubero for his conduct in Africa, and defended by Cicero in an extant speech. Ligarius obtained a pardon from Cæsar, and he repaid the dictator, like many others, by aiding in his murder. It seems pretty certain that he lost his life in the proscriptions of the Triumviri (Appian, _Civil Wars_, iv, 22, 23). [519] Compare the Life of the Younger Cato, c. 65, 73; and as to Favonius, the same life. [520] Q. Antistius Labeo was one of the hearers of Servius Sulpicius (Dig. i. tit. 2, s. 2, § 44), and himself a jurist, and the father of a more distinguished jurist, Antistius Labeo, who lived under Augustus. He was at the battle of Philippi, and after the defeat he killed himself, and was buried in a grave in his tent, which he had dug for the purpose (Appian, _Civil Wars_, iv. 135). [521] See the Life of Cæsar, c. 64, and the note. The signs of Cæsar's death are mentioned in the Life of Cæsar, c. 63. [522] Brutus was first married to Claudia, a daughter of Appius Claudius, consul B.C. 54. It was probably in B.C. 55, and after Cato's death, that he put away Claudia, for which he was blamed (Cic. _Ad Attic._ xiii. 9), and married Porcia, the daughter of Cato, and widow of M. Calpurnius Bibulus, the colleague of Cæsar in the consulship B.C. 59. As to the affair of the wound, compare Dion Cassius (xliv. 13 &c.). [523] This was the great architectural work of Pompeius (Life of Pompeius, c. 40, note). [524] The same story is told by Appian (_Civil Wars_, ii. 115). [525] The circumstances of Cæsar's death are told in his Life, c. 66; where it is incorrectly said that Brutus Albinus engaged Antonius in conversation. To the authorities referred to in the note to c. 66 of the Life of Cæsar, add Cicero, _Philipp._ ii. 14, which is referred to by Kaltwasser. [526] L. Munatius Plancus, who had received favours from Cæsar, and the province of Transalpine Gaul, with the exception of Narbonensis and Belgica B.C. 44. As to the arrangement about the provinces after Cæsar's death, see the Life of Antonius, c. 14. [527] Compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 68, and the note. [528] The allusion is to P. Clodius, who fell in a brawl with T. Annius Milo B.C. 52. See the Life of Cicero, c. 52. [529] Compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 68. [530] Now Porto d'Anzo, on the coast of Latium, thirty miles from Rome. It is now a poor place, with numerous remains of former buildings (Westphal, _Die Römische Kampagne_, and his two maps). [531] These were the Ludi Apollinares (Dion, xlvii. 20), which Brutus had to superintend as Prætor Urbanus. The day of celebration was the fourth of Quintilis or Julius. The games were superintended by L. Antonius, the brother of Marcus, and the colleague of Brutus. [532] Compare the Life of Cicero, c. 43, and notes; and the Life of Antonius, c. 16. [533] Complaints like these, of the conduct of Cicero, appear in the sixteenth and seventeenth letters of the book which is entitled 'M. Tullii Epistolarum ad Brutum Liber Singularis;' but the genuineness of these letters is very doubtful. Plutarch himself (_Brutus_, 53) did not fully believe in the genuineness of all the letters attributed to Brutus. [534] Elea, the Romans called this place Velia. It was on the coast of Lucania, in the modern province of Basilicata in the kingdom of Naples; and the remains are near Castella a mare della Brucca. Velia is often mentioned by Cicero, who set sail from thence when he intended to go to Greece (Life of Cicero, c. 43). [535] The passages in Homer are, _Iliad_, vi. 429 and 491, the parting of Hector and Andromache. The old stories of Greece furnished the painter with excellent subjects, and the simplicity with which they treated them may be inferred from Plutarch's description. The poet was here the real painter. The artist merely gave a sensuous form to the poet's conception. The parting of Hector and Andromache is the subject of one of Schiller's early poems. [536] Dion Cassius (xlvii. 20) describes the reception of Brutus at Athens. The Athenians ordered bronze statues of Brutus and Cassius to be set up by the side of the statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, who had liberated Athens from the tyranny of the Peisistratidæ. [537] See the Life of Pompeius, c. 75. Cicero's son Marcus was attending the lectures of Cratippus B.C. 44, and also, as it appears, up to the time when Brutus came to Athens. Horace, who was now at Athens, also joined the side of Brutus, and was present at the battle of Philippi. [538] A town near the southern point of Euboea. The Roman commander who gave up the money, was the Quæstor M. Appuleius (Cicero, _Philipp._ x. 11). Plutarch in the next chapter calls him Antistius. [539] These are the dying words of Patroclus (_Iliad_, xvi. 849). Apollo is Leto's son. [540] See the Life of Cicero, c. 43, note; and Dion Cassius (xlvii. 29, &c.). [541] A town in Thessalia. [542] Q. Hortensius Hortalus, the son of the orator Hortensius, who held the province of Macedonia (B.C. 44), in which Brutus was to succeed him. He was put to death by M. Antonius after the battle of Philippi (c. 28). [543] This may be an error of Plutarch's copyists. His name was P. Vatinius (Dion Cassius, xlvii. 21). [544] The Greek soldiers suffered in this way in their retreat from Babylonia over the table-land of Armenia (Xenophon, _Anabasis_, iv. 5, 7). This bulimy is a different thing from that which modern writers call by that name, and which they describe as a "canine appetite, insatiable desire for food." The nature of the appetite is exemplified by the instance of a man eating in one day four pounds of raw cow's udder, ten pounds of raw beef, two pounds of candles, and drinking five bottles of porter (Penny Cyclopædia, art. Bulimia). The subject of Bulimia is discussed by Plutarch (_Symposiaca_, b. vi. Qu. 8). [545] Now Butrinto, was on the main land in the north part of the channel which divides Corcyra (Corfu) from the continent. It was made a Colonia by the Romans after their occupation of Epirus. Atticus, the friend of Cicero, had land in the neighbourhood of Buthrotum. As to the events mentioned at the end of this chapter, compare Dion Cassius, xlvii. 21-23. [546] Compare Dion Cassius, xlvii. 22. [547] This was Decimus Brutus Albinus, who fell into the hands of the soldiers of M. Antonius in North Italy, and was put to death by order of Antonius B.C. 43. Compare Dion Cassius (xlvi. 53), and the note of Reimarus. [548] Brutus passed over into Asia probably about the middle of B.C. 43, while the proscriptions were going on at Rome. As to Cyzicus, see the Life of Lucullus, c. 9. [549] Cassius was now in Syria, whence he designed to march to Egypt to punish Cleopatra for the assistance which she had given to Dolabella. [550] The Mediterranean, for which the Romans had no name. [551] Xanthus stood on a river of the same name, about ten miles from the mouth. The river is now called Etchen-Chai. Xanthus is first mentioned by Herodotus (i. 176), who describes its destruction by the Persian general Harpagus, to which Plutarch afterwards (c. 31) alludes. Numerous remains have been recently discovered there by Fellowes, and some of them are now in the British Museum (Penny Cyclop. art. Xanthian Marbles, and the references in that article). The last sentence of this chapter is very confused in the original. [552] Compare the Life of Pompeius, c. 77, 80. [553] Brutus and Cassius met at Sardis in the early part of B.C. 42. [554] The passage to which Plutarch refers is _Iliad_, i. 259. The character of Favonius is well known from the Lives of Pompeius and Cato the Younger. [555] Kaltwasser has a note on the Roman practice of an invited guest taking his shadows (umbræ) with him. Horace alludes to the practice (i. Ep. 5, 28), ----"locus est et pluribus umbris." Plutarch discusses the etiquette as to umbræ in his Symposiaca (book vii. Qu. 6). [556] The Romans reclined at table. They placed couches on three sides of the table and left the fourth open. The central couch or sofa (lectus medius) was the first place. The other sofas at the adjoining two sides were respectively lectus summus and imus. [557] Nothing further seems to be known of him. The name Pella is probably corrupt. The consequence of his condemnation was Infamia, as to the meaning of which term: see Dict. of Greek and Roman Antiquities, Infamia. This interview between Brutus and Cassius forms one of the finest scenes in Shakespeare's play of Julius Cæsar. [558] The reading here is probably corrupt. See the note of Sintenis. [559] The ghost story is told also in the Life of Cæsar, c. 69. [560] Cassius was one of the Romans who had embraced the doctrines of Epicurus, modified somewhat by the Roman character. Cicero in a letter to Cassius (_Ad Diversos_, xv. 16) rallies him about his opinions; and Cassius (xv. 19) in reply defends them. Cicero says to Cassius, that he hopes he will tell him whether it is in his power, as soon as he chooses to think of Cassius, to have his spectrum ([Greek: eidôlon]) present, before him, and whether, if he should begin to think of the island Britannia, the image (spectrum) of Britannia will fly to his mind. Lucretius expounded the Epicurean doctrines in his poem De Rerum Natura. In his fourth book he treats of images (simulacra): "Quæritur in primis quare quod quoique libido Venerit, extemplo mens cogitet ejus id ipsum. Anne voluntatem nostram simulacra tuentur, Et simulac volumus, nobis occurrit imago?"--iv. 781, &c. The things on which the mind has been engaged in waking hours, recur as images during sleep: "Et quo quisque fere studio defunctus adhæret, Aut quibus in rebus multum sumus ante moratei Atque in ea ratione fuit contenta magis mens, In somnis eadem plerumque videmur obire: Causidicei causas agere et componere leges, Induperatores pugnare ac proelia obire," &c.--iv. 963. He has observed in a previous passage, that numerous images of things wander about in all directions, that they are of a subtile nature, and are easily united when they meet; they are of a much more subtile nature than the things which affect the sight, for they penetrate through the pores of bodies, and inwardly move the subtile nature of the mind. He then adds: "Centauros itaque et Scyllarum membra videmus, Cerbereasque canum fauceis simulacraque eorum Quorum morte obita tellus amplectitur ossa."--iv. 734, &c. The doctrine which Lucretius inculcated as to the deities, admitted their existence, but denied that they concerned themselves about mundane affairs; and they had nothing to do with the creation of the world. It is one of the main purposes of the poem to free men from all religious belief, and to show the misery and absurdities that it breeds. A belief in dæmons would be inconsistent with such doctrines; and as to the gods, Cassius means to say, that though he did not believe in their existence, he almost wished that there were gods to aid their righteous cause. As to the opinions of Cassius, compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 66. [561] C. Norbanus Flaccus and L. Decidius Saxa, two legates of Antonius, who had been sent forward with eight legions, and had occupied Philippi. The town of Philippi lay near the mountain-range of Pangæus and Symbolum, which was the name of a place at which Pangæus joins another mountain, that stretches up into the interior. Symbolum was between Neapolis (new city) and Philippi. Neapolis was on the coast opposite to Thasus: Philippi was in the mountain region, and was built on a hill; west of it was a plain which extended to the Strymon (Appian, _Civil Wars_, iv. 1205; Dion Cassius. xlvii. 35). Philippi was originally called Krenides, or the Springs, then Datus, and lastly Philippi by King Philippus, of Macedonia, who fortified it. Appian's description of the position of Philippi is very clear. [562] A lustration was a solemn ceremony of purification, which was performed on various occasions, and before a battle: see Livy, xxix. 47. The omens which preceded the battle are recorded by Dion Cassius, xlvii. 49. [563] M. Valerius Messala Corvinus, of a distinguished Roman family, was a son of Messala who was consul B.C. 53. After the battle of Philippi he attached himself to M. Antonius, whom he deserted to join Octavianus Cæsar. He fought on Cæsar's side at the battle of Actium (c. 53). He died somewhere between B.C. 3 and A.D. 3. Messala was a poet and an historian. His history of the Civil Wars, after the death of the Dictator Cæsar, was used by Plutarch. [564] See the note of Sintenis, who proposes to read [Greek: keklêmenos] for [Greek: keklêmenon], to prevent any ambiguity, such as Kaltwasser discovered in the passage. It was the birthday of Cassius (Appian, _Civil Wars_, iv, 113). [565] Plutarch here quotes the Memoirs of Cæsar. It is of no great importance who saw the dream, and perhaps there was no dream at all. Cæsar wished to have an excuse for being out of the way of danger. Dion Cassius (xlvii. 41) says that it was Cæsar's physician who had the dream, but he does not mention his name. See the notes of Reimarus. [566] The true name may be Briges. The Briges were a Thracian tribe (Stephan. Byzant., [Greek: Briges]), who are mentioned by Herodotus (vii. 73). The Macedonian tradition was that they were the same as the Phrygians; that so long as they lived in Europe with the Macedonians they kept the name of Briges, and that when they passed over into Asia they were called Phryges. [567] Drumann (_Geschichte Roms_, i. 516, n. 84) assumes that it is P. Volumnius Eutrapelus, a boon companion of Antonius. Several of Cicero's letters to him are extant (_Ad Div._ vii. 32, 33). [568] Plutarch has handled the character of Brutus with partiality. He could not be ignorant of his love of money and of the oppressive manner in which he treated his unlucky creditors. Drumann (_Junii_, p. 20, &c.) has collected the evidence on this point. Though Brutus was an austere man and affected philosophy, his character is not free from the imputation of ingratitude to Cæsar, love of power, and avarice. He seems to have been one of those who deceive themselves into a belief of their own virtues, because they are free from other people's vices. The promise of plunder to his soldiers is not excusable because Antonius and Cæsar did worse than he intended to do. Plutarch here alludes to many of the Italians being driven out of their lands, which were given to the soldiers who had fought on the side of Cæsar and Antonius at Philippi. The misery that was occasioned by this measure was one of the chief evils of the Civil Wars. The slaughter in war chiefly affected the soldiers themselves, and if both armies had been destroyed, the people would only have been the better for it. The misery that arose from the ejection of the hard-working husbandmen reached to their wives and children. But a country which had a large army on foot which is no longer wanted, must either pay them out of taxes and plunder, or have a revolution. Necessity was the excuse for Cæsar and Antonius, and the same necessity would have been the excuse of Brutus, if he had been victorious. Defeat saved him from this necessity. [569] The ships which were bringing aid to Cæsar from Brundusium under the command of Domitius Calvinus. They were met and defeated by L. Statius Marcus. [570] Nothing seems to be known about him. Of course he is not the Volumnius mentioned in c. 45. [571] See the Life of Cato the Younger, c. 73. [572] See the Life of Antonius, c. 70. [573] The verse is from the Medea of Euripides (v. 332), in which Medea Is cursing her faithless husband Jason. The educated Romans were familiar with the Greek dramatists, whom they often quoted. (Compare the Life of Pompeius, c. 78.) Appian says that Brutus intended to apply this line to Antonius (_Civil Wars_, iv. 130). The other verse, which Volumnius forgot, was remembered by somebody else, if it be the verse of which Florus (iv. 7) has recorded the substance, "that virtue is not a reality, but a name." Dion Cassius (xlvii. 49, and the note of Reimarus) also has recorded two Greek verses which Brutus is said to have uttered; but he does not mention the verse which Plutarch cites. The substance of the two verses cited by Dion is this: "Poor virtue, empty name, whom I have serv'd As a true mistress; thou art fortune's slave." Volumnius might not choose to remember these verses, as Drumann suggests, in order to save the credit of his friend. [574] See c. 11, and the Life of the younger Cato, c. 65, 73. [575] Brutus was forty-three years of age when he died. Velleius (ii. 72) says that he was in his thirty-seventh year, which is a mistake. The character of Brutus requires a special notice. It is easy enough to write a character of a man, but not easy to write a true one. Michelet (_Histoire de la Revolution Française_, ii. 545), speaking of the chief actors of the revolution in 1789. '90, '91, says: "We have rarely given a judgment entire, indistinct, no _portrait_ properly speaking; all, almost all, are unjust; resulting from a mean which is taken between this and that moment in a person's life, between the good and the bad, neutralising the one by the other, and making both false. We have judged the acts, as they present themselves, day by day, hour by hour. We have given a date to our judgments; and this has allowed us often to praise men, whom at a later time we shall have to blame. Criticism, forgetful and harsh, too often condemns beginnings which are laudable, having in view the end which it knows, of which it has a view beforehand. But we do not choose to know this end; whatever this man may do to-morrow, we note for his advantage the good which he does to-day: the end will come soon enough." This is the true method of writing history; this is the true method of judging men. Unfortunately we cannot trace the career of many individuals with that particularity of date and circumstance which would enable us to do justice. Plutarch does not draw characters in the mass in the modern way: he gives us both the good and the bad, in detail: but with little regard sometimes to time and circumstance. He has treated Brutus with partiality: he finds only one act in his life to condemn (chap. 46). The great condemnation of Brutus is, that acting in the name of virtue, he did not know what it was; that fighting for his country, he was fighting for a party; his Roman republic was a republic of aristocrats; his people was a fraction of the Roman citizens; he conceived no scheme for regenerating a whole nation: he engaged in a death struggle in which we can feel no sympathy. His name is an idle abused theme for rhetoric; and his portrait must be drawn, ill or well, that the world may be disabused. Drumann (_Geschichte Roms_, Junii, p. 34) has carefully collected the acts of Brutus; and he has judged him severely, and, I think, truly. Brutus had moderate abilities, with great industry and much learning: he had no merit as a general, but he had the courage of a soldier, he had the reputation of virtue, and he was free from many of the vices of his contemporaries; he was sober and temperate. Of enlarged political views he had none; there is not a sign of his being superior in this respect to the mass of his contemporaries. When the Civil War broke out, he joined Pompeius, though Pompeius had murdered his father. If he gave up his private enmity, as Plutarch says, for what he believed to be the better cause, the sacrifice was honourable: if there were other motives, and I believe there were, his choice of his party does him no credit. His conspiracy against Cæsar can only be justified by those, if there are such, who think that a usurper ought to be got rid of in any way. But if a man is to be murdered, one does not expect those to take a part in the act who, after being enemies have received favours from him, and professed to be friends. The murderers should at least be a man's declared enemies who have just wrongs to avenge. Though Brutus was dissatisfied with things under Cæsar, he was not the first mover in the conspiracy. He was worked upon by others, who knew that his character and personal relation to Cæsar would in a measure sanctify the deed; and by their persuasion, not his own resolve, he became an assassin in the name of freedom, which meant the triumph of his party, and in the name of virtue, which meant nothing. The act was bad in Brutus as an act of treachery; and it was bad as an act of policy. It failed in its object--the success of a party, because the death of Cæsar was not enough; other victims were necessary, and Brutus would not have them. He put himself at the head of a plot, in which there was no plan: he dreamed of success and forgot the means. He mistook the circumstances of the times and the character of the men. His conduct after the murder was feeble and uncertain; and it was also as illegal as the usurpation of Cæsar. "He left Rome as prætor without the permission of the Senate; he took possession of a province which, even according to Cicero's testimony, had been assigned to another; he arbitrarily passed beyond the boundaries of his province, and set his effigy on the coins." (Drumann.) He attacked the Bessi in order to give his soldiers booty, and he plundered Asia to get money for the conflict against Cæsar and Antonius, for the mastery of Rome and Italy. The means that he had at his disposal show that he robbed without measure and without mercy; and never was greater tyranny exercised over helpless people in the name of liberty than the wretched inhabitants of Asia experienced from Brutus the "Liberator" and Cassius "the last of the Romans." But all these great resources were thrown away in an ill-conceived and worse executed campaign. Temperance, industry, and unwillingness to shed blood are noble qualities in a citizen and a soldier; and Brutus possessed them. But great wealth gotten by ill means is an eternal reproach; and the trade of money-lending, carried on in the names of others, with unrelenting greediness, is both avarice and hypocrisy. Cicero, the friend of Brutus, is the witness for his wealth, and for his unworthy means to increase it. Reflecting men in all ages have a philosophy. With the educated Greeks and Romans, philosophy was religion. The vulgar belief, under whatever name it may be, is never the belief of those who have leisure for reflection. The vulgar rich and vulgar poor are immersed in sense: the man of reflection strives to emerge from it. To him the things which are seen are only the shadows of the unseen; forms without substance, but the evidence of the substantial: "for the invisible things of God from the creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made" (Epistle to the Romans, i. 20). Brutus was from his youth up a student of philosophy and well versed in the systems of the Greeks. Untiring industry and a strong memory had stored his mind with the thoughts of others, but he had not capacity enough to draw profit from his intellectual as he did from his golden treasures. His mind was a barren field on which no culture could raise an abundant crop. His wisdom was the thoughts of others, and he had ever ready in his mouth something that others had said. But to utter other men's wisdom is not enough: a man must make it his own by the labour of independent thought. Philosophy and superstition were blended in his mind, and they formed a chaos in his bewildered brain, as they always will do; and the product is Gorgons and Hydras and Chimeras dire. In the still of night phantoms floated before his wasted strength and wakeful eyes; perhaps the vision of him, the generous and the brave, who had saved the life of an enemy in battle, and fell by his hand in the midst of peace. Conscience was his tormentor, for truth was stronger than the illusions of self-imputed virtue. Though Brutus had condemned Cato's death, he died by his own hand, not with the stubborn resolve of Cato, who would not yield to a usurper, but merely to escape from his enemies. A Roman might be pardoned for not choosing to become the prisoner of a Roman, but his grave should have been the battlefield, and the instrument should have been the hands of those who were fighting against the cause which he proclaimed to be righteous and just. Cato's son bettered his father's example: he died on the plain of Philippi by the sword of the enemy. Brutus died without belief in the existence of that virtue which he had affected to follow: the triumph of a wrongful cause, as he conceived it, was a proof that virtue was an empty name. He forgot the transitory nature of all individual existences, and thought that justice perished with him. But a true philosopher does not make himself a central point, nor his own misfortunes a final catastrophe. He looks both backwards and forwards, to the past and the future, and views himself as a small link in the great chain of events which holds all things together. Brutus died in despair, with the courage, but not with the faith, of a martyr. When men talk of tyranny and rise against it, the name of Brutus is invoked; a mere name and nothing else. What single act is there in the man's life which promised the regeneration of his country and the freedom of mankind? Like other Romans, he only thought of maintaining the supremacy of Rome; his ideas were no larger than theirs; he had no sympathy for those whom Rome governed and oppressed. For his country, he had nothing to propose; its worn-out political constitution he would maintain, not amend; indeed, amendment was impossible. Probably he dreaded anarchy and the dissolution of social order, for that would have released his creditors and confiscated his valuable estates. But Cæsar's usurpation was not an anarchy: it was a monarchy, a sole rule; and Brutus, who was ambitious, could not endure that. It may be said that if the political views of Brutus were narrow, he was only like most of his countrymen. But why then is he exalted, and why is his name invoked? What single title had he to distinction except what Cæsar gave him? A man of unknown family, the son of a woman whom Cæsar had debauched, pardoned after fighting against his mother's lover, raised by him to the prætorship, and honoured with Cæsar's friendship--he has owed his distinction to nothing else than murdering the man whose genius he could not appreciate, but whose favours he had enjoyed. His spurious philosophy has helped to save him from the detestation which is his due; but the false garb should be stripped off. A stoic, an ascetic, and nothing more, is a mere negation. The active virtues of Brutus are not recorded. If he sometimes did an act of public justice (c. 35), it was not more than many other Romans have done. To reduce this philosopher to his true level, we ask, what did he say or do that showed a sympathy with all mankind? Where is the evidence that he had the feeling of justice which alone can regenerate a nation? But it may be said, why seek in a Roman of his age what we cannot expect to find? Why then elevate him above the rest of his age and consecrate his name? Why make a hero of him who murdered his benefactor, and then ran away from the city which he was to save--from we know not what? And why make a virtuous man of him who was only austere, and who did not believe in the virtues that he professed? As to statesmanship, nobody has claimed that for him yet. "The deputy of Arras, poor, and despised even by his own party, won the confidence of the people by their belief in his probity: and he deserved it. Fanatical and narrow-minded, he was still a man of principles. Untiring industry, unshaken faith, and poverty, the guarantee of his probity, raised him slowly to distinction, and enabled him to destroy all who stood between him and the realisation of an unbending theory. Though he had sacrificed the lives of others, he scorned to save his own by doing what would have contradicted his principles: he respected the form of legality, when its substance no longer existed, and refused to sanction force when it would have been used for his own protection" (Lamartine, _Histoire des Girondins_, liv. 61, ix.). A great and memorable example of crime, of fanaticism, and of virtue; of a career commenced in the cause of justice, in truth, faith and sincerity; of a man who did believe in virtue, and yet spoiled the cause in which he embarked, and left behind him a name for universal execration. Treachery at home, enmity abroad, and misconduct in its own leaders, made the French Revolution result in anarchy, and then in a tyranny. The Civil Wars of Rome resulted in a monarchy, and there was nothing else in which they could end. The Roman monarchy or the Empire was a natural birth. The French Empire was an abortion. The Roman Empire was the proper growth of the ages that had preceded it: they could produce nothing better. In a few years after the battle of Philippi, Cæsar Octavianus got rid of his partner Antonius; and under the administration of Augustus the world enjoyed comparative peace, and the Roman Empire was established and consolidated. The genius of Augustus, often ill appreciated, is demonstrated by the results of his policy. He restored order to a distracted state and transmitted his power to his successors. The huge fabric of Roman greatness resting on its ancient foundations, only crumbled beneath the assaults that time and new circumstances make against all political institutions. [576] Velleius (ii. 71, quoted by Kaltwasser) states that some of the partisans of Brutus and Cassius wished Messala to put himself at the head of their party, but he declined to try the fortune of another contest. [577] Compare the Life of Antonius, c. 22. Appian (_Civil Wars_, iv. 135) makes the same statement as Plutarch about the body of Brutus. It is not inconsistent with this that his head was cut off in order to be sent to Rome and thrown at the feet of Cæsar's statue, as Suetonius says (Sueton. _August._ 13). Dion Cassius adds (xlvii. 49) that in the passage from Dyrrachium a storm came on and the head was thrown into the sea. [578] Nikolaus of Damascus, a Peripatetic philosopher, and a friend of Augustus, wrote a universal history in Greek, in one hundred and forty-four books, of which a few fragments remain. There is also a fragment of his Life of Augustus. The best edition is that of J.C. Orelli, Leipzig, 1804, 8vo.; to which a supplement was published in 1811. [579] The work of Valerius Maximus is dedicated to the Emperor Tiberius. The death of Porcia is mentioned in lib. iv. c. 6, 5. Appian (_Civil Wars_, iv. 136) and Dion Cassius (xlvii. 49) give the same account of Porcia's death. [580] Plutarch here evidently doubts the genuineness of the letter attributed to Brutus. The life of Brutus offered good materials for the falsifiers of history, who worked with them after rhetorical fashion. There are a few letters in the collection of Cicero which are genuine, but the single book of letters to Brutus (M. Tullii Ciceronis Epistolorum ad Brutum Liber Singularis) is condemned as a forgery by the best critics. It contains letters of Cicero to Brutus, and of Brutus to Cicero; and a letter of Brutus to Atticus. Genuine letters of Brutus, written day by day, like those of Cicero, would have formed the best materials from which we might judge him. [581] A despatch rolled in a peculiar manner. See vol. ii. Life of Lysander, ch. 19. [582] The battle of Kunaxa was fought on the 7th of September 401 B.C. [583] The title of a great Persian officer of State. [584] Egypt revolted from Persia B.C. 358. See vol. iii. Life of Agesilaus, ad. fin. [585] A people of Media on the Caspian Sea. [586] See Grote on Epameinondas. "The muscularity, purchased by excessive nutriment, of the Boeotian pugilist." (_Hist. of Greece_, part ii. ch. lxxvii.) [587] See vol. iii. Life of Agesilaus, c. 13, note. [588] Ptolemy, King of Egypt. [589] The reading Adria is obviously wrong. Droysen suggests Andros; but Thirlwall much more reasonably conjectures that the word should be Hydrea, observing that the geographical position of Andros does not suit the account given in the text. Clough prefers to read Andros, saying that "Aratus would hardly be thought to have gone from Hydrea to Euboea, which is near enough to Andros to make the supposition in this case not unnatural." But I think that this argument makes just the other way, for the object of Aratus's slaves was to tell the Macedonian officer that their master was gone to a place so far away that it would be useless to attempt to follow him. [590] The word which I have here translated "portraits" generally means statues, but not necessarily. Probably most of the despots were commemorated by statues. [591] Philip of Macedon, the father of Alexander, I suppose is meant. [592] This Alexander was the son of Kraterus, and grandson of Alexander the Great's general of that name. [593] A common precaution against surprise. See above, ch. viii. [594] This was Demetrius II., the son of Antigonus Gonatas, who succeeded his father on the throne of Macedonia, B.C. 239. [595] Apparently the great seal of the league is meant, which we must suppose was entrusted to the general for the time being. [596] I., ii. 607. [597] Philip's object in this expedition was to make himself master of Apollonia and Oricum. [598] "He was forced to burn his ships and retreat overland, leaving his baggage, ammunition, and a great part of the arms of his troops in the enemy's hands." (_Thirlwall's History_, ch. lxiv). [599] See Merivale's 'History of the Romans under the Empire,' ch. liii. vol. vi. page 142, note. [600] Quintus Catulus Capitolinus. [601] Nero set a price upon the head of Vindex, whose designs were speedily revealed to him, and though the forces of the Gaulish province were disposed to follow their chief, the more powerful legions of Lower Germany, under Virginius Rufus, were in full march against them. The armies met at Vesontio, and there Virginius and Vindex at a private interview agreed to conspire together, but their troops could come to no such understanding; the Virginians attacked the soldiers of Vindex, and almost cut them to pieces. Vindex thereupon, with the haste and levity of his race, threw himself upon his sword, and the rebellion seemed for a moment to be crushed. Merivale's 'History of the Romans under the Empire,' vol. vi. ch. lv. [602] Nero died on the 9th of June, A.D. 68. [603] The gold ring was presented by the Roman emperors in much the same way as the insignia of an order of chivalry is given by modern sovereigns. Under the republic it had been the distinguishing mark of the equestrian order, and its possession still continued to raise its recipients to the rank of 'eques,' cf. Plin. H.N. 33, 2, and Paulus i. 5, de jure anul. [604] Clough well remarks that here we may observe the beginning of a state-post, which still exists on the continent of Europe, by which all government couriers, &c., were forwarded free of expense. The modern terms of "diplomacy," "diplomatist," &c., is derived from the "_diplomata_," or folded and sealed dispatches carried by such persons. [605] Narbonne. [606] Tacitus sums up the characters of these two men after his manner. "Titus Vinius and Cornelius Laco, the one the worst, the other the laziest of men, &c." Tac. Hist. i. 6. [607] No doubt Galba's personal appearance offered a striking contrast to that of "the implacable, beautiful tyrant" Nero. See infra, ch. 15, and Tac. Hist. i. 7 [608] 'Tanquam innocentes,' Tac. Hist. i. 6. [609] More properly "rowers," men employed to row in ships of war, who regarded it as promotion to become legionary soldiers. [610] Vinius had engaged to marry the daughter of Tigellinus, who was a widow with a large dower. [611] 'Hordeonius Flaccus,' Tac. Hist. i. 12, 53, etc. [612] Tigellinus, we have learned from the last chapter but one, was living at Rome. Moreover he was never in command of any legions; and evidently some legions in the provinces are meant. Clough conjectures that we should read Vitellius instead of Tigellinus; and this I think very reasonable. [613] This seems to be a mistake, as Asiaticus was a freedman of Vitellius. See Tac. (_Hist._ ii. 57) [614] Of sesterces. [615] A.D. 69. [616] The First Legion, in Lower Germany. [617] At Cologne. [618] Tac. (_Hist._ i. 62). [619] Suetonius (_Otho_, 4) calls him Seleukus. [620] So I have ventured to translate "speculator." The speculatores under the empire were employed as special adjutants, messengers, and bodyguards of a general. [621] Counting inclusively in the Roman fashion. [622] The Miliarium Aureum, or Golden Milestone. London Stone was established by the Romans in Britain for the same purpose. [623] This habit of the ancient Romans, of being carried about Rome in litters, survives to the present day in the Pope's "sedia gestatoria." [624] We learn from Tacitus that this man was the standard-bearer (vexillarius) of a cohort which still accompanied Galba. Tac. (_Hist._ i. 41). [625] Galba before leaving the palace had put on a light, quilted tunic. Suet. (_Galba_, ch. 19). [626] She was obliged to pay for it. Tac. (_Hist._ i. 47). [627] Patrobius was a freedman of Nero who had been punished by Galba. The words "and Vitellius" are probably corrupt. [628] Argius was Galba's house-steward. He buried his master's body in his own private garden. Tac. (_Hist._ i. 49). [629] This life must be read as the sequel to that of Galba. [630] See Life of Galba, ch. viii., note. [631] Tac. (_Hist._ i. 80, 82, s. 99). [632] A body of troops, consisting of two centuriae (Polyb. ii. 23, 1), and consequently commanded by two centurions. [633] Tacitus (_Hist._ i. 83, 84) gives Otho's speech at length. [634] Almost literally translated by Plutarch from Tacitus (_Hist._ i. 71) [635] Tac. (_Hist._ i. 86). [636] Caius Julius Cæsar. [637] Tac. (_Hist._ i. 86). [638] These are more particularly described in Tac. (_Hist._ ii. 21). [639] I imagine that Cæcina made himself disliked by using signs instead of speaking, not that he had forgotten his language, but because he did not choose to speak to the provincial magistrates. Tacitus (_Hist._ ii. 20) says that he conducted himself modestly while in Italy. [640] We learn from Tacitus (_Hist._ ii. 20) that her name was Salonina. He adds that she did no one any harm, but that people were offended with her because she rode upon a fine horse and dressed in scarlet. [641] "At every place where he halted his devouring legions, and at every place which he was induced to pass without halting, this rapacious chief required to be gratified with money, under threats of plunder and conflagration." Merivale (_History of the Romans_, ch. lvi.) [642] Tacitus (_Hist._ i. 87) describes Julius Proculus as active in the discharge of his duties at Rome, but ignorant of real war. He was, Tacitus adds, a knave and a villain, who got himself preferred before honest men by the unscrupulous accusations which he brought against them. [643] Tac. _Hist._ ii. 30. [644] Tacitus, (_Hist._ ii. 39) says that Otho was not present, but sent letters to the generals urging them to make haste. He adds that it is not so easy to decide what ought to have been done as to condemn what was actually done. [645] Tac. (_Hist._ ii. 37). [646] Tac. (_Hist._ ii. 43). The legions were the 21st "Rapax," and the 1st "Adjutrix." [647] Their journey was, no doubt, back to Rome. INDEX. Abantes, i. Theseus, ch. 5. Abantidas of Sikyon, iv. Aratus, ch. 2. Abas, river, iii. Pompeius, ch. 35. Abdera, iii. Alexander, ch. 52. Aboeokritus, iv. Aratus, ch. 16. Abolus, river in Sicily, i. Timoleon, ch. 34. Abra, iv. Cicero, ch. 28. Abriorix the Gaul, iii. Cæsar, ch. 24. Abrotonon, i. Themistokles, ch. 1. Abouletes, iii. Alexander, ch. 68. Abydos, i. Alkibiades, chs. 27, 29; iii. Cæsar, ch. 69. Academia, a garden at Athens, i. Theseus, ch. 32; Solon, ch. 1; ii. Sulla, ch. 12; Kimon, ch. 13. ----, a school of philosophy, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 1; Lucullus, ch. 42; Comparison of Kimon and Lucullus, ch. 1; iii. Phokion, ch. 4; iv. Cicero, ch. 4; Dion, chs. 14, 20, 22, 47, 52; Brutus, ch. 2. Academus, i. Theseus, ch. 32. Acerræ, ii. Marcellus, ch. 6. Achæans of Phthiotis, i. Perikles, ch. 17; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 31; Flamininus, ch. 10. Achæan harbour, ii. Lucullus, ch. 12. Achæa and Achæans, i. Perikles, chs. 17, 19; Cato Major, ch. 9; Philopoemen, chs. 9, 12, 14, 16, and after; Flamininus, chs. 13, 17; Agesilaus, ch. 22; iv. Agis, chs. 13, 15; Kleomenes, ch. 3, and after; Demosthenes, ch. 17; Dion, ch. 23; Aratus, chs. 9, 11, and after. Achaicus, surname of Mummius, ii. Marius, ch. 1. Acharnæ, i. Themistokles, ch. 24; Perikles, ch. 33. 'Acharnians,' play of Aristophanes, i. Perikles, ch. 30. Achelous, i. Perikles, ch. 19. Achillas, an Egyptian, iii. Pompeius, chs. 77-80; Cæsar, ch. 49. Achilles, i. Theseus, ch. 34; Camillus, ch. 13; Alkibiades, ch. 23; ii. Aristeides, ch. 7; Philopoemen, ch. 1; Pyrrhus, chs. 1, 13, 22; Comparison of Lysander and Sulla, ch. 4; iii. Pompeius, ch. 29; Alexander, chs. 5, 15, 24. ----, a Macedonian, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 2. Achradina, in Syracuse, i. Timoleon, ch. 21; ii. Marcellus, ch. 18; iv. Dion, chs. 29, 30, 35, 42. Acilius, a historian, i. Romulus, ch. 21; ii. Cato Major, ch. 22. ----, Glabrio, Manius, ii. Sulla, ch. 12; Cato Major, chs. 12, 14. ----, a friend of Brutus, iv. Brutus, ch. 23. ----, a soldier of Cæsar, iii. Cæsar, ch. 16. Aciris, river in Lucania, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 16. Acrillæ, ii. Marcellus, ch. 18. Acrocorinthus, the citadel of Corinth, iv. Kleomenes, chs. 16, 19; Aratus, ch. 16, and after. Acron, king of the Ceninetes, killed by Romulus, i. Romulus, ch. 16; Comparison, ch. 1. Actium, iv. Antonius, chs. 62, 63, 71. Ada, queen of Caria, iii. Alexander, ch. 22. Adeimantus, an Archon, i. Themistokles, ch. 5; an Athenian general, i. Alkibiades, ch. 36. Adiabeni, ii. Lucullus, chs. 26, 27. Admetus, king of the Molossians, i. Themistokles, ch. 24; king of Pheræ, i. Numa, ch 4. Adonis, festival of, i. Alkibiades, ch. 18; iii. Nikias, ch. 13. Adramyttium, iv. Cicero, ch. 4. Adranum, i. Timoleon, chs. 12, 16. Adranus, i. Timoleon, ch. 12. Adrastean hills, ii. Lucullus, ch. 9. Adrastus, i. Theseus, ch. 29. Adria, a town of the Tyrrhenians, i. Camillus, ch. 16. ----, a corrupt reading in Aratus, iv. Aratus, ch. 12. Adrianus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 17. Adrumetum, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 59. Æakides, son of Arybas, father of Pyrrhus, king of the Molossians, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. ----, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 1, 2. Æakus, i. Theseus, ch. 10. Ædepsus, ii. Sulla, ch. 26. Ædui, iii. Cæsar, ch. 26. Ægæ, i. Themistokles, ch. 26. Ægeis, Attic tribe, i. Alkibiades, ch. 21. Ægeste, town in Sicily. _See_ Egesta. Ægeus, father of Theseus, i. Theseus, chs. 3, 4, 12, 13, 17, 22; Comparison, ch. 6. Ægialia, iv. Kleomenes, chs. 31, 32. Ægias, banker at Sikyon, iv. Aratus, chs. 18, 19. Ægikoreis, Attic tribe, i. Solon, ch. 23. _See_ Aigikoreis. Ægina, i. Themistokles, chs. 4, 15, 17, 19; Perikles, chs. 8, 34; ii. Aristeides, ch. 8; Lysander, chs. 9, 14; iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 4; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 26. Ægium, ii. Cato Major, ch. 12; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 17, 25; Aratus, ch. 42. Ægle, daughter of Panopeus, i. Theseus, chs. 20, 29. Ægospotami, i. Alkibiades, ch. 36; ii. Lysander, chs. 9-12; iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 21. Ælia, wife of Sulla, ii. Sulla, ch. 6. Ælii, i. Æmilius, ch. 5. Ælius, Sextus, ii. Flamininus, ch. 2. Ælius Tubero, i. Æmilius, chs. 5, 27, 28. Æmilia, daughter of Æneas, i. Romulus, ch. 2. ----, wife of Africanus, i. Æmilius, ch. 1. ----, stepdaughter of Sulla and wife of Pompeius, ii. Sulla, ch. 33; iii. Pompeius, ch. 9. Æmilii, i. Numa, ch. 8; Æmilius, ch. 1. Æmilius, son of Pythagoras, _ibidem_. ----, Quintus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 21. ----, Lucius. _See_ Paulus. ----, Marcus (Lucius Æmilius Mamercinus), i. Camillus, ch. 42. ----, Marcus Lepidus, i. Æmilius, ch. 38. ----, a crier, i. Æmilius, ch, 38. ----, quæstor (censor?), i. Numa, ch. 9. Ænaria (now Ischia), off the coast of Campania, ii. Marius, chs. 37, 40. Æneas, i. Romulus, ch. 2; Comparison, ch. 5; Camillus, ch. 20. Ænus, in Thrace, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 11. Æolus, islands of, i. Camillus, ch. 8. Æquians, i. Camillus, chs. 2, 33, 35; Coriolanus, ch. 39. Æropus, a friend of Pyrrhus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 8; a king of Macedonia, iv. Demetrius, ch. 20. Æschines, orator, iv. Demosthenes, chs. 4, 9, 12, 15, 16, 22, 24. Æschines of Lampra, ii. Aristeides, ch. 13. ----, scholar of Sokrates, i. Perikles, chs. 24, 32; ii. Aristeides, ch. 25. Æschylus, an Argive, iv. Aratus, ch. 25. ----, kinsman of Timoleon, i. Timoleon, ch. 4. ----, the poet, i. Theseus, ch. 1; Romulus, ch. 9; Themistokles, ch. 14; ii. Aristeides, ch. 3; Kimon, ch. 8; iii. Pompeius, ch. 1; Alexander, ch. 8; iv. Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, ch. 2; Demetrius, ch. 35. Æsculapius, i. Numa, ch. 4; iii. Pompeius, ch. 24. Æsion, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 11. Æson, a river, i. Æmilius, ch. 16. Æsopus, tragic poet, iv. Cicero, ch. 5. ----, the fabulist, i. Solon, chs. 6, 28; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 34; iii. Crassus, ch. 32; iv. Aratus, chs. 30, 38. Æsuvian meadow, i. Poplicola, ch. 9. Æthra, i. Theseus, chs. 3, 4, 6, 7, 34. Ætolia and Ætolians, ii. Cato Major, ch. 13; Philopoemen, chs. 7, 15; Flamininus, chs. 7-10, 15; iii. Alexander, ch. 49; iv. Agis, ch. 13; Kleomenes, chs. 10, 18, 34; Demetrius, ch. 40; Aratus, frequent. Afidius, ii. Sulla, ch. 31. Afranius, consul B.C. 60, iii. Sertorius, ch. 19; Pompeius, chs. 34, 36, 44, 67; Cæsar, chs. 36, 41, 53. Agamemnon, i. Perikles, ch. 28; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 21; Lysander, ch. 15; iii. Nikias, ch. 5; Sertorius ch. 1; Agesilaus, chs. 6, 9; Pompeius, ch. 67; Cæsar, ch. 41; Comparison, ch. 4. Agariste, mother of Perikles, i. Perikles, ch. 3. Agatharchus, a painter, i. Perikles, ch. 13. Agathoklea, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 33. Agathokles, son of Lysimachus, iv. Demetrius, chs. 31, 46, 47. Of Syracuse, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 9, 14; iv. Demetrius, ch. 25. Agave, iii. Crassus, ch. 33, note. Agesias of Acharnæ, ii. Aristeides, ch. 13. Agesilaus I., king of Sparta, iii.; Life and Comparison with Pompeius, i. Lykurgus, chs. 12, 29; Timoleon, ch. 36; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 16, 21, 30; Flamininus, ch. 11; Lysander, chs. 22-27, 30; Kimon, chs. 10, 19; iii. Phokion, ch. 3; iv. Agis, chs. 3, 4, 14; Artaxerxes, ch. 20. ----, uncle of Agis IV., iv. Agis, chs. 6, 9, 12, 13, 16, 19; Comparison, ch. 4. Agesipolis I., king of Sparta, son of Pausanias, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 4; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 20, 24; iv. Agis, ch. 3. ----, II., king of Sparta, son of Kleombrotus, iv. Agis, ch. 3. Agesistrata, mother of Agis IV., iv. Agis, chs. 4, 20. Agiadæ, ii. Lysander, chs. 24, 30. Agias, at Argos, iv. Aratus, ch. 29. Agiatis, daughter of Gylippus, iv., Kleomenes, chs. 1, 22. Agis I., king of Sparta, ii. Lysander, chs. 24, 30; iv. Agis. ch. 3. ----, II., king of Sparta, son of Archidamus II., i. Lykurgus, chs. 11, 18, 19, 28, 29; Alkibiades, chs. 24, 25, 34, 38; ii. Lysander, chs. 9, 14, 22; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 1-4. ----, III., king of Sparta, son of Archidamus III., iii. Agesilaus, ch. 15; iv. Agis, ch. 3; Demosthenes, ch. 24. ----, IV., king of Sparta, son of Eudamidas, iv. Life and Comparison with the Gracchi; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 40; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 1; Aratus, ch. 31. Agnus, Attic township, i. Theseus, ch. 13. Agraulai, i. Themistokles, ch. 23. Agraulos, i. Alkibiades, ch. 15. Agrigentum, i. Timoleon, ch. 35; ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 22; iv. Dion, ch. 26. Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius, iv. Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, ch. 3; Antonius, chs. 35, 65, 66, 73, 87; Brutus, ch. 27; Galba, ch. 25. ----, Menenius, i. Coriolanus, ch. 6. Agrippina, iv. Antonius, ch. 87; Galba, ch. 14. Agylæus, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 8. Ahala, Servilius, iv. Brutus, ch. 1. Ahenobarbus, the first of the name, i. Æmilius, ch. 26. _See_ Domitius. Ajax, i. Theseus, ch. 29; Solon, ch. 10; Alkibiades, ch. 1; iii. Pompeius, ch. 72. Aidoneus, king of the Molossians, i. Theseus, chs. 31, 35. Aiantis, Attic tribe, ii. Aristeides, ch. 19. Aipeia, i. Solon, ch. 26. Aithra. _See_ Æthra. Aius Locutius, i. Camillus, ch. 30. Akademus, i. Theseus, ch. 32. _See_ Academia. Akamantis, Athenian tribe, i. Perikles, ch. 3. Akanthians, ii. Lysander, chs. 1, 18. Akestodorus, i. Themistokles, ch. 13. Akontium, iii. Sulla, chs. 17, 19. Akræ, iv. Dion, ch. 27. Akrillæ. _See_ Acrillæ. Akrotatus I., king of Sparta, iv. Agis, ch. 3. ----, II., king of Sparta, grandson of Akrotatus I., ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 26, 28; iv. Agis, ch. 3. Akrourian mountain, iii. Phokion, ch. 33. Akte, iv. Aratus, ch. 40. Alba, in Latium, i. Romulus, chs. 3, 7, 9, 27, 28; Comparison of Theseus and Romulus, ch. 1; Pompeius, chs. 53, 80; Cæsar, ch. 60; iv. Antonius, ch. 60. Albans, i. Romulus, ch. 2; Camillus, ch. 17. Alban farm, ii. Sulla, ch. 31. Alban hills, iv. Cicero, ch. 31. Alban mount, ii. Marcellus, ch. 22. Albani of the Caucasus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 26; iii. Pompeius, chs. 34, 35, 38, 45; iv. Antonius, ch. 34. Albinus, Decimus Brutus. _See_ under Brutus. ----, or Albinius, Lucius, i. Camillus, ch. 21. ----, Spurius Postumius, consul B.C. 110, ii. Marius, ch. 9. Aleas, ii. Lysander, ch. 28. Alesia, iii. Cæsar, ch. 27. Alexander of Antioch, iv. Antonius, ch. 46. ----, son of Antony and Cleopatra, iv. Antonius, ch. 54. ----, son of Kassander, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 6, 7; iv. Demetrius, ch. 36; Comparison of Demetrius and Antonius, 5. ----, an Aristotelian philosopher, a teacher of Crassus, iii. Crassus, ch. 3. ----, grandson of Kraterus, iv. Aratus, ch. 17. ----, son of Demetrius, iv. Demetrius, ch. 53. ----, a freedman, iii. Pompeius, ch. 4. ----, a young Macedonian, iii. Alexander, ch. 58. ----, I., king of Macedon, ii. Aristeides, ch. 15; Kimon, ch. 14. ----, II., king of Macedon, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 26-28. ----, the Great, iii. Life; i. Theseus, ch. 5; Camillus, ch. 19; Æmilius, ch. 23; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 34; Aristeides, ch. 11; Philopoemen, ch. 4; Flamininus, chs. 7, 21; Pyrrhus, chs. 8, 11, 19; iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 4; Eumenes, chs. 1, 6, 7; Agesilaus, ch. 15; Pompeius, chs. 2, 34, 45; Comparison of Pompeius and Agesilaus, ch. 2; Cæsar, ch. 11; Phokion, chs. 9, 17, 18, 22; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 9, 20, 23, 24, 25, 27, &c.; Demetrius, chs. 10, 25, 27, 29, 37; Antonius, chs. 6, 80; Comparison of Demetrius and Antonius, ch. 4; Kleomenes, ch. 31. Alexander, son of Priam, iv. Galba, ch. 19. ----, the Myndian, ii. Marius, ch. 17. ----, son of Perseus, i. Æmilius, ch. 37. ----, of Pheræ, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 26, 31, 32. ----, son of Polysperchon, iii. Phokion, ch. 33; iv. Demetrius, ch. 9. ----, son of Pyrrhus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 9. ----, son of Roxana, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 4. ----, general of the Thracians, i. Æmilius, ch. 18. Alexandria and Alexandrians, ii. Lucullus, ch. 2; iii. Pompeius, ch. 49; Alexander, ch. 26; Cæsar, ch. 48; Cato Minor, ch. 35; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 37, 39; Antonius, chs. 69, 71, and after. Alexandropolis, iii. Alexander, ch. 9. Alexandristes, ii. Alexander, ch. 24. Alexas of Laodicea, iv. Antonius, ch. 72. ----, a Syrian, perhaps, same as preceding, iv. Antonius, ch. 66. Alexikrates, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 5. Alexippus, iii. Alexander, ch. 41. Alfenus Varus, general of Vitellius, iv. Otho, ch. 12. _See_ Alphenus. Alkæus, an epigrammatist, ii. Flamininus, ch. 9. ----, of Sardis, iii. Pompeius, ch. 37. Alkander, a Spartan, i. Lykurgus, ch. 10. Alketas, king of the Molossians, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. ----, iii. Eumenes, chs. 5, 8; Alexander, ch. 55. Alkibiades, i. Life and Comparison with Coriolanus; Lykurgus, ch. 15; Numa, ch. 8; Perikles, chs. 20, 37; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 4; Aristeides, ch. 7; Flamininus, ch. 11; Lysander, chs. 3, 4, 10, 11; Comparison of Lysander and Sulla ch. 4; iii. Nikias, chs. 9-15; Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, chs. 2, 3; Agesilaus, ch. 3; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 1, 27; Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, ch. 4; Antonius, ch. 70. Alkidamas, an orator, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 5. Alkimenes, an Achæan, iv. Dion, ch. 23. Alkimus, a promontory in Attica, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. Alkimus, an Epirot, iv. Demetrius, ch. 21. Alkmæon, in command of the Athenians, i. Solon, chs. 11, 30. ----, of Agraulæ, i. Themistokles, ch. 23; ii. Aristeides, ch. 25. ----, son of Amphiaraus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 1; iv. Aratus, ch. 3. Alkmæonidæ, i. Perikles, ch. 33. Alkman, a Lacedæmonian poet, i. Lykurgus, ch. 27; ii. Sulla, ch. 36. Alkmena, mother of Herakles, i. Theseus, ch. 7; Romulus, ch. 28; ii. Lysander, ch. 28. Allia, river, i. Camillus, chs. 18, 19. Allobroges, iv. Cicero, ch. 18. Alopekæ, township in Attica, i. Themistokles, ch. 32; Perikles, ch. 11; ii. Aristeides, ch. 1. Alopekus, or Fox-hill, ii. Lysander, ch. 29. Alphenus Varus, iv. Otho, ch. 12. Alsæa, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 7. Alykus, son of Skeiron, i. Theseus, ch. 32. Amantius (Matius?), friend of Cæsar, iii. Cæsar, ch. 50. Amanus, iii. Pompeius, ch. 39; iv. Cicero, ch. 36; Demetrius, ch. 48. Amarsyas, i. Theseus, ch. 17. Amathus, i. Theseus, ch. 20. Amazons, i. Theseus, chs. 26-28; Comparison of Theseus and Romulus, ch. 1; Perikles, ch. 31; ii. Lucullus, ch. 23; iii. Pompeius, ch. 35; Alexander, ch. 46; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 19. Amazoneum, at Athens, i. Theseus, ch. 27; at Chalkis, i. Theseus, ch. 27. Ambiorix, or Abriorix, iii. Cæsar, ch. 24. Ambrakia in Acarnania, i. Perikles, ch. 16; ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 6. Ambrones, a Celtic tribe, ii. Marius, chs. 15, 19, 20. Ambustus, Q. Fabius, i. Numa, ch. 12; Camillus, ch. 4. Ameinias, of Dekeleia, i. Themistokles, ch. 14; Comparison of Aristeides and Cato, ch. 2. ----, a Phokian, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 29. Ameria, in Umbria, ii. Marius, ch. 17. Amestris, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 2, 3, 27. Amisus, a town in Pontus, i. Lucullus, chs. 14, 15, 19, 32, 33; iii. Pompeius, ch. 38. Ammon, ii. Lysander, chs. 20, 25; Kimon, ch. 8; iii. Nikias, ch. 13; Alexander, chs. 26, 27, 47, 50. ----, son of Zeus and Pasiphæ, iv. Agis, ch. 9. Ammonius, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. Amnæus, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 19. Amoebeus, iv. Aratus, ch. 17. Amompharetus, i. Solon, ch. 10; ii. Aristeides, ch. 17. Amorgos, iv. Demetrius, ch. 11. Amphares, iv. Agis, chs. 18-21. Amphiaraus, i. Aristeides, chs. 3, 19; iv. Aratus, ch. 3. Amphikrates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 22. Amphiktyons, i. Solon, ch. 11; Themistokles, ch. 20; ii. Cato Major, ch. 12; Sulla, ch. 12; Kimon, ch. 8. Amphilochia, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 6. Amphipolis, i. Lykurgus, ch. 24; Æmilius, chs. 23, 24; ii. Kimon, ch. 8; iii. Nikias, chs. 9, 10; Pompeius, ch. 74. Amphissa, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 18; Antonius, ch. 28. Amphitheus, ii. Lysander, ch. 27. Amphitrope, i. Aristeides, ch. 26. Amphitryon, ii. Lysander, ch. 28. Amulius, i. Romulus, chs. 3, 6-9, 21; Comparison of Theseus and Romulus, ch. 1. Amykla, i. Alkibiades, ch. 1; Lykurgus, ch. 15. Amyklas, iv. Agis, ch. 9. Amyntas, a Macedonian, iii. Alexander, ch. 20. ----, envoy of Philip, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 18. ----, king of Lycaonia and Galatia, iv. Antonius, chs. 61, 63. Anaitis (Artemis), iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 27. Anakes, i. Theseus, ch. 33; Numa, ch. 13. Anacharsis, i. Solon, ch. 5. Anakreon, i. Perikles, ch. 27. Analius, Lucius, iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 2. Anaphlystus, ii. Kimon, ch. 17. Anapus, i. Timoleon, ch. 21; ii. Nikias, 16; iv. Dion, ch. 27. Anaxagorus, a philosopher, i. Themistokles, ch. 2; Perikles, chs. 4, 5, 6, 8, 16, 32; ii. Lysander, ch. 12; iii. Nikias, ch. 23. Anaxandrides, of Delphi, ii. Lysander, ch. 18. Anaxarchus, a philosopher, iii. Alexander, chs. 8, 28, 32. Anaxenor, iv. Antonius, ch. 24. Anaxidamus, of Chæronea, ii. Sulla, chs. 17, 19. Anaxilas, i. Solon, ch. 10. Anaxilaus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 31. Anaximenes, i. Poplicola, ch. 9; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 28; Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, ch. 2. Anaxo, i. Theseus, ch. 29; Comparison of Theseus and Romulus, ch. 6. Ancharia, iv. Antonius, ch. 31. Ancharius, ii. Marius, ch. 43. Ancus Marcius, i. Coriolanus, ch. 1. Andokides, i. Themistokles, ch. 32; Alkibiades, ch. 21; Nikias, ch. 31. Androgeus, i. Theseus, ch. 15, 16; Comparison of Theseus and Romulus, ch. 1. Androkleon, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 2. Androkles, i. Alkibiades, ch. 19. Androkleides, an Epirot, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 2. ----, an author, ii. Lysander, ch. 8. ----, a Boeotian, ii. Lysander, ch. 27. Androkottus, iii. Alexander, ch. 62. Androkrates, i. Aristeides, ch. 11. Androkydes, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 25. Andromache, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 29; iii. Alexander, ch. 51; iv. Brutus, ch. 23. Andromachus, of Carrhæ, iii. Crassus, ch. 29. ----, of Tauromenium, i. Timoleon, ch. 10. Andron, i. Theseus, ch. 25. Andronikus, ii. Sulla, ch. 26. Andros, i. Themistokles, ch. 21; Perikles, ch. 11; Alkibiades, ch. 35; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 2, and (?) iv. Aratus, ch. 12. Androtion, a writer, i. Solon, ch. 15. ----, an Athenian, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 15. Angelus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 2. Anicius, Lucius, i. Æmilius, ch. 13. Anienus, iii. Cæsar, ch. 58. Anio, i. Poplicola, ch. 21; Camillus, ch. 41; Coriolanus, ch. 6. Annalius. _See_ Analius. Anius, a river in Epirus, iii. Cæsar, ch. 38. Annius, Caius, iii. Sertorius, ch. 7. ----, who killed Antonius the orator, ii. Marius, ch. 44. ----, Milo. _See_ Milo. ----, Titus, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 14. Annius Gallus, iv. Otho, chs. 7, 8, 13. Antæus, i. Theseus, ch. 11; iii. Sertorius, ch. 9. Antagoras, i. Aristeides, ch. 23. Antalkidas, i. Lykurgus, ch. 12; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 15, 30; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 23, 26, 32; iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 21, 22. Antemna, or Antemnæ, i. Romulus, ch. 17; ii. Sulla, ch. 30. Antenor, i. Numa, ch. 8. Anthedon, ii. Sulla, ch. 26. Anthemion, i. Alkibiades, ch. 4; Coriolanus, ch. 14. Anthemokritus, i. Perikles, ch. 30. Antho, i. Romulus, ch. 3. Anticato, iii. Cæsar, ch. 54; iv. Cicero, ch. 39. Antikleides, iii. Alexander, ch. 46. Antikrates, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 35. Antikyra, iv. Demetrius, ch. 24. ----, a town in Phokis, iv. Antonius, ch. 68. Antigenes, chief of the Asgyraspids, iii. Eumenes, chs. 13, 16; Alexander, ch. 70. ----, a writer, iv. Alexander, ch. 46. Antigenidas, iv. Demetrius, ch. 1. Antigone, daughter of Philip and Berenike, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 4, 5, 9. ----, of Pydna, iii. Alexander, ch. 48. Antigonea, iv. Aratus, ch. 45. Antigonis, Attic tribe, iv. Demetrius, ch. 10. Antigonus, father of Demetrius Poliorketes, i. Romulus, ch. 17; Æmilius, chs. 8, 33; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 1, 2; Pyrrhus, chs. 4, 8; iii. Sertorius, ch. 1; Eumenes, chs. 3, 8, and following; Comparison of Eumenes and Sertorius, ch. 2; Alexander, ch. 77; Phokion, chs. 29, 30; iv. Demetrius throughout; Comparison of Demetrius and Antonius, ch. 1; Aratus, ch. 54. ----, Gonatas, son of Demetrius, i. Æmilius, ch. 8; ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 26, 29, 30, and following; iv. Demetrius, chs. 39, 40, 51, 53; Aratus, chs. 4, 9, 12, 15, 17, 18, 23-25, 34, 43. ----, Doson, king of Macedonia, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11; Æmilius, ch. 8; ii. Philopoemen, chs. 6, 7; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 16, 20, and following; Aratus, ch. 38, and following. Antigonus, king of the Jews, iv. Antonius, ch. 36. Antilibanus, iii. Alexander, ch. 24. Antimachus, poet of Kolophon, i. Timoleon, ch 36; ii. Lysander, ch. 18. ----, poet of Teos, i. Romulus, ch. 12. Antioch on the Orontes, near Daphne, capital of Syria, ii. Lucullus, ch. 21, and note; iii. Pompeius ch. 40; Cato Minor, ch. 13; iv. Demetrius, ch. 32; Galba, ch. 13. ----, of Mygdonia, ii. Lucullus, ch. 32. Antiochis, an Athenian tribe, i. Aristeides, chs. 1, 5. Antiochus of Askalon, ii. Lucullus, chs. 28, 42; iv. Cicero, ch. 4; Brutus, ch. 2. ----, Athenian pilot, i. Alkibiades, chs. 10, 35; ii. Lysander, ch. 5; Comparison of Lysander and Sulla, ch. 4. ----, of Commagene, iv. Antonius, ch. 34. ----, I., Soter, son of Seleukus, iv. Demetrius, chs. 20, 31, 38, 51. ----, III., the Great, i. Æmilius, chs. 4, 7; ii. Cato Major, chs. 12, 13, 14; Comparison of Aristeides and Cato, chs. 2, 5; Philopoemen, ch. 17; Flamininus, chs. 9, 15, 16, 17, 20; Sulla, ch. 12; Lucullus, chs. 11, 31; iii. Crassus, ch. 26. Antiope, i. Theseus, chs. 26, 27; Comparison of Theseus and Romulus, ch. 6. Antiorus, i. Lykurgus, ch. 31. Antipater, governor of Macedonia, i. Camillus, ch. 19; Comparison of Alkibiades and Coriolanus, ch. 3; Comparison of Aristeides and Cato, ch. 2; iii. Eumenes, chs. 3, 4, 6, 8, 12; Agesilaus, ch. 15; Alexander, chs. 11, 39, 46, 47, 74, 77; Phokion, chs. 1, 17, 23, 25-31; iv. Agis, ch. 2; Demosthenes, chs. 27-29; Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, ch. 5; Demetrius, chs. 14, 47; Comparison of Antonius and Demetrius, ch. 1. Antipater, son of Kassander, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 6; Demetrius, chs. 36, 37. ----, of Tarsus, ii. Marius, ch. 46; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 8. ----, of Tyre, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 4. Antiphanes, comic poet, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 9. Antiphates, i. Themistokles, ch. 18. Antiphilus, iii. Phokion, chs. 24, 25. Antiphon, an orator, i. Alkibiades, ch. 3; iii. Nikias, ch. 6; iv. Antonius, ch. 28. ----, a criminal, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 14. Antisthenes, i. Lykurgus, ch. 30; Perikles, ch. 1; Alkibiades, ch. 1. Antistia, wife of Appius Claudius, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 4. ----, wife of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, chs. 4, 9. Antistius (Appuleius?), in command of ships, iv. Brutus, ch. 25. ----, father-in-law of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, chs. 4, 9. Antium, i. Romulus, ch. 14; Fabius, ch. 2; Coriolanus, chs. 9, 13, 39; iv. Brutus, ch. 21. Anton, son of Hercules, iv. Antonius, ch. 4. Antonia, iv. Antonius, ch. 87. Antonias, flagship of Cleopatra, iv. Antonius, ch. 60. Antonius, Marcus, the orator, ii. Marius, ch. 44; iii. Pompeius, ch. 24; iv. Antonius, ch. 1. ----, Creticus, father of the triumvir, iv. Antonius, ch. 1. ----, Caius, son of the orator, iii. Cicero, chs. 11, 12, 16; iv. Antonius, ch. 1. ----, Caius, brother of the triumvir, iv. Antonius, chs. 15, 22; Brutus, ch. 26, and after. ----, Lucius, brother of the triumvir, iv. Antonius, ch. 15. ----, Iulus, son of Marcus Antonius and Fulvia, iv. Antonius, ch. 87. Antonius, Publius, more properly Caius, iii. Cæsar, ch. 4. ----, Lucius Antonius Saturninus, who rebelled against Domitian, i. Æmilius, ch. 25. ----, murderer of Sertorius, iii. Sertorius, ch. 26. ----, Marcus, the triumvir, iv. Life and Comparison; i. Numa, ch. 20; Æmilius, ch. 38; iii. Pompeius, chs. 58, 59; Cæsar, ch. 30, and after; Cato Minor, ch. 73; iv. Cicero, ch. 41, and after; Demetrius, ch. 1; Brutus, chs. 18-24, 38, 41, and after; Comparison of Brutus and Dion, ch. 5. ----, Honoratus, iv. Galba, ch. 14. Antyllius, Q., iv. C. Gracchus, chs. 13, 14; Comparison, ch. 5. Antyllus, iv. Antonius, chs. 71, 81, 87. Anytus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 3; Coriolanus, ch. 14. Aollius, or Avillius. _See_ Avillius. Aous. _See_ Anius. Apama, wife of Seleukus, iv. Demetrius, ch. 31. ----, daughter of Artaxerxes, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 27. ----, daughter of Artabazus, wife of Ptolemy, iii. Eumenes, ch. 1. Apellas, a Macedonian, iv. Aratus, ch. 48. Apelles, the painter, iii. Alexander, ch. 4; iv. Demetrius, ch. 22; Aratus, ch. 13. Apellikon, of Teos, ii. Sulla, ch. 26. Apemantes, iv. Antonius, ch. 70. Aperantians, ii. Flamininus, ch. 15. Aphetai, i. Themistokles, ch. 7. Aphidnæ, i. Theseus, chs. 31-33; comparison, ch. 6. Aphidnus, i. Theseus, ch. 33. Aphytæ, ii. Lysander, ch. 20. Aphrodite, i. Numa, ch. 19. Aphepsion, an Archon, ii. Kimon, ch. 8. Apis, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 34. Apollodorus, governor of Babylon, iii. Alexander, ch. 73. ----, the Phalerian, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 46. ----, a Sicilian, iii. Cæsar, ch. 49. ----, a writer, i. Lykurgus, ch. 1. ----, an Athenian, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 15; comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, ch. 3. Apollokrates, iv. Dion, chs. 37, 40, 41, 51, 56. Apollonia, in Mysia, ii. Lucullus, ch. 11. ----, in Sicily, i. Timoleon, ch. 24. ----, in Epirus, ii. Sulla, ch. 27; iii. Cæsar, chs. 37, 38; iv. Cicero, ch. 43; Antonius, ch. 16; Brutus, chs. 22, 25, 26. Apollonides, iv. Demetrius, ch. 50. ----, a philosopher, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 65, 66, 69, 70. Apollonius, son of Molon, iii. Cæsar, ch. 3; iv. Cicero, ch. 4. ----, despot of Zenodotia, iii. Crassus, ch. 17. Apollophanes, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 12. Apollothemis, i. Lykurgus, ch. 31. Aponius, iv. Galba, ch. 8. Apothetæ, or the "Exposure," a chasm under Mount Taygetus, i. Lykurgus, ch. 15. Appian Road, iii. Cæsar, ch. 5. Appius Claudius (Cæcus), ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 18, 19. ----, Claudius, consul B.C. 212, i. Comparison of Fabius and Perikles, ch. 2; ii. Marcellus, chs. 13, 14. ----, Claudius, consul B.C. 177, i. Poplicola, ch. 7. ----, Claudius, consul B.C. 143, i. Æmilius ch. 38; Tib. Gracchus, chs. 4, 9, 13. ----, Claudius, consul B.C. 54, iii. Pompeius, ch. 57. ----, Claudius, ii. Sulla, ch. 29. ----, Clodius, sent by Lucullus to Tigranes, ii. Lucullus, chs. 19, 21, 29. ----, Clausus, i. Poplicola, chs. 21, 22, same as Appius Claudius; Coriolanus, ch. 19. Appius, governor of Sardinia, iii. Cæsar, ch. 21. ----, Marcus, iv. Cicero, ch. 26. Apsephion, in text Aphepsion, Archon at Athens, ii. Kimon, ch. 8. Apsus, ii. Flamininus, ch. 3. Aptera, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 30. Apuleius, Lucius, i. Camillus, ch. 12. Apulia, ii. Marcellus, ch. 24. Aquæ Sextiæ, ii. Marius, ch. 18. Aquillii, i. Poplicola, chs. 3, 4, and after. Aquillius, Manius, ii. Marius, ch. 14. ----, Gallus, P., tribune of the people, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 43. Aquinius, Marcus, iv. Cicero, ch. 27. Aquinum, iv. Otho, ch. 5. Aquinus, iii. Sertorius, ch. 13. Arabia and Arabians, i. Theseus, ch. 5; ii. Lucullus, ch. 21, and after; iii. Crassus, chs. 28, 29, and after; Pompeius, ch. 44, and after; Alexander, ch. 24; iv. Antonius, ch. 37, and after; Arabia Nabathea, iv. Antonius ch. 30. Arachosia, iii, Eumenes, ch. 19. Arakus, ii. Lysander, ch. 7. Arar, iii. Cæsar, ch. 18. Araterion, i. Theseus, ch. 35. Arateum, iv. Aratus, ch. 53. Aratus of Sikyon, iv. Life and Comparison; ii. Philopoemen, chs. 1, 8; iv. Agis, ch. 15; Kleomenes, chs. 3, 4, 6, 15-17, 20, 25. ----, son of the preceding, iv. Aratus, chs. 49-54. Araxes, ii. Lucullus, ch. 26; iii. Pompeius, chs. 33, 34; iv. Antonius, chs. 49, 52. Arbakes, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 14. Arbela, i. Camillus, ch. 19; iii. Pompeius, ch. 36; Alexander, ch. 31. Arcadia and Arcadians, i. Theseus, ch. 32; Numa, ch. 18; the Arcadian months, Coriolanus, ch. 3; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 4, 20, and after; Philopoemen, ch. 13; Agesilaus, chs. 15, 22, 30, 32; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 3, and after; Demosthenes, ch. 27; Demetrius, ch. 25; Aratus, ch. 34. Archedamus, an Ætolian, i. Æmilius, ch. 23. Archedemus, an Ætolian, ii. Comparison of Titus and Philopoemen, ch. 2. ----, a friend of Archytas, iv. Dion, ch. 18. Archelaus, general of Antigonus Gonatas, iv. Aratus, ch. 22. ----, of Delos, ii. Sulla, ch. 22. ----, general of Mithridates, ii. Marius, ch. 34; Sulla, chs. 11, 15-17, 19-24; Comparison, ch. 4; Lucullus, chs. 3, 8, 9, 11. ----, king of Cappadocia, iv. Antonius, ch. 61. ----, an Egyptian general, son of the preceding, iv. Antonius, ch. 3. ----, a writer, ii. Kimon, ch. 4. ----, a poet, ii. Kimon, ch. 4. ----, king of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, ch. 5. ----, in Phokis, ii. Sulla, ch. 17. Archeptolis, half-brother of Themistokles, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. ----, son of Themistokles, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. Archestratus, an Athenian, i. Alkibiades, ch. 16; ii. Lysander, ch. 19. ----, an Athenian, iii. Phokion, ch. 33. ----, a dramatic poet, i. Aristeides, ch. 1. Archias, an Athenian, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 10. ----, a Theban, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 5, 7-11; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 23. ----, a Thurian, iv. Demosthenes, chs. 28, 29. Archibiades, iii. Phokion, ch. 10. Archibius, iv. Antonius, ch. 86. Archidamia, grandmother of Agis, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 27; iv. Agis, chs. 4, 20; perhaps not both the same. Archidamidas, i. Lykurgus, ch. 19. Archidamus II., king of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, ch. 19; Perikles, chs. 8, 29, 33; ii. Kimon, ch. 16; iii. Crassus, ch. 2; Agesilaus, chs. 1, 2; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 27. ----, III., king of Sparta, i. Camillus, ch. 19; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 25, 33, 39, 40; iv. Agis, chs. 3. ----, IV., king of Sparta, iv. Agis, ch. 3; Demetrius, ch. 35. ----, V., king of Sparta, iv. Kleomenes, chs. 1, 5; comparison, ch. 5. 'Archilochi,' play by Kratinus, ii. Kimon, ch. 10. Archilochus, i. Theseus, ch. 5; Numa, ch. 4; Perikles, chs. 2, 27; ii. Marius, ch. 21; iii. Phokion, ch. 7; Cato minor, ch. 7; Demetrius, ch. 35; Galba, ch. 27. Archimedes, ii. Marcellus, chs. 14-19. Archippe, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. Archippus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 1. Architeles, i. Themistokles, ch. 7. Archonides, iv. Dion, ch. 42. Archytas, ii. Marcellus, ch. 14; iv. Dion, chs. 18, 20. Ardea, i. Camillus, chs. 17, 23, 24. Ardettus, i. Theseus, ch. 27. Areius or Arius, iv. Antonius, ch. 80. Areopagus, i. Solon, chs. 19, 31; Themistokles, ch. 10; Perikles, chs. 7, 9; ii. Kimon, chs. 10, 15; iii. Phokion, ch. 16; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 14, 26; Cicero, ch. 24. Aretæus, iv. Dion, ch. 31. Arete, i. Timoleon, ch. 33; iv. Dion, chs. 6, 31, 51, 58. Arethusa in Macedonia, i. Lykurgus, ch. 31. ----, iv. Antonius, ch. 37. Areus I., king of Sparta, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 26, 27, 29, 30, 32; iv. Agis, ch. 3. Areus II., king of Sparta, iv. Agis, ch. 3. Argas, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 4. Argileonis, i. Lykurgus, ch. 24. Arginusæ, i. Perikles, ch. 37; ii. Lysander, ch. 7. Argo, i. Theseus, ch. 19. Argos and Argives, i. Lykurgus, ch. 7; Alkibiades, chs. 14, 15; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 24; Philopoemen, chs. 12, 18; Pyrrhus, ch. 29, and after; iii. Nikias, ch. 10; Agesilaus, ch. 31; Pompeius, ch. 24; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 17, and after; Demetrius, ch. 25; Aratus throughout. Argius, Galba's freedman, iv. Galba, 28. Argyraspids, iii. Eumenes, chs. 13, 16, 17, 19. Ariadne, i. Theseus, chs. 19-21; Comparison, ch. 1. Ariæus, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 11. Ariamenes, i. Themistokles, ch. 14. Ariamnes, iii. Crassus, ch. 21. Ariarathes II., king of Cappadocia, iii. Eumenes, ch. 3. ----, son of Mithridates, ii. Sulla, ch. 11; Pompeius, ch. 37. ----, iii. Pompeius, ch. 42. Ariaspes, iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 29, 30. Arimanius, i. Themistokles, ch. 28. Ariminum, ii. Marcellus, ch, 4; iii. Pompeius, ch. 60; Cæsar, chs. 32, 33; Cato Minor, ch. 52. Arimnestus, a Platæan, ii. Aristeides, ch. 11. ----, a Spartan, ii. Aristeides, ch. 19. Ariobarzanes, ii. Sulla, chs. 5, 22, 24; iv. Cicero, ch. 36; Demetrius, ch. 4. Ariomandes, ii. Kimon, ch. 12. Ariovistus, iii. Cæsar, ch. 19. Ariphron, i. Alkibiades, chs. 1, 3. Aristænetus, Aristæus, or Aristænus, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 17. Aristagoras, ii. Lucullus, ch. 10. Aristander, iii. Alexander, chs. 2, 25, 33, 50, &c. Aristeas of Argos, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 30, 32. ----, of Prokonnesus, i. Romulus, ch. 28. Aristeides, i. Life and Comparison; i. Themistokles, chs. 3, 5, 11, 12, 16, 20; Perikles, ch. 7; Comparison of Alkibiades and Coriolanus, chs. 1, 3; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 4; Kimon, chs. 5, 6, 10; iii. Nikias, ch. 11; Comparison, ch. 1; Phokion, chs. 3, 7; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 14. ----, a Lokrian, i. Timoleon, ch. 6. ----, author of Milesian Tales, iii. Crassus, ch. 32. ----, son of Xenophilus, i. Aristeides, ch. 1. Aristion, i. Numa, ch. 9; ii. Sulla, chs. 12-14, 23; Lucullus, ch. 19. ----, Corinthian pilot, iii. Nikias, chs. 20, 25. Aristippus of Argos, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 30; iv. Aratus, chs. 25, 30. ----, of Cyrene, iv. Dion, ch. 19. Aristobulus, Alexander's historian, iii. Alexander, chs. 15, 18, 46, 74; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 23. ----, king of Judæa, ii. Pompeius, chs. 39, 44; iv. Antonius, ch. 3. Aristodemus, of Miletus, iv. Demetrius, chs. 8, 17. ----, despot of Megalopolis, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 1; iv. Agis, ch. 3. ----, founder of the royal houses of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, ch. 1, and note; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 19. Aristodikus, i. Perikles, ch. 10. Aristogeiton, companion of Harmodius, i. Aristeides, ch. 27. ----, an Athenian sycophant, iii. Phokion, ch. 10; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 15. Aristokleitus, ii. Lysander, ch. 2. Aristokrates, an Athenian, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 15. ----, son of Hipparchus, a Spartan writer, i. Lykurgus, chs. 4, 31; ii. Philopoemen, ch. 16. Aristokrates, a rhetorician, iv. Antonius, ch. 69. Aristokritus, iii. Alexander, ch. 10. Aristomache, i. Timoleon, ch. 33; iv. Dion, chs. 6, 7, 14, 34, 51, 58. Aristomachus, Achæan general, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 4. ----, despot of Argos, iv. Aratus, chs. 25, 35, 44. ----, of Sikyon, iv. Aratus, ch. 5. Aristomenes, i. Romulus, ch. 25; iv. Agis, ch. 21. Ariston of Keos, i. Themistokles, ch. 3; Aristeides, ch. 2. ----, of Chios, ii. Cato Major, ch. 18; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 10. ----, a Corinthian pilot, iii. Nikias, chs. 20, 25. ----, captain of the Pæonians, iii. Alexander, ch. 39. ----, friend of Peisistratus, i. Solon, ch. 30. Aristonikus, admiral of Mithridates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 11. ----, of Marathon, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 28. Aristonikus of Pergamus, iv. Flamininus, ch. 21; Tib. Gracchus, ch. 20. Aristonous, ii. Lysander, ch. 18. Aristophanes, the comic poet, i. Themistokles, ch. 19; Perikles, ch. 30, the verses; Alkibiades, ch. 16; ii. Kimon, ch. 16; iii. Nikias, chs. 4, 8; iv. Demetrius, ch. 12; Antonius, ch. 70. ----, a Macedonian, iii. Alexander, ch. 51. Aristophon, archon at Athens, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 24. ----, an Athenian, iii. Phokion, ch. 7. ----, a painter, i. Alkibiades, ch. 16. Aristoteles, of Argos, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 20; Aratus, ch. 44. ----, a logician, iv. Aratus, ch. 3. ----, of Sikyon, iv. Aratus, 3. Aristotle, i. Theseus, chs. 3, 16, 25; Lykurgus, chs. 5, 6; Solon, chs. 11, 31; Themistokles, ch. 10; Camillus, ch. 22; Perikles, chs. 9, 10, 25; Comparison of Alkibiades and Coriolanus, ch. 3; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 3, 18; Aristeides, ch. 27; Comparison, ch. 2; Lysander, ch. 2; Sulla, ch. 26; Kimon, ch. 10; iii. Nikias, chs. 1, 2; Crassus, ch. 3; Alexander, chs. 7, 8, 17, 52, 54, 55, 74, 77; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 9; Cicero, ch. 24; Dion, ch. 22. Aristoxenus, i. Lykurgus, ch. 31; Timoleon, ch. 15; ii. Aristeides, ch. 27; iii. Alexander, ch. 4. Aristratus, iv. Aratus, ch. 13. Aristus, iv. Brutus, ch. 2. Arkesilaus, philosopher, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 1; iv. Aratus, ch. 5. ----, a Spartan, iv. Agis, ch. 18. Arkissus, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 13. Armenia, and Armenians, i. Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Sulla, ch. 5; Kimon, ch. 3; Lucullus, chs. 9, 21, 24, 25, 27, 31, and after; Eumenes, chs. 4, 5, 16; Crassus, chs. 18, 22, 32; iii. Pompeius, chs. 31-34, 39, 44; Cæsar, ch. 50; iv. Cicero, ch. 10; Demetrius, ch. 46; Antonius, chs. 34, 37-39, 41, 49, 50, 54, 56. Armenian Carthage, ii. Lucullus, ch. 32. Armilustrum, i. Romulus, ch. 23. Arnakes, i. Themistokles, ch. 16; ii. Aristeides, ch. 9. Arpates, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 30. Arpinum, ii. Marius, ch. 3; iv. Cicero, ch. 8. Arrhenides, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 25. Arrhidæus, son of Philip, and himself called Philip, iii. Alexander, chs. 10, 77; compare iii. Eumenes, ch, 12; and Phokion, ch. 33. Arrius, Quintus, iv. Cicero, ch. 15. Arruntius, iv. Antonius, ch. 66. Arsakes, ii. Sulla, ch. 5; iii. Crassus, chs. 18, 27; Pompeius, ch. 76; iv. Comparison of Demetrius and Antonius, ch. 1. Arsakidæ, iii. Crassus, ch. 32. Arsames, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 30. Arsanias, ii. Lucullus, ch. 31. Arsian Grove, i. Poplicola, ch. 9. Arsikas, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 1. Arsis, iii. Pompeius, ch. 7. Artabanus, i. Themistokles, ch. 27. Artabazes. _See_ Artavasdes. Artabazus, father of Barsine, iii. Eumenes, ch. 1; Alexander, ch. 21. ----, a Persian, ii. Aristeides, ch. 19. Artagerses, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 9. Artasyras, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 12. Artauktes, i. Themistokles, ch. 13. Artavasdes, king of Armenia, same as Artabazes, iii. Crassus, chs. 19, 22, 23; iv. Antonius, chs. 37, 39, 50; Comparison, ch. 5. Artaxas, ii. Lucullus, ch. 31. Artaxata, ii. Lucullus, ch. 31. Artaxerxes I., Longimanus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 37; iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 1. ----, II., Mnemon, iv. Life; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 30. Artemidorus of Knidos, iii. Cæsar, ch. 65. ----, a Greek, ii. Lucullus, ch. 15. Artemisia, i. Themistokles, ch. 14. Artemisium, i. Themistokles, chs. 7, 8, 9; Alkibiades, ch. 1. Artemius of Kolophon, iii. Alexander, ch. 51. Artemon, i. Perikles, ch. 27. Arthmiadas, i. Lykurgus, ch. 5. Arthmias of Zelea, i. Themistokles, ch. 6. Artorius, Marcus, iv. Brutus, ch. 41. Aruns, son of Porsena, i. Poplicola, ch. 19. ----, a Tuscan, i. Camillus, ch. 15. ----, son of Tarquin, i. Poplicola, ch. 9. Aruveni, iii. Cæsar, chs. 25, 26. Arverni. _See_ Aruveni. Arybas, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. Arymbas, iii. Alexander, ch. 2. Asbolomeni, ii. Kimon, ch. 1. Ascalis. _See_ Askalis. Ascanius, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Asculum in Apulia, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 21. Asculum, in Picenum, iii. Pompeius, ch. 4, and after. Asea or Alsea, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 7. Asia, frequent. The Asiatic orators, iv. Cicero, ch. 4. The Asiatic style of speaking, iv. Antonius, ch. 2. ----, daughter of Themistokles, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. Asiaticus, iv. Galba, ch. 20. Asinarus and Asinaria, iii. Nikias, ch. 28. Asinius Pollio, iii. Pompeius, ch. 72; Cæsar, chs. 32, 46, 52; Cato Minor, ch. 53; iv. Antonius, ch. 9. Askalis, iii. Sertorius, ch. 9. Askalon, ii. Lucullus, ch. 42; iv. Cicero, ch. 4; Brutus, ch. 2. Asklepiades, a grammarian, i. Solon, ch. 1. ----, son of Hipparinus, iii. Phokion, ch. 22. Asopia, i. Solon, ch. 9. Asopus, river in Boeotia, ii. Aristeides, chs. 11, 15. ----, father of Sinope, ii. Lucullus, ch. 23. Aspasia, i. Perikles, chs. 24, 25, 30, 32. ----, or Milto, of Phokæa, i. Perikles, ch. 24; iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 26, 27, 28. Aspendus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 26. Aspetus, a name of Achilles, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. Aspis, at Argos, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 32; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 17, 21. Assus and Assia, ii. Sulla, chs. 16, 17. Assyria, ii. Lucullus, ch. 26; iii. Crassus, ch. 22. Astenius, of Kolophon, iii. Alexander, ch. 51. Asterie, ii. Kimon, ch. 4. Asteropus, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 10. Astura, iv. Cicero, ch. 47. Astyanax, iv. Brutus, ch. 23. Astyochus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 25. Astypalæa, i. Romulus, ch. 28. Astyphilus, ii. Kimon, ch. 18. Asylus, a god, i. Romulus, ch. 9. Ateius, tribune of the people, iii. Crassus, ch. 16. Ateius, Marcus, or Teius, ii. Sulla, ch. 14. Atellius, iv. Brutus, ch. 39. Athamania, and Athamanes, ii. Flamininus, ch. 15; iii. Pompeius, ch. 66. Athanis, i. Timoleon, chs. 23, 37. Athenodorus, surnamed Cordylio, a stoic philosopher, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 10, 16. Athenodorus of Imbros, iii. Phokion, ch. 18. ----, son of Sandon, i. Poplicola, ch. 17. Athenophanes, iii. Alexander, ch. 35. Athens and the Athenians, frequent. Athos, iii. Alexander, ch. 72. Atilius. _See_ Attilius. Atiso or Adige, ii. Marius, ch. 23. Atlantic islands, iii. Sertorius, ch. 8. ----, ocean, i. Timoleon, ch. 20; iii. Sertorius, ch. 8; Eumenes, ch. 2; Cæsar, ch. 23. Atlantis, i. Solon, ch. 31. Atossa, daughter of Artaxerxes II., iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 23, 26, 27, 30, and after. Atreus, ii. Kimon, ch. 7; iv. Cicero, ch. 5. Atropatene and Atropatenians (Satrapenians), ii. Lucullus, ch. 31; iv. Antonius, ch. 38. Attaleia, iii. Pompeius, ch. 76. Attalus, uncle of Kleopatra, wife of Philip, iii. Alexander, chs. 9, 10. ----, iii. Alexander, ch. 55. ----, I., king of Pergamus, ii. Flamininus, ch. 6; iv. Antonius, ch. 60. ----, iii. Philometor, i. Camillus, ch. 19; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 14; Demetrius, ch. 20. Attes or Attis, i. Numa, ch. 4; iii. Sertorius. ch. 1. Attia, mother of Augustus, iv. Cicero, ch. 44; Antonius, ch. 31. Attica, frequent. _See_ especially i. Theseus, first chapters. Atticus, Cicero's correspondent, iv. Cicero, ch. 45; Brutus, chs. 26, 29. Atticus, Julius, iv. Galba, ch. 26. Attilia, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 7, 9, 24. Attiliis, a probable correction for Hostilii, ii. Comparison of Cato and Aristeides, ch. 1. Attilius, Vergilio, iv. Galba, ch. 26. ----, Marcus (more correctly Caius), i. Numa, ch. 20. ----, iv. Brutus, ch. 39. Attis, i. Numa, ch. 4; iii. Sertorius, ch. 1. Attius. _See_ Tullus and Varus. Aufidius, Tullus, i. Coriolanus, ch. 22, and after. ----, a lieutenant of Sertorius, iii. Sertorius, chs. 26, 27. Aufidus, i. Fabius, ch. 15. Augustus. _See_ Cæsar. Aulis, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 21; Lysander, ch. 27; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 6. Aurelia, mother of Cæsar, iii. Cæsar, ch. 9, and after; iv. Cicero, ch. 28. Aurelius, Caius (in text Onatius), iii. Crassus, ch. 12; Pompeius, ch. 23. ----, Quintus, ii. Sulla, ch. 31. Autokleides, iii. Nikias, ch. 23. Autocthones, i. Theseus, ch. 3. Autoleon, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 9. Autolykus, an athlete, ii. Lysander, ch. 15. ----, founder of Sinope, ii. Lucullus, ch. 23. Automatia, i. Timoleon, ch. 36. Auximum, iii. Pompeius, ch. 6. Aventine, i. Romulus, chs. 9, 20; Numa, ch. 15; iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 15. Avillius, i. Romulus, ch. 14. Axiochus, i. Perikles, ch. 24. Axius, Crassus, iv. Cicero, ch. 25. ----, a river in Macedonia, iv. Demetrius, ch. 42. Babyca, i. Lykurgus, ch. 6; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 17. Babylon, Babylonia, Babylonians, ii. Lucullus, ch. 26; iii. Crassus, ch. 17; comparison, ch. 4; Eumenes, ch. 3; Alexander, chs. 35, 57, 69, 73; iv. Demetrius, ch. 7; Antonius, ch. 45; Artaxerxes, ch. 7. Babylonian tapestry, ii. Cato Major, ch. 4. Bacchæ of Euripides, iii. Crassus, ch. 33. Bacchiadæ, ii. Lysander, ch. 1. Bacchides, ii. Lucullus, ch. 18. Bacchylides, i. Numa, ch. 4. Bacillus, Lucius, ii. Sulla, ch. 9. Bactria, Bactrians, iii. Crassus, ch. 16; Comparison, ch. 4; iv. Antonius, ch. 37. Bactrian horse, iii. Alexander, ch. 32. Baebius, M., i. Numa, ch. 22. Baetica, iii. Sertorius, chs. 8, note, 12. Baetis, the Guadalquivir, ii. Cato Major, ch. 10; iii. Sertorius, chs. 8, 12. Bagoas, iii. Alexander, ch. 49. Baiæ, ii. Marius, ch. 34. Balbus, ii. Sulla, ch. 29. ----, Cæsar's friend, iii. Cæsar, ch. 50. ----, Postumius Balbus, probably Albus, i. Poplicola, ch. 22. Balinus or Kebalinus, iii. Alexander, ch. 49. Balissus, iii. Crassus, ch. 23. Balte, i. Solon, ch. 12. Bambyke, or Hierapolis, iv. Antonius, ch. 37. Bandius, ii. Marcellus, chs. 10, 11. Bantia, ii. Marcellus, ch. 29. Barbius, iv. Galba, ch. 24. Barca, a friend of Cato, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 37. ----, in Hannibal's army, i. Fabius, ch. 17. ----, Hamilcar, ii. Cato Major, ch. 8. Bardyæi, ii. Marius, chs. 43, 44. Bardyllis, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 9. Bargylians, ii. Flamininus, ch. 12. Barsine, daughter of Artabazus, wife of Alexander, iii. Eumenes, ch. 1; Alexander, ch. 21. Barsine, sister of preceding, wife of Eumenes, iii. Eumenes, ch. 1. Barinus, Publius, iii. Crassus, ch. 9. Publius Varinius Glaber was his name. Basillus, Lucius, ii. Sulla, ch. 9. Basilica Pauli. _See_ Paulus. ----, Porcia, ii. Cato Major, ch. 19. Bastarnæ or Basternæ, i. Æmilius, chs. 9, 12. Bataces, ii. Marius, ch. 17. Batalus, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 4. Batavians, iv. Otho, ch. 12. Bathykles, i. Solon, ch. 4. Batiates, Lentulus, iii. Crassus, ch. 8. Baton, iv. Agis, ch. 15. Battiadæ, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. Bedriacum, iv. Otho, chs. 11, 13. Belaeus, ii. Marius, ch. 40. Belbina, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 4. Belgæ, iii. Pompeius, ch. 51; Cæsar, ch. 20. Belitaras, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 19. Bellerophon, i. Coriolanus, ch. 52. Bellinus, iii. Pompeius, ch. 24. Bellona, ii. Sulla, chs. 7, 27, 30; iv. Cicero, ch. 13. Beluris, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 22. Beneventum, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 25. Berenike of Chios, wife of Mithridates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 18. Berenike, wife of Ptolemy, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 4, 6. Berenikis, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 6. Beroea, i. Pyrrhus, ch. 11; iii. Pompeius, ch. 64; iv. Demetrius, ch. 44. Berytus, iv. Antonius, ch. 51. Bessus, iii. Alexander, ch. 42. Bestia, Calpurnius, consul B.C. 111, ii. Marius, ch. 9. ----, a tribune, iv. Cicero, ch. 23. Bias of Priene, i. Solon, ch. 4. Bibulus, Calphurnius, consul B.C. 59, iii. Pompeius, chs. 47, 48, 54; Cæsar, ch. 14; Cato Minor, chs. 25, 31, 32, 47, 54; iv. Antonius, ch. 5. Bibulus, step-son of Brutus, iv. Brutus, chs. 13, 23. ----, Publicius, a tribune, ii. Marcellus, ch. 27. Bion, i. Theseus, ch. 26. Birkenna, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 9. Bisaltæ, i. Perikles, ch. 11. Bisanthe, i. Alkibiades, ch. 36. Bithynia and Bithynians, i. Numa, ch. 4; Alkibiades, chs. 29, 37; ii. Cato Major, ch. 9; Flamininus, ch. 20; Sulla, chs. 11, 22; Comparison, ch. 5; Lucullus, ch. 6, and after; iii. Sertorius, chs. 23, 24; Pompeius, ch. 30; Cæsar, chs. 1, 50; iv. Brutus, chs. 19, 28. Bithys, iv. Aratus, ch. 34. Biton, i. Solon, ch. 27. Blossius, iv. Tib. Gracchus, chs. 8, 17, 20. Bocchoris, iv. Demetrius, ch. 27. Bocchus, king of Mauritania, ii. Marius, chs. 10, 32; Sulla, chs. 3, 5, 6. ----, king of Mauritania, iv. Antonius, ch. 61. Boedromia, i. Theseus, ch. 27. Boeorix, ii. Marius, ch. 25. Boeotia and Boeotians, frequent. _See_ particularly ii. Pelopidas, chs. 14-24; some passages in Themistokles, Perikles, and Alkibiades; ii. Aristeides, ch. 19, and after; Lysander, ch. 27, and after; Sulla, chs. 16-21; Kimon, chs. 1, 2; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 6, 26, and after; Phokion ch. 23, and after; iv. Demetrius, ch. 39; Aratus, chs. 16, 50. Boeotian months, i. Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 25; Aristeides, ch. 19. Bola and the people of Bola, i. Coriolanus, ch. 28. Bolla or Bovillæ, i. Coriolanus, ch. 29. Bona Dea, iii. Cæsar, ch. 9; iv. Cicero, ch. 19. Bononia, iv. Cicero, ch. 46. Boutes, i. Romulus, ch. 21; ii. Kimon, ch. 7. Bosporus, kingdom of, ii. Sulla, ch. 11; Lucullus, ch. 24; Comparison, ch. 3; iii. Pompeius, ch. 32; Kimmerian Bosporus, i. Theseus, ch. 27; iii. Pompeius, ch. 38, &c. Bottiæans, i. Theseus, ch. 16. Boukephalus, iii. Alexander, chs. 6, 32, 44, 61. Boukephalia, iii. Alexander, ch. 61. Brachylles, ii. Flamininus, ch. 6. Brasidas, i. Lykurgus, chs. 24, 30; ii. Lysander, chs. 1, 18; iii. Nikias, ch. 9. Brauron, i. Solon, ch. 10. Brennus, i. Camillus, chs. 17, 22, 28, 29. Briges, iv. Brutus, ch. 45. Britain and Britons, iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 4; Pompeius, ch. 51; Cæsar, chs. 16, 23; Cato Minor, ch. 51; but some read _Germans_. Britomartus or Viridomarus, i. Romulus, ch. 16; ii. Marcellus, chs. 6, 7, 8. Brixellum, iv. Otho, chs. 5, 10, 18. Brundusium or Brundisium, i. Æmilius, ch. 36; ii. Cato Major, ch. 14; Sulla, ch. 27; iii. Crassus, ch. 17; Pompeius, chs. 27, 62, 65; Cæsar, chs. 35, 37, 38, 39; Cato Minor, ch. 15; iv. Cicero, chs. 32, 39; Antonius, chs. 7, 35, 62; Brutus, ch. 47. Bruti (Bruti and Cumæi), iii. Cæsar, ch. 61. Bruttii and Bruttium, i. Fabius, chs. 21, 22; Timoleon, chs. 16, 20; iii. Crassus, ch. 6; Cato Minor, ch. 52. Bruttius Sura, ii. Sulla, chs. 11, 12. Brutus, Lucius Junius, i. Poplicola, chs. 1, 7, 9, 10, 16; iii. Cæsar, ch. 61; iv. Brutus, chs. 1, 9. ----, Titus and Tiberius, sons of Lucius, i. Poplicola, ch. 6. ----, first tribune of the people, i. Coriolanus, chs. 7, 13. ----, consul B.C. 138, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 21. Brutus, prætor in the time of Marius, ii. Sulla, ch. 9. ----, father of the following, iii. Pompeius, chs. 7, 16; iv. Brutus, ch. 4. ----, Marcus, iv. Life and Comparison with Dion; iii. Pompeius, chs. 16, 64, 80; Cæsar, chs. 46, 54, 57, 64-69; Cato Minor, chs. 36, 73; i. Cicero, chs. 42, 43, 45, 47; Comparison, ch. 4; Antonius, chs. 11, 13-15, 21, 22; comparison, ch. 2; Dion, chs. 1, 2. ----, Decimus Albinus, iii. Cæsar, chs. 64, 66; iv. Antonius, ch. 11; Brutus, chs. 12, 17 (note), 38. ----, a bailiff, iv. Brutus, ch. 1. ----, name of a book, iv. Brutus, chs. 2, 13. Bubulci, i. Poplicola, ch. 11. Bucephalus. _See_ Boukephalus. Busiris, i. Theseus, ch. 11. Butas, freedman of Cato, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 70. ----, a poet, i. Romulus, ch. 21. Buteo, Fabius, i. Fabius, ch. 9. Butes, more properly spelt Boutes, ii. Kimon, ch. 7. Buthrotum, iv. Brutus, ch. 26. Byllis, iv. Brutus, ch. 26. Byzantium and Byzantines, i. Perikles, ch. 17; Alkibiades, ch. 31; ii. Aristeides, ch. 23; Kimon, chs. 6, 9; iii. Nikias, ch. 22; Alexander, ch. 9; Phokion, ch. 14; Cato Minor, chs. 34, 36; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 17; Cicero, ch. 34. Cabira. _See_ Kabeira. Cabeiri. _See_ Kabeiri. Cadiz, iii. Sertorius, ch. 8, note. Cadmea. _See_ Kadmeia. Cadmus, son of Agenor, ii. Sulla, ch. 17. Cadusians, iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 9, 24. Cæci, Roman surname, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. Cæcias wind, iii. Sertorius, ch. 17. Cæcilia, mother of Lucullus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 1. ----, wife of Sulla, ii. Sulla, ch. 6. _See_ Metella. Cæcilius, a mistake for M. Cælius, iv. Cicero, ch. 36. Cæcilius, a Sicilian, iv. Cicero, ch. 7; Comparison, ch. 1. ----, the rhetorician, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 3. Cæcina, iv. Otho, chs. 5, 6, 7, 10, 11, 13, 18. Cædicius, Marcus, i. Camillus, ch. 14, 30. Cælius, M. Rufus, curule ædile, B.C. 51, iv. Cicero, ch. 36. Cæninenses. _See_ Ceninenses. Cænum. _See_ Kænum. Cæpio, Q. Servilius, i. Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Marius, chs. 16, 19; Lucullus, ch. 27; iii. Sertorius, ch. 3. ----, Servilius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 47; Cæsar, ch. 14. ----, Q. Servilius, brother of Cato Minor, iii. Cato, chs. 1, 2, 3, 8, 11, 15. Cæsar, (Caius Julius Cæsar), iii. Life; i. Romulus, chs. 17, 20; Numa, ch. 19; ii. Marius, ch. 6; Lucullus, ch. 42; iii. Crassus, chs. 3, 7, 13, 17, 25; Comparison, ch. 4; Pompeius, chs. 10, 25, 45, 46, 51, 56; Comparison, ch. 1; Alexander, ch. 1; iv. Cato, chs. 24, 26, 27, 31, 33, 41, 45, 48, 49, 51, 52, 58, 61-66, 68, 72, 73; Cicero, 20-24, 29, 37-39; Antonius, chs. 5-15, 25; Brutus, frequent; Comparison, ch. 2; Otho, chs. 4, 9, 13. ----, Lucius, uncle of Antonius, iv. Cicero, ch. 46; Antonius, chs. 19, 20. ----, Lucius, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 66. ----, Sextus Julius, ii. Sulla, ch. 5. ----, Caius Julius Cæsar Octavianus, commonly called Augustus, i. Numa, ch. 19; Poplicola, ch. 18; Perikles, ch. 1; ii. Marcellus, ch. 30; iii. Alexander, ch. 69; Cæsar, chs. 67, 69; Cato Minor, ch. 73; iv. Cicero, chs. 43-47, 49; Comparison, chs. 3, 4; Antonius, frequent; Brutus, frequent; comparison, ch. 5; Galba, ch. 3. ----, as a title of the emperors, frequent in iv. Galba and Otho. ----, Caius (Caligula), iv. Antonius, ch. 87; Galba, ch. 9. Cæsars, family of the, ii. Marius, ch. 6. Cæsarion, iii. Cæsar, ch. 49; iv. Antonius, chs. 54, 81, 82. Caieta (in text Capitæ), iv. Cicero, ch. 47. Caius Cæsar. _See_ Caligula. Calaici, iii. Cæsar, ch. 12. Calauria. _See_ Kalauria. Calenus, Q. Fufius, iii. Cæsar, ch. 43; iv. Brutus, ch. 8. Caligula. _See_ Cæsar. Callimachus. _See_ Kallimachus. Callisthenes, freedman of Lucullus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 43. Callistus, iv. Galba, ch. 9. Calpurnia, wife of Cæsar, iii. Pompeius, ch. 47; Cæsar, chs. 63, 64; iv. Antonius, ch. 15. Calpurnii, i. Numa, ch. 21. Calpurnius Bibulus, consul, B.C. 59. _See_ Bibulus. ----, Lanarius, iii. Sertorius, ch. 7. ----, Piso. _See_ Piso. Calpus, son of Numa, i. Numa, ch. 21. Calvinus, Domitius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 68; Cæsar, chs. 44, 50. Calvisius, C. Calvisius Sabinus, consul B.C. 39, follower of Cæsar Augustus, iv. Antonius, chs. 58, 59. ----, Sabinus, iv. Galba, ch. 12. ----, _See_ Domitius. Cambyses, iii. Alexander, ch. 26. Camerinum, ii. Marius, ch. 28. Cameria, i. Romulus, ch. 24. Camillus, Marcus Furius, i. Life and Comparison; i. Romulus, ch. 29; Numa, ch. 9; Fabius, ch. 3; ii. Marius, ch. 1; iv. Galba, ch. 29. Camillus, Lucius, son of preceding, i. Camillus, ch. 35. ----, a boy in Jupiter's temple, i. Numa, ch. 7. Campania, i. Fabius, ch. 6; Comparison, ch. 2; ii. Marcellus, ch. 26; Sulla, ch. 27; iii. Crassus, ch. 22; Cato Minor, ch. 33; iv. Cicero, chs. 6, 26. Campanian soldiers, iv. Dion, ch. 27. Campus Martius, or field of Mars, i. Poplicola, ch. 8; ii. Sulla, ch. 38; Lucullus, ch. 43; iii. Pompeius, chs. 15, 23, 53; Cato Minor, chs. 41, 42; iv. Cicero, ch. 44. Camulatus, iv. Brutus, ch. 49. Camurius, iv. Galba, ch. 27. Canethus, i. Theseus, ch. 25. Canidius, lieutenant of Antonius, iv. Antonius, chs. 34, 42, 56, 63, 65, 67, 68, 71. ----, more correctly Caninius, tribune of the people, iii. Pompeius, ch. 49. ----, perhaps Caninius, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 35-37; iv. Brutus, ch. 3. Caninius Revillus, iii. Cæsar, ch. 58. Cannæ, i. Fabius, chs. 9, 15, 16; Æmilius, ch. 2; ii. Marcellus, chs. 9, 10, 13. Cannicius, iii. Crassus, ch. 11. Canopus, i. Solon, ch. 26; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 37; Antonius, ch. 29; comparison, ch. 3. Canopic mouth of the Nile, iii. Alexander, ch. 26. Cantharus. _See_ Kantharus. Canuleia, i. Numa, ch. 10. Canus, iv. Galba, ch. 16. Canusium, ii. Marcellus, chs. 9, 25. Canutius, iv. Brutus, ch. 21. Capaneus. _See_ Kapaneus. Capena and Capenates, i. Camillus, chs. 2, 17. Caphis. _See_ Kaphis. Capitæ, i.e. Caieta, iv. Cicero, ch. 47. Capito, Fonteius, iv. Antonius, ch. 15. ----, iv. Galba, ch. 15. Capitolinus, ædile with Marcellus, ii. Marcellus, ch. 2. ----, Quintius, dictator, i. Camillus, ch. 36. ----, Marcus Manlius, i. Camillus, chs. 27, 36. Cappadocia and Cappadocians, ii. Marius, chs. 31, 34; Sulla, chs. 9, 11, 22; Comparison, ch. 5; Lucullus, chs. 14, 21, 26, 30; iii. Crassus ch. 18; Sertorius, ch. 23; Eumenes, chs. 3, 5, 6, and throughout; Pompeius, chs. 35, 45; Alexander, ch. 18; Cæsar, ch. 30; Cato Minor, ch. 73; iv. Cicero, ch. 36; Comparison, ch. 3; Demetrius, ch. 4; Antonius, ch. 61. Caprarii, i. Poplicola, ch. 11. Caprotinæ, Nonae, i. Romulus, ch. 29; Numa, ch. 2. Capua, i. Fabius, ch. 17; Comparison, ch. 2; ii. Sulla, ch. 27; iii. Crassus, chs. 8, 9; iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 8. Carbo, Cnæus Papirius, consul B.C. 85 and 84, ii. Marius, ch. 16; Sulla, chs. 22, 28; iii. Sertorius, chs. 6, 7, 22; Pompeius, chs. 5, 6, 7, 10; iv. Brutus, ch. 29. Cardia. _See_ Kardia. Caria and Carians, i. Theseus, ch. 8; Themistokles, ch. 1; ii. Aristeides, ch. 19; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 9, 10; Alexander, chs. 10, 22; iv. Cicero, ch. 36; Demetrius, ch. 46; Aratus, ch. 12; Artaxerxes, chs. 10, 14. Carinna or Carinnas, iii. Pompeius, ch. 7. Carmania. _See_ Karmania. Carmenta, i. Romulus, ch. 21. Carmentalia, i. Romulus, ch. 21. Carmental Gate, i. Camillus, ch. 25. Carneades. _See_ Karneades. Carnutes, iii. Cæsar, ch. 25. Carrhæ, iii. Crassus, chs. 25, 27, 29. Carthage and Carthaginians. _See_ the lives of i. Fabius, Timoleon; ii. Marcellus, Cato Major, chs. 26, 27; Pyrrhus, chs. 14, 22, 23, 24; iv. Caius Gracchus, ch. 11; also, i. Camillus, ch. 19; their unlucky days, Perikles, ch. 20; Alkibiades, ch. 17; ii. Flamininus, ch. 1; Marius, ch. 40; Lucullus, ch. 32 (the Armenian Carthage); iii. Nikias, ch. 12; Cæsar, ch. 57; Tib. Gracchus, ch. 4; Comparison, ch. 3; Dion, ch. 52. Carthage, New, iii. Sertorius, ch. 7. Carvilius, Spurius, i. Comparison of Romulus and Theseus, ch. 6; Comparison of Lykurgus and Numa, ch. 3. Caryatides, dance of, carved on Klearchus's ring, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 18. Carystus, iv. Brutus, ch. 24. Casca, iii. Cæsar, ch. 66; iv. Brutus, chs. 15, 17, 45. Casilinum, i. Fabius, ch. 6. Casinatum, i. Fabius, ch. 6. Caspian Sea, ii. Lucullus, ch. 26; iii. Pompeius, chs. 33, 36; Alexander, ch. 44; Cæsar, ch. 58; iv. Comparison of Demetrius and Antonius, ch. 1. Cassius, Caius Cassius Longinus, friend of Brutus, iii. Crassus, chs. 18, 20, 22, 28, 29; Pompeius, ch. 16; Cæsar, chs. 57, 62, 64, 66, 68, 69; iv. Cicero, ch. 42; Antonius, chs. 11, 13-16, 21, 22, 25; comparison, ch. 2. ----, Quintus, tribune of the people, iv. Antonius, chs. 5, 6. ----, Sabaco, ii. Marius, ch. 5. ----, Scæva, iii. Cæsar, ch. 16. ----, Caius Cassius Longinus Verus, proconsul of Gaul on the Po, iii. Crassus, ch. 9. Castlo or Castulo, iii. Sertorius, ch. 3. Castus, iii. Crassus, ch. 11. Cataonia, iv. Demetrius, ch. 48. Catalepsis, iv. Cicero, ch. 40. Catana. _See_ Katana. Catilina, Lucius Sergius, ii. Sulla, ch. 32; Lucullus, ch. 38; iii. Crassus, ch. 13; Cæsar, ch. 7; Cato Minor, ch. 22; iv. Cicero, chs. 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 18, 21, 24; Comparison, ch. 3; Antonius, ch. 2; Brutus, ch. 5. Cato, the name, ii. Marius, ch. 1. ----, great-grandfather of the censor, Cato Major, ii. Cato Major, ch. 1. ----, Marcus, the censor, known as Cato Major, ii. Life and Comparison; i. Coriolanus, ch. 8; Æmilius, ch. 5; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 1; Flamininus, chs. 18, 19; iii. Cato Minor, ch. 1. ----, Marcus, son of preceding, i. Æmilius, ch. 21; compare, ii. Cato Major, chs. 20, 24, where his son is mentioned. ----, Salonius or Salonianus, younger son of the Censor, ii. Cato Major, chs. 24, 27. ----, Marcus, son of preceding, grandfather of Cato Minor, ii. Cato Major, ch. 27 (but the consul was his brother Lucius). ----, (Minor), iii. Life; ii. Cato Major, ch. 27; Lucullus, chs. 28, 40-43; iii. Crassus, chs. 7, 14, 15; Comparison, chs. 2, 3; Pompeius, chs. 40, 44, 45, 48, 52, 54, 56, 65, 67, 76; Cæsar, chs. 3, 8, 13, 21, 22, 28, 41, 52, 54; Phokion, chs. 3, 4; iv. Cicero, chs. 21, 23, 35, 39; Comparison, ch. 1; Antonius, ch. 5; Brutus, chs. 2, 3, 5, 6, 12, 13, 29, 34, 40; Otho, ch. 13. ----, Marcus, son of Cato Minor, iv. Brutus, ch. 49; compare, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 73. Catos, ii. Cato Major, ch. 19; iii. Crassus, ch. 14. Catuli, iii. Crassus, 14; iv. Cicero, ch. 1. Catulus, Lutatius, consul B.C. 102, ii. Marius, chs. 14, 23-27, 44; Sulla, ch. 4. ----, Lutatius, consul, B.C. 78, i. Poplicola, ch. 15; ii. Sulla, ch. 34; iii. Crassus, ch. 13; Pompeius, chs. 15, 16, 17, 25, 30; Cæsar, chs. 6, 7; Cato Minor, ch. 16; iv. Cicero, chs. 21, 29; Galba, ch. 3. Caucasus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 14; iii. Pompeius, chs. 34, 35; Cæsar, ch. 58; iv. Demetrius, ch. 7; Antonius, ch. 34; Comparison, ch. 1. Caulonia, i. Fabius, ch. 22; iv. Dion, ch. 26. Caunus. _See_ Kaunus. Celer, Celeres, i. Romulus, chs. 10, 26; Numa, ch. 7. ----, Quintus Metellus, i. Romulus, ch. 11; Coriolanus, ch. 11. ----, Quintus Metellus, son of the preceding, iv. Cicero, chs. 16, 29. Celsus, Clodius, iv. Galba, ch. 13. ----, Marius, iv. Galba, chs. 25, 26, 27; Otho, chs. 1, 5, 7, 8, 9, 13. Celtiberians, ii. Cato Major, ch. 10; Marius, ch. 3; iii. Sertorius, ch. 3. Celts, and the Celtic nation, i. Romulus, ch. 17; Camillus, ch. 15; ii. Marius, ch. 11; iii. Sertorius, ch. 3; Pompeius, ch. 7. (But the Greek words Celt and Celtic are often translated Gaul and Gallic). Celtorii, i. Camillus, ch. 15. Celto-Scythians, ii. Marius, ch. 11. Cenchreæ. _See_ Kenchreæ. Ceninenses, i. Romulus, chs. 16, 17; ii. Marcellus, ch. 8. Censorinus, Marcius, i. Coriolanus, ch. 1. ----, ii. Sulla, ch. 5. ----, Lucius, consul B.C. 39, iv. Antonius, ch. 24. ----, iii. Crassus, ch. 25. Centaurs, i. Theseus, chs. 29, 30; Comparison, ch. 1; iv. Agis, ch. 1. Ceos. _See_ Keos. Cerameicus. _See_ Kerameikus. Cercina, ii. Marius, ch. 40. _See_ Kerkina. Cereate, Cereatum, or Cirrheatæ, in the text corruptly Cirrheato, ii. Marius, ch. 3. Ceressus. _See_ Keressus. Cermalus, Cermanus, or Germanus, i. Romulus, ch. 3. Cethegus, the companion of Catilina, iii. Cæsar, ch. 7; Cato Minor, ch. 22; iv. Cicero, chs. 16, 19, 22, 30. ----, Cornelius, consul B.C. 204, ii. Marcellus, ch. 5. ----, Publius Cornelius, B.C. 181, i. Numa, ch. 22. ----, C. Cornelius, ii. Lucullus, chs. 5, 6. Chabrias, i. Camillus, ch. 19; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 37; Phokion, chs. 6, 7; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 15. Chæron, founder of Chæronea, ii. Sulla, ch. 17. ----, of Megalopolis, iii. Alexander, ch. 3. Chærondas, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 24. Chæronea and Chæroneans, i. Theseus, ch. 27; Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 18; Lysander, ch. 29; Sulla, chs. 11, 16-18, 23; Kimon, chs. 1, 2; Lucullus, chs. 3, 11; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 17; Alexander, chs. 9, 12; Phokion, ch. 16; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 19, 21; Aratus, ch. 16. Chalastra, iii. Alexander, ch. 49. Chaldæans, ii. Marius, ch. 42; Sulla, chs. 5, 37; Lucullus, ch. 14; iii. Alexander, ch. 73; iv. Galba, ch. 23. Chalkaspides, ii. Sulla, chs. 16, 19. Chalkedon, i. Alkibiades, chs. 30, 31; ii. Lucullus, chs. 8, 9. Chalkidians in Thrace, i. Lykurgus, ch. 29; iii. Nikias, ch. 6; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 9. Chalkis and Chalkidians of Euboea, i. Theseus, ch. 35; Perikles, ch. 23; ii. Philopoemen, ch. 17; Flamininus, chs. 10, 16; Sulla, chs. 19, 20; iv. Demetrius, ch. 43. Chalkodon, i. Theseus, ch. 35. Chalkus, Dionysius so called, a poet, iii. Nikias, ch. 5; also a nickname in iv. Demosthenes, ch. 11. Chaonians, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 19, 28. Characitanians. _See_ Charicatani. Chares, an Athenian, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 2; iii. Phokion, chs. 5, 7, 14; iv. Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, ch. 3; Aratus, ch. 16. ----, of Mitylene, iii. Alexander, chs. 20, 24, 46, 54, 55, 70; Phokion, chs. 5, 7, 9, 10. ----, a river in Argolis, iv. Aratus, ch. 28. Charicatani, iii. Sertorius, ch. 17. Charidemus, the general, iii. Sertorius, ch. 1. ----, the orator, iii. Phokion, chs. 16, 17; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 23. Charikles, an Athenian, iii. Nikias, ch. 4. ----, son-in-law of Phokion, iii. Phokion, chs. 21, 22, 33, 35. Chariklo, i. Theseus, ch. 10. Charilaus, i. Lykurgus, chs. 3, 19; called also Charillus, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 10; Comparison of Agis and Kleomenes with the Gracchi, ch. 5. Charimenes, iv. Aratus, ch. 25. Charinus, i. Perikles, ch. 29. Charmion, iv. Antonius, chs. 60, 85. Charon of Lampsakus, i. Themistokles, ch. 27. ----, a Theban, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 7-10, 13, 25. Charonitæ, iv. Antonius, ch. 15. Charops, ii. Flamininus, ch. 4. Charybdis, iv. Dion, ch. 18. Cheiron, i. Perikles, ch. 4. Cheirones, i. Perikles, ch. 3. Chelidonian Islands, ii. Kimon, chs. 12, 13. Chersonesus and Chersonnesians, i. Perikles, chs. 11, 19; ii. Lysander, chs. 5, 9, 10, 12; Kimon, ch. 14; Lucullus, chs. 4, 23; iii. Eumenes, ch. 18; Comparison, ch. 1; Phokion, ch. 14; iv. Demetrius, ch. 31. Chersonese, Syrian, iv. Demetrius, ch. 50. Chian wine, iv. Demetrius, ch. 19. Chileon, i. Themistokles, ch. 6. Chilon, ii. Cato Major, ch. 20. Chilonis, daughter of Leonidas II., iv. Agis, chs. 17, 18. ----, daughter of Leotychides, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 26, 27, 28. Chios and the Chians, i. Theseus, ch. 20; Themistokles, ch. 32; Alkibiades, chs. 11, 24, 35; ii. Aristeides, ch. 23; Kimon, chs. 4, 9, 12; Lucullus, ch. 3; iii. Phokion, ch. 6; Brutus, ch. 33. Chlidon, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 8. Choerilus, ii. Lysander, ch. 18. Choes, Athenian festival, iv. Antonius, ch. 70. Cholargus, i. Perikles, chs. 3, 13; iii. Nikias, ch. 11. Chrysantes, ii. Comparison of Pelopidas and Marcellus, ch. 3. Chrysermas, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 36. Chrysippus, iv. Aratus, ch. 1. Chrysis, iv. Demetrius, ch. 24. Chrysogonus, freedman of Sulla, iv. Cicero, ch. 3. ----, a flute-player, i. Alkibiades, ch. 32. Chthonian gods, i. Romulus, ch. 22. Cicero, Marcus Tullius, iv. Life and Comparison with Demosthenes; i. Æmilius, ch. 10; ii. Cato Major, ch. 17; Flamininus, ch. 18; Lucullus, chs. 41, 42, 43; iii. Crassus, chs. 3, 13; Pompeius, chs. 42, 46, 49, 59, 63; Cæsar, chs. 3, 4, 7, 14, 54, 57, 58, 59; Phokion, ch. 3; Cato Minor, chs. 19, 22, 40, 55; iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 1; Demosthenes, ch. 3; Antonius, chs. 2, 6, 17, 19, 20, 22; Comparison, ch. 5; Brutus, chs. 12, 19, 21, 22, 26, 27, 28. ----, son of the orator, iv. Cicero, chs. 45, 49; Brutus, chs. 24, 26. ----, Quintus, brother of the orator, iii. Cæsar, ch. 24; iv. Cicero, chs. 20, 33, 47, 48. Cilicia and Cilicians, i. Themistokles, ch. 31; ii. Lysander, ch. 9; Kimon, ch. 18; Lucullus, chs. 6, 21, 23, 33; iii. Crassus, ch. 10; Sertorius, chs. 7, 9; Pompeius, chs. 24, 26, 28, 30, 33, 44, 59; Alexander, ch. 17, and after; Cæsar, ch. 2; iv. Cicero, ch. 36; Comparison, ch. 3; Demetrius, chs. 31, 32, 47, 48; Antonius, chs. 25, 36, 54, 61; Brutus, ch. 4. Cimber, Tillius, iii. Cæsar, ch. 66; iv. Brutus, chs. 17, 19. Cimbri, i. Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Marius, chs. 11, 15, 23, 25, 26, 27, 39, 44; Lucullus, ch. 38; iii. Sertorius, ch. 2; Cæsar, chs. 5, 18, 19, 26; iv. Otho, ch. 15. Cimmerians, ii. Marius, ch. 11. Cimmerian Bosphorus, i. Theseus, ch. 27. Cimon. _See_ Kimon. Cineas. _See_ Kineas. Cingonius Varro, iv. Galba, ch. 14. Cinna, Lucius, consul, B.C. 87, ii. Marius, chs. 41, 42, 44; Sulla, chs. 10, 12, 22; iii. Crassus, chs. 4, 5; Sertorius, chs. 4, 5, 6; Pompeius, chs. 3, 5; Cæsar, chs. 1, 68; iv. Cicero, ch. 17; Brutus, ch. 29. ----, a poet, friend of Cæsar, iii. Cæsar, ch. 68; iv. Brutus, chs. 20, 21 ----, the conspirator, iii. Cæsar, ch. 68, note; iv. Brutus, chs. 18, 20, 25. ----, perhaps brother of the preceding, iv. Brutus, ch. 18. Circe, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Circeii or Circeum, i. Coriolanus, ch. 28; ii. Marius, ch. 36; iii. Cæsar, ch. 58; iv. Cicero, ch. 47. Cirrha and Cirrhæans. _See_ Kirrha. Cirrheato (Cereate), ii. Marius, ch. 3. Claros, iii. Pompeius, ch. 24. Clastidium, ii. Marcellus, ch. 6. Claudia, wife of Tib. Gracchus, iv. T. Gracchus, ch. 4. Claudii, i. Poplicola, ch. 21; Coriolanus, ch. 11. Claudius. _See_ Appius. Claudius Cæsar, emperor, iv. Antonius, ch. 87; Galba, chs. 12, 22. Clausus. _See_ Appius. Cleanthes. _See_ Kleanthes. Cleopatra, wife of Philip of Macedon, iii. Alexander, chs. 9, 10. ----, sister of Alexander the Great, ii. Eumenes, ch. 8; Alexander, chs. 25, 68. ----, daughter of Mithridates, wife of Tigranes, ii. Lucullus, ch. 22. ----, Queen of Egypt, iii. Cæsar, ch. 48, 49; Cato Minor, ch. 35; iv. Antonius, chs. 10, 32, and after; Comparison, chs. 1, 3. ----, daughter of Antony and Cleopatra, iv. Antonius, chs. 36, 87. Clepsydra, spring at Athens, iv. Antonius, ch. 34. Clodia, wife of Lucullus, sister of Publius Clodius, ii. Lucullus, ch. 38. ----, called Quadrantaria, another sister, iv. Cicero, ch. 29. ----, daughter of P. Clodius and Fulvia, iv. Antonius, ch. 20. Clodius, a writer, i. Numa, ch. 1. ----, Publius, the tribune, ii. Lucullus, ch. 34; iii. Pompeius, chs. 46, 48, 49; Cæsar, chs. 9, 10, 14; Cato Minor, chs. 19, 31, 32, 33, 34, 40, 45; iv. Cicero, chs. 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34; Antonius, chs. 2, 10; Brutus, ch. 20. Clodius, a commander in the Servile war, iii. Crassus, ch. 9. ----, iv. Antonius, ch. 18. ----, a deserter, iv. Brutus, ch. 47. ----, Celsus, of Antioch, iv. Galba, ch. 13. ----, Macer, iv. Galba, chs. 6, 13, 15. Cloelia, i. Poplicola, ch. 19. ----, wife of Sulla, ii. Sulla, ch. 6. Cloelius, more properly Cælius (C. Cælius Caldus), iii. Pompeius, ch. 17. Cloelian or Cluilian ditches (Fossæ Cluiliæ), i. Coriolanus, ch. 30. Clunia, iv. Galba, ch. 6. Clusium, i. Numa, ch. 12; Poplicola, ch. 16; Camillus, ch. 17. Cluvius Rufus, iv. Otho, ch. 3. Cnidus. _See_ Knidus. Cocceius, more properly Salvius Cocceianus, Otho's nephew, iv. Otho, ch. 16. Cocles, Horatius, i. Poplicola, ch. 16. Coele-Syria, iv. Antonius, chs. 36, 54. Coelius. _See_ Cloelius. Colchis, ii. Lucullus, ch. 14; iii. Pompeius, chs. 30, 32, 34, 44. Collatinus, i. Poplicola, chs. 1, 3, 4, 6, 7. Colline Gate, i. Numa, ch. 10; Camillus, ch. 22; ii. Sulla, ch. 29. Cominius, consul, i. Coriolanus, chs. 8, 10. ----, Pontius, i. Camillus, chs. 25, 26. Comitium, i. Romulus, chs. 11, 19. Comius, i. Solon, ch. 31. Commagene, iii. Pompeius, ch. 44; iv. Antonius, chs. 34, 61. Consa or Cossa, in Etruria, ii. Flamininus, ch. 1. Considius, iii. Cæsar, ch. 14. Consta, Publius, perhaps Cotta, iv. Cicero, ch. 26. Consus, i. Romulus, ch. 14. Copillius, ii. Sulla, ch. 4. Coponius, iii. Crassus, ch. 28. Coracesium, iii. Pompeius, ch. 28. Corcyra, i. Themistokles, ch. 24; Perikles, ch. 28; Timoleon, ch. 8; Æmilius, ch. 36; ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 9, 11; Cato Minor, ch. 38; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 17. Corduba, iii. Cæsar, ch. 17. Corfinium, iii. Cæsar, ch. 34. Corfinius, or Cornificius, iii. Cæsar, ch. 43. Corinth and the Corinthians. _See_ many passages in i. Timoleon; iv. Kleomenes and Aratus; and for general history, i. Perikles, ch. 29; Alkibiades, chs. 14, 18; ii. Cato Major, ch. 12; Philopoemen (its destruction), ch. 21; compare Lysander, ch. 1; Kimon, ch. 17; iii. Nikias, chs. 6, 10, 19, 20, 25; Agesilaus, chs. 15, 17, 21, 22; Cæsar, ch. 57; iv. Agis, ch. 15; Demosthenes, ch. 17; Demetrius, chs. 15, 25, 43, 51, 53; Dion, chs. 1, 53. The meeting of the seven wise men, i. Solon, ch. 4; Corinth, Chalkis, and Demetrias, ii. Flamininus, ch. 10; Nero at Corinth, the same, ch. 12; Diogenes at Corinth, iii. Alexander, ch. 14; the Isthmus, iii. Cæsar, ch. 58; Simonides's verse, iv. Dion, ch. 1. Coriolanus, i. Life and Comparison with Alkibiades. Corioli, i. Coriolanus, chs. 8, 9. Cornelia, daughter of Scipio, mother of the Gracchi, ii. Marius, ch. 34; iv. Tib. Gracchus, chs. 1, 4, 8; C. Gracchus, chs. 4, 13, 19. ----, wife of Marius, ii. Marius, ch. 34. ----, daughter of Cinna, wife of Cæsar, iii. Cæsar, chs. 1, 5. ----, daughter of Metellus Scipio, wife of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, chs. 55, 66, 73, 79. Cornelii, ii. Marius, ch. 1. The three Cornelii, iv. Cicero, ch. 17. For others of the name, _see_ Cethegus, Cossus, Dolabella, Laco, Lentulus, Merula, Scipio, Sulla. Cornelius, Caius, an augur at Padua, iii. Cæsar, ch. 47. ----, Nepos, historian, ii. Marcellus, ch. 30; Comparison of Marcellus, and Pelopidas, ch. 1; Lucullus, ch. 43; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 21. ----, freedman of Sulla, iii. Cæsar, ch. 1. ----, Cnæus, consul with Marcellus, ii. Marcellus, ch. 6. Cornificius, Lucius, iv. Brutus, ch. 27. Cornutus, ii. Marius, ch. 43. Corsica, iii. Pompeius, chs. 26, 66. Corvinus, Messala, iv. Brutus, chs. 40, 41, 42, 45, 53. ----, or Corvus, Valerius, consul six times, ii. Marius, ch. 28. Cos. _See_ Kos. Cosconius, iii. Cæsar, ch. 51. Cossinus, iii. Crassus, ch. 9. Cossus, Cornelius, i. Romulus, ch. 16; ii. Marcellus, ch. 8. ----, Licinius, i. Camillus, ch. 4. Cotta, or Constans, iv. Cicero, ch. 26. ----, prætor in Spain, iii. Sertorius, ch. 12. ----, (?) consul B.C. 119, ii. Marius, ch. 4. ----, Lucius, Aurelius, consul B.C. 65, censor B.C. 64, iv. Cicero, ch. 27. Cotta, Marcus Aurelius, consul B.C. 74, ii. Lucullus, chs. 5, 8. ----, lieutenant of Cæsar, iii. Cæsar, ch. 24. Cotylon, iv. Antonius, ch. 18. Crassianus, Caius, a centurion, iii. Pompeius, ch. 71. C. Crassinius, iii. Cæsar, ch. 44. Crassus, i. Fabius, ch. 25. ----, Publius Licinius, i. Æmilius, ch. 9. ----, Publius, father-in-law of Caius Gracchus, and Pontifex Maximus, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 21; and, under the name of Licinius, iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 16 (?) ----, son of the preceding, brother of Caius Gracchus's wife, iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 15. ----, Marcus, iii. Life and Comparison with Nikias; ii. Sulla, chs. 28, 29, 30; Lucullus, chs. 36, 38, 40, 42; iii. Nikias, ch. 1; Pompeius, chs. 31, 43, 51, 53; Cæsar, chs. 11, 13, 14, 21; Cato Minor, chs. 19, 41; iv. Cicero, chs. 15, 25, 26, 36; Antonius, chs. 34, 37, 46; Brutus, ch. 43. ----, Publius, son of the above, iii. Crassus, chs. 13, 25, 26; Pompeius, ch. 55; iv. Cicero, chs. 33, 36. ----, Publius Licinius Crassus Junianus, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 70. ----, (M. Licinius Crassus Frugi Magnus), father of Piso, adopted by Galba, iv. Galba, ch. 23. Cratippus, a philosopher, iv. Brutus, ch. 24, and note. _See_ Kratippus. Cremona, iv. Otho, chs. 7, 8. Crete and the Cretans, i. Theseus, ch. 5, and after to 22; Lykurgus, chs. 4, 11, 31; Solon, ch. 12; Æmilius, chs. 15, 23, 32 (Cretan targets); ii. Marcellus, ch. 20: Philopoemen, chs. 7, 13, 14; Pyrrhus, chs. 27, 29 (Cretan javelin), 30, 32; Lysander, ch. 20, (Cretan against Cretan), 28 (the Cretan storax); Lucullus, ch. 2; iii. Eumenes, ch. 18 (Nearchus the Cretan); Agesilaus, ch. 34; Pompeius, ch. 29; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 6, 21 (Cretan soldiers); C. Gracchus, ch. 16 (Cretan archers); Dion, ch. 53; Brutus, ch. 19; Artaxerxes, ch. 21; Aratus, chs. 29, 48, 50 (Cretan Sea). Crispinus (T. Quintius), colleague of Marcellus, ii. Marcellus, ch. 29. ----, Rufus, first husband of Poppæa, iv. Galba, ch. 19. ----, killed by the Prætonians, iv. Otho, ch. 3. Croesus, i. Solon, chs. 27, 28; Comparison, ch. 1. Crustumerium, i. Romulus, ch. 17. Culeo, Terentius, ii. Flamininus, ch. 18. Culleo, iii. Pompeius, ch. 49. Cuma, in Campania, iv. Tib. Gracchus, chs. 8, 17, 20. ----, in Æolia. _See_ Kyme. Cumæi, iii. Cæsar, ch. 61. Cunaxa. _See_ Kunaxa. Cures, i. Numa, ch. 3; compare i. Romulus, ch. 29, and i. Solon, ch. 12. Curio, lieutenant of Sulla, ii. Sulla, ch. 14; iii. Cæsar, ch. 8; Cato Minor, ch. 14; iv. Antonius, ch. 2. ----, son of preceding, iii. Pompeius, ch. 58; Cæsar, chs. 29, 30, 31; Cato Minor, ch. 46; iv. Antonius, chs. 2, 5. Curius (Manius Curius Dentatus), ii. Cato Major, chs. 2, 8; Comparison, chs. 1, 4; Pyrrhus, ch. 25. Curtius, Marcus, i. Romulus, ch. 1. Curtian Gulf, i. Romulus, ch. 18; iv. Galba, ch. 27. Cyclades, ii. Sulla, ch. 11; iv. Demetrius, chs. 30, 53. Cyclops, i. Poplicola, ch. 16; iv. Galba, ch. 1. Cydnus, river of Cilicia, iv. Antonius, ch. 25. _See_ Kydnus. Cyprus and Cyprians, i. Theseus, ch. 20; Solon, ch. 26; Themistokles, ch. 30; Perikles, ch. 10 (Kimon's death) 25; ii. Flamininus, ch. 11 (Kimon's battles); Lysander, ch. 11; Kimon, chs. 12, 18; Lucullus, chs. 3, 43; iii. Pompeius, chs. 48, 77, 80; Alexander, chs. 24, 29, 32; Cæsar, ch. 21; Cato Minor, chs. 34, and after to 45; iv. Cicero, ch. 34; Demetrius, chs. 5, 15-19 (Cyprian cuirasses), 21, 33, 35; Antonius, chs. 36, 54; Brutus, ch. 3; Artaxerxes, ch. 21. Cyrene and Cyreneans, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 1; Lucullus, ch. 2; iii. Cato Minor, ch. 56; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 31, 36; Demetrius, ch. 53; Antonius, ch. 61; Dion, ch. 19. Cyrnus or Cyrus, river of Asia. _See_ Kyrnus. Cyrus, the founder of the Persian monarchy, i. Solon, ch. 28; iii. Alexander, chs. 30, 69; iv. Antonius, ch. 6; Artaxerxes, chs. 1, 3. ----, the younger, son of Darius Nothus, i. Perikles, ch. 24; Alkibiades, ch. 35; ii. Lysander, chs. 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 18, 45; Comparison, ch. 4; iv. Antonius, ch. 6; Artaxerxes, chs. 1-4, 6-15, 17, 20, 26. Cytheris, iv. Antonius, ch. 9. Cyzicus and Cyzicenians. _See_ Kyzikus. Dædalus, i. Theseus, ch. 19. Daimachus, i. Comparison of Solon and Poplicola, ch. 4; ii. Lysander, ch. 12. Daktyli, i. Numa, ch. 15. Dalmatia, iv. Otho, ch. 4. Damagoras, ii. Lucullus, ch. 3. Damascus, iii. Alexander, chs. 20, 24, 48. Damastes, i. Theseus, ch. 10. ----, a historian, i. Camillus, ch. 19. Damippus, ii. Marcellus, ch. 18. Damochares, iv. Agis, chs. 18, 19. Damokleides, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 8, 11. Damokles. _See_ Demokles. Damokrates, a Platæan hero, ii. Aristeides, ch. 11. ----, a Spartan, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 4. Damon, a Macedonian, iii. Alexander, ch. 22. ----, a musician, i. Perikles, ch. 3; ii. Aristeides, ch. 1; iii. Nikias, ch. 6. Damonides, i. Perikles, ch. 9. Damophantus, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 7. Damoteles, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 28. Damyrias, i. Timoleon, ch. 31. Danaus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 32. Dandamis, iii. Alexander, chs. 8, 65. Dandarians, ii. Lucullus, ch. 16. Danube, i. Æmilius, ch. 9; ii. Cato Major, ch. 12; where the text has Istria; iii. Alexander, chs. 11, 36. Daochus, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 18. Daphne, daughter of Amyklas, iv. Agis, ch. 9. ----, (Antioch on Daphne). _See_ Antioch. Dardanians, of Illyria, i. Æmilius, ch. 9. Dardanus, founder of Troy, i. Camillus, ch. 20. ----, Brutus's shield-bearer, iv. Brutus, ch. 51. ----, in the Troad, ii. Sulla, ch. 24. Darius I., son of Hystaspes, i. Themistokles, ch. 4; ii. Aristeides, ch. 5. ----, II., Nothus, iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 1, 3. ----, III., Codomannus, i. Camillus, ch. 19; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 15; iii. Alexander, chs. 16, 19, 20, 21, 22, 29, 30, 31, 37, 38, 42, 43; Phokion, ch. 17. Darius, son of Artaxerxes II., iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 26, 29. Daskylitis, lake, ii. Lucullus, ch. 9. Dassaretis, ii. Flamininus, ch. 3. Datis, ii. Aristeides, ch. 5. Dechas, iv. Agis, ch. 19. Decies, a sum of money, iv. Antonius, ch. 4. Decimus. _See_ Brutus. Decius, an Italian, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 17. Deianeira, i. Perikles, ch. 24. Deidameia, wife of Peirithous, i. Theseus, ch. 30. ----, sister of Pyrrhus, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 1, 4, 7; iv. Demetrius, chs. 25, 30, 32, 53. Deimachus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 23. Deinarchus, i. Timoleon, chs. 21, 24; iii. Phokion, ch. 33; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 30. Deinias, who killed Abantidas, iv. Aratus, ch. 3. ----, a historian, iv. Aratus, ch. 29. Deinokrates, ii. Philopoemen, chs. 18-21; Flamininus, ch. 17. Deinomache, i. Alkibiades, ch. 1. Deinon, i. Themistokles, ch. 27; iii. Alexander, ch. 36; iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 1, 6, 9, 10, 13, 19, 22. Deioneus, i. Theseus, ch. 8. Deiotarus, iii. Crassus, ch. 17; Pompeius, ch. 73; Cato Minor, chs. 12, 15; iv. Antonius, ch. 63; Brutus, ch. 6. Deirades, Attic deme, i. Alkibiades, ch. 25. Dekeleia, i. Themistokles, ch. 14; Alkibiades, chs. 23, 34; ii. Lysander, ch. 9; Kimon, ch. 8. Delium, i. Alkibiades, ch. 7; ii. Lysander, ch. 29; Sulla, ch. 22; iii. Nikias, ch. 6. Dellius, iv. Antonius, chs. 25, 59. Delos, i. Theseus, ch. 21; Perikles, ch. 12; ii. Aristeides, ch. 25; Sulla, ch. 22; iii. Nikias, ch. 3. Delos, a mountain in Boeotia, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 16. Delphi and Delphians, i. Theseus, chs. 3, 5, 16, 26; Romulus, ch. 28; Lykurgus, chs. 5, 28; Numa, ch. 9; Solon, chs. 4, 11; Camillus, chs. 4, 8; Perikles, ch. 21; Fabius, ch. 18; Timoleon, chs. 8, 20; Æmilius, chs. 28, 36; ii. Marcellus, ch. 8; Aristeides, ch. 20; Philopoemen, chs. 2, 10; Flamininus, ch. 12; Lysander, chs. 18, 25, 26; Sulla, chs. 12, 29; Kimon, ch. 17; iii. Nikias, ch. 13; Agesilaus, ch. 19; Alexander, chs. 3, 14, 37, 74; Phokion, ch. 8; Agis, ch. 11; Cicero, ch. 5; Demetrius, chs. 10, 31; Aratus, ch. 53. Delphinium, at Athens, i. Theseus, ch. 12; at Chalkis, ii. Flamininus, ch. 16. Demades, i. Solon, ch. 17; iii. Phokion, chs. 1, 16, 20, 22, 26, 27, 30; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 27; Demosthenes, chs. 8, 10, 11, 13, 23, 30; Galba, ch. 1. Demænetus, i. Timoleon, ch. 37. Demaratus, father of Tarquinius Priscus, i. Romulus, ch. 16; Poplicola, ch. 14. ----, a friend of Philip and Alexander, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 15; iv. Alexander, chs. 9, 38, 56. ----, king of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, ch. 19. ----, of Rhodes, iii. Phokion ch. 18. Demaretus, i. Timoleon, chs. 22, 24, 27. Demeas, son of Demades, iii. Phokion, ch. 30. Demetrias, Attic tribe, iv. Demetrius, ch. 10. ----, the new name of Sikyon, iv. Demetrius, ch. 25. ----, a fortified town in Thessaly, ii. Flamininus, ch. 10; iv. Demetrius, ch. 53; Brutus, ch. 25. Demetrius I., Poliorketes, son of Antigonus, iv. Life and Comparison with Antonius; i. Æmilius, ch. 8; ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 4, 7, 10, 11, 12; iii. Eumenes, ch. 18; Demosthenes, ch. 13. Demetrius, son of preceding, king of Cyrene, iv. Demetrius, ch. 53. ----, surnamed Leptus, or the Thin, another son of Poliorketes, iv. Demetrius, ch. 53. ----, II., son of Antigonus Gonatas, i. Æmilius, ch. 8; iv. Aratus, ch. 17. ----, son of Philip III. of Macedon, i. Æmilius, ch. 8; ii. Flamininus, ch. 9. ----, an attendant of Cassius, iv. Brutus, ch. 45. ----, of Magnesia, iv. Demosthenes, chs. 15, 27. ----, a Peripatetic philosopher, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 65, 66, 69, 70, 75 ?, 76 ?, 79 ?, 80 ?. ----, a Syracusan herald, i. Timoleon, ch. 39. ----, Phalereus, i. Theseus, ch. 23; Lykurgus, ch. 22; Solon, ch. 23; ii. Aristeides, chs. 1, 5, 27; iii. Phokion, ch. 35; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 9, 11, 14; Demetrius, chs. 8, 9. ----, freedman of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, chs. 2, 40; Cato Minor, ch. 13. ----, of Pharos, iv. Aratus, ch. 50. ----, surnamed Pheidon, iii. Alexander, ch. 54. Demiurgi, i. Theseus, ch. 25. Demo, iv. Demetrius, chs. 24, 27. Demochares of Leukonoe, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 30; Demetrius, ch. 24. ----, of Soli, iv. Demetrius, ch. 27. Demokles, iv. Demetrius, ch. 24. Demokleides, iv. Demetrius, ch. 13. Demokritus, i. Timoleon, ch. 1. Demoleon, ii. Lucullus, ch. 23. Demon, an Athenian, iv. Demosthenes, chs. 23, 27. ----, a historian, i. Theseus, ch. 19. Demonax, ii. Lucullus, ch. 9. Demophilus, iii. Phokion, ch. 38. Demophoon, i. Theseus, ch. 28; Solon, ch. 26. Demopolis, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. Demosthenes, father of the orator, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 4. ----, the orator, iv. Life and Comparison with Cicero; i. Alkibiades, ch. 10; ii. Cato Major, chs. 2, 4; Pyrrhus, ch. 14; iii. Alexander, ch. 11; Phokion, chs. 5, 7, 9, 15, 17, 26, 27, 29; iv. Cicero, ch. 24. ----, an Athenian general, i. Alkibiades, ch. 1; iii. Nikias, chs. 7, 8, 20, 21, 28. Demostratus, an Athenian orator, i. Alkibiades, ch. 18; iii. Nikias, ch. 12. ----, (? Erasistratus), son of Phæax, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 15. Demus, i. Theseus, ch. 22. Densus, Sempronius, iv. Galba, ch. 26. Derketæus, iv. Antonius, ch. 78. Derkyllidas, i. Lykurgus, chs. 12, 14; iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 20. Derkyllus, iii. Phokion, ch. 32. Deukalion, i. Theseus, ch. 19; ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. Dexithea, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Dexius, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 17. _See_ Decius. Diadematus, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. Diagoras, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 34. Diakrii, i. Solon, ch. 13. Diamperes, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 32. Dicomes, king of the Getæ, iv. Antonius, ch. 63. Dikæarchia, ii. Sulla, ch. 37. Dikæarchus, i. Theseus, chs. 21, 32; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 19. Didius, iii. Sertorius, ch. 3. ----, iii. Cæsar, ch. 56. Didyma, iii. Pompeius, ch. 24. Didymus, i. Solon, ch. 1. Dieutychides, i. Lykurgus, ch. 1. Dindymene, i. Themistokles, ch. 30. Diodorus the geographer, i. Theseus, ch. 36; Themistokles, ch. 32; ii. Kimon, ch. 16. ----, son of Sophax, iii. Sertorius, ch. 9. Diogeiton, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 35. Diogenes, step-son of Archelaus, ii. Sulla, ch. 21. ----, general of Demetrius II., governor of Peiræus, iv. Aratus, ch. 34. ----, of Sinope, philosopher, i. Lykurgus, ch. 31; Fabius, ch. 10; Timoleon, ch. 15; iii. Alexander, chs. 14, 65. ----, a Stoic philosopher, ii. Cato Major, ch. 22. Diokles of Megara, i. Theseus, ch. 10. ----, of Peparethus, i. Romulus, chs. 3, 9. ----, one of four Syrians, iv. Aratus, chs. 18, 20. ----, son of Themistokles, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. Diokleides, i. Alkibiades, ch. 20. Diomedes, the hero, i. Romulus, ch. 2. ----, an Athenian, i. Alkibiades, ch. 12. ----, Cleopatra's servant, iv. Antonius, ch. 76. Dion, iv. Life and Comparison with Brutus, i. Timoleon, chs. 1, 13, 22, 33; Comparison, ch. 2; ii. Aristeides, ch. 1; iii. Nikias, chs. 14, 23. Dionassa, i. Lykurgus, ch. 1. Dionysius of Kolophon, i. Timoleon, ch. 36. ----, of Corinth, i. Timoleon, ch. 24. ----, of Halikarnassus, i. Romulus, ch. 16; Comparison of Alkibiades and Coriolanus, ch. 2; ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 17, 21. ----, of Messene, iii. Alexander, ch. 73. ----, of Magnesia, iv. Cicero, ch. 4. ----, the elder, despot of Syracuse, i. Solon, ch. 20; Timoleon, chs. 6, 15; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 31, 34; Cato Major, ch. 24; Lysander, ch. 2; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 33; iv. Dion, chs. 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 11, 21, 53; Galba, ch. 1. ----, the younger, despot of Syracuse, i. Timoleon, chs. 1, 7, 8, 11, 13-16; Comparison, ch. 1; iii. Nikias, ch. 23; iv. Dion, chs. 2, 6-9, 11-14, and following; Comparison, chs. 2, 3, 4. ----, one of four Syrians, iv. Aratus, ch. 20. ----, Chalkus, iii. Nikias, ch. 5. Dionysodorus, iv. Aratus, ch. 1. Diopeithes, an Athenian, i. Perikles, ch. 32. ----, an Athenian, iii. Phokion, ch. 7; iv. Comparison of Cicero and Demosthenes, ch. 3. ----, a Spartan, ii. Lysander, ch. 22; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 8. Diophanes, general of the Achæans, iii. Philopoemen, ch. 16; Flamininus, ch. 17; Comparison, ch. 3. ----, of Mitylene, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 20. Diophantus of Amphitrope, ii. Aristeides, ch. 26. Dioskuri, the, i. Theseus, ch. 32; Coriolanus, ch. 2; Æmilius, chs. 23, 25; ii. Lysander, chs. 12, 18; iii. Cato Minor, ch. 27; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 2. Dioskorides, i. Lykurgus, ch. 10; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 35. Diphilides, or Philides, i. Themistokles, ch. 5. Diphilus, an Athenian, iv. Demetrius, ch. 46. ----, comic poet, iii. Nikias, ch. 1. Diphridas, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 17. Dipylum, ii. Sulla, ch. 14. Dirke, iv. Demetrius, ch. 45. Dium, iv. Demetrius, ch. 36. Dodona, i. Themistokles, ch. 28; ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1; Lysander, ch. 25; iii. Phokion, ch. 28. Dog's tomb at Salamis, i. Themistokles, ch. 10; ii. Aristeides, ch. 5. Dokimus, iii. Eumenes, ch. 8. Dolabella, Cnæus Cornelius, consul B.C. 81; friend of Sulla, ii. Sulla, chs. 28, 29; Comparison, ch. 2; iii. Cæsar, ch. 4. Dolabella, Cicero's son-in-law, consul with M. Antonius B.C. 44, iii. Cæsar, chs. 51, 62; iv. Cicero, ch. 43; Antonius, chs. 9, 10, 11; Brutus, chs. 2, 8, 25. ----, son of preceding, iv. Antonius, ch. 84. ----, iv. Galba, ch. 23; Otho, ch. 5. Doliola, i. Camillus, ch. 20. Dolopians, i. Theseus, ch. 36; ii. Flamininus, ch. 15; Kimon, ch. 8. Domitian the emperor, i. Numa, ch. 19; Poplicola, ch. 15; Æmilius, ch. 25. Domitius (Ahenobarbus, of the party of Marius), consul B.C. 96, iii. Pompeius, chs. 10, 11, 12. ----, (Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus), consul B.C. 54, brother-in-law of Cato Minor, iii. Crassus, ch. 15; Comparison, ch. 2; Pompeius, chs. 52, 57, 67; Comparison, ch. 4; Cæsar, chs. 29, 34, 35, 42, 44; Cato Minor, chs. 41, 42; iv. Cicero, ch. 38. ----, (Ahenobarbus Cnæus, son of Lucius, the preceding), iv. Antonius, chs. 40, 56, 63. ----, (Lucius, son of Cnæus, the preceding), married to Antonia, iv. Antonius, ch. 87. ----, Ahenobarbus (Cnæus, son of Lucius, the preceding), married to the younger Agrippina, iv. Antonius, ch. 87. ----, (Lucius Domitius Nero Germanicus), the emperor Nero, son of Cnæus, the preceding, iv. Antonius, ch. 87. ----, (Lucius, or Calvisius), iii. Sertorius, ch. 12. _See_ note. ----, Calvinus (Cnæus), consul B.C. 53, iii. Pompeius, chs. 54, 69, where the text has Calvinus Lucius; Cæsar, chs. 44, 50; iv. Brutus, ch. 47. Dorians, i. Lykurgus, ch. 10 (a Doric word); Perikles, ch. 17 (Dorians in Asia Minor); ii. Lysander, ch. 5 (Dorian character), ch. 24; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 31; iv. Agis, ch. 21; Kleomenes, ch. 16; Aratus, chs. 2, 9. Doris, country of the Dorians, i. Themistokles, ch. 9. ----, wife of Dionysius the elder, iv. Dion, ch. 3. Dorylaus, general of Mithridates, ii. Sulla, ch. 20; Lucullus, ch. 17. Doson, surname of Antigonus, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. Douris of Samos, historian, i. Perikles, ch. 28; Alkibiades, ch. 32; ii. Lysander, ch. 18; iii. Eumenes, ch. 1; Agesilaus, ch. 3; Alexander, chs. 15, 46; Phokion, chs. 4, 17; Demosthenes, chs. 19, 23. Drako, i. Solon, chs. 17, 19, 25. Drakontides, i. Perikles, ch. 32. Dromichaites, iv. Demetrius, chs. 39, 52. Dromokleides, iv. Demetrius, ch. 34. Drusus, Livius, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 2; C. Gracchus, chs. 8-11. ----, Livius (son of preceding, uncle of Cato Minor), iii. Cato Minor, chs. 1, 2. ----, son of Livia, brother of the emperor Tiberius, iv. Antonius, ch. 87. Dyme, iii. Pompeius, ch. 28; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 14; Aratus, chs. 11, 47. Dyrrhachium, ii. Sulla, ch. 27; iii. Pompeius, ch. 74; Cæsar, chs. 16, 35; Cato Minor, chs. 53-55; iv. Cicero, ch. 32; Brutus, ch. 74, where Sintenis, ed. 2, reads Epidamnus. Ebro, or Iberus, iii. Sertorius, ch. 16. Echekrates, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 16. ----, a sophist, iii. Phokion, ch. 18. Echedemia, i. Theseus, ch. 32. Echedemus, i. Theseus, ch. 32. Ecregma, iv. Antonius, ch. 8. Edessa, iv. Demetrius, ch. 43. Edonians, iii. Alexander, ch. 2. Egeria, i. Numa, chs. 4, 13, 15. Egesta, iii. Nikias, chs. 1, 12, 14. Egnatius, iii. Crassus, ch. 27. Egypt and Egyptians. For history, _see_ i. Themistokles, ch. 31; Perikles, chs. 20, 37; ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 4; Kimon, ch. 18; Lucullus, ch. 2; Comparison, ch. 3; iii. Crassus, ch. 13; Eumenes, ch. 8; Agesilaus, chs. 36-40; Pompeius, ch. 77; Comparison, ch. 5; Alexander, chs. 29, 40; Cæsar, chs. 45, 55; Cato Minor, chs. 35, 56; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 21, and after; Demetrius, chs. 18, 53; Antonius, chs. 3, 33, 36, and after to the end; Brutus, chs. 6, 18, 33; Artaxerxes, chs. 22, 24; Aratus, chs. 4, 12, 15, 46; Galba, chs. 2, 14; Otho, ch. 15; also i. Romulus, ch. 12 (the month Choiac); Lykurgus, ch. 4 (his visit to Egypt); Numa, ch. 4 (an Egyptian dogma), 14 (the Egyptian wheels), 18 (the Egyptian months); Solon, ch. 2 (Plato's visit to Egypt), ch. 26 (Solon's visit); iii. Nikias, ch. 9 (its productiveness of good and ill); iv. Demetrius, ch. 27 (the story of Bocchoris); Antonius, ch. 27 (the Egyptian dialect). Eion, ii. Kimon, chs. 6, 8. Eiresione, i. Theseus, ch. 22. Eirenes, i. Lykurgus, ch. 16, 17. Ekbatana, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 30; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 15; Alexander, chs. 35, 72; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 14; Artaxerxes, ch. 27. Ekdelus, iv. Aratus, chs. 5, 7. Ekdemus, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 1. Eknomon, iv. Dion, ch. 26. Ekphanes, iv. Agis, ch. 6. Ekprepes, iv. Agis, ch. 10. Elaius in Chersonesus, ii. Lysander, ch. 9. Elatea, ii. Sulla, ch. 16; iii. Phokion, ch. 33; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 18. Elatus, i. Lykurgus, ch. 7. Elea or Velia, i. Perikles, ch. 4; Timoleon, ch. 35; iv. Brutus, ch. 23. Eleius, i. Perikles, ch. 29; ii. Kimon, ch. 16. Elektra, ii. Lysander, ch. 15. Elephenor, i. Theseus, ch. 35. Eleusis, i. Theseus, chs. 10, 29; Themistokles, ch. 15; Perikles, ch. 13; Alkibiades, chs. 22, 34; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 14; Aristeides, chs. 5, 11; Sulla, ch. 6; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 24; Alexander, ch. 31; Phokion, chs. 6, 28; iv. Demetrius, ch. 33. Eleutheræ, i. Theseus, ch. 29. Eleutheria, festival of, ii. Aristeides, ch. 21. Elicium or Ilicium, i. Numa, ch. 15. Elimiæ or Elimia, i. Æmilius, ch. 9. Elis and Eleans, i. Lykurgus, chs. 19, 30; Alkibiades, ch. 15; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 24; Philopoemen, ch. 7; iii. Nikias, ch. 10; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 3, 5. Elpinike, i. Perikles, ch. 10, 28; ii. Kimon, chs. 4, 14, 15. Elymæans, iii. Pompeius, ch. 36. Elysian fields, iii. Sertorius, ch. 8. Emathion, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Empedokles, iv. Demetrius, ch. 5. Empylus, iv. Brutus, ch. 2. Enarsphorus, i. Theseus, ch. 30. Endeis, i. Theseus, ch. 10. Endymion, i. Numa, ch. 4. Engyium, ii. Marcellus, ch. 20. Enna, ii. Marcellus, ch. 20. Enyo, ii. Sulla, ch. 9. Epameinondas, i. Lykurgus, ch. 12; Fabius, ch. 27; Coriolanus, ch. 4; Comparison, ch. 3; Timoleon, ch. 36; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 3, and after; Marcellus, ch. 21; Comparison, chs. 1, 2; Aristeides, ch. 1; Cato Major, ch. 8; Comparison, ch. 4; Philopoemen, chs. 3, 14; Comparison of Sulla and Lysander, ch. 4; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 19, 27-35; Phokion, ch. 3; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 20; Aratus, ch. 19. Epaphroditus, freedman of Augustus, iv. Antonius, ch. 79. Epaphroditus (Felix), surname of Sulla, ii. Sulla, ch. 34. Eperatus, iv. Aratus, ch. 48. Ephesus and Ephesians, i. Alkibiades, chs. 8, 12, 29; ii. Marcellus, ch. 21; Flamininus, ch. 21; Lysander, chs. 3, 5, 6; Sulla, ch. 26; Lucullus, chs. 23, 25; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 7; Alexander, ch. 3; Cato Minor, ch. 14; iv. Demetrius, ch. 30; Antonius, chs. 24, 56, 58. Ephialtes, an Athenian, i. Perikles, chs. 7, 9, 10, 16; ii. Kimon, chs. 10, 13, 15; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 14. ----, an Athenian orator, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 23. ----, a Macedonian, iii. Alexander, ch. 41. Ephorus, a historian, i. Themistokles, ch. 27; Camillus, ch. 19; Perikles, ch. 27; Alkibiades, ch. 32; Timoleon, ch. 4; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 17; Lysander, chs. 16, 20, 25, 30; Kimon, ch. 12; iv. Dion, chs. 35, 36. Epicharmus, i. Numa, ch. 8; Poplicola, ch. 15. Epidamnus. _See_ Dyrrhachium. Epidaurus and Epidaurians, i. Theseus, ch. 8; Perikles, ch. 35; ii. Sulla, ch. 12; iii. Pompeius, ch. 24; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 19, 20; Aratus, chs. 24, 44. Epigethes, iv. Aratus, ch. 32. Epigonus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 3. Epikles, i. Themistokles, ch. 5. Epikrates of Acharnæ, i. Themistokles, ch. 24. ----, the bearded, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 30. Epikurus, an Athenian, iii. Phokion, ch. 38. ----, the philosopher, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 20; Comparison of Kimon and Lucullus, ch. 1; iii. Cæsar, ch. 66; iv. Demetrius, ch. 34; Brutus, chs. 37, 39. Epikydes, son of Euphemides, an Athenian demagogue, i. Themistokles, ch. 6. Epikydides, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 15. Epilykus, i. Perikles, ch. 36. Epimenides, i. Solon, ch. 12. Epipolæ, i. Timoleon, ch. 21; iii. Nikias, ch. 17, 21; iv. Dion, chs. 27, 29. Epirus and Epirots. _See_, in general, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 1-13, 17; and i. Theseus, ch. 31; Themistokles, ch. 24; Æmilius, ch. 29; ii. Flamininus, chs. 3, 5; iii. Alexander, chs. 9, 68; Cæsar, ch. 37; iv. Demetrius, chs. 36, 41; Antonius, ch. 62; Aratus, ch. 51. Epitadeus, iv. Agis, ch. 5. Epitimus, i. Perikles, ch. 36. Epitragia, i. Theseus, ch. 13. Epixyes, i. Themistokles, ch. 30. Epizephyrii. _See_ Lokri Epizephyrii. Epoche, philosophical term, iv. Cicero, ch. 40. Erasistratus, father of Phæax, i. Alkibiades, ch. 13. ----, iv. Demetrius, ch. 38. Eratosthenes, i. Lykurgus, ch. 1; Themistokles, ch. 27; iii. Alexander, chs. 3, 31; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 9, 30. Erechtheus, i. Theseus, chs. 3, 13, 19, 32; Comparison, ch. 6. Eretrieus, i. Themistokles, ch. 11. Ergadeis, Attic tribe, i. Solon, ch. 23. Erginus, iv. Aratus, chs. 18-21, 33. Ergoteles, i. Themistokles, ch. 26. Erianthus, ii. Lysander, ch. 15. Ericius, ii. Sulla, chs. 16, 17, 18. Erigyius, iii. Alexander, ch. 10. Eros, iv. Antonius, ch. 76. Eryx, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 22; Marius, ch. 40. Eteokles, ii. Lysander, ch. 19. Ethiopia, iv. Antonius, chs. 27, 61. Etruria and Etrurians, or Etruscans, Tyrrhenia and Tyrrhenians (which are the Greek words), Tuscany and Tuscans, i. Romulus, chs. 2, 25; Poplicola, chs. 9, 13, 16, 18, 19 (the war with Porsena); Camillus, chs. 2, 12 (the war with Veii), 15, 16 (the original Tuscan territory), 19, 37, 33; Perikles, ch. 20; Fabius, chs. 2, 3; Æmilius, ch. 6 (the Tuscan Sea); ii. Marcellus, chs. 28, 29; Marius, chs. 11, 41; Sulla, ch. 7 (an Etruscan doctrine); iii. Pompeius, ch. 26 (the Tyrrhenian Sea), 27; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 8; Cicero, chs. 10, 14, 15; Antonius, ch. 61. Etymokles, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 25. Eualkus, a Spartan, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 30. Euboea, i. Theseus, chs. 5, 35; Solon, ch. 9; Themistokles, chs. 7, 8; Perikles, chs. 7, 22, 23; Comparison, ch. 2; ii. Flamininus, ch. 10; Sulla, chs. 11, 23; iii. Phokion, chs. 12, 13; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 17; Aratus, ch. 12. Eubulus, iii. Phokion, ch. 7. Euchidas, ii. Aristeides. ch. 20. Eudæmon, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. Eudæus or Eulæus, i. Æmilius, ch. 23. Eudamidas I., king of Sparta, iv. Agis, ch. 3. ----, II., king of Sparta, iv. Agis, ch. 3. ----, a Spartan, iv. Agis, ch. 3. Eudamus, Captain of the elephants, iii. Eumenes, ch. 16. Eudemus of Cyprus, iv. Dion, ch. 22. ----, of Pergamus, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 14. Eudoxus, ii. Marcellus, ch. 14. Euergetes, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. _See_ Ptolemæus. Euius or Evius, a flute-player, iii. Eumenes, ch. 2. Eukleia, ii. Aristeides, ch. 20. Eukleidas, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 6; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 11, 28; Comparison, ch. 5. ----, a Spartan, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 5. Eukleides, archon at Athens B.C. 403, ii. Aristeides, ch. 1. Eukleides or Eurykleidas, in power at Athens, iv. Aratus, ch. 41. ----, a Corinthian, i. Timoleon, ch. 13. Euktus, i. Æmilius, ch. 23. Eulæus, i. Æmilius, ch. 23. Eumelus, i. Æmilius, ch. 23. Eumenes of Kardia, iii. Life and Comparison with Sertorius; iii. Sertorius, ch. 21; iv. Antonius, ch. 60. ----, II., king of Pergamus, ii. Cato Major, ch. 8; Flamininus, ch. 21. Eumolpus and Eumolpidæ, i. Alkibiades, chs. 22, 33, 34; ii. Sulla, ch. 13. Euneos, i. Theseus, ch. 26. Eunomus the Thriasian, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 6. ----, king of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, ch. 1. Eunus, ii. Sulla, ch. 36. Eupatrids, i. Theseus, ch. 25, 32; ii. Sulla, ch. 1. Euphemides, i. Themistokles, ch. 26. Euphorion, i. Solon, ch. 1. Euphranor, iv. Aratus, ch. 6. Euphrantides, i. Themistokles, ch. 13; ii. Aristeides, ch. 9. Euphrates, ii. Sulla, ch. 5; Lucullus, chs. 21, 24, 36; iii. Crassus, ch. 17; Pompeius, chs. 32, 33, 76; Alexander, chs. 29, 31, 73; iv. Demetrius, ch. 7; Antonius, chs. 30, 61. Euphronius, iv. Antonius, ch. 72. Eupolemus, i. Timoleon, ch. 32. Eupolia, daughter of Agesilaus, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 19. ----, daughter of Melesippides, wife of Archidamus, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 1. Eupolis, i. Perikles, chs. 3, 24; Alkibiades, ch. 13; ii. Kimon, ch. 15; iii. Nikias, ch. 4. Euripides, i. Theseus, chs. 3, 15, 29; Lykurgus, ch. 31; Comparison, ch. 3; Solon, ch. 22; Fabius, ch. 17; Alkibiades, chs. 1, 11; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 3, 29; Marcellus, ch. 21; Comparison, ch. 3; Pyrrhus, chs. 9, 14; Lysander, ch. 15; Sulla, ch. 4; Kimon, ch. 4; iii. Nikias, chs. 17, 29; Crassus, ch. 33; Comparison, ch. 4; Alexander, chs. 8, 10, 51, 53; Cato Minor, ch. 52; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 1, 7; Demetrius, chs. 14, 45; Comparison, ch. 3; Brutus, ch. 51. Euripus, i. Lykurgus, ch. 1. Europe, i. Themistokles, ch. 16; Camillus, ch. 15; Perikles, ch. 17; ii. Aristeides, ch. 9; Pyrrhus, ch. 12; iii. Pompeius, ch. 45; Alexander, ch. 9; compare iv. Brutus, ch. 36. Eurotas, i. Lykurgus, chs. 11, 14; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 17, 24, 30; Comparison, ch. 2; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 19, 31, 34. Eurydike, sister of Phila, wife of Ptolemæus I., iv. Demetrius, ch. 46. ----, wife of Demetrius, iv. Demetrius, chs. 14, 53. Eurybiades, i. Themistokles, chs. 7, 11, 17; ii. Aristeides, ch. 8. Eurykles, a Spartan, iv. Antonius, ch. 67. ----, a Syracusan, iii. Nikias, ch. 28. Eurykleides, an Athenian, iv. Aratus, ch. 41. ----, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 8. Eurylochus, iii. Alexander, ch. 41. Eurymedon, an Athenian officer, iii. Nikias, chs. 20, 21. ----, river of Pamphylia, ii. Flamininus, ch. 11; Kimon, ch. 12. Eurypon and Eurypontidæ, i. Lykurgus, ch. 2; ii. Lysander, chs. 24, 30; iii. Comparison of Agesilaus and Pompeius, ch. 2; iv. Agis, ch. 3. Euryptolemus, kinsman of Perikles, i. Perikles, ch. 7; probably the same as Euryptolemus, son of Megakles, Kimon's wife's father, ii. Kimon, chs. 4, 16. Euryptolemus, cousin of Alkibiades, i. Alkibiades, ch. 32. Eurysakes, i. Solon, ch. 10; Alkibiades, ch. 1. Eurysthenes, i. Lykurgus, ch. 1. Eurytus, i. Theseus, ch. 8. Euterpe, mother of Themistokles, i. Themistokles, ch. 1. Euthippus, ii. Kimon, ch. 17. Euthydemus, iii. Nikias, ch. 20. Euthymus, a Leucadian, i. Timoleon, ch. 30. ----, an officer of Hiketes, i. Timoleon, ch. 32. ----, of Thespiæ, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 34. Eutyches, ii. Sulla, ch. 34. Eutychus, iv. Antonius, ch. 65. Euxine Sea, or Pontus, i. Theseus, ch. 26; Perikles, ch. 20; ii. Marius, chs. 34, 45; Lucullus, ch. 4; iii. Pompeius, ch. 32; Alexander, ch. 44. Evagoras, ii. Lysander, ch. 11. Evalkus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 30. Evander, the Arcadian, i. Romulus, chs. 13, 21. ----, a Cretan, i. Æmilius, ch. 23. ----, Hill of, near Messene, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 18. Evangelus, servant of Perikles, i. Perikles, ch. 16. ----, a writer on tactics, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 4. Evanthes, of Samos, i. Solon, ch. 11. Evergetes, or Euergetes, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. Evius, or Euius, iii. Eumenes, ch. 2. Exathres, iii. Alexander, ch. 43. Exekestides, i. Solon, ch. 1. Fabia, sister of Terentia, Cicero's wife, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 19. Fabii, i. Camillus, chs. 17, 18, 19; Fabius, ch. 1; iii. Cæsar, ch. 15. Fabius, son of Hercules, i. Fabius, ch. 1. ----, Pontifex Maximus, i. Camillus, ch. 21. ----, Ambustus, Q., i. Numa, ch. 12; Camillus, chs. 4, 17, 18. Fabius Pictor, i. Romulus, chs, 3, 9, 14; Fabius, ch. 18. ----, Rullus Maximus, five times consul, last in B.C. 295, i. Fabius, ch. 1; iii. Pompeius, ch. 13. ----, Buteo, dictator, i. Fabius, ch. 9. ----, Maximus Verrucosus, i. Life and Comparison with Perikles; i. Perikles, ch. 2; Æmilius, ch. 5; ii. Marcellus, chs. 9, 21, 25; Cato Major, chs. 2, 3; iii. Comparison of Agesilaus and Pompeius, ch. 4. ----, Maximus, son of preceding, i. Fabius, ch. 24; Compare i. Æmilius, ch. 5; he is the father by adoption of the following. ----, Maximus, son of Æmilius Paulus, i. Æmilius, chs. 5, 15, 35, 73 ?. ----, Maximus Allobrogicus, iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 6. ----, Adrianus, lieutenant of Lucullus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 35. ----, Maximus, consul B.C. 45, iii. Cæsar, ch. 58. ----, Valeus, commanding for Vitellius, iv. Galba, chs. 10, 15, 22; Otho, chs. 5, 6, 7, 11, 13. ----, Fabulus, or Fabullus, murderer of Galba, iv. Galba, ch. 27. Fabricius, Caius, consul, ii. Comparison of Aristeides and Cato, chs. 1, 4; Pyrrhus, chs. 18, 20, 21; iv. Galba, ch. 29. Falerii and Falerians, i. Camillus, ch. 9; Fabius, ch. 2. Faliscans, people of the district of Falerii, i. Camillus, chs. 2, 5, 9, 10; iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 3. Fannia, ii. Marius, ch. 38. Fannius, a historian, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 4. ----, Caius, iv. C. Gracchus, chs. 8, 12. Fausta, daughter of Sulla, ii. Sulla, ch. 34. Faustulus, i. Romulus, chs. 3, 11. Faustus, son of Sulla, ii. Sulla, ch. 34; iii. Pompeius, chs. 42, 47; Comparison, ch. 1; Cæsar, ch. 14; iv. Cicero, ch. 27; Brutus, ch. 9. Favonius, Marcus, iii. Pompeius, chs. 57, 60, 73; Comparison, ch. 4; Cæsar, chs. 21, 33, 41; Cato Minor, chs. 32, 46; iv. Brutus, chs. 11, 34. Felix, surname of Sulla, ii. Sulla, ch. 34. Fenestella, ii. Sulla, ch. 28; iii. Crassus, ch. 5. Ferentine Gate, or Grove, i. Romulus, ch. 24. Fidenæ, and Fidenates, i. Romulus, chs. 17, 24, 25; Poplicola, ch. 22; Camillus, ch. 17. Fidentia, ii. Sulla, ch. 27. Fimbria, ii. Flamininus, ch. 21; Sulla, chs. 12, 23, 24, 25; Lucullus, chs. 3, 6, 34, 35; iii. Sertorius, ch. 23. Firmani, ii. Cato Major, ch. 13. Flaccus, Hordeonius, iv. Galba, chs. 10, 18, 22. ----, Valerius, consul B.C. 195, ii. Cato Major, chs. 3, 10, 16, 17. ----, Valerius, consul with Marius, afterwards killed by Fimbria, ii. Marius, ch. 28; Sulla, chs. 12, 23; Lucullus, ch. 7. ----, Q. Horatius, the poet, ii. Lucullus, ch. 39. Flamen Quirinalis. _See_ Quirinalis. Flamininus, Lucius, ii. Cato Major, ch. 17; Flamininus, chs. 3, 18, 19. ----, Titus Quintius, ii. Life and Comparison with Philopoemen; i. Æmilius, ch. 8; ii. Cato Major, chs. 12, 19; Comparison, ch. 1; Philopoemen, chs. 2, 14-17; Sulla, ch. 12. ----, Caius, i. Fabius, chs. 2, 3; ii. Marcellus, chs. 4, 6. Flaminian Circus, ii. Marcellus, ch. 27; Lucullus, ch. 37. Flavius, tribune of the people, iii. Cæsar, ch. 61. ----, Sabinus, brother of Vespasian, iv. Otho, ch. 5. ----, commanding Brutus's engineers, iv. Brutus, ch. 51. ----, tribune of the soldiers, ii. Marcellus, ch. 26. ----, Gallus, iv. Antonius, ch. 43. Flora, iii. Pompeius, chs. 2, 53. Florus, Mestrius, iv. Otho, ch. 14. Fonteius Capito, iv. Antonius, ch. 36. ----, killed in Germany, iv. Galba, ch. 15. Fossæ Cluiliæ, i. Coriolanus, ch. 30. Fox Hill, ii. Lysander, ch. 29. Fregellæ and Fregellans, ii. Marcellus, ch. 29; Comparison, ch. 3; iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 3. Frentani, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 16. Fufidius, or Afidius, ii. Sulla, ch. 31; iii. Sertorius, ch. 12; compare chs. 26, 27. Fulcinia, mother of Marius, ii. Marius, ch. 3. Fulvia, a noble lady, iv. Cicero, ch. 16. ----, wife of Antony, iv. Antonius, frequent. Fulvian, Basilica, the, iii. Cæsar, ch. 29. Fulvius, Quintus, consul and dictator, i. Comparison of Fabius and Perikles, ch. 2; ii. Marcellus, chs. 24, 25. ----, Cnæus, proconsul, ii. Marcellus, ch. 24. ----, Marcus Fulvius Flaccus, consul 125 B.C., iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 18, and probably ch. 21; Flavius Flaccus, ch. 18; C. Gracchus, chs. 10-18, where his son is also mentioned. ----, tribune of the people, ii. Flamininus, ch. 2. Furii, i. Camillus, ch. 1. Furius. _See_ Camillus. ----, Lucius, colleague with Camillus, ch. 37. Furius, consul with Flamininus, ii. Marcellus, ch. 4. ----, an officer in the Servile war, iii. Crassus, ch. 9. Furnius, iv. Antonius, ch. 58. Fusco, meaning of, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. Gabiene, iii. Eumenes, ch. 15. Gabii, i. Romulus, ch. 5; Camillus, ch. 29. Gabinius, Aulus, consul B.C. 58, iii. Pompeius, chs. 25, 27, 48; Cato Minor, ch. 33; iv. Cicero, chs. 30, 31; Antonius, chs. 3, 7. ----, an officer of Sulla, ii. Sulla, chs. 16, 17. Gades, or Cadiz, iii. Sertorius, ch. 8. Gæsatæ, ii. Marcellus, chs. 3, 6, 7. Gæsylus, iv. Dion, ch. 49. Gaius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 42. Galate, or Akrourium, a mountain in Phokis, iii. Phokion, ch. 33. Galatia, ii. Marius, ch. 31; Lucullus, chs. 14, 33; iii. Crassus, ch. 17; Pompeius, chs. 30, 31, 33; Cato Minor, ch. 15; iv. Antonius, ch. 61. Galba, Servius, serving under Æmilius Paulus, afterwards consul, ii. Æmilius, chs. 30, 31; Cato Major, ch. 15; Comparison, ch. 1. ----, lieutenant of Sulla, i. Sulla, ch. 17. ----, Caius, Sulpicius, prætor, iv. Cicero, ch. 19. ----, an officer under Cæsar, iii. Cæsar, ch. 51. ----, Sulpicius, grandfather of the emperor, cited as a historian, i. Romulus, ch. 17. ----, Sulpicius, the emperor, iv. Life; Otho, chs. 1, 6. Galepsus, i. Æmilius, ch. 23. Gallus, Annius, general of Otho, iv. Otho, chs. 5. 7, 8, 13. ----, friend of Augustus, iv. Antonius, ch. 79. ----, Flavius, lieutenant of Antonius, iv. Antonius, ch. 42. Gallus, Q. Considius, iii. Cæsar, ch. 14. Gandaritans, iii. Alexander, ch. 62. Ganges, iii. Alexander, ch. 62. Gargettus, i. Theseus, chs. 13, 35. Gaugamela, where the battle of Arbela was fought, iii. Alexander, ch. 31. Gaul and the Gauls. Capture of Rome by the Gauls, i. Camillus, chs. 15-20, 22, 23, 25-29, 40, 41, and compare Romulus, chs. 17, 22, 29; Numa, chs. 1, 12; Fabius, ch. 17. The war before the second Punic war, ii. Marcellus, chs. 3-8, and the Comparison, and compare i. Romulus, ch. 16; Fabius, ch. 2. The war with the Cimbri in Gaul, ii. Marius, chs. 11-27, and compare iii. Sertorius, ch. 3. Cæsar's campaigns in Gaul, iii. Cæsar, ch. 15, and after; and compare iii. Crassus, chs. 14, 16, and the Comparison, ch. 4; Pompeius, chs. 48, 51, 52, 57, 59, 64, 66, 67; Cato Minor, chs. 33, 45, 49, 51; iv. Cicero, ch. 30; Antonius, ch. 5. The Gauls in Greece, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 22, 26, 28, 30, and compare ii. Kimon, ch. 1; Comparison of Agis and Kleomenes and the Gracchi, ch. 2; Aratus, ch. 38. Gauls near the Danube, i. Æmilius, chs. 9, 11. Gallic horse, ii. Lucullus, ch. 28; iii. Crassus, chs. 17, 25; iv. Antonius, chs. 37, 41; and compare Pompeius, ch. 7. Gauls in the Servile War, iii. Crassus, chs. 8, 9; the revolt of Gaul, iv. Galba, chs. 4, 6, 10, 11, 18, 22; Otho, chs. 6, 7. Also i. Solon, ch. 2; Æmilius, ch. 6; iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 15; iii. Pompeius, ch. 8; iv. Cicero, chs. 10, 12, 18; Antonius, chs. 18, 61. Ravenna in Gaul, ii. Marius, ch. 2. Transalpine, ii. Marius, ch. 11; iii. Pompeius, ch. 48; Cæsar, ch. 14. Cisalpine Gaul, or Gaul on the Po, ii. Lucullus, ch. 5; iii. Crassus, ch. 9; Sertorius, ch. 4; Pompeius, chs. 16, 48; Cæsar, chs. 14, 21, 25, 31, 32; iv. Cicero, ch. 10; Brutus, chs. 6, 19; Comparison, ch. 5. Gallia Narbonensis, iii. Sertorius, ch. 12. The Gallic dress, iv. Otho, ch. 6. Gaza, iii. Alexander, ch. 25; iv. Demetrius, ch. 5. Gedrosia, iii. Alexander, ch. 67. Gegania, a vestal, i. Numa, ch. 10. ----, mother-in-law of Thalæa, i. Comparison of Lykurgus and Numa, ch. 3. Gela, i. Timoleon, ch. 35; ii. Kimon, ch. 8; iv. Dion, ch. 26. Gelæ, iii. Pompeius, ch. 35. Gelanor, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 32. Geleontes, Attic tribe, i. Solon, ch. 23. Gellianus, sent by Nymphidius into Spain, iv. Galba, chs. 9, 13. Gellius, Lucius Gellius Poplicola, consul B.C. 72, iii. Crassus, ch. 9; Pompeius, ch. 22; Cato Minor, ch. 8; iv. Cicero, ch. 26. ----, Marcus, senator, iv. Cicero, ch. 27. Gelon, an Epirot, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 5. ----, i. Coriolanus, ch. 16; Timoleon, ch. 23; iv. Dion, ch. 5. Geminius, companion of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, chs. 2, 16. ----, companion of Antonius, iv. Antonius, ch. 59. ----, of Terracina, ii. Marius, ch. 38. Genthius, i. Æmilius, chs. 9, 13. Genucius, iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 3. Geradas, i. Lykurgus, ch. 14. Geræstus, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 6. Gerandas, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 25. Geranea, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 20; Aratus, ch. 31. Gergithus, iii. Phokion, ch. 18. Germanicus, son of Drusus, iv. Antonius, ch. 87. ----, surname of Nero, iv. Antonius, ch. 87; of Vitellius, iv. Galba, ch. 22. Germanus. _See_ Cermalus. Germany and the Germans, i. Æmilius, ch. 25; ii. Marius, ch. 11; iii. Crassus, ch. 9; Comparison of Crassus and Nikias, ch. 4; Pompeius, ch. 67; Cæsar, chs. 18, 19, 22, 23, 58; Cato Minor, ch. 51; iv. Galba, chs. 3, 6, 13, 15, 18, 22, 23; Otho, chs. 10, 12, 18. Getæ, iv. Antonius, ch. 63. Gigis, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 19. Gisco, a Carthaginian commander, i. Timoleon, ch. 30. ----, with Hannibal at Cannæ, i. Fabius, ch. 15. Glabrio, Manius Acilius, consul B.C. 191, ii. Cato Major, chs. 12, 14; Philopoemen, chs. 17, 21; Flamininus, ch. 15; Sulla, ch. 12. ----, Manius, ii. Sulla, ch. 33; iii. Pompeius, ch. 30; compare ch. 25. Glaucia, ii. Marius, ch. 28; Comparison of Lysander and Sulla, ch. 1. Glaucus, Pontius, poem by Cicero, iv. Cicero, ch. 2. Glaukias, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 3. Glaukippus, son of Hypereides, iii. Phokion, ch. 4. Glaukus, a physician, iii. Alexander, ch. 72. ----, in the Trojan war, iv. Dion, ch. 1. Glykon, an Athenian, i. Perikles, ch. 31. Gnathaina, i. Æmilius, ch. 8; iv. Aratus, ch. 54. Gnossus, in Crete, i. Theseus, ch. 19. Goats' Island, i. Perikles, ch. 25. ----, Marsh, i. Romulus, chs. 27, 29. ----, rivers, ii. Lysander, chs. 9-12. Gobryas, a Persian, ii. Kimon, ch. 12. Gomphi, iii. Cæsar, ch. 41. Gonatas. _See_ Antigonus. Gongylus, a Corinthian, iii. Nikias, ch. 19. Gordian Knot, iii. Alexander, ch. 18. Gordius, a Cappadocian, ii. Sulla, ch. 5. Gordyene, ii. Lucullus, chs. 11, 26, 29, 30; iii. Alexander, ch. 31. Gorgias, of Leontini, ii. Kimon, ch. 10. ----, a rhetorician, iv. Cicero, ch. 24. ----, a general of Eumenes, iii. Eumenes, ch. 7. Gorgidas, a Theban, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 12, 13, 19. Gorgo, wife of Leonidas, i. Lykurgus, ch. 12. Gorgoleon, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 17. Gorgus, i. Timoleon, ch. 35. Gortyna, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 13; Pyrrhus, ch. 27. Gouras, ii. Lucullus, ch. 32. Gracchi, the, iv. Tib. Gracchus, chs. 4, 8; C. Gracchus, chs. 4, 18. ----, Tib. Sempronius, the father of the Gracchi, ii. Marcellus, ch. 5; Cato Major, ch. 12; iv. Tib. Gracchus, chs. 1, 4, 17. ----, Tiberius, iv. Life and Comparison with Agis and Kleomenes; Agis, ch. 2; C. Gracchus, chs. 1, 14, 15. ----, Caius, iv. Life and Comparison with Agis and Kleomenes; Agis, ch. 2; Tib. Gracchus, chs. 2, 13, and after. Græcinus, a friend of Sertorius, iii. Sertorius, ch. 26. Granikus, i. Camillus, ch. 19; iii. Alexander, ch. 16. Granius, step-son of Marius, ii. Marius, chs. 35, 37. ----, Petro, iii. Cæsar, ch. 16. Grypus, a surname, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11; ii. Marius, ch. 1. Gyarta, iv. Dion, ch. 37. Gylippus, i. Lykurgus, ch. 29; Perikles, ch. 22; Alkibiades, ch. 23; Comparison of Æmilius and Timoleon, ch. 2; ii. Lysander, ch. 16; iii. Nikias, chs. 18-21, 26-28; iv. Dion, ch. 49. ----, father of Agiatis, iv. Kleomenes, ch. i. Gylon, grandfather of Demosthenes, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 4. Gymnosophists, i. Lykurgus, ch. 4; iii. Alexander, chs. 64, 65. Gyrisoeni, iii. Sertorius, ch. 3. Gythium, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 14; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 29. Hæmon, rivulet in Boeotia, i. Theseus, ch. 27; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 19. Hæmus, mountain in Thrace, iii. Alexander, ch. 2. Hagnon of Teos, iii. Alexander, chs. 22, 40, 55. ----, an Athenian, i. Perikles, ch. 32; perhaps the same as the father of Theramenes, ii. Lysander, ch. 14; iii. Nikias, ch. 2. Hagnonides, iii. Phokion, chs. 29, 33-35, 38. Hagnothemis, iii. Alexander, ch. 77. Hagnus or Agnus, Attic township, i. Theseus, ch. 13. Halæ, burial place of Timon, iv. Antonius, ch. 70. Halææ, in Boeotia, ii. Sulla, ch. 26. Haliartus, ii. Lysander, chs. 28, 29; Comparison, ch. 9. Halikarnassus, i. Themistokles, ch. 1; iii. Alexander, ch. 17; iv. Demetrius, ch. 7. Halimus, Attic township, ii. Kimon, ch. 4. Halkyoneus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 34. Halonesus, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 9. Halykus, river in Sicily. _See_ Lykus. Hamilcar, a Carthaginian, i. Timoleon, ch. 25. ----, surnamed Barca, i. Fabius, ch. 17; ii. Cato Major, ch. 8. Hannibal, i. Romulus, ch. 22; Perikles, ch. 2; Fabius, chs. 2, 3, 5, and after; Æmilius, ch. 7; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 2; Marcellus, chs. 1, 9, 10, and after, 24, 25, and after; Comparison, chs. 1, 2, 3; Cato Major, chs. 1, 12; Comparison, ch. 5; Flamininus, chs. 9, 13, 20, 21; Pyrrhus, ch. 8; Lucullus, ch. 31; iii. Sertorius, chs. 1, 33; Agesilaus, ch. 15; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 1; Otho, ch. 15. Hanno, i. Timoleon, ch. 19. Harpalus, a commander of light troops, i. Æmilius, ch. 15. ----, Alexander's lieutenant, iii. Alexander, chs. 8, 10, 35, 41; Phokion, chs. 21, 22; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 25; Comparison, ch. 3. Hasdrubal, a Carthaginian, i. Timoleon, ch. 25. ----, brother of Hannibal, ii. Flamininus, ch. 3. Hebrews, iv. Antonius, ch. 27. Hedylium, ii. Sulla, ch. 16. Hekalus, Hekaline, or Hekale, i. Theseus, ch. 14. Hekatæus, despot of Kardia, iii. Eumenes, ch. 3. ----, the Sophist, of Miletus, i. Lykurgus, ch. 19. ----, of Eretria (perhaps of Abdera), a writer, iii. Alexander, ch. 46. Hekatompedon, a name for the Parthenon, i. Perikles, ch. 13; ii. Cato Major, ch. 5, where it is translated Parthenon; a place in Syracuse, iv. Dion, ch. 45. Hektor, i. Theseus, ch. 34; iii. Pompeius, ch. 29; iv. Brutus, ch. 23; Aratus, ch. 3. Hegemon, an Athenian, iii. Phokion, chs. 33, 35. Hegesias, a writer, iii. Alexander, ch. 3. Hegesipyle, daughter of Olorus, mother of Kimon, ii. Kimon, ch. 4. Hegesistratus, i. Solon, ch. 31. Helen, i. Theseus, chs. 29, 31, 32, 34; Comparison, ch. 6; Solon, ch. 4; iv. Antonius, ch. 6; Galba, ch. 19. Helenus, son of Pyrrhus, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 9, 32, 33, 34. Helikon, the mountain, ii. Lysander, ch. 29; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 18. ----, an artist, iii. Alexander, ch. 32. ----, of Kyzikus, iv. Dion, ch. 19. Helikus, perhaps Helisson in Arcadia, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 23. Heliopolis, in Egypt, i. Solon, ch. 26. Helius, Nero's favourite, iv. Galba, ch. 17. Hellanikus of Mitylene, i. Theseus, chs. 17, 25, 26, 27, 31; Alkibiades, ch. 21. ----, a Sicilian, iv. Dion, ch. 42. Hellespont, i. Themistokles, ch. 16; Perikles, ch. 17; Alkibiades, chs. 26, 27, 28, 30; ii. Aristeides, ch. 9, 10; Lysander, chs. 9, 20, 24; Sulla, ch. 23; Lucullus, ch. 12; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 8, 16; Alexander, chs. 15, 16; Phokion, ch. 14. Helvetians, iii. Cæsar, ch. 18. Helvia, mother of Cicero, iv. Cicero, ch. 1. Helvidius Priscus, iv. Galba, ch. 28. Hemathion, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Henioche, i. Theseus, ch. 25. Hephæstion, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 34; iii. Eumenes, chs. 1, 2; Alexander, chs. 28, 39, 41, 47, 49, 54, 55, 72, 74. Hephæus, mountain, perhaps Tifata, ii. Sulla, ch. 27. Heptachalkum, at Athens, ii. Sulla, ch. 14. Heræa, in Arcadia, ii. Lysander, ch. 22; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 7. Heræum, temple of Hera on a promontory near Corinth, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 22; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 20. Heraklea, in Bithynia, ii. Kimon, ch. 6; Lucullus, ch. 13. ----, in Italy, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 16. ----, in Thessaly, ii. Flamininus, ch. 15; iv. Demetrius, ch. 23. Herakleides, of Cuma, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 23. ----, of Pontus, i. Solon, chs. 1, 22, 31; Themistokles, ch. 27; Camillus, ch. 22; Perikles, chs. 27, 35; iii. Alexander, ch. 26. ----, a Syracusan, iii. Nikias, ch. 24. ----, a Syracusan, iv. Dion, chs. 12, 32, 33, 37, 38, 45, 47, 48, 49, 53. Herakleum, at Patræ, iv. Antonius, ch. 60. Herakleitus, i. Romulus, ch. 28; Camillus, ch. 19; Coriolanus, ch. 38. Herakles, or Hercules, frequent. _See_ especially i. Life of Theseus. Pillars of Herakles or Hercules, i. Timoleon, ch. 20; iii. Nikias, ch. 12; Pompeius, ch. 25; Alexander, ch. 68; iv. Aratus, ch. 14. ----, son of Alexander and Barsine, iii. Eumenes, ch. 1. Hercynian, forest, ii. Marius, ch. 11. Hereas of Megara, i. Theseus, chs. 20, 32; Solon, ch. 10. Herennius, lieutenant of Sertorius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 18. ----, Caius, and the family of the Herennii, ii. Marius, ch. 5. ----, a centurion, iv. Cicero, ch. 48. Herippidas, a Spartan, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 13; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 11. Hermæus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 17. Hermagoras, iii. Pompeius, ch. 42. Herminius, i. Poplicola, ch. 16. Hermione, daughter of Menelaus and Helen, i. Comparison of Lykurgus and Numa, ch. 3. ----, a town in Argolis, and Hermionians, i. Themistokles, ch. 5; iii. Pompeius, ch. 24; Alexander, ch. 36; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 19; Aratus, ch. 34. Hermippus, philosopher and historian, i. Lykurgus, chs. 5, 22; Solon, chs. 2, 6, 11; iii. Alexander, ch. 54; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 11, 28, 30. ----, a comic poet, i. Perikles, chs. 32, 33. Hermokrates, a Syracusan, iii. Nikias, chs. 1, 16, 28; iv. Dion, ch. 3. Hermolaus, iii. Alexander, ch. 55. Hermon, an Athenian, i. Alkibiades, ch. 25. ----, a Syracusan, iii. Nikias, ch. 1. Hermotimus, i. Perikles, ch. 24. Hermus, an Athenian, i. Theseus, ch. 26. Hermes, precincts of, in Attica, said to be alluded to in i. Theseus, chs. 10, 11; and iii. Phokion, ch. 22. Hero, first cousin of Aristotle, iii. Alexander, ch. 55. Herodes, king of Judæa, iv. Antonius, chs. 61, 71, 72. ----, friend of Cicero, iv. Cicero, ch. 24. Herodorus of Pontus, i. Theseus, chs. 26, 29, 30; Romulus, ch. 9. Herodotus, a Bithynian, i. Numa, ch. 4. ----, of Halikarnassus, the historian, i. Themistokles, chs. 7, 17, 21; ii. Aristeides, chs. 16, 19; Comparison, ch. 2. Herophytus of Samos, ii. Kimon, ch. 9. Herostratus, iv. Brutus, ch. 24. Hersilia, i. Romulus, chs. 14, 18, 19; Comparison, ch. 6. Hesiod, i. Theseus, chs. 3, 16, 20; Numa, ch. 4; Solon, ch. 2; Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Comparison of Aristeides and Cato, ch. 3; iv. Galba, ch. 16. Hestiæa, i. Themistokles, ch. 8; Perikles, ch. 23. Hesychia, priestess at Klazomenæ, iii. Nikias, ch. 13. Hexapylon, gate at Syracuse, ii. Marcellus, ch. 19. Hidrieus. _See_ Idrieus. Hiempsal, king of Numidia, ii. Marius, ch. 40; iii. Pompeius, ch. 12. Hieræ. _See_ Hietæ. Hierapolis, in Syria, iii. Crassus, ch. 17; iv. Antonius, ch. 37. Hiero, a soothsayer, iii. Nikias, ch. 5. ----, despot of Syracuse, i. Themistokles, ch. 24; ii. Marcellus, chs. 8, 14. Hieronymus of Kardia, a historian, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 17, 21, 27; iii. Eumenes, ch. 12; iv. Demetrius, ch. 39. Hieronymus of Carrhæ, iii. Crassus, ch. 25. ----, of Rhodes, a writer, ii. Aristeides, ch. 27; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 13. ----, despot of Syracuse, ii. Marcellus, ch. 13. Hietæ, i. Timoleon, ch. 30. Hiketes, despot of Leontini, i. Timoleon, chs. 7, 8, 9, and after to ch. 33. ----, a Syracusan, iv. Dion, ch. 58. Himera and Himeræans, i. Timoleon, ch. 23; iii. Pompeius ch. 10. Himeræus, brother of Demetrius Phalereus, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 28. Hipparchus, the father of Asklepiades, iii. Phokion, ch. 22. ----, of Cholargus, iii. Nikias, ch. 11. ----, Antonius's freedman, iv. Antonius, chs. 67, 73. ----, a Spartan, i. Lykurgus, chs. 4, 31. Hipparete, i. Alkibiades, ch. 8. Hipparinus, father of Dion, iv. Dion, ch. 3. ----, son of Dion, iv. Dion, ch. 31. Hippias, an Epirot, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 2. ----, a comedian, iv. Antonius, ch. 9. ----, of Elis, the sophist, i. Lykurgus, ch. 22; Numa, ch. 1. Hippitas, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 37. Hippo, despot of Messina, i. Timoleon, chs. 34, 37. ----, a Syracusan, iv. Dion, ch. 37. Hippodameia, wife of Pelops, i. Theseus, ch. 7. Hippokles, father of Pelopidas, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 3. Hippokoon, i. Theseus, ch. 31. Hippokrates, an Athenian general, iii. Nikias, ch. 6. ----, the mathematician, i. Solon, ch. 2. ----, the physician, ii. Cato Major, ch. 23. ----, the father of Peisiatratus, i. Solon, ch. 30. ----, a Spartan, i. Alkibiades, ch. 30. ----, commander in Syracuse, ii. Marcellus, chs. 14, 18. Hippolyte, the Amazon, i. Theseus, ch. 27. Hippolytus, son of Theseus, i. Theseus, chs. 3, 28; Numa, ch. 4. Hippomachus, the wrestling-master, iv. Dion, ch. 1. Hippomedon, a Spartan, iv. Agis, ch. 3. Hipponikus, a friend of Solon, i. Solon, ch. 15. ----, the father of Kallias, i. Perikles, ch. 24; Alkibiades ch. 8. Hipponium, Hippo, or Vibo, in Lucania, iv. Cicero, ch. 32. Hipposthenidas, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 8. Hirtius, consul with Pansa, B.C. 43, i. Æmilius, ch. 38; iv. Cicero, chs. 43, 45; Antonius, ch. 17. Homer, i. Theseus, chs. 5, 16, 20, 25, 34; Lykurgus, chs. 1, 4; Solon, chs. 10, 25, 30; Fabius, ch. 19; Alkibiades, ch. 7; Coriolanus, ch. 32; Timoleon, ch. 36; Æmilius, chs. 28, 34; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 1, 18; Marcellus, ch. 1; Cato Major, ch. 27; Comparison of Aristeides and Cato, ch. 3; Philopoemen, chs. 1, 4, 9; Pyrrhus, ch. 22; Marius ch. 11; Kimon, ch. 7; iii. Nikias, ch. 9; Sertorius, ch. 8; Agesilaus, ch. 5; Alexander, ch. 26; Phokion, ch. 17; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 9; Tib. Gracchus, ch. 21; Demetrius, ch. 42; Antonius, ch. 25; Brutus, ch. 34; Galba, ch. 19. Quotations without the name, i. Theseus, ch. 2; Coriolanus, ch. 22; Timoleon, ch. 1; ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 13, 29; iii. Nikias, ch. 5; Pompeius, chs. 29, 72; Alexander, chs. 28, 54; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 34; Demosthenes, ch. 12; Dion, ch. 18; Brutus, chs. 23, 24. Homoloichus of Chæronea, ii. Sulla, chs. 17, 19. Honoratus, Antonius, iv. Galba ch. 14. Hoplacus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 16. Hoplias, river in Boeotia, ii. Lysander, ch. 29. Hoplites, river, at Haliartus, ii. Lysander, ch. 29. Horatius, the poet, under the name of Flaccus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 39. ----, Marcus, consul, i. Poplicola, chs. 13, 14, 15. ----, Cocles, i. Poplicola, ch. 16. Horcomosium, at Athens, i. Theseus, ch. 27. Hordeonius Flaccus, commanding in Germany, iv. Galba, chs. 10, 18, 22. Hortensius, lieutenant of Sulla, ii. Sulla, chs. 15, 16, 17, 19. ----, Quintus, the orator, ii. Sulla, ch. 35; Lucullus, ch. 1; iii. Cato Minor, chs. 25, 52; Cicero, chs. 7, 35. ----, son of the orator, iii. Cæsar, ch. 32; iv. Antonius, ch. 22; Brutus, chs. 25, 28. Hostilius, grandfather of Tullus the king, i. Romulus, chs. 14, 18. ----, Tullus, king of Rome, i. Romulus, ch. 18; Numa, chs. 21, 22; Coriolanus, ch. 1. ----, a Roman general, i. Æmilius, ch. 9. ----, Lucius, i. Romulus, ch. 22. Hyacinthia, Spartan festival, ii. Aristeides, ch. 10. Hyacinthus, son of Amyklas, i. Numa, ch. 4. Hybla, a fortress in Sicily, iii. Nikias, ch. 15. Hybreas, an orator, iv. Antonius, ch. 24. Hydaspes, iii. Alexander, chs. 60, 61. Hydrum, perhaps a false reading for Cyprus, ii. Kimon, ch. 13. Hykkara, in Sicily, i. Alkibiades ch. 39; iii. Nikias, ch. 15. Hyllus, son of Herakles, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. Hymen, i. Romulus, ch. 15. Hypates, a Theban, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 11. Hyperbates, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 14. Hyperbolus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 13; ii. Aristeides, ch. 7; iii. Nikias, ch. 11; Comparison, ch. 2. Hyperboreans, i. Camillus, ch. 22. Hypereides, Athenian orator, iii. Phokion, chs. 4, 7, 10, 17, 23, 26, 27, 29; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 12, 13, 28. Hypsæus, iii. Pompeius, ch. 55; Cato Minor, ch. 47. Hypsichidas, i. Solon, ch. 10. Hypsikratia, iii. Pompeius, ch. 32. Hypsion, a hero, ii. Aristeides, ch. 11. Hyrkania, ii. Lucullus, ch. 36; iii. Crassus, ch. 21; Comparison, ch. 4; Pompeius, chs. 34, 35, 36, 38; Alexander, chs. 44, 47; Cæsar, ch. 58. Hyrodes, king of Parthia, iii. Crassus, chs. 18, 22, 31, 33; iv. Antonius, ch. 37. Iacchus, i. Themistokles ch. 15; Camillus, ch. 19; Alkibiades, ch. 34; iii. Phokion, ch. 28. Iaccheum, the, ii. Aristeides, ch. 27. Ialysus, founder of Ialysus in Rhodes, iv. Demetrius, ch. 22. The town is mentioned as the birthplace of Timokreon, i. Themistokles, ch. 21. Iapyia, i. Theseus, ch. 16; ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 25; iv. Dion, ch. 25. Iarbas, iii. Pompeius, ch. 12. Iber, or Ebro, iii. Sertorius, ch. 16. Iberians of Spain. _See_ Spain. ----, a people of Asia, ii. Lucullus, chs. 26, 31; iii. Pompeius, chs. 34, 44; iv. Antonius, ch. 34. Ibykus, i. Comparison of Lykurgus and Numa, ch. 3. Icelus, Marcianus, iv. Galba, chs. 7, 20. Ichnæ, iii. Crassus, ch. 25. Ida, mountain, i. Numa, ch. 15; iii. Eumenes, ch. 8. Idæus, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 13. Idas, brother of Lynkeus, i. Theseus, ch. 31. Idomeneus, the historian, i. Perikles, chs. 10, 35; ii. Aristeides, chs. 1, 4, 10; iii. Phokion, ch. 4; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 15, 23. Idrilus, or Hidrilus, prince of Caria, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 13. Ignatius, or Egnatius, iii. Crassus, ch. 27. Iktinus, i. Perikles, ch. 13. Ilia, daughter of Numitor, i. Romulus, chs. 3, 8. ----, wife of Sulla, ii. Sulla, ch. 6. Ilicium, i. Numa, ch. 15. Ilium and Ilians, ii. Lucullus, chs. 10, 12. _See_ also Troy and Trojans. Illyria and Illyrians, i. Æmilius, chs. 9, 12, 31; ii. Philopoemen, ch. 6; Pyrrhus, chs. 3, 9, 34 (an Illyrian sword); iii. Pompeius, chs. 48, 59; Alexander, chs. 3, 9, 11; Cæsar, chs. 14, 31; Cato Minor, ch. 33; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 10, 27, 28; Comparison, ch. 2; Demetrius, ch. 53; Antonius, chs. 56, 61; Illyrian soldiers, iv. Aratus, ch. 38; Illyrian legion, iv. Galba, ch. 25. Imbros, iii. Phokion, ch. 18. India and Indians, iii. Alexander, chs. 13, 55, 57, 59, 62-66, 69; compare Eumenes, ch. 1. Other historical passages are iv. Demetrius, chs. 7, 32. _See_ also i. Lykurgus, ch. 4; Æmilius, ch. 12; iii. Crassus, ch. 16; Comparison, chs. 2, 4; Pompeius, ch. 70; iv. Antonius, chs. 37, 81. Indian kings, iv. Comparison of Dion and Brutus, ch. 4. Indus, river, iii. Alexander, ch. 66. Ino, daughter of Kadmus, i. Camillus, ch. 5. Inora, castle of Mithridates, iii. Pompeius, ch. 32. Insteius, Marcus, iv. Antonius, ch. 65. Insubrian Gauls, ii. Marcellus, chs, 3, 4, 6. Iolaus, son of Antipater, iii. Alexander, chs. 74, 77. Iolaus, companion of Herakles, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 18. Iolkus, iv. Demetrius, ch. 53. Ion of Chios, poet and historian, i. Theseus, ch. 20; Perikles, chs. 5, 28; Comparison of Alkibiades and Coriolanus, ch. 2, where Sintenis reads Dion; ii. Kimon, chs. 5, 9, 16; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 3. ----, a Macedonian, i. Æmilius, ch. 26. ----, son of Xuthus, i. Solon, ch. 23. Ionia and Ionians, i. Themistokles, chs. 9, 26; Perikles, chs. 17, 24, 28; Alkibiades, chs. 23, 24, and after; ii. Aristeides, ch. 26; Lysander, ch. 23; Kimon, chs. 12, 14; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 24; Antonius, ch. 30; Brutus, ch. 32. ----, and Peloponnesus, i. Theseus, ch. 25. Ionian Salamis, i. Solon, ch. 10. ----, women, i. Themistokles, ch. 26; Perikles, ch. 23; Alkibiades, ch. 36; ii. Lucullus, ch. 18; Crassus, ch. 32; Phokion, ch. 19; iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 26, 27; Ionian luxury, i. Lykurgus, ch. 4. ----, sea, i. Æmilius, ch. 36; ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 15 (in the Greek text); Sulla, ch. 20; iii. Cæsar, ch. 37; Antonius, chs. 7, 30, 61, 62. Iope, daughter of Iphikles, i. Theseus, ch. 29. Iophon, son of Peisistratus, ii. Cato Major, ch. 24. Ios, an island, iii. Sertorius, ch. 1. Ioxus and Ioxids, descended from Theseus, i. Theseus, ch. 8. Iphikles, i. Theseus, ch. 29. Iphikrates, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 2; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 22; iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 24; Galba, ch. 1. Iphitus, i. Theseus, ch. 6; Lykurgus, chs. 1, 22. Ipsus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 4; iv. Demetrius, ch. 33. Iptha, iii. Sertorius, ch. 9. Iras, Cleopatra's maid, iv. Antonius, chs. 65, 85. Irtius, A. Hirtius, consul B.C. 43, iv. Cicero, ch. 43. Isæus, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 5. Isauricus, P. Servilius Vatia, consul B.C. 79, ii. Sulla, ch. 28; iii. Pompeius, ch. 14; Cæsar, ch. 7. ----, Servilius, son of the preceding, iii. Cæsar, ch. 37. Isias, a Corinthian, i. Timoleon, ch. 21. ----, son of Phoebidas, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 34. Isidorus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 12. Isis, iv. Antonius, chs. 54, 74. Ismenias, a Theban, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 5. ----, a Theban (son of the preceding?), ii. Pelopidas, chs. 27, 29; iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 22. ----, a flute-player, i. Perikles, ch. 1; iv. Demetrius, ch. 1. Ismenus, river in Boeotia, iv. Demetrius, ch. 45. Isodike, wife of Kimon, ii. Kimon, chs. 4, 16. Isokrates the orator, i. Alkibiades, ch. 12; ii. Cato Major, ch. 23; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 5; Comparison, ch. 2. Isomantus, river in Boeotia, ii. Lysander, ch. 29. Issorium, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 32. Issus, iii. Alexander, chs. 24, 32. Isthmus of Corinth, i. Theseus, chs. 8, 25; Themistokles, chs. 9, 11, 12, 17, 21; iii. Pompeius, ch. 24; Alexander, ch. 14; Cæsar, ch. 58; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 20; Demetrius, chs. 25, 31, 39; Aratus, chs. 16, 44. Isthmian games, the, i. Theseus, ch. 25; Solon, ch. 23; Themistokles, ch. 21; Timoleon, ch. 26; ii. Flamininus, chs. 10, 12; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 21. Istrus, historian, i. Theseus, ch. 34; iii. Alexander, ch. 46. Italia, daughter of Themistokles, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. Italus, father of Roma, Romulus, i. Themistokles, ch. 2. Italy and Italians, frequent. Ithagenes of Samos, i. Perikles, ch. 25. Ithome, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 24; Kimon, ch. 17; iv. Aratus, ch. 50. Iulis, town in the island of Keos, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 1. Ixion, iv. Agis. ch. 1. Janiculum, i. Numa, ch. 22; ii. Marius, ch. 42. Janus, i. Numa, chs. 19, 20. Jason, the hero, i. Theseus, chs. 19, 29; ii. Kimon, ch. 3. ----, of Pheræ, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 28. ----, of Tralles, an actor, iii. Crassus, ch. 33. Juba I., king of Numidia, iii. Pompeius, ch. 76; Cæsar, chs. 52, 53, 55; Cato Minor, chs. 56, 57, 67-73. ----, II., king of Numidia, son of preceding, and a historian, i. Romulus, chs. 14, 15, 17; Numa, chs. 7, 13; ii. Comparison of Pelopidas and Marcellus, ch. 1; Sulla, ch. 16; iii. Sertorius, ch. 9; Cæsar, ch. 55; iv. Antonius, ch. 87. Jubius, probably Quintus Vibullius Rufus, iii. Pompeius, ch. 65. Judæa and the Jews, iii. Pompeius, chs. 39, 44; iv. Cicero, ch. 7; Antonius, chs. 3, 36, 61, 71; Galba, ch. 13; Otho, chs. 4, 15. Jugurtha, king of Numidia, ii. Marius, chs. 7, 8, 10, 11, 12; Sulla, chs. 3, 6; iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 18. Junonia, iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 11. Julia, mother of Antonius, iv. Antonius, ch. 2. ----, wife of Marius, aunt of Cæsar, ii. Marius, ch. 5; Cæsar, chs. 1, 5. ----, wife of Pompeius, daughter of Cæsar, iii. Pompeius, chs. 49, 53, 70; Cæsar, chs. 14, 23, 55; Cato Minor, ch. 32. Julia, daughter of Augustus, ii. Marcellus, ch. 30; iv. Antonius, ch. 87. Julius, Censor, i. Camillus, ch. 13. ----, Proculus, i. Romulus, ch. 28; Numa, chs. 2, 5. ----, Salinator, iii. Sertorius, ch. 7. ----, Atticus, iv. Galba, ch. 26. Junia, sister of Brutus, wife of Cassius, iv. Brutus, ch. 7. Junius, Marcus, dictator, i. Fabius, ch. 9. ----, governor of Asia, iii. Cæsar, ch. 2. ----, Brutus. _See_ Brutus. ----, Silanus, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 21, 23; iv. Cicero, chs. 14, 19, 20, 21. ----, or Julius, Vindex, commanding in Gaul, iv. Galba, chs. 4, 5, 6, 10, 18, 22, 29. Kabeira, ii. Lucullus, chs. 14, 15, 18; Comparison, ch. 3. Kabeiri, ii. Marcellus, ch. 30. Kadmeia, the citadel of Thebes, i. Theseus, ch. 29; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 5, 6, 12, 13, 16; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 23; Alexander ch. 11; Phokion, ch. 26. ----, sister of Neoptolemus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 5. Kænum, iii. Pompeius, ch. 37. Kalanus, iii. Alexander, chs. 8, 65, 69. Kalauria, i. Timoleon, ch. 31; iii. Pompeius, ch. 24; Phokion, ch. 29; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 29, 30. Kallæschrus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 33. Kalliades, iii. Nikias, ch. 6. Kallias, the torchbearer, i. Perikles, ch. 24; ii. Aristeides, chs. 5, 25; Comparison of Aristeides and Cato, ch. 4; Kimon, ch. 13. ----, the rich, i. Perikles, ch. 24; Alkibiades, ch. 8; Kimon, ch. 4. ----, of Syracuse, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 5. Kallibius, ii. Lysander, ch. 15. Kallidromus, mountain, ii. Cato Major, ch. 13. Kallikles, son of Arrhenides, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 25. ----, a money-lender, iv. Phokion, ch. 9. Kallikrates, an Athenian architect, i. Perikles, ch. 13. ----, a Spartan, i. Aristeides, ch. 17. ----, a Spartan, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 35. ----, a Syracusan, iii. Nikias, ch. 18. Kallikratidas, i. Lykurgus, ch. 30; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 2; Lysander, chs. 5, 6, 7; iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 22. Kallimachus, ii. Comparison of Cato and Aristeides, ch. 2. ----, an engineer, ii. Lucullus, chs. 19, 32. ----, a Syracusan, iii. Nikias, ch. 18. ----, the poet, iv. Antonius, ch. 70. Kallimedon, the "crab," iii. Phokion, chs. 27, 33, 35; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 27. Kallinikus, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11; ii. Marius, ch. 1. Kalliphon, ii. Sulla, ch. 14. Kallippides, i. Alkibiades, ch. 32; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 21. Kallippus, i. Timoleon, ch. 11; Comparison of Timoleon and Æmilius, ch. 2; iii. Nikias, ch. 14; iv. Dion, chs. 17, 28, 54, 56, 58. Kallisthenes, an Athenian orator, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 23. ----, a freedman of Lucullus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 43. ----, an Olynthian philosopher and historian, i. Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 17; Aristeides, ch. 27; Sulla, ch. 36; Kimon, chs. 12, 13; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 34; Alexander, chs. 27, 33, 52-54. Kallistratus, an Athenian orator, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 5. ----, attendant on Mithridates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 17. Kallistus. _See_ Callistus. Kalydonia, iv. Aratus, ch. 16. Kalydonian boar, i. Theseus, ch. 29. Kamarina, iv. Dion, ch. 27. Kambyses. _See_ Cambyses. Kanethus, i. Theseus, ch. 25. Kantharus, iii. Phokion, ch. 28. Kapaneus, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 3. Kaphis, ii. Sulla, ch. 12. Kaphisias of Sikyon, a friend of Aratus, iv. Aratus, ch. 6. ----, a musician, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 8. Kaphyæ, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 4; Aratus, ch. 47. Kappadokia. _See_ Cappadocia. Karanus, iii. Alexander, ch. 2. Kardia and Kardians, iii. Sertorius, ch. 1; Eumenes, chs. 1, 3. Karia. _See_ Caria. Karmania, iii. Alexander, ch. 67. Karneades, ii. Cato Major, ch. 22; Lucullus, ch. 42; iv. Cicero, ch. 4. Karyatides. _See_ Caryatides. Karystus. _See_ Carystus. Kassander, i. Pyrrhus, chs. 3, 5; iii. Eumenes, ch. 12; Alexander, ch. 74; Phokion, chs. 31, 32; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 13, 31; Demetrius, chs. 8, 18, 23, 31, 36, 37, 45. Kassandra, daughter of Priam, iv. Agis, ch. 9. Kassandrea, iv. Demetrius, ch. 45. Kataonia. _See_ Cataonia. Katana, i. Timoleon, chs. 13, 18, 19, 34; ii. Marcellus, ch. 30; iii. Nikias, chs. 15, 16; iv. Dion, ch. 58. Kaulonia, iv. Dion, ch. 26. _See_ Caulonia. Kaunus, iii. Nikias, ch. 29; iv. Demetrius, ch. 49; Artaxerxes, chs. 11, 12. Kebalinus, or Balinus, iii. Alexander, ch. 49. Kekrops, i. Comparison of Theseus and Romulus, ch. 6. Kelænæ, iii. Eumenes, ch. 8; iv. Demetrius, ch. 6. Kelts. _See_ Celts. Kenchreæ, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 38; iv. Demetrius, ch. 23; Aratus, chs. 29, 44. Keos, i. Themistokles, chs. 3, 5; Timoleon, ch. 35; ii. Aristeides, ch. 2: iii. Nikias, ch. 2; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 1. Kephalon, iv. Aratus, ch. 52. Kephalus, a lawgiver, i. Timoleon, ch. 24. Kephisodorus, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 11. Kephisodotus, iii. Phokion, ch. 19. Kephisus, river of Attica, i. Theseus, ch. 12; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 31. ----, river of Boeotia, ii. Sulla, chs. 16, 20; iii. Alexander, ch. 9; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 19. Kerameikus, ii. Sulla, ch. 14; Kimon, ch. 5; iii. Phokion, ch. 34; iv. Demetrius, ch. 11. Keraunian mountains, iii. Phokion, ch. 29. Keraunus, Ptolemy, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 22. Keressus, i. Camillus, ch. 19. Kerkina, iv. Dion, ch. 25. Kerkyon, i. Theseus, chs. 11, 28. Kilikia and Kilikians. _See_ Cilicia. Killes, iv. Demetrius, ch. 6. Kimon, son of Miltiades, ii. Life and Comparison with Lucullus; i. Theseus, ch. 36; Themistokles, chs. 5, 20, 24, 30; Perikles, chs. 5, 7, 9, 10, 16, 27; Comparison, chs. 1, 3; Alkibiades, chs. 19, 22; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 4; Aristeides, chs. 23, 25; Cato Major, ch. 5; Flamininus, ch. 11; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 13. ----, called Koalemus, father of Miltiades, ii. Kimon, ch. 4. Kineas, an Athenian, iii. Phokion, ch. 13. ----, minister of Pyrrhus, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 14, 15, 18, 20, 21, 22. Kirrha, i. Lykurgus, ch. 31; Numa, ch. 4; Solon, ch. 11. Kissus, iii. Alexander, ch. 41. Kissousa, ii. Lysander, ch. 28. Kithæron, ii. Aristeides, chs. 11, 14; Lysander, ch. 28; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 23. Kitium, ii. Kimon, ch. 19; Comparison, ch. 1; iii. Alexander, ch. 32; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 2. Kius, iii. Phokion, ch. 18. Klarius, i. Solon, ch. 26. Klaros. _See_ Claros. Klazomenæ, i. Alkibiades, ch. 28; iii. Nikias, ch. 13. Kleænetus, iv. Demetrius, ch. 24. Kleander, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 1. Kleandrides, i. Perikles, ch. 21; iii. Nikias, ch. 28. Kleanthes, a physician, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 70. ----, a philosopher, i. Alkibiades, ch. 6. Klearchus, a Macedonian, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 18. ----, a Spartan, iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 8, 13, 18. Kleidemus, i. Theseus, chs. 19, 27; Themistokles, ch. 10; ii. Aristeides, ch. 19. Kleinias, i. Solon, chs. 8, 15. ----, father of Alkibiades, i. Alkibiades, chs. 1, 11. ----, father of Aratus, iv. Aratus, chs. 2, 8. Kleisthenes, i. Perikles, ch. 3; ii. Aristeides, ch. 2; Kimon, ch. 15. Kleitarchus, i. Themistokles, ch. 27; iii. Alexander, ch. 46. Kleitomachus, iv. Cicero, chs. 3, 4. Kleitorians, i. Lykurgus, ch, 2; Kleitorid, ii. Kimon, ch. 16. Kleitus, the black, iii. Alexander, chs. 13, 16, 50, 51. ----, a Macedonian, iii. Phokion, chs. 34, 35. ----, servant of Brutus, iv. Brutus, ch. 52. Kleobis, i. Solon, ch. 27. Kleokritus, ii. Aristeides, ch. 8. Kleodæus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. Kleomantes, a Spartan, iii. Alexander, ch. 50. Kleombrotus I., king of Sparta, son of Pausanias, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 13, 20, 23; Comparison of Lysander and Sulla, ch. 4; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 24, 26, 28; iv. Agis, chs. 3, 21. Kleombrotus II., king of Sparta, son-in-law of Leonidas, iv. Agis, chs. 11, 16, 17, 18. Kleomedes, i. Romulus, ch. 28. Kleomedon, iv. Demetrius, ch. 24. Kleomenes, an Athenian, ii. Lysander, ch. 14. ----, a Spartan, i. Solon, ch. 10. ----, II., king of Sparta, son of Kleombrotus, iv. Agis, ch, 3. ----, III., king of Sparta, son of Leonidas, iv. Life and Comparison with the Gracchi; ii. Philopoemen, ch. 5; iv. Agis, ch. 2; Aratus, chs. 35-40, 44. Kleon of Athens, i. Perikles, chs. 33, 35; iii. Nikias, chs. 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 9; Comparison, chs. 2, 3; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 2; Demetrius, ch. 11. Kleon of Halikarnassus, ii. Lysander, ch. 25; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 20. ----, despot of Sikyon, iv. Aratus, ch. 2. Kleonæ, i. Timoleon. ch. 4; ii. Kimon, ch. 17; iii. Phokion, ch. 29; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 19; Demosthenes, ch. 28; Aratus, ch. 28. Kleonike, ii. Kimon, ch. 6. Kleonides, iv. Demetrius, ch. 15. Kleonymus, son of Kleomenes II. of Sparta, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 26, 27; iv. Agis, ch. 3; Demetrius, ch. 39. ----, son of Sphodrias, Agesilaus, chs. 25, 28. Kleopater, iv. Aratus, ch. 40. Kleopatra. _See_ Cleopatra. Kleophanes, iii. Phokion, ch. 13. Kleophantus, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. Kleoptolemus of Chalkis, ii. Flamininus, ch. 16. Kleora, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 19. Klimax, iii. Alexander, ch. 17. Klion, iv. Aratus, ch. 2. Klymene, i. Theseus, ch 34. Knakion, i. Lykurgus, ch. 6; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 17. Knidos, i. Alkibiades, ch. 27; ii. Kimon, ch. 12; Lucullus, ch. 3; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 17; Cæsar, ch. 48; iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 21. Knossus, i. Theseus, ch. 19. Koalemus, ii. Kimon, ch. 4. Kodrus, i. Solon, ch. 1. Koenus, iii. Alexander, ch. 60. Kolchis, i. Theseus, ch. 29; ii. Lucullus, ch. 14; iii. Pompeius, chs. 30, 32, 34, 45. Kolias, i. Solon, chs. 7, 8. Kollytus, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 11. Kolonis, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 18. Kolophon, i. Timoleon, ch. 36; ii. Lysander, ch. 18; Lucullus, ch. 3. Komias, i. Solon, ch. 32. Konius, iii. Alexander, ch. 60. Konnidas, i. Theseus, ch. 4. Konon, friend of Solon, i. Solon, ch. 15. ----, Athenian general, i. Alkibiades, ch. 37; ii. Lysander, ch. 11; Sulla, ch. 6; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 17, 23; iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 21. Konopion, iii. Phokion, ch. 37. Kora, daughter of Aidoneus, i. Theseus, ch. 31. Korkyna, i. Theseus, ch. 20. Korkyra. _See_ Corcyra. Koroebus, i. Perikles, ch. 13. Koronea, i. Perikles, ch. 17; Alkibiades, ch. 1; ii. Lysander, ch. 29; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 15, 18. Korrhabus, or Korrhagus, son of Demetrius, iv. Demetrius, ch. 53. Korrhæus, Korrhabus, or Korrhagus, father of Demetrius's mother Stratonike, iv. Demetrius, ch. 2. Korynetes, i. Theseus, ch. 8, Comparison, ch. 1. Kos, i. Solon, ch. 4; Alkibiades, ch. 27; ii. Lucullus, ch. 3. Kosis, iii. Pompeius, ch. 35. Kossæans, iii. Alexander, ch. 72. Kotys, iii. Agesilaus, chs. 10, 11. Kranium, at Corinth, iii. Alexander, ch. 14. Krannon, i. Camillus, ch. 19; iii. Phokion, ch. 26; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 28; Demetrius, ch. 10. Kraterus, Alexander's general, iii. Eumenes, chs. 5, 6, 7, 8; Alexander, chs. 40, 41, 47, 55; Phokion, chs. 18, 26; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 28; Demetrius, ch. 14. ----, brother of King Antigonus Gonatas, ii. Aristeides, ch. 26; Kimon, ch. 13. Krates, iv. Demetrius, ch. 46. Kratesiklea, iv. Kleomenes, chs. 6, 22, 38. Kratesipolis, iv. Demetrius, ch. 9. Kratinus, i. Solon, ch. 25; Perikles, chs. 3, 13; Kimon, chs. 9, 10. Kratippus, iii. Pompeius, ch. 75; iv. Cicero, ch. 24; Brutus, ch. 24. Kraugis, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 1. Kreon, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 21; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 29; Compare iii. Alexander, ch. 35. Kreophylus, i. Lykurgus, ch. 4. Krimesus, i. Timoleon, chs. 27, 28. Kritias, i. Lykurgus, ch. 9; Alkibiades, chs. 33, 38; ii. Kimon, chs. 10, 16. Krito, ii. Aristeides, ch. 1. Kritolaidas, i. Solon, ch. 10. Kritolaus, i. Perikles, ch. 7. Krobylus, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 17. Krommyon, i. Theseus, ch. 9. Kronion, i. Theseus, ch. 12. Kroton, i. Romulus, ch. 28; iii. Alexander, ch. 34; iv. Cicero, ch. 18. Ktesias, iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 1, 11, 13, 18, 21. Ktesibius, a writer, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 5. Ktesium, ii. Kimon, ch. 8. Ktesiphon, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 24. Ktesippus, iii. Phokion, ch. 7; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 15. Kunaxa, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 8. Kyanean islands, ii. Kimon, ch. 13. Kybernesia, i. Theseus, ch. 17. Kybisthus, i. Solon, ch. 7. Kychreus, i. Theseus, ch. 10, Solon, ch. 9. Kydnus, river of Kilikia, iii. Alexander, ch. 19. _See_ Cydnus. Kyknus, i. Theseus, ch. 11. Kyllarabis, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 32; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 17, 26. Kylon, i. Solon, chs. 12, 13. Kyme, i. Themistokles, ch. 25; iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 23. Kynægyrus, ii. Comparison of Cato and Aristeides, ch. 2. Kyniske, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 20. Kynosarges, i. Themistokles, ch. 1. Kynoskephalæ, i. Theseus, ch. 27; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 32; Flamininus, ch. 8. Kynossema, in Salamis, i. Themistokles, ch. 10; ii. Aristeides, ch. 5. Kypselus, iv. Aratus, ch. 3. Kyrnus, river of Asia, iii. Pompeius, ch. 24. Kyrrhestis, plain of, iv. Demetrius, ch. 48. Kythera, iii. Nikias, ch. 6; Comparison, ch. 3; Agesilaus, ch. 32; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 31. Kyzikus, i. Alkibiades, chs. 24, 28; ii. Lucullus, chs. 9, 10, 12, 33; iv. Dion, ch. 19; Brutus, ch. 28. Labeo, friend of Brutus, iv. Brutus, chs. 12, 51. Labici, i. Coriolanus, ch. 28. Labienus, officer of Cæsar in Gaul, iii. Pompeius, chs. 64, 68; Cæsar, chs. 18, 34; Cato Minor, ch. 56; iv. Cicero, ch. 38. ----, commanding among the Parthians (son of preceding), iv. Antonius, chs. 28, 30, 33. Lacedæmonius, son of Kimon, i. Perikles, ch. 28; ii. Kimon, ch. 16. Lacedæmon and Lacedæmonians, i. Theseus, chs. 32, 34; Romulus, ch. 16; Lykurgus throughout, and elsewhere continually. For Lacedæmonian habits _see_, besides Lykurgus, ii. Lysander, chs. 1, 19; Agesilaus, ch. 1; iv. Agis, ch. 11; and Kleomenes, ch. 1. Lacedæmonian women, i. Lykurgus, chs. 13, 14; Alkibiades, ch. 1; ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 27, 28; iv. Agis, chs. 6, 7; Kleomenes, ch. 22. _See_ also Laconia. Lacetani, a people of Spain, ii. Cato Major, ch. 11. Lachares, despot of Athens, iv. Demetrius, ch. 33. ----, a Spartan, iv. Antonius, ch. 67. Lachartus, a Corinthian, ii. Kimon, ch. 17. Lacinium, temple of Juno in Bruttium, iii. Pompeius, ch. 24. Laco, Cornelius, a favourite of Galba, iv. Galba, chs. 13, 25, 26, 27, 29. Laconia, i. Lykurgus, ch. 8, and after; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 24; Philopoemen, ch. 16; Pyrrhus, ch. 27; iii. Nikias, ch. 6; Agesilaus, chs. 23, 28, 31, 32; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 4, 10, 18, 21, 23, 26, 29, 31; Demetrius, ch. 35; Aratus, ch. 35. _See_ also Agis, ch. 8. Lakia, an Attic township, and the Lakiadas, i. Alkibiades, ch. 22; Kimon, chs. 4, 10. Lakratides, an Athenian, i. Perikles, ch. 35. Lakratidas, a Spartan Ephor, ii. Lysander, ch. 30. Lakritus, the orator, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 28. Lælius, Caius, friend of Scipio, surnamed Sapiens, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 7; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 8. ----, contemporary with Cicero, iv. Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, ch. 4. ----, iv. Antonius, ch. 18. Lænas, Popilius, a senator, iv. Brutus, chs. 15, 16. Lærtes, father of Ulysses, iv. Cicero, ch. 40. Lævinus, M. Valerius, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 16, 17, 18. Lais of Corinth, i. Alkibiades, ch. 39; iii. Nikias, ch. 15. Laius, father of OEdipus, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 19. Lamachus, an Athenian general, i. Perikles, ch. 19; Alkibiades, chs. 1, 17, 20; iii. Nikias, chs. 12, 14, 15, 18. ----, the Myrinæan, an orator, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 9. Lamia, iv. Demetrius, chs. 10, 16, 19, 24, 25, 27; Comparison, ch. 3. ----, a town in Thessaly, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1; iii. Eumenes, ch. 3; Phokion, chs. 23, 26; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 27; Demetrius, ch. 10. Lampito, wife of Archidamus, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 1. Lampon, Athenian diviner, i. Perikles, ch. 6. Lamponius, the Lucanian general, ii. Sulla, ch. 29; Comparison, ch. 4. Lamprias, Plutarch's grandfather, iv. Antonius, ch. 28. Lampsakus, i. Themistokles, ch. 29; Alkibiades, ch. 36; ii. Lysander, chs. 9, 11, 12. Lamptra, or Lampra, Attic township, ii. Aristeides, ch. 13; iii. Phokion, ch. 32. Lanarius, Calpurnius, iii. Sertorius, ch. 7. Lanassa, daughter of Agathokles, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 9, 10. ----, daughter of Kleodæus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. Langobritæ, a people of Spain, iii. Sertorius, ch. 13. Langon, in Elis, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 14. Laodike, daughter of Priam, i. Theseus, ch. 34; ii. Kimon, ch. 4. Laodikæa, in Syria, iv. Antonius, ch. 72. Laomedon, an Athenian, ii. Kimon, ch. 9. ----, of Orchomenus, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 6. ----, king of Troy, iii. Nikias, ch. 1; Sertorius, ch. 1. Laphystius, a Syracusan, i. Timoleon, ch. 37. Lapithæ, i. Theseus, ch. 29. Larissa, in Thessaly, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 26; Sulla, ch. 23; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 16; Pompeius, ch. 73; iv. Demetrius, chs. 29, 37; Brutus, ch. 6. ----, in Syria, iv. Antonius, ch. 37. ----, river in Elis, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 7. Lartius, Titus, i. Poplicola, ch. 16; (another of the name), Coriolanus, chs. 8, 9, 10. Larymna, town in Boeotia, ii. Sulla, ch. 26. Lathyrus, surname of Ptolemæus VIII., i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. Latins, i. Romulus, chs. 2, 4, 5, 8, 23, 26, 29; Numa, ch. 7 (the early connection of Greek and Latin), 9, 19; Poplicola, chs. 8, 21; Camillus, chs. 33, 34 (the Latin feast days or holidays), 10, 42; Coriolanus, chs. 3, 24, 28, 30; Æmilius, ch. 25; ii. Marcellus, ch. 8; Pyrrhus, ch. 23; iv. C. Gracchus, chs. 9, 10; Cicero, ch. 1. Latinus, Titus, i. Coriolanus, ch. 24. ----, son of Telemachus, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Lattamyas, i. Camillus, ch. 19. Laurentia, Acca, and another Laurentia, i. Romulus, chs. 4, 5, 7. Laurentum, in Latium, i. Romulus, chs. 23, 24. Laurium, in Attica, i. Themistokles, ch. 4; iii. Nikias, ch. 4. Lauron, in Spain, iii. Sertorius, ch. 18; Pompeius, ch. 18. Laverna, ii. Sulla, ch. 6. Lavici, in Latium. _See_ Labici. Lavinia, daughter of Latinus, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Lavinium, i. Romulus, ch. 23; Coriolanus, chs. 29, 30. Lebadea, in Boeotia, ii. Lysander, ch. 28; Sulla, chs. 16, 17. Lecanius, iv. Galba, ch. 27. Lechæum, port of Corinth, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 20; Aratus, ch. 24. Lektum, promontory in the Troad, ii. Lucullus, ch. 3. Leges, a Scythian tribe, iii. Pompeius, ch. 35. Lemnos, i. Perikles, ch. 25; ii. Aristeides, ch. 27; Lucullus, ch. 12. Lentuli, iii. Pompeius, ch. 73 (Spinther and Crus). Lentulus, Cornelius, at Cannæ, i. Fabius, ch. 16. ----, Clodianus, Cn. Cornelius, consul with L. Gellius Poplicola, B.C. 72, and censor with him, B.C. 70, iii. Crassus, ch. 9; Pompeius, ch. 22. ----, Marcellinus, Cn. Cornelius, consul B.C. 56, iii. Crassus, ch. 15. ----, Sura, Cornelius, accomplice of Catilina, iii. Cæsar, ch. 7; Cato Minor, chs. 22, 26; iv. Cicero, chs. 17, 18, 22, 24, 30; Antonius, ch. 2. ----, Spinther, P. Cornelius, consul, B.C. 57, with Pompeius at Pharsalia, iii. Pompeius, chs. 49, 67, 73; Cæsar, ch. 42; iv. Cicero, chs. 33, 38. ----, Spinther, son of the preceding, iii. Cæsar, ch. 67. ----, Crus, Lucius, consul B.C. 49, iii. Pompeius, chs. 59, 73, 80; Cæsar, chs. 29, 33; iv. Antonius, ch. 4. ----, Cornelius, lieutenant of Flamininus, ii. Flamininus, ch. 12. ----, the same as Dolabella, Cicero's son-in-law, a Lentulus by adoption, iv. Cicero, ch. 41. ----, Batiates, at Capua, iii. Crassus, ch. 8. Leo, Valerius, Cæsar's host at Milan, iii. Cæsar, ch. 17. Leobotes of Agraulæ, son of Alkmæon, i. Themistokles, ch. 23. Leochares, sculptor, iii. Alexander, ch. 40. Leokrates, an Athenian, i. Perikles, ch. 16; Comparison, ch. 1; Aristeides, ch. 20. Leon, father of Antalkidas, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 21. ----, of Byzantium, iii. Nikias, ch. 21; Phokion, ch. 4. Leonidas, Alexander's tutor, iii. Alexander, chs. 5, 22, 25. ----, a Spartan, i. Lykurgus, ch. 3. ----, I., king of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, chs. 13, 19; Themistokles, ch. 9; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 21; iv. Agis, ch. 14; Kleomenes, ch. 2; Artaxerxes, ch. 22. ----, II., King of Sparta, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 40; iv. Agis, chs. 3, 7, 10, 11, 12, 18, 19, 21; Kleomenes, chs. 1, 3. Leonnatus, Alexander's officer, iii. Eumenes, ch. 3; Alexander, chs. 21, 40; Phokion, ch. 25. ----, a Macedonian, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 16. Leontidas, or Leontiades, a Theban, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 5, 6, 7, 11; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 23. Leontini, in Sicily, i. Timoleon, chs. 1, 16, 21; ii. Marcellus, ch. 14; Pyrrhus, ch. 22; iii. Nikias, chs. 12, 14, 16; iv. Dion, chs. 39, 40, 42. Leontis, Attic tribe, i. Themistokles, ch. 1; ii. Aristeides, ch. 5. Leos, an Athenian, i. Theseus, ch. 13. Leosthenes, i. Timoleon, ch. 6; ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1; iii. Phokion, chs. 7, 23, 24; Demosthenes, ch. 27; Comparison, ch. 3. Leotychides, king of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, ch. 12; Themistokles, ch. 21; ii. Comparison of Kimon and Lucullus, ch. 3. ----, son of Agis II., i. Alkibiades, ch. 23; ii. Lysander, ch. 22; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 3, 4; Comparison, chs. 1, 2. ----, a Spartan, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 26. Lepida, wife of Metellus Scipio, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 7. Lepidus, Marcus Æmilius, president of the Senate, i. Æmilius, ch. 38. Lepidus, Marcus, consul B.C. 78, ii. Sulla, chs. 34, 38; iii. Pompeius, chs. 15, 16, 31; Comparison, ch. 1. ----, Marcus, the triumvir, iii. Cæsar, chs. 63, 67; iv. Cicero, ch. 46; Antonius, chs. 6, 10, 18, 19, 30, 55; Brutus, chs. 19, 37. Leptines, brother of Dionysius the elder, i. Timoleon, ch. 15; iv. Dion, chs. 9, 11. ----, who killed Kallippus, iv. Dion, ch. 58, perhaps the same as Leptines, despot of Apollonia, i. Timoleon, chs. 15, 24. Leptus, name of one of the sons of Demetrius, iv. Demetrius, ch. 53. Lerna, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 15; Aratus, ch. 39. Lesbos and the Lesbians, i. Perikles ch. 17; Alkibiades, chs. 12, 24; ii. Aristeides, ch. 23; iii. Nikias, ch. 6; Pompeius, ch. 66. Leucaria, the wife of Italus, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Leukas and Leukadians, i. Themistokles, ch. 24; Timoleon, chs. 8, 15; iii. Pompeius, ch. 24; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 17, Dion, ch. 22. Leukon, a hero, ii. Aristeides, ch. 11. Leukonoe, Attic township, iv. Demetrius, ch. 24. Leukothea, i. Camillus ch. 5. Leuktra, i. Lykurgus, ch. 30; Camillus, ch. 19; Coriolanus, ch. 4; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 20, 25, 30; Comparison, chs. 1, 2; Lysander, ch. 18; Comparison, ch. 4; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 15, 28, 40; iv. Agis, ch. 21; Artaxerxes, ch. 22. Leuktridæ, daughters of Skedasus, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 20. Leuktron, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 20; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 6. Leukus, river, i. Æmilius, chs. 16, 21. Libo, iv. Antonius, ch. 7. Libya, frequent, as also Africa, by which word it has been frequently translated. _See_ parts of the lives of i. Marius, Sulla, chs. 1, 3; iii. Sertorius, ch. 9; Pompeius, Cæsar, Cato Minor, and iv. Antonius. The Libyan fifer, ii. Lucullus, ch. 10; Libyssa's earth, ii. Flamininus, ch. 20; Proconsulate of Galba, iv. Galba, ch. 3. Libys, a Spartan, iv. Agis, ch. 6. Libyssa, in Bithynia, ii. Flamininus, ch. 20. Lichas, a Spartan, ii. Kimon, ch. 10. Licinia, wife of C. Gracchus, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 21; C. Gracchus, chs. 15, 17. ----, a Vestal, iii. Crassus, ch. 1. Licinius, Cossus, i. Camillus, ch. 4. ----, Publius, commanding in Macedonia, i. Æmilius, ch. 9. ----, servant of Tib. Gracchus, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 2. ----, friend of C. Gracchus, iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 16 (Publius Crassus?). ----, Macer, impeached by Cicero, iv. Cicero, ch. 9. ----, Philonicus, i. Æmilius, ch. 38. ----, Stolo, i. Camillus, ch. 39. Ligarius, Caius, friend of Brutus, iv. Brutus, ch. 11. ----, Quintus, defended by Cicero, iv. Cicero, ch. 39. Ligurians, or Ligustines, i. Fabius, ch. 2; Æmilius, chs. 6, 18, 31, 39; ii. Marius, chs. 15, 19. Likymnius, tomb of, at Argos, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 34. Lilybæum, i. Timoleon, ch. 25. Limnæus, iii. Alexander, ch. 63. Limnus of Chalastra, iii. Alexander, ch. 49. Lindus, in Rhodes, ii. Marcellus, ch. 30. Lingones, iii. Cæsar, ch. 26. Liparæans, i. Camillus, ch. 8. Liris, river, ii. Marius, ch. 37. Lissus, iv. Antonius, ch. 7. Livia, wife of Augustus, iv. Antonius, chs. 83, 87; Galba, chs. 3, 19. Livius, Marcus, commanding at Tarentum, i. Fabius, ch. 23. ----, Postumius, i. Romulus, ch. 29. Livius, the historian, i. Camillus, ch. 6; ii. Marcellus, chs. 12, 24, 30; Comparison, ch. 1; Cato Major, ch. 17; Flamininus, chs. 18, 20; Sulla, ch. 6; Lucullus, chs. 28, 31; iii. Cæsar, chs. 47, 63. ----, Drusus. _See_ two of the name under Drusus. Loibethra, iii. Alexander, ch. 14. Lokri Epizephyrii, in Italy, ii. Marcellus, ch. 29. Lokris and Lokrians, in Greece, i. Perikles, ch. 17; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 16; Aristeides, ch. 20; Flamininus, chs. 6, 10; iv. Dion, ch. 3; Aratus, ch. 16. Lollius, Marcus, a quæstor, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 16. Lothronus, or Vulturnus, i. Fabius, ch. 6. Luca, in Etruria, iii. Crassus, ch. 14; Pompeius, ch. 51; Cæsar, ch. 21. Lucania and Lucanians, i. Fabius, ch. 20; Timoleon, ch. 34; ii. Marcellus, ch. 24; Pyrrhus, chs. 13, 16, 25; Sulla, ch. 29; iii. Crassus, chs. 9, 10, 11; Cato Minor, ch. 20; iv. Cicero, ch. 31; Brutus, ch. 23. Lucanis, lake, iii. Crassus, ch. 11. Luceres, Roman tribe, i. Romulus, ch. 20. Lucilius, tribune of the people, iii. Pompeius, ch. 54. ----, who surrendered himself at Philippi to save Brutus, iv. Antonius, ch. 69; Brutus, ch. 50. Lucinus, Sextus, ii. Marius, ch. 45. Lucretia, wife of Numa, i. Numa, ch. 21. ----, wife of Collatinus, i. Poplicola, chs. 1, 12. Lucretius, Titus, consul, i. Poplicola, chs. 12, 16, 22. ----, Lucius, i. Camillus, ch. 32. ----, Ofella, ii. Sulla, chs. 29, 33; Comparison, ch. 2. Lucullus, Lucius, ii. Life and Comparison with Kimon; i. Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Cato Major, ch. 24; Flamininus, ch. 21; Marius, ch. 34; Sulla, chs. 6, 11, 27; Kimon, chs. 2, 3; iii. Crassus, chs. 11, 16, 26; Comparison, ch. 4; Pompeius, chs. 2, 20, 30, 31, 32, 45, 48; Comparison, ch. 4; Cato Minor, chs. 19, 29, 31, 54; iv. Cicero, chs. 29, 31. Lucullus, Marcus, brother of Lucullus, ii. Sulla, ch. 27; Lucullus, chs. 1, 37, 43; iii. Cæsar, chs. 4, 10. ----, title of a book by Cicero, ii. Lucullus, ch. 42. Luculli, the two, iii. Cæsar, ch. 15. Lucumo, an Etruscan noble, ii. Camillus, ch. 15. Luperci and Lupercalia, i. Romulus, ch. 21; Numa, ch. 19; iii. Cæsar, ch. 61; iv. Antonius, ch. 12. Lusitania and Lusitanians, iii. Sertorius, chs. 10, 11, 12; Comparison, ch. 1; Cæsar, ch. 12; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 21; Galba, ch. 20. Lusius, Caius, nephew of Marius, ii. Marius, ch. 14. Lutatius Catulus. _See_ Catulus. Lycaonia, ii. Lucullus, ch. 23; iii. Eumenes, ch. 9; Pompeius, ch. 30; iv. Antonius, ch. 61. Lyceum, at Athens, i. Theseus, ch. 27; ii. Sulla, ch. 12; iii. Phokion, ch. 38. Lydia and Lydians, i. Theseus, ch. 6; Romulus, ch. 2; Solon, ch. 27; Themistokles, ch. 30; Æmilius, ch. 12; ii. Aristeides, ch. 17; Lysander, chs. 3, 6; Kimon, ch. 9; iii. Nikias, ch. 1; Eumenes, ch. 8; Agesilaus, ch. 10; Alexander, ch. 17; iv. Demetrius, ch. 46; Antonius, ch. 30; Artaxerxes, ch. 2. Lydiades, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 6; Aratus, chs. 30, 35, 37. Lykaion, mountain in Arcadia, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 5; Aratus, ch. 36. Lykia, or Lycia, iii. Alexander, chs. 17, 37; iv. Brutus, chs. 30, 31, 32. Lykomedes, descendants of, i. Themistokles, ch. 1. ----, an Athenian, i. Themistokles, ch. 15. ----, king of Skyros, i. Theseus, ch. 35; ii. Kimon, ch. 8. Lykon, of Skarphia, an actor, iii. Alexander, ch. 29. ----, a Syracusan, iv. Dion, ch. 57. Lykophron, a Corinthian, iii. Nikias, ch. 6. ----, son of Alexander of Pheræ, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 35. Lykortas, the father of Polybius the historian, ii. Philopoemen, chs. 20, 21. Lykurgus, an Athenian, i. Solon, ch. 29. ----, the Athenian orator, ii. Flamininus, ch. 12; iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 1; Phokion, chs. 7, 17; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 23. ----, of Byzantium, i. Alkibiades, ch. 31. ----, the lawgiver, i. Life and Comparison with Numa; i. Theseus, ch. 1; Numa, ch. 4; Solon, chs. 16, 22; Alkibiades, ch. 23; ii. Aristeides, ch. 2; Comparison, ch. 3; Philopoemen, ch. 16; Lysander, ch. 1; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 26, 33; Phokion, ch. 20; iv. Agis, chs. 5, 6, 9, 19; Kleomenes, chs. 10, 12, 18; Comparison, chs. 2, 5. Lykus, a river in Phrygia, iv. Demetrius, ch. 46. ----, a river in Pontus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 15. ----, a river in Sicily, i. Timoleon, ch. 34. ----, in Macedonia, ii. Flamininus, ch. 4. Lygdamis, ii. Marius, ch. 11. Lynkeus, brother of Idas, i. Theseus, ch. 31. ----, of Samos, iv. Demetrius, ch. 27. Lysander of Alopekæ, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. Lysander, the Spartan general, ii. Life and Comparison with Sulla; i. Lykurgus, ch. 30; Alkibiades, chs. 35-39; ii. Flamininus, ch. 11; iii. Nikias, ch. 28; Agesilaus, chs. 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 20; Comparison, ch. 2; iv. Agis, ch. 14. ----, son of Lybis, a Spartan, iv. Agis, chs. 6, 8, 11, 12, 13, 14, 19. Lysandridas of Megalopolis, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 24. Lysanoridas, a Spartan, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 13. Lysias, the orator, ii. Cato Major, ch. 7. Lysikles, the sheepdealer, i. Perikles, ch. 24. Lysidike, daughter of Pelops, i. Theseus, ch. 7. Lysimachus, an Acarnanian, Alexander's tutor, iii. Alexander, chs. 5, 24. ----, father of Aristeides, i. Themistokles, chs. 3, 12; ii. Aristeides, chs. 1, 25. ----, the son of Aristeides, ii. Aristeides, ch. 27. ----, grandson of Aristeides, ii. Aristeides, ch. 27. ----, general of Alexander, and king of Thrace, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 6, 11, 13; iii. Alexander, chs. 46, 55; iv. Demetrius, chs. 12, 18, 20, 25, 27, 31, 35, 39, 44, 46, 48, 51, 52. ----, a companion of Pyrrhus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 29. Lysippus, general of the Achæans, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 12. ----, the sculptor, iii. Alexander, chs. 4, 16, 40. Macedonia and Macedonians. _See_ in general, the lives of i. Æmilius Paulus, ii. Flamininus, Pyrrhus, iii. Alexander, Phokion, iv. Kleomenes, Demosthenes, Demetrius, Aratus, and the Comparisons. Also, i. Theseus, ch. 5; Camillus, ch. 19; Timoleon, ch. 15; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 26; Aristeides, ch. 15; Cato Major, chs. 12, 15; Philopoemen, chs. 6, 8, 9, 12, 15; Sulla, chs. 11, 12, 23, 27; Kimon, chs. 2, 14; iii. Eumenes, chs. 4, 5; Agesilaus, ch. 16; Pompeius, chs. 34, 64; Cæsar, chs. 4, 39; Phokion, ch. 1; Cato Minor, ch. 9; iv. Cicero, chs. 12, 30, 47; Comparison, ch. 4; Antonius, chs. 7, 21, 22, 54, 63, 67; Brutus, chs. 4, 24, 25, 28; Galba, ch. 1. Macedonian months, iii. Alexander, chs. 3, 16, 75, 76. The Macedonian dialect, iii. Eumenes, ch. 14; Alexander, ch. 51; iv. Antonius, ch. 27; The Macedonian hat, iv. Antonius, ch. 54; compare, iii. Eumenes, ch. 6; iv. Demetrius, ch. 41. Macedonicus, surname, ii. Marius, ch. 1. _See_ Metellus. Macer, Licinius, impeached by Cicero, iv. Cicero, ch. 9. ----, Clodius, iv. Galba, chs. 6, 13, 15. Machairones, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 35. Machanidas, despot of Sparta, ii. Philopoemen, chs. 9, 10, 12. Machares, son of Mithridates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 24. Macrinus, a surname, ii. Marius, ch. 1. Makaria, daughter of Herakles, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 21. Makrae or Akrae, in Sicily, iv. Dion, ch. 27. Mæcenas, iv. Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, ch. 3; Antonius, ch. 35. Mæcius or Marcius, a hill in Latium, i. Camillus, chs. 33, 34. Mædi and Mædike, in Thrace, i. Æmilius Paulus, ch. 12; ii. Sulla, ch. 23; iii. Alexander, ch. 9. Mælius, Spurius, killed by Ahala, iv. Brutus, ch. 1. Mæotis, the lake, ii. Marius, ch. 11; Sulla, ch. 11; Lucullus, ch. 16; iii. Pompeius, ch. 35; Alexander, ch. 44; Antonius, ch. 56. Magæus, a Persian, i. Alkibiades, ch. 39. Magas, brother of Ptolemæus Philopator, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 33. Magnesia, a town in Caria, i. Themistokles, chs. 29, 30, 31. ----, and the Magnesians, in Thessaly, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 35; Flamininus, chs. 10, 12, 15. Magnus, surname of Pompeius, iii. Sertorius, ch. 12; Pompeius, ch. 13. Mago, a Carthaginian, i. Timoleon, chs. 17, 18, 20. Maia, mother of Mercury, i. Numa, ch. 19. Malaca, now Malaga, in Spain, iii. Crassus, ch. 6. Malchus, king of Arabia, iv. Antonius, ch. 61. Malea, in Laconia, ii. Sulla, ch. 11; iv. Agis, ch. 8; Aratus, ch. 12. Malian Gulf, i. Perikles, ch. 17. Malkitas, or Malkitus, a Theban, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 35. Malli, an Indian people, iii. Alexander, chs. 63, 68. Mamerci, i. Numa, ch. 21. Mamercus, despot of Katana, i. Timoleon, chs. 13, 30, 31, 34, 37. ----, son of Numa, i. Numa, chs. 8, 21. ----, son of Pythagoras, i. Numa, ch. 8; Æmilius, ch. 2. Mamertines of Messina, in Sicily, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 23, 24; iii. Pompeius, ch. 10. Mamurius, i. Numa, ch. 13. Mancinus, Caius Hostilius, consul B.C. 137, iv. Tib. Gracchus, chs. 5, 7. Mandonium. _See_ Manduria. Mandrokleidas, a Spartan, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 26. ----, son of Ekphanes, iv. Agis, chs. 6, 9, 12. Manduria or Mandonium, a town in Italy, iv. Agis, ch. 1. Mania, name of Demo the courtesan, iv, Demetrius, ch. 27. Manilius, a tribune, friend of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 30; iv. Cicero, ch. 9. Manilius, disgraced by Cato Major, ii. Cato Major, ch. 17. Manius Acilius, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 17; Flamininus, chs. 15, 16. ----, Curius. _See_ Curius. ----, (?) i.e. Aquillius (in Plutarch's text Marius), ii. Lucullus, ch. 4. ----, Curius, a tribune, ii. Flamininus, ch. 2. Manlius, consul 105 B.C., defeated by the Cimbri, ii. Marius, ch. 19. ----, a comrade of Catilina, iv. Cicero, chs. 14, 15, 16. ----, Lucius, a soldier, ii. Cato Major, ch. 13. ----, Lucius (Manilius ?), iii. Sertorius, ch. 12. ----, Capitolinus, Marcus, i. Camillus, chs. 27, 36. ----, Torquatus, i. Fabius, ch. 9. ----, Titus, consul B.C. 235, i. Numa, ch. 20. ----, Torquatus, ii. Sulla, ch. 29. ----, an officer under Sertorius, iii. Sertorius, chs. 26, 27. ----, a consular, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 10. Manthes, i. Themistokles, ch. 1. Mantinea, in Arcadia, and Mantineans, i. Numa, ch. 13; Alkibiades, chs. 15, 19; Comparison, ch. 2; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 4; Philopoemen, chs. 1, 11; iii. Nikias, ch. 10; Agesilaus, chs. 15, 30, 33; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 5, 14, 23; Demetrius, chs. 25, 35; Aratus, chs. 36, 39, 44, 45. Marathon, i. Theseus, chs. 14, 25, 30, 32, 35; Themistokles, ch. 3; Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Aristeides, chs. 5, 7, 16; Comparison, chs. 2, 5; Flamininus, ch. 11; Kimon, ch. 5; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 28; Aratus, ch. 16. Marathus, who gave name to Marathon, i. Theseus, ch. 32. Marcellinus, iii. Crassus, ch. 15; Pompeius, ch. 51. _See_ Lentulus. Marcellus, a Roman surname, ii. Marius, ch. 1. ----, Marcus Claudius, father of Marcellus, ii. Marcellus, ch. 1. ----, Marcus Claudius, five times consul in the second Punic War, ii. Life and Comparison with Pelopidas; i. Romulus, ch. 15; Fabius, chs. 19, 21, 22; ii. Flamininus, chs. 1, 18; iii. Crassus, ch. 11. ----, Marcus, son of the general, ii. Marcellus, chs. 2, 29, 30. ----, Marcus, consul B.C. 51, iii. Cæsar, ch. 29; iv. Cicero, ch. 15. ----, C. Claudius, consul B.C. 50, iii. Pompeius, ch. 69 (or his cousin of the same name, consul B.C. 49, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 18); iv. Antonius, ch. 5. ----, C. Claudius, consul B.C. 49, iii. Pompeius, ch. 58. ----, C., first husband of Octavia, the sister of Augustus, iv. Marcellus, ch. 30; iv. Cicero, ch. 44; Antonius, chs. 31, 87. ----, son of the preceding, adopted by Augustus, ii. Marcellus, ch. 30; iv. Antonius, ch. 87. ----, Claudius, lieutenant of Marius, ii. Marius, chs. 20, 21. Marcia, wife of Cato Minor, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 25, 37, 52. Marcian heights, i. Camillus, chs. 33, 34. Marcianus, new name of Icelus, iv. Galba, ch. 7. Marcii, i. Coriolanus, ch. 1. Marcius, kinsman of Numa, i. Numa, chs. 5, 6, 21. ----, father of Ancus, Marcius, i. Numa, ch 21. ----, Ancus, i. Numa, chs. 9, 21. ----, Caius. _See_ Coriolanus. ----, Caius consul with Scipio Nasica, B.C. 162, ii. Marcellus, ch. 5. ----, Publius and Quintus who supplied Rome with water, i. Coriolanus, ch. 1. Marcius Censorinus, _ibidem_. ----, Philippus, censor, i. Æmilius, ch. 38. ----, Rex, brother-in-law to Clodius, iv. Cicero, ch. 29. ----, in Catilina's conspiracy, iv. Cicero, ch. 16. ----, in Pompeius's camp, iv. Cicero, ch. 38. Mardians, a people of Asia, ii. Lucullus, ch. 31; iv. Antonius, chs. 41, 47, 48. Mardion, an eunuch, iv. Antonius, ch. 60. Mardonius, the Persian, i. Themistokles chs. 4, 16; ii. Aristeides, chs. 5, 10, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19; iv. Agis, ch. 3. Margian steel, iii. Crassus, ch. 24. Margites, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 23. Marica, grove of, ii. Marius, ch. 39. Marikas, comedy by Eupolis, iii. Nikias, ch. 4. Marius, father of C. Marius, ii. Marius, ch. 3. ----, ii. Life; Flamininus, ch. 21; Sulla, chs. 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 17; Comparison of Lysander and Sulla, ch. 4; Lucullus, chs. 4, 38; Crassus, ch. 24; Sertorius, chs. 2, 4, 5, 6; Pompeius, chs. 8, 13; Comparison, ch. 4; Cæsar, chs. 1, 5, 15, 19; iv. Antonius, ch. 1; Brutus, ch. 29; Otho, ch. 9. Marius's mules, ii. Marius, ch. 13. ----, the younger, son of the preceding, ii. Marius, ch. 35 (where _see_ note), 46; Sulla, chs. 27-29, 32; iii. Sertorius, ch. 6; Pompeius, ch. 13; Cæsar, ch. 1. ----, Marcus, killed by Catilina, ii. Sulla, ch. 32. ----, Marcus or Varius, Sertorius's envoy to Mithridates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 12; iii. Sertorius, ch. 24. ----, Celsus, commanding for Otho, iv. Galba, chs. 25, 26, 27; Otho, chs. 1, 5, 7, 8, 9, 13. Marphadates, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 73. Marrucini, i. Æmilius, ch. 20. Marseilles, Massalia, or Massilia, in Gaul, i. Solon, ch. 2; ii. Marius, ch. 21; iii. Cæsar, ch. 16. Marsi, and the Marsic War, i. Fabius, ch. 20; ii. Lucullus, chs. 1, 2; iii. Crassus, ch. 6; Sertorius ch. 4; iv. Cicero, ch. 3. Marsi, uncertain, ii. Sulla, ch. 4. Marsyas, a writer, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 18. Marsyas, a Syracusan, iv. Dion, ch. 9. Martha, a Syrian woman, ii. Marius, ch. 17. Martialis, a tribune of the prætorian guard, iv. Galba, ch. 25. Martianus, iv. Galba, ch. 9. Marullus, tribune of the people, iii. Cæsar, ch. 61. Masabates, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 17. Masinissa, king of Numidia, ii. Cato Major, ch. 26. Masistius, a Persian, ii. Aristeides, ch. 14. Maso, Papirius, father-in-law of Æmilius, i. Æmilius, ch. 5. Massilia. _See_ Marseilles. Mauricus, a senator, iv. Galba, ch. 8. Mauritania and Moors in Africa, ii. Marius, ch. 41; iii. Sertorius, chs. 8, 9, 13, 27. Maximus, a Roman surname, iii. Pompeius, ch. 13; compare i. Fabius, ch. 1. Mazæus, a Persian, iii. Alexander, chs. 32, 39. Medea, i. Theseus, ch. 12; iii. Alexander, chs. 10, 35. Media and the Medes. _See_ in general the lives of i. Themistokles; ii. Kimon, Aristeides, Lucullus, chs. 9, 14, and after; iii. Alexander; iv. Antonius, ch. 27, and after, and Artaxerxes. Also, i. Æmilius, ch. 25; Eumenes, chs. 16, 18; Agesilaus, ch. 23; iv. Antonius, ch. 54. Also iii. Pompeius, chs. 34, 36, 44; iv. Demetrius, ch. 46. Mediolanum, or Milan, ii. Marcellus, ch. 7; iii. Cæsar, ch. 17; iv. Comparison of Dion and Brutus, ch. 5. Medius, a companion of Alexander and Antigonus, iii. Alexander, ch. 74; iv. Demetrius, ch. 19. Megabacchus (perhaps Megabocchus), iii. Crassus, 25. Megabates, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 11. Megabazus, iii. Alexander, ch. 42. Megakles, the archon, who killed Kylon, i. Solon, ch. 12. ----, the son of Alkmæon, chief of the Parali, i. Solon, chs. 29, 30. ----, grandfather of Alkibiades, i. Alkibiades, ch. 1. ----, father of Euryptolemus, ii. Kimon, chs. 4, 16. ----, friend of Pyrrhus, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 16, 17. ----, Dion's brother, iv. Dion, ch. 28. Megaleas, or Megaleus, a Macedonian, iv. Aratus, ch. 48. Megalophanes, or Demophanes, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 1. Megalopolis and the Megalopolitans, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 20; Philopoemen, chs. 1, 5, 13, 14, 18, 21; Pyrrhus, ch. 26; iv. Agis, ch. 3; Kleomenes, chs. 4, 6, 12, 23, 24, 25, 26, 29, 36; Aratus, chs. 5, 30, 36, 38. Megara and the Megarians, historical notices, i. Theseus, chs. 10, 20, 25, 27, 32; Solon, chs. 8-11; Comparison, ch. 4; Themistokles, ch. 13; Perikles, ch. 27, and after; Alkibiades, ch. 31; ii. Aristeides, chs. 14, 20; Philopoemen, ch. 12; iii. Nikias, ch. 6; Cæsar, ch. 43; Phokion, ch. 15; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 17; Demetrius, chs. 9, 30, 39; Brutus, ch. 8. The Megarian territory is also mentioned, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 13; Kimon, ch. 17; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 27; iv. Agis, ch. 13; Aratus, ch. 31. Anecdotes, ii. Lysander, ch. 22; Philopoemen, ch. 2; iii. Phokion, ch. 37; iv. Antonius, ch. 23; Dion, ch. 17. ----, a fort in Macedonia, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 2. ----, a town in Sicily, ii. Marcellus, chs. 18, 20. Megellus, i. Timoleon, ch. 35. Megistonous, step-father of Kleomenes, iv. Kleomenes, chs. 7, 11, 21; Aratus, chs. 38, 41. Meidias, accused by Demosthenes, i. Alkibiades, ch. 10; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 12. ----, an Athenian exile, ii. Sulla, ch. 14. Melanippus, a son of Theseus, i. Theseus, ch. 8. Melanopus, an Athenian, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 13. Melantas, a Persian, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 19. Melanthius, a poet, ii. Kimon, ch. 4. ----, an Athenian, iii. Phokion, ch. 19. Melanthus, a painter of the Sikyonian school, iv. Aratus, ch. 12. Melas, a river in Boeotia, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 15; Sulla, ch. 20. Meleager, i. Theseus, ch. 29. Melesias, the father of Thucydides, i. Perikles, ch. 8; iii. Nikias, ch. 2. Melesippides, a Spartan, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 1. Meliboea, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 29. Melikerta, i. Theseus, ch. 25. Melissus of Samos, philosopher, i. Themistokles, ch. 2; Perikles, chs. 26, 27. Melite, a district of Athens, i. Solon, ch. 10; Themistokles, ch. 22; iii. Phokion, ch. 18. Meliteia, a town in Thessaly, ii. Sulla, ch. 20. Mellaria, in Spain, iii. Sertorius, ch. 12. Mellon, a Theban, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 7, 8, 12, 13, 25; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 24. Melos and Melians, i. Alkibiades, ch. 16; ii. Lysander, ch. 14; iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 3. Memmius Gemellus, Caius, tribune of the people, ii. Lucullus, ch. 37; iii. Cato Minor, ch. 6. ----, Caius, husband of Pompeius's sister, iii. Sertorius, ch. 21; Cato Minor, ch. 29. Memnon, general of Darius, iii. Alexander, chs. 18, 21. Memphis, ii. Lucullus, ch. 2. Menander, put to death by Alexander, iii. Alexander, ch. 57. ----, friend of Antigonus, iii. Eumenes, ch. 9. ----, Athenian general, i. Alkibiades, ch. 36; perhaps the same as ----, Athenian general, iii. Nikias, ch. 20. ----, comic poet, iii. Alexander, ch. 17. ----, general of Mithridates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 17. Menas, the pirate, iv. Antonius, ch. 32. Mende, in Macedonia, iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 4. Mendes, in Egypt, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 38. Menedemus, a chamberlain of Lucullus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 16. Menekleides, an orator, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 25. Menekrates, a physician, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 21. ----, a writer, i. Theseus, ch. 26. ----, a pirate, iv. Antonius, ch. 32. Menelaus, in Sophokles, iv. Demetrius, ch. 45. Harbour of Menelaus, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 40. ----, brother of Ptolemæus I., iv. Demetrius, chs. 15, 16. Menemachus, officer of Mithridates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 17. Menenius Agrippa, i. Coriolanus, ch. 6. Menesthes, i. Theseus, ch. 17. Menestheus, son of Peteus, who led the Athenians at Troy. _See_ Menestheus. Menestheus, son of Iphikrates, iii. Phokion, ch. 7. Menexenus, i. Perikles, ch. 24. Meninx, an island on the coast of Africa, ii. Marius, ch. 40. Menippus, an Athenian, i. Perikles, ch. 13. ----, of Caria, iv. Cicero, ch. 4. Menoekeus, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 21. Menoetius, father of Patroklus, ii. Aristeides, ch. 20. Menon, father of Theano, i. Alkibiades, ch. 22. ----, a sculptor, i. Perikles, ch. 31. ----, the Thessalian in the service of Cyrus the younger, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 18. ----, the Thessalian, commanding in the Lamian war, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1; iii. Phokion, ch. 25. Mentor, in Alexander's service, iii. Eumenes, ch. 2. Menyllus, a Macedonian, iii. Phokion, chs. 28, 30, 31. Meriones, the Homeric hero, ii. Marcellus, ch. 20. Merope, daughter of Erechtheus, i. Theseus, ch. 19. Merula, Cornelius, consul B.C. 87, ii. Marius, chs. 41, 45. Mesopotamia, ii. Lucullus, chs. 21, 30; iii. Crassus, chs. 17, 18, 19, 28; Pompeius, ch. 44; iv. Demetrius, ch. 7; Antonius, ch. 34. Messala, a family name, i. Comparison of Solon and Poplicola, ch. 1. ----, father of Valeria, Sulla's wife, ii. Sulla, ch. 35. ----, Marcus Valerius, consul B.C. 53, iii. Pompeius, ch. 54. ----, Corvinus, M. Valerius, son of the preceding, iv. Brutus, chs. 40, 41, 42, 45, 53. Messapians, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 13, 16; iv. Agis, ch. 3. Messina, in Sicily, i. Alkibiades, ch. 22; Timoleon, chs. 20, 30, 34; ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 23; iii. Nikius, ch. 18; Pompeius, ch. 10; Cato Minor, ch. 53; iv. Dion, chs. 48, 58. Messene or Messenia, in Peloponnesus, i. Romulus, ch. 26 (story of Aristomenes); Lykurgus, chs. 7, 27 (the revolt); ii. Pelopidas, chs. 24, 25, 31 (the restoration); Philopoemen, chs. 12, 18, 19, 20, 21; Flamininus, ch. 17; Comparison, chs. 1, 3; Kimon, ch. 17; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 34, 35; Alexander, ch. 73, a (Messenian); iv. Agis, ch. 21 (Aristomenes); Kleomenes, chs. 5, 10, 12, 24; Comparison, ch. 5; Demosthenes, ch. 13; Demetrius, ch. 33; Aratus, chs. 47, 49, 50, 51. In ii. Philopoemen and Flamininus, iv. Kleomenes, Demetrius and Aratus, the allusion is generally to Messene, the new city. Mestrius Florus, i. Otho, ch. 14. Metagenes of Xypete, i. Perikles, ch. 13. Metapontum, in Lucania, i. Fabius, ch. 19. Metella, wife of Sulla, ii. Sulla, chs. 6, 13, 22, 33, 34, 35, 37; iii. Pompeius, ch. 9; Cato Minor, ch. 3. She is Cæcilia Metella. Metelli, ii. Comparison of Lysander and Sulla, ch. 1; iii. Cæsar, ch. 15. ----, the family of the, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 26. Metellus, Quintus, Macedonicus, ii. Marius, ch. 1; iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 2; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 14. ----, Diadematus, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. ----, L. Cæcilius, called Dalmaticus, father of Sulla's wife, consul B.C. 119, ii. Marius, ch. 4; Sulla, ch. 6, note; iii. Pompeius, ch. 2. ----, Q. Cæcilius, surnamed Numidicus, consul B.C. 109, i. Comparison of Alkibiades and Coriolanus, ch. 4; ii. Marius, chs. 7, 8, 10, 28, 29, 30, 31, 42; Lucullus, ch. 1; iii. Cato Minor, ch. 32. Metellus Pius, Q., son of Numidicus, consul B.C. 80, ii. Cato Major, ch. 24; Marius, ch. 42; Sulla, ch. 28; Lucullus, ch. 6; iii. Crassus ch. 6; Comparison, ch. 3; Sertorius, chs. 1, 12, 13, 19, 21, 22, 27; Pompeius, chs. 8, 17, 18, 19; Cæsar, ch. 7. ----, Creticus, Q. Cæcilius, consul B.C. 69, iii. Pompeius, ch. 29. ----, tribune of the people, son of the preceding, iii. Pompeius, ch. 62; Comparison, ch. 3; Cæsar, ch. 35. ----, Celer, Quintus, i. Romulus, ch. 9; Coriolanus, ch. 11. ----, Celer, Quintus, son by adoption of the preceding, iv. Cicero, chs. 16, 29. ----, Nepos, tribune with Cato, brother of the preceding, iii. Cæsar, ch. 21; Cato Minor, chs. 20, 21, 26, 27, 28, 29; iv. Cicero, chs. 23, 26. ----, Scipio, son of Scipio Nasica, adopted by Metellus Pius, father of Cornelia, wife of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, chs. 62, 66, 67, 69, 76; Comparison, chs. 1, 4; Cæsar, chs. 16, 30, 39, 42, 44, 52, 53, 55; Cato Minor, chs. 7, 47, 56-58, 60, 67, 68, 70-72; iv. Cicero, ch. 15; Brutus, ch. 6; Otho, ch. 13. ----, Caius, ii. Sulla, ch. 31. Methydrium, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 4. Metilius, a tribune, i. Fabius, chs. 8, 9. Meton, the astronomer, i. Alkibiades, ch. 17; iii. Nikias, ch. 13. ----, a Tarentine, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 13. Metrobius, in a quotation, ii. Kimon, ch. 10. ----, an actor, ii. Sulla, chs. 2, 36. Metrodorus, of Skepsis, ii. Lucullus, ch. 22. ----, a dancer, iv. Antonius, ch. 24. Micipsa, king of Numidia, iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 2. Midas, king of Phrygia, i. Poplicola, ch. 15; ii. Flamininus, ch. 20; iii. Alexander, ch. 18; Cæsar, ch. 9. Mieza, a city in Macedonia, iii. Alexander, ch. 7. Mikion, powerful at Athens, iv. Aratus, ch. 41. ----, a Macedonian, iii. Phokion, ch. 25. Miliarium Aureum, iv. Galba, ch. 24. Miletus, i. Solon, chs. 4, 6, 12; Perikles, chs. 24, 28; Alkibiades, ch. 23; ii. Lysander, chs. 6, 8, 19; iii. Alexander, ch. 17; Cæsar, ch. 2; iv. Demetrius, ch. 46. A Milesian mantle, i. Alkibiades, ch. 23. Milesian women, i. Perikles, ch. 24; ii. Lucullus, ch. 18; iii. Crassus, ch. 32. Milan. _See_ Mediolanum. Milo, Annius, Cicero's friend, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 47; iv. Cicero, chs. 33, 35. ----, a Macedonian general, i. Æmilius, ch. 16. Miltas of Thessaly, iv. Dion, chs. 22, 24. Miltiades, i. Theseus, ch. 6; Themistokles, chs. 3, 4; ii. Aristeides, chs. 5, 16, 26; Comparison, ch. 2; Kimon, chs. 4, 5, 8; iv. Demetrius, ch. 14. Milto, surnamed Aspasia by Cyrus the younger, i. Perikles, ch. 24; compare iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 26. Mimallones, iii. Alexander, ch. 2. Mimnermus, i. Comparison of Solon and Popicola, ch. 1. Mindarus, Spartan admiral, i. Alkibiades, chs. 27, 28. Minoa, on the coast of Megara, iii. Nikias, ch. 6; Comparison, ch. 3. ----, in Sicily, iv. Dion, chs. 25, 26. Minos, king of Crete, i. Theseus, chs. 16, 17, 19; Numa, ch. 4; ii. Cato Major, ch. 23; compare iv. Demetrius, ch. 42. Minotaur, i. Theseus, chs. 15-17. Minturnæ, ii. Marius, chs. 37, 38. Minucius, Caius, a private citizen, i. Poplicola, ch. 3. ----, dictator, ii. Marcellus, ch. 5. ----, Marcus, master of the horse, i. Fabius, chs. 4, 5, 7-13; Comparison, ch. 2. Minucius, Thermus, tribune with Cato, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 27, 28. Misenum, promontory, ii. Marius, ch. 34; iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 19; Antonius, ch. 32. Mithras, the Persian god, iii. Pompeius, ch. 24; Alexander, ch. 30; iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 4. Mithridates, son of Ariobarzanes, founder of the kingdom of Pontus, iv. Demetrius, ch. 4. ----, king of Pontus, i. Numa, ch. 9; ii. Flamininus, ch. 21; Marius, chs. 31, 34, 41, 45; Sulla, chs. 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 13, 20-24, 27; Comparison, chs. 4, 5; Lucullus, chs. 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 13-19, 21-24, 26, 28, 29, 31, 34, 35, 37; Comparison, ch. 3; iii. Crassus, ch. 16; Sertorius, chs. 23, 24; Pompeius, chs. 24, 30, 32, 33, 35-39, 41, 42, 44; Cæsar, ch. 50. ----, king of Commagene, iv. Antonius, ch. 61. ----, cousin of Monæses, iv. Antonius, ch. 46. ----, a Persian, iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 11, 14-16. ----, of Pontus, iv. Galba, chs. 13, 15. Mithrobarzanes, ii. Lucullus, ch. 25. Mithropaustes, cousin of Xerxes, i. Themistokles, ch. 29. Mitylene, i. Solon, ch. 14; ii. Lucullus, ch. 4; iii. Pompeius, chs. 42, 74, 75; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 8. Mnasitheus, iv. Aratus, ch. 7. Mnemon, a surname, ii. Marius, ch. 1; compare iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 1. Mnesikles, i. Perikles, ch. 13. Mnesiphilus of Phrearri, i. Themistokles, ch. 2. Mnesiptolema, i. Themistokles, chs. 30, 32. Mnestheus, i. Theseus, chs. 32, 35. Mnestra, ii. Kimon, ch. 4. Moerokles, an orator, iv. Demosthenes, chs. 13, 23. Moesia, iv. Otho, chs. 4, 8, 15. Molon (_see_ Apollonius), iii. Cæsar, ch. 3; iv. Cicero, ch. 4. Molus, or Morius, a river in Boeotia, ii. Sulla, chs. 17, 19. Molossians, in Epirus, i. Theseus, chs. 31, 35; Themistokles, ch. 24; ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 1, 2, 4, 5, 10, 19, 30; iv. Demetrius, ch. 25. Molossus, an Athenian, iii. Phokion, ch. 14. Molpadia, an Amazon, i. Theseus, ch. 27. Monæses, iv. Antonius, chs. 37, 46. Moneta, Juno, i. Romulus, ch. 20; Camillus, ch. 36. Monime of Miletus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 18; iii. Pompeius, ch. 37. Mons Sacer, i. Coriolanus, ch. 6. Morius. _See_ Molus. Moschic mountains, iii. Pompeius, ch. 34. Mothakes, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 8. Mothone, beyond Malea, iv. Aratus, ch. 12. Mounychus, i. Theseus, 34. Mucia, wife of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 42. Mucianus, governor of Syria, iv. Otho, ch. 4. Mucii, the, iv. Cicero, ch. 3. Mucius Scævola, i. Poplicola, ch. 17. ----, Scævola, the lawyer, ii. Sulla, ch. 36; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 9. ----, father-in-law of the younger Marius, ii. Marius, ch. 35. ----, tribune with Tib. Gracchus, iv. Tib. Gracchus, chs. 13, 18. Mummius, Caius, an officer of Sulla, ii. Sulla, ch. 9. ----, Achaicus, Lucius, consul B.C. 146, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 21; Marius, ch. 1; Lucullus, ch. 19; iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 3. ----, a lieutenant of Crassus, iii. Crassus, ch. 10. Munatius Plancus (Titus), iii. Pompeius, ch. 55; Cato Minor, ch. 48; iv. Cicero, ch. 25. Munatius Plancus (Lucius, brother of the preceding), ii. Cato Minor, ch. 30; (according to Drumann), iv. Antonius, chs. 18, 58; Brutus, ch. 19. ----, Rufus, friend of Cato Minor, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 9, 30, 36, 37. Munda, field of battle in Spain, iii. Cæsar, ch. 56. Munychia, port of Athens, i. Solon, ch. 12; ii. Sulla, ch. 15; iii. Phokion, chs. 17, 31; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 28; Demetrius, chs. 8, 10, 34; Aratus, ch. 34. Murcus, iv. Galba, ch. 27. ----, L. Statius, iv. Brutus, ch. 47. Murena, Lucius Licinius, lieutenant of Sulla, ii. Sulla, chs. 17, 18, 19. ----, L. Licinius, consul B.C. 62, ii. Lucullus, chs. 15, 19, 25, 27; iii. Cato Minor, chs. 21, 28; iv. Cicero, chs. 14, 35; Comparison, ch. 1. Musæus, ii. Marius, ch. 36. Museum, hill at Athens, i. Theseus, ch. 27; iv. Demetrius, ch. 34. Mutina, now Modena, iii. Pompeius, ch. 16; iv. Antonius, ch. 17. Mycenæi, iii. Sertorius, ch. 9; iv. Aratus, ch. 29. Mygdonike, ii. Lucullus, ch. 32. Mykenæ. _See_ under Mycenæi. Mylæ, in Sicily, i. Timoleon, ch. 37. Mylassa, iii. Phokion, ch. 18. Myous, i. Themistokles, ch. 29. Myriandrus, iii. Alexander, ch. 72. Myron of Phyla, i. Solon, ch. 12. ----, a general of Mithridates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 17. Myronides, an Athenian general, i. Perikles, chs. 16, 24; Comparison, ch. 1; ii. Aristeides, chs. 10, 20. Myrtilus, a cupbearer, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 5. ----, a writer, iv. Aratus, ch. 3. Myrto, daughter of Menoetius, sister of Patroklus, ii. Aristeides, ch. 21. ----, grand-daughter of Aristeides, ii. Aristeides, ch. 27. Mysians, i. Theseus, ch. 5. Nabathæan Arabs, iii. Pompeius, ch. 67; iv. Demetrius, ch. 7; Antonius, ch. 36. Nabis, despot of Sparta, ii. Philopoemen, chs. 12, 14, 19; Flamininus, ch. 13; Comparison, ch. 3. Naples, Neapolis and Neapolitans, ii. Marcellus, ch. 10; Lucullus, ch. 39; Comparison, ch. 1; iii. Pompeius, ch. 57; iv. Cicero, ch. 8; Brutus, ch. 21. Naphtha, iii. Alexander, ch. 35. Narbo, in Gaul, and Gallia Narbonensis, iii. Sertorius, ch. 12; iv. Galba, ch. 11. Narnia, in Umbria, i. Flamininus, ch. 1. Narthakius, mountain in Thessaly, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 16. Nasica, Publius Scipio, consul B.C. 162, i. Æmilius, chs. 15-18, 22, 26; ii. Marcellus, ch. 5; Cato Major, ch. 27. ----, Publius, pontifex maximus, iv. Tib. Gracchus, chs. 13, 19, 20, 21. Naukrates, a Lycian, iv. Brutus, ch. 30. Naupaktus, ii. Flamininus, ch. 15. Nauplia, in Argolis, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 31. Nausikrates, an orator, ii. Kimon, ch. 19. Nausithous, of Salamis, i. Theseus, ch. 17. Naxos, an island in the Ægean sea, i. Theseus, ch. 20; Themistokles, ch. 25; Camillus, ch. 19; Perikles, ch. 11; iii. Nikias, ch. 3; Phokion, ch. 6. ----, in Sicily, iii. Nikias, ch. 16. Nealkes, a painter, iv. Aratus, ch. 13. Neander, an Epirot, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 2. Neanthes, a writer, i. Themistokles, chs. 1, 29. Neapolis, a quarter of Syracuse, ii. Marcellus, ch. 19. ----, in the territory of Agrigentum, iv. Dion, ch. 49. Nearchus, Alexander's admiral, iii. Eumenes, chs. 2, 18; Alexander, chs. 10, 66, 68, 73-75. ----, a philosopher, ii. Cato Major, ch. 2. Nektanebis, or Nektanabis, an Egyptian king, iii. Agesilaus, chs. 37-40. Neleus of Skepsis, ii. Sulla, ch. 26. Nemea and the Nemean games, i. Perikles, ch. 19; Timoleon, ch. 20; ii. Philopoemen, ch. 11; Flamininus, ch. 12; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 17; Aratus, chs. 7, 27, 28. ----, a courtesan, i. Alkibiades, ch. 16. Nemesis, a play of Kratinus, i. Perikles, ch. 3. ----, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 18; Marius, ch. 23. Neochorus, of Haliartus, ii. Lysander, ch. 29. Neodamodes, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 6. Neokles, father of Themistokles, i. Themistokles, ch. 1; ii. Aristeides, ch. 2. ----, son of Themistokles, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. Neon, a Boeotian, i. Æmilius, ch. 23. ----, a Corinthian, i. Timoleon, ch. 18. Neoptolemus, son of Achilles, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1; iii. Alexander, ch. 2. ----, (I., king of the Molossians), ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 2. ----, (II., king of the Molossians, grandson of the preceding), ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 4, 5. ----, captain of Alexander's guard, iii. Eumenes, chs. 1, 4-7. Neoptolemus, general of Mithridates, ii. Marius, ch. 34; Lucullus, ch. 3. Nepos, Cornelius, the historian, ii. Marcellus, ch. 30; Comparison, ch. 1; Lucullus, ch. 43; iv. Tiberius Gracchus, ch. 21. ----, Metellus, tribune with Cato, proconsul in Iberia, iii. Cæsar, ch. 21; Cato Minor, chs. 20, 21, 26, 27, 28, 29; iv. Cicero, chs. 23, 26. Nero, Lucius Domitius Germanicus, the emperor, ii. Flamininus, ch. 12; iv. Antonius, ch. 87; Galba, throughout; Otho, chs. 1, 3, 5, 18. ----, adopted as a title by Otho, iv. Otho, ch. 3. Nerrii, a Gaulish tribe, iii. Cæsar, ch. 20. Nestor, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 18; Cato Major, ch. 15; iv. Brutus, ch. 34. Nicomedes, or Nikomedes, king of Bithynia, ii. Sulla, chs. 22, 24. ----, king of Bithynia, iii. Cæsar, ch. 1. Nicomedia, or Nikomedia, in Bithynia, ii. Lucullus, ch. 13. Nicopolis, a rich lady, ii. Sulla, ch. 2. ----, near Actium, iv. Antonius, ch. 62. Nicostrate, the name of Carmenta, i. Romulus, ch. 21. Nikæa, wife of Alexander, in possession of the Acrocorinthus, iv. Aratus, ch. 17. ----, in Bithynia, i. Theseus, ch. 26. Nikagoras, of Troezen, i. Themistokles, ch. 10. ----, the Messenian, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 35. Nikanor, a friend of Antigonus, iii. Eumenes, ch. 17. ----, sent by Kassander to Munychia, iii. Phokion, chs. 30, 32, 33. Nikarchus, Plutarch's great-grandfather, iv. Antonius, ch. 68. Nikator. _See_ Seleukus. Nikeratus, father of Nikias, i. Alkibiades, ch. 13; iii. Nikias, ch. 2. Nikeratus, of Heraklea, a poet, ii. Lysander, ch. 18. Nikias, iii. Life and Comparison with Crassus; i. Alkibiades, chs. 1, 13, 14, 17, 20, 21; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 4; Aristeides, ch. 7; Flamininus, ch. 11. ----, steward of Ptolemy Auletes, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 39. ----, of Engyion, ii. Marcellus, ch. 20. ----, a friend of Agesilaus, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 13. Nikodemus, a Messenian, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 13. ----, a blind cripple, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 3. Nikogenes, i. Themistokles, chs. 26, 28. Nikokles, a friend of Phokion, iii. Phokion, chs. 17, 35, 36. ----, despot of Sikyon, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 1; iv. Aratus, chs. 3, 4, 6, 7. Nikokreon, king of Salamis in Cyprus, iii. Alexander, ch. 29. Nikolaus, a philosopher, iv. Brutus, ch. 53. Nikomache, daughter of Themistokles, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. Nikomachus, an Asiatic Greek, iii. Crassus, ch. 25. ----, a Macedonian, iii. Alexander, ch. 49. ----, a painter, i. Timoleon, ch. 36. Nikomedes, married to Sybaris, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. Nikon, a runaway slave of Kraterus, iii. Alexander, ch. 42. Nikonides of Thessaly, ii. Lucullus, ch. 10. Niger, a friend of Antonius, iv. Antonius, ch. 53. ----, a surname, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. Nigidius, Publius, a philosopher, friend of Cicero, iv. Cicero, ch. 20. Nile, i. Solon, ch. 26; ii. Sulla, ch. 20; iii. Alexander, chs 26, 36. Niphates, mountain in Armenia, iii. Alexander, ch. 31. Nisæa, port of Megara, i. Solon, ch. 12; iii. Nikias, ch. 6; Phokion, ch. 15. Nisæan horse, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 11. Nisibis, in Mesopotamia, ii. Lucullus, chs. 32, 36; Comparison, ch. 3. Nola, ii. Marcellus, chs. 10, 11, 12; Sulla, ch. 9. Nonæ Caprotinæ, i. Romulus, ch. 29; Camillus, ch. 33. Nonakris, iii. Alexander, ch. 77. Nonius, son of Sulla's sister, ii. Sulla, ch. 10. Nonnius, iv. Cicero, ch. 38. Nora in Cappadocia, iii. Eumenes, ch. 9. Norbanus, consul B.C. 83, ii. Sulla, ch. 27; iii. Sertorius, ch. 6. ----, commanding under Antonius, iv. Brutus, ch. 38. Norici, ii. Marius, ch. 15. Novum Comum, iii. Cæsar, ch. 29. Numa Pompilius, i. Life and Comparison with Lykurgus; i. Theseus, ch. 1; Romulus, chs. 18, 20, 21; Camillus, chs. 18, 20, 31; Coriolanus, chs. 1, 25, 39; Æmilius, ch. 1; ii. Marcellus, ch. 8; iii. Cæsar, ch. 58; Phokion, ch. 3. Numantia and Numantians, i. Æmilius, ch. 22; ii. Marius, chs. 3, 13; Lucullus, ch. 38; iv. Tib. Gracchus, chs. 5, 6, 7, 8, 13, 21; C. Gracchus, ch. 15; Comparison, ch. 3. Numerius, a friend of Marius, ii. Marius, ch. 35. ----, perhaps Numerius Magius, a friend of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 63. Numidia, iii. Pompeius, ch. 12; a Numidian horseman, iv. Otho, ch. 11. Numidians in the Carthaginian service, i. Fabius, chs. 11, 12; Timoleon, ch. 28; Marcellus, chs. 12, 30; Comparison, ch. 3. Numidian kings, ii. Cato Major, ch. 26; Marius, chs. 32, 40; Sulla, ch. 3; iii. Cæsar, chs. 52, 53, 55 (King Juba); iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 18. Numistro, ii. Marcellus, ch. 24. Numitor, i. Romulus, chs. 3, 6-9. Nussa (Nurscia), a Sabine city, iii. Sertorius, ch. 2. Nymphæum, near Apollonia, ii. Sulla, ch. 27. Nymphidia, mother of the following, iv. Galba, chs. 9, 14. Nymphidius Sabinus, prefect of the prætorian guard, iv. Galba, chs. 2, 8, 9, 11, 13, 15, 18, 23, 29. Nypsius, commander of the garrison of Syracuse, iv. Dion, chs. 41, 44, 46. Nysa, iii. Alexander, ch. 58. Nysæus, despot of Syracuse, i. Timoleon, ch. 1. Nyssa, sister of Mithridates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 18. Oarses, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 1. Ochus, son of Artaxerxes II., iii. Alexander, ch. 69; iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 26, 28, 30. Octavia, sister of Augustus, i. Poplicola, ch. 17; ii. Marcellus, ch. 20; iv. Cicero ch. 44, note; Antonius, chs. 31, 33, 35, 53, 54, 56, 57, 83, 87. Octavianus, Augustus Cæsar, iv. Antonius, chs. 11, 16. _See_ Cæsar. Octavius, i.e. Octavianus, who was so called by Brutus, iv. Brutus, ch. 29. ----, the father of Augustus, iv. Cicero, ch. 44. ----, Caius, a pretended conspirator, iii. Cæsar, ch. 67. ----, Cnæus, who took Perseus, i. Æmilius, ch. 26. ----, Nepos, Cnæus, consul B.C. 87, ii. Marius, chs. 41, 42, 45; Sulla, ch. 12; iii. Sertorius, ch. 4. ----, consul B.C. 75, governor of Cilicia, ii. Lucullus, ch. 6. Octavius, Lucius, lieutenant of Pompeius in Crete, iii. Pompeius, ch. 29. ----, Marcus, tribune of the people, iv. Tib. Gracchus, chs. 10, 11, 12, 15; C. Gracchus, ch. 4. ----, Marcus, lieutenant of Antonius at Actium, iv. Antonius, ch. 65. ----, Marcus, son of Cn. Octavius, consul B.C. 50, in Africa with Cato, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 65. ----, lieutenant of Crassus, iii. Crassus, chs. 29, 30, 31. ----, of African descent, iv. Cicero, ch. 26. Odysseus, in Latin Ulysses, i. Romulus, ch. 1; Solon, ch. 30; Alkibiades, ch. 21; Coriolanus, ch. 21; ii. Marcellus, ch. 20; Cato Major, ch. 9; Lysander, ch. 20; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 5. OEdipus, in Sophokles, iv. Demetrius, ch. 46; OEdipus's fountain, ii. Sulla, ch. 19. OEnanthes, an Egyptian, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 33. OEnarus, i. Theseus, ch. 20. OEneadæ, people of Acarnania, i. Perikles, ch. 19; iii. Alexander, ch. 49. OEnopion, i. Theseus, ch. 20. OEta, i. Perikles, ch. 17. Ofella, Lucretius, ii. Sulla, chs. 29, 33; Comparison, ch. 2. Oia, Attic township, i. Perikles, ch. 9. Oinous, i. Lykurgus, ch. 6. Olbiani, in Mauritania, iii. Sertorius, ch. 9. Olbius, i. Themistokles, ch. 26. Oligyrtus, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 26. Olizon, i. Themistokles, ch. 8. Olokrus, a mountain, i. Æmilius, ch. 20. Olorus, the name, ii. Kimon, ch. 4. A Thracian king, _ibidem_. Olorus the father of Thucydides, _ibidem_. Olthakus, chief of the Dandarii, ii. Lucullus, ch. 16. Olympia and the Olympic games, i. Theseus, ch. 25; Lykurgus, chs. 1 (Olympic truce), 21 (usage for Spartan victors, compare iii. Agesilaus, ch. 28), 22 (Olympic truce); Numa, ch. 1, institution of the games and visit of Pythagoras, ch. 8; Solon, ch. 23 (reward for Athenian victors compare ii. Aristeides, ch. 27); Themistokles, chs. 5, 17, 25, (Hiero's tent); Alkibiades, ch. 12; compare iv. Demosthenes, ch. 1; Æmilius, ch. 28 (Pheidias's Zeus); ii. Pelopidas, ch. 34; Aristeides, chs. 11, 27; Cato Major, ch. 5 (Kimon's race-horses); Sulla, ch. 12; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 13, 20 (Kyniske); Alexander, chs. 3, 4 (Philip's victory); Cato Minor, ch. 46; iv. Agis, ch. 11 (the oracle); Demosthenes, chs. 1, 9; Demetrius, ch. 11; List of victors, i. Numa, ch. 1. Olympias, wife of Philip, mother of Alexander, iii. Eumenes, chs. 12, 13; Alexander, chs. 2, 3, 9, 10, 25, 39, 68, 77; iv. Demetrius, ch. 22. Olympic games. _See_ Olympia. Olympiodorus, an Athenian, ii. Aristeides, ch. 14. Olympus, a mountain in Thessaly, i. Æmilius, chs. 13, 14, 15. ----, in Cilicia or Lycia, iii. Pompeius, ch. 24. ----, a physician, iv. Antonius, ch. 82. Olynthus, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 9. Omises, a Persian, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 4. Omestes, Dionysus, ii. Aristeides, ch. 9; iv. Antonius, ch. 24. Omphale, i. Theseus, ch. 6; Perikles, ch. 24. Onatius, Aurelius, iii. Crassus, ch. 12. Oneia, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 20. Onesikritus, Alexander's, historian, iii. Alexander, chs. 8, 15, 46, 60, 61, 65, 66. Onomarchus, with Antigonus, iii. Eumenes, ch. 18. ----, a Phokian, i. Timoleon, ch. 30. Onomastus, Otho's freedman, iv. Galba, ch. 24. Opheltas, a king of the Boeotians, ii. Kimon, ch. 1. ----, king of Cyrene, iv. Demetrius, ch. 14. Opimius, L. consul B.C. 121, iv. C. Gracchus, chs. 11, 13, 14, 16, 17. Oppius, C., Cæsar's friend, iii. Pompeius, ch. 10; Cæsar, ch. 17. Opuntian Lokrians, ii. Flamininus, ch. 5. Orchalian hill, ii. Lysander, ch. 29. Orchomenus, in Arcadia, iv. Kleomenes, chs. 4, 7, 23, 26; Aratus, chs. 38, 45. ----, in Boeotia, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 16, 17, 18; Comparison, ch. 1; Lysander, ch. 28; Sulla, chs. 20, 21, 22, 26; Kimon, ch. 2; Lucullus, chs. 3, 11; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 18. Oreitæ, iii. Alexander, ch. 66. Orestes, ii. Aristeides, ch. 10. ----, L. Aurelius, consul B.C. 126, iv. C. Gracchus, chs. 1, 2. Oreus, in Euboea, i. Æmilius, ch. 9. Orexartes, river in Scythia, iii. Alexander, ch. 45. Orfidius, iv. Otho, ch. 12. Oricum, i. Æmilius, ch. 30; iii. Pompeius, ch. 65; Cæsar, ch. 37. Orneus, i. Theseus, ch. 3. Ornis, near Corinth, iv. Aratus, ch. 19. Ornytus, i. Theseus, ch. 8. Oroandes, of Crete, i. Æmilius, ch. 26. Orobazus, Parthian ambassador, ii. Sulla, ch. 5. Oromazes, or Oromasdes, Persian god, iii. Alexander, ch. 30; iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 29. Orontes, a Persian, iv. Aratus. ch. 3; (the same?) Artaxerxes, ch. 27. Oropus, ii. Cato Major, ch. 22; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 5. Orpheus and Orphic rites, ii. Comparison of Kimon and Lucullus, ch. 1; iii. Alexander, ch. 2; Cæsar, ch. 9. Orsodates, iii. Alexander, ch. 57. Orthias, Artemis, i. Theseus, ch. 31; Lykurgus, ch. 17. Orthagoras, a prophet, i. Timoleon, ch. 4. Orthopagus, near Chæronea, ii. Sulla, ch. 17. Oryssus, a Cretan, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 30. Osca (Huesca in Spain), iii. Sertorius, ch. 13. Oschophoria, i. Theseus, chs. 22, 23. Ostanes, younger son of Darius Nothus, iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 1, 5, 22. Ostia, port of Rome, ii. Marius, chs. 35, 42; iii. Cæsar, ch. 58; iv. Otho, ch. 3. Otacilius, brother of Marcellus, ii. Marcellus, ch. 2. Otho, Marcus Salvius, the emperor, iv. Life; Galba, chs. 19, 20, 23-28. ----, Lucius Roscius, author of the Lex Roscia, iii. Pompeius, ch. 25; iv. Cicero, ch. 13. Otryæ in Phrygia, ii. Lucullus, ch. 8. Ovation, ii. Marcellus, ch. 22. Ovicula, nickname of Fabius, i. Fabius, ch. 1. Ouliades of Samos, ii. Aristeides, ch. 23. Oxathres, iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 1, 5. Oxus, river in Asia, iii. Alexander, ch. 57. Oxyartes, son of Abouletes, satrap of Susiana, iii. Alexander, chs. 58, 68. Paccianus, C., lieutenant of Sulla, iii. Sertorius, ch. 9. Paccius, ii. Cato Major, ch. 10. Paches, Athenian general, ii. Aristeides, ch. 26; iii. Nikias, ch. 6. Pachynus, promontory in Sicily, iv. Dion, ch. 25. Pacianus, Vibius, iii. Crassus, chs. 4, 5. Pacorus, son of Hyrodes, iii. Crassus, ch. 33; iv. Antonius, ch. 34. Padua, or Patavium. _See_ Patavium. Padus, the river Po, in Greek, Eridanus, i. Romulus, ch. 17; ii. Marcellus, ch. 6; Marius, ch. 24; iii. Crassus, ch. 9; Pompeius, ch. 16; Cæsar, chs. 20, 21, 25; iv. Brutus, ch. 19; Otho, chs. 5, 10. Pæania, township of Demosthenes, iv. Demosthenes, chs. 20, 27. Pæon of Amathus, i. Theseus, ch. 20. Pæonia and Pæonians, i. Æmilius, ch. 18; ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 9; iii. Pompeius, ch. 41, where _see_ Mr. Long's note; Alexander, ch. 39. Pæstum, or Poseidonia, a Greek colony in Lucania, i. Æmilius, ch. 39; ii. Kimon, ch. 18. Pagasæ, port of Thessaly, i. Themistokles, ch. 20. Paidaretus, i. Lykurgus, ch. 24. Palatine hill, Palatium, or Palace, at Rome, i. Romulus, chs. 1, 18, 20, 22; Poplicola, ch. 20 (Cloelia's statue); Camillus, ch. 32 (Romulus's staff); iii. Sertorius, ch. 24; C. Gracchus, ch. 12 (his house); iv. Cicero, ch. 8 (his house), 16, 22; Galba, chs. 1, 3, 24, 25. Palestine, ii. Lucullus, ch. 14; iii. Crassus, ch. 16; Pompeius, ch. 44. Pallantium, in Arcadia, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 4; Aratus, ch. 35. Pallas, brother of Ægeus, i. Romulus, ch. 3. Pammenes, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 18, 26. Pallene, i. Theseus, ch. 13. Pamphilus, a painter of the Sikyonian school, iv. Aratus, ch. 12. Pamphylia, in Asia Minor, ii. Kimon, ch. 12; iii. Pompeius, ch. 76; Alexander, ch. 17; iv. Brutus, ch. 3. Pan, i. Numa, ch. 4; ii, Aristeides, ch. 11. Panætius, a philosopher, ii. Aristeides, ch. 1; Kimon, ch. 4; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 13. Panaitios, i. Themistokles, ch. 12. Panaktum, in Attica, i. Alkibiades, ch. 14; iii. Nikias, ch. 10; iv. Demetrius, ch. 23. Pandion, king of Athens, i. Theseus, ch. 13. Pandosia, in Italy, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 16. Pannonia and Pannonians, iv. Otho, chs. 4, 8, compare iii. Pompeius, ch. 41, note. Panope or Panopeus, a town in Phokis, ii. Lysander, ch. 29; Sulla, ch. 16. Panopeus, father of Ægle, i. Theseus, ch. 29. Pansa, C. Vibius, consul B.C. 43, i. Æmilius, ch. 38; iv. Cicero, chs. 43, 45; Antonius, ch. 17. Pantauchus, Demetrius's general, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 7; iv. Demetrius, ch. 41. Panteus, a Spartan, iv. Kleomenes, chs. 23, 38. Panthoides of Chios, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. ----, a Spartan, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 16. Paphlagonia, in Asia Minor, ii. Sulla, ch. 23; Lucullus, ch. 33; iii. Eumenes, chs. 3, 6; Agesilaus, ch. 11; Pompeius, ch. 44; Alexander, ch. 18; iv. Antonius, ch. 61. Paphos, in Cyprus, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 35. Papiria, wife of Æmilius Paulus, i. Æmilius, ch. 5. Papirius, Marcus, i. Camillus, ch. 22. ----, Maso, i. Æmilius, ch. 5. Pappus, a historian, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 30. Parætonium, iv. Antonius, ch. 69. Paralus, son of Perikles, i. Perikles, ch. 36. Paranæa, in Macedonia, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 6. Parapotamii, in Phokis, ii. Sulla, ch. 16. Paris, son of Priam, i. Theseus, ch. 34; Comparison, ch. 6; ii. Comparison of Lysander and Sulla, ch. 4; Alexander, ch. 15 (Paris's harp); iv. Comparison of Demetrius and Antonius, ch. 3; Galba, ch. 19 (under the name of Alexander). Pariskas, attending upon Cyrus, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 12. Parma, a town in Italy, ii. Marius, ch. 27. Parmenides, i. Perikles, ch. 4. Parmenio, Alexander's general, iii. Alexander, chs. 3, 10, 19, 22, 29, 31-33, 39, 48-50. Parnassus, ii. Sulla, ch. 15. Parrhasius, a painter, i. Theseus, ch. 4. Parthenon, i. Perikles, ch. 13; ii. Cato Major, ch. 5; iv. Demetrius, chs. 23, 26; Comparison, ch. 4. Parthia and the Parthians. _See_ especially the lives of iii. Crassus, chs. 2, 16, 18, 19, 21, 23-32, with the Comparison; and iv. Antonius, chs. 25, 27, 30-55, and the Comparison; also, ii. Sulla, ch. 6 (an embassy); Lucullus, chs. 14, 30, 36; iii. Nikias, ch. 1; Eumenes, ch. 18; Pompeius, chs. 28, 36, 38, 39, 52, 53, 55, 60, 64, 66; Alexander, ch. 45; Cæsar, chs. 28 (Crassus's death), 58, 60; iv. Cicero, ch. 36; Demetrius, ch. 20; Brutus, chs. 7, 22, 43; Comparison, ch. 4. Parysatis, wife of Darius Nothus, iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 1, 6, 14, 16, 17, 23. Pasakas, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 9. Pasargadæ, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 3. Paseas, father of Kleon, despot of Sikyon, iv. Aratus, chs. 2, 3. Pasikrates, king of Soli in Cyprus, iii. Alexander, ch. 29. Pasiphae, wife of Minos, i. Theseus, ch. 19. ----, oracle of, iv. Agis, ch. 9; Kleomenes, ch. 19. Pasiphon, a writer, iii. Nikias, ch. 4. Pasitigris, the river Tigris, iii. Eumenes, ch. 14. Passaron, in the Molossian country, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 5. Pataikos, i. Solon, ch. 6. Patara, iv. Brutus, chs. 2, 32. Patavium, or Padua, iii. Cæsar, ch. 47. Patræ, in Achaia, i. Alkibiades, ch. 15; ii. Cato Major, ch. 12; iv. Antonius, ch. 60; Aratus, ch. 47. Patrobius, favourite of Nero, iv. Galba, chs. 17, 28. Patrokles, friend of Seleukus, iv. Demetrius, ch. 47. Patroklus, the hero, i. Theseus, ch. 34; ii. Aristeides, ch. 21; iii. Alexander, ch. 54; compare ch. 15. Patron, companion of Evander, i. Romulus, ch. 13. Patronis, in Phokis, ii. Sulla, ch. 15. Paulinus Suetonius, Roman general, iv. Otho, chs. 5, 7, 8, 11, 13. Paulus, Lucius Æmilius, father of Æmilius Paulus, killed at Cannæ, i. Fabius, chs. 14, 16; Æmilius, ch. 1; ii. Marcellus, ch. 10. ----, Æmilius, also Lucius, i. Life and Comparison with Timoleon; Timoleon, ch. 1; ii. Cato Major, chs. 15, 20, 24; Sulla, ch. 12; iv. Aratus, ch. 54; Galba, ch. 1. ----, consul B.C. 50, brother of Lepidus, iii. Pompeius, ch. 58; Cæsar, ch. 29; iv. Cicero, ch. 46; Antonius, ch. 19. The Basilica Pauli, iii. Cæsar, ch. 29; iv. Galba, ch. 26. Pausanias, the assassin of Philip, iii. Alexander, ch. 10; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 22. ----, the physician, iii. Alexander, ch. 41. ----, an officer of Seleukus, iv. Demetrius, ch. 50. ----, son of Kleombrotus, regent of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, ch. 19; Themistokles, chs. 21, 23; ii. Aristeides, chs. 11, 14-18, 20, 23; Comparison, ch. 2; Kimon, ch. 6; Comparison, ch. 3; iv. Agis, ch. 3. Pausanius, son of Pleistoanax, king of Sparta, ii. Lysander, chs. 14, 28, 29, 30; iv. Agis, ch. 3. Pedalium, in Chersonesus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 23. Pedum, in Latium, i. Coriolanus, ch. 28. Pegæ, i. Perikles, ch. 19; iv. Aratus, ch. 43. Peiræus, the port of Athens, i. Themistokles, chs. 10, 19 (its construction), 32; Perikles, ch. 8 (Ægina its eyesore); Alkibiades, ch. 26; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 14; Lysander, chs. 14, 15 (its destruction); Sulla, chs. 12, 14 (its siege and capture), 26; Comparison, ch. 4; iii. Nikias, ch. 30; Agesilaus, ch. 24; Phokion, ch. 32; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 1 (the eyesore), 6, 27; Demetrius, chs. 8 (his entrance), 34, 43; Brutus, ch. 28; Aratus, chs. 33, 34. Peiraic gate at Athens, the, i. Theseus, ch. 27; ii. Sulla, ch. 14. Peirithous, the hero, i. Theseus, chs. 20, 30. Peirithois, Attic township, i. Alkibiades, ch. 13; iii. Nikias, ch. 11. Peisander, an Athenian, i. Alkibiades, ch. 26. ----, a Platæan hero, ii. Aristeides, ch. 11. ----, the brother-in-law of Agesilaus, iii. Agesilaus, chs. 10, 17. Peisianakteum, ii. Kimon, ch. 4. Peisistratus, despot of Athens, i. Solon, chs. 1, 7, 8, 10, 29, 30, 31; Comparison of Solon and Poplicola, ch. 3; Perikles, chs. 3, 7; ii. Aristeides, ch. 2; Cato Major, ch. 24. Pelagon, a Euboean, i. Themistokles, ch. 7. Pelasgus, i. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. Pelasgi, i. Romulus, ch. 1. Peleus, i. Theseus, ch. 10; iii. Alexander, ch. 5. Pelias, father of Akastus, ii. Sulla, ch. 36. Peligniansin Italy, i, Æmilius, ch. 20. Pella, town in Macedonia, i. Æmilius, ch. 23; iii. Eumenes, ch. 3; Alexander, ch. 60; iv. Demetrius, ch. 43. ----, Lucius, disgraced by Brutus, iv. Brutus, ch. 35. Pellene, in Achaia, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 17; Aratus, chs. 31, 32, 39, 54. ----, in Laconia, iv. Agis, ch. 8. Pelopidas, ii. Life and Comparison with Marcellus; i. Timoleon, ch. 36; ii. Aristeides, ch. 1; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 24; iv. Aratus, ch. 16; Artaxerxes, ch. 22. Peloponnesus and the Peloponnesians, i. Theseus, chs. 3, 6, 25, and elsewhere frequent. Peloponnesian War, the, i. Lykurgus, ch. 27 (Thucydides's history); Perikles, ch. 29; Coriolanus, ch. 14; ii. Aristeides, ch. 1; Lysander, chs. 3, 29; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 27; Antonius, ch. 70. Pelops, son of Tantalus, i. Theseus, chs. 3, 7; Pelopidæ, ii. Marius, ch. 1. ----, of Byzantium, iv. Cicero, ch. 24. Pelusium, in Egypt, iii. Pompeius, ch. 77; iv. Antonius, chs. 3, 74; Brutus, ch. 33. Penelope, wife of Lysimachus, iv. Demetrius, ch. 25. Peneus, river in Thessaly, ii. Flamininus, ch. 3. Pentapyla, at Syracuse, iv. Dion, ch. 29. Pentelic marble, i. Poplicola, ch. 15. Penteleum, in Arcadia, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 17; Aratus, ch. 39. Pentheus, king of Thebes, iii. Crassus, ch. 33. Peparethus, in the Ægean Sea, i. Romulus, chs. 3, 8. Perdikkas, king of Macedon, iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 2. Perdikkas, Alexander's general, iii. Eumenes, chs. 1, 3, 4, 5, 8; Alexander, chs. 15, 41, 77; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 31. Pergamia, in Crete, i. Lykurgus, ch. 31. Pergamus, or Pergamum, in Mysia, ii. Sulla, chs. 11, 23; Lucullus, ch. 3; iii. Cæsar, ch. 2; Cato Minor, ch. 10; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 21; Antonius, ch. 58 (the library); Brutus, ch. 2. Periander, despot of Corinth, i. Solon, chs. 4, 12; iv. Aratus, ch. 3. Periboea, mother of Ajax, i. Theseus, ch. 29. Perigoune, daughter of Sinis, i. Theseus, ch. 8. Perikles, i. Life and Comparison with Fabius; i. Lykurgus, ch. 16; Themistokles, chs. 2, 10; Alkibiades, chs. 1, 3, 6, 14, 17; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 4; Aristeides, chs. 1, 24, 25, 26; Cato Major, ch. 8; Kimon, chs. 13, 14, 15, 16, 17; iii. Nikias, chs. 2, 3, 6, 9, 23; Comparison, ch. 1; Pompeius, ch. 63; Phokion, ch. 7; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 6, 9, 13, 20; Cicero, ch. 39. Perikleides, a Spartan envoy, ii. Kimon, ch. 16. Perinthus, in Thrace, iii. Alexander, ch. 70; Phokion, ch. 14; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 17. Peripatetics, ii. Sulla, ch. 26; iv. Cato Minor, chs. 67, 69; Cicero, ch. 24; Brutus, ch. 24. Periphemus, a hero of Salamis, i. Solon, ch. 9. Periphetes, i. Theseus, ch. 8. Periphoretus, name of Artemon, i. Perikles, ch. 27. Peripoltas, a prophet, ii. Kimon, ch. 1. ----, surname of Damon, _ibidem_. Peritas, Alexander's dog, iii. Alexander, ch. 61. Perpenna Vento, iii. Sertorius, chs. 15, 26, 27; Pompeius, chs. 10, 18, 20. Perrhæbia, part of Thessaly, and Perrhæbæ, its inhabitants, i. Æmilius, ch. 15; ii. Flamininus, ch. 10. 'Persæ,' of Æschylus, i. Themistokles, ch. 14. Persæus, a philosopher, commanding in Corinth; iv. Aratus, chs. 18, 23. Persephassia, ii. Lucullus, ch. 10. Perseus, the hero, ii. Kimon, ch. 3. ----, king of Macedon, i. Æmilius, chs. 7, 8, 10, 12, 13, 16, 23, 24, 26, 33, 34, 37; Comparison, ch. 1; ii. Cato Major, chs. 15, 20; iv. Demetrius, ch. 53; Aratus, ch. 54. Persis, or Persia proper, iii. Eumenes, ch. 14; Alexander, chs. 37, 69; iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 7. Persians, the. _See_ in general the lives of i. Themistokles, ii. Aristeides, Kimon, iii. Agesilaus, Alexander, Artaxerxes and the Comparisons. Also, i. Solon, ch. 28; Camillus, ch. 19; Perikles, chs. 24, 25; Alkibiades, chs. 23, 24; ii. Æmilius, ch. 25 (Medes); ii. Pelopidas, ch. 30; Cato Major, ch. 13; Flamininus, ch. 7; Lysander, chs. 3, 4, 23, 24; iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 3; Pompeius, chs. 32, 34; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 20; Antonius, ch. 37; Brutus, ch. 31. Persian women, iii. Eumenes, ch. 1; Alexander, ch. 21; iv. Demetrius, ch. 31. Persian language, i. Themistokles, ch. 29; Artaxerxes, ch. 11. Persian habits, iii. Eumenes, ch. 6; the dress, iii. Alexander, chs. 31, 45, 51; the money, ii. Kimon, ch. 10; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 15; Artaxerxes, ch. 4. Compare Media and the Medes. Persia, Artemis, ii. Lucullus, ch. 24. Pessinus, in Galatia, ii. Marius, ch. 17; iii. Cato Minor, ch. 15. Petelia, in Bruttium, ii. Marcellus, ch. 29. Mountains of Petelia, iii. Crassus, ch. 11, where _see_ note. Petelian Grove, i. Camillus, ch. 36. Peteus, son of Orneus, i. Theseus, ch. 32. Peticius, a shipmaster, iii. Pompeius, ch. 73. Petilia. _See_ Petelia. Petilius, a prætor, i. Numa, ch. 22. Petillii, two brothers, tribunes, of the people, ii. Cato Major, ch. 15. Petinus, favourite of Nero, iv. Galba, ch. 17. Petra, in Arabia, iii. Pompeius, ch. 41; iv. Antonius, ch. 69. Petra, in Thessaly, i. Æmilius, ch. 15. Petrachus, above Chæronea, ii. Sulla, ch. 17. Petro, Granius, iii. Cæsar, ch. 16. Petronius, lieutenant of Crassus, iii. Crassus, chs. 30, 31. ----, Turpilianus, iv. Galba, chs. 15, 17. Peukestas, iii. Eumenes, chs. 13-16; Alexander, chs 41, 42, 63. Phæa, or Phaia, the sow of Krommyon, i. Theseus, ch. 9. Phæax of Salamis, i. Theseus, ch. 17. ----, son of Erasistratus, an Athenian, i. Alkibiades, ch. 13; iii. Nikias, ch. 11; Agesilaus, ch. 15. Phædimus, iii. Eumenes, ch. 16. Phædo, archon at Athens, i. Theseus, ch. 36. Phædra, wife of Theseus, i. Theseus, ch. 28. Phænarete, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 5. Phæstus, in Crete, i. Solon, ch. 12. Phaethon, first king of the Molossians, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. Phalerum, port of Athens, i. Theseus, chs. 17, 22; Themistokles, ch. 12; ii. Aristeides, ch. 27; iv. Demetrius, chs. 8, 9 (Demetrius the Phalerean). Phalinus, a Zakynthian, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 13. Phanius of Eresus, historian, i. Solon, ch. 32. ----, of Lesbos, historian, i. Solon, ch. 14; Themistokles, chs. 1, 7, 13, 27, 29. Phanippus, archon at Athens in the year of Marathon, ii. Aristeides, ch. 5. Phanodemus, historian, i. Themistokles, ch. 13; Kimon, chs. 12, 19. Phantasia, philosophical term, iv. Cicero, ch. 40. Pharax, a Spartan, i. Timoleon, ch. 11; Comparison, ch. 2; iv. Dion, chs. 48, 49. Pharmacusa, island near Miletus, iii. Cæsar, ch. 1. Pharnabazus, a Persian satrap, i. Alkibiades, chs. 24, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 37, 39; ii. Lysander, chs. 19, 20, 24; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 9, 11, 12, 13, 17, 23; iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 21, 24, 27. ----, the son of Artabazus, iii. Eumenes, ch. 7. Pharnakes, son of Mithridates, iii. Pompeius, ch. 41; Cæsar, ch. 50. Pharnakia or Phernakia, ii. Lucullus, ch. 18. Pharnapates, a Parthian, iv. Antonius, ch. 33. Pharos, at Alexandria, iii. Alexander, ch. 26; Cæsar, ch. 49; iv. Antonius, chs. 29, 69. Pharsalus, Pharsalia and Pharsalians, i. Perikles, ch. 36; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 27, 32; Agesilaus, ch. 16; iii. Pompeius, chs. 68, 71; Comparison, ch. 4; Cæsar, chs. 42, 52, 62; Cato Minor, chs. 55, 66; iv. Antonius, chs. 8, 62; Brutus, ch. 6; Otho, ch. 13. Pharyges, a village in Phokis, iii. Phokion, ch. 33. Phaselis, in Lycia, ii. Kimon, ch. 12; iii. Alexander, ch. 17. Phasis, river, ii. Lucullus, ch. 33; Comparison, ch. 3; iii. Pompeius, ch. 34. Phayllus, the athlete, iii. Alexander, ch. 34. Phegæa, Attic township, i. Alkibiades, ch. 22. Pheidias, the sculptor, i. Perikles, chs. 2, 13, 31, 32; Æmilius, ch. 28. Pheidon, name of Demetrius, iii. Alexander, ch. 54. Pheneum, or Pheneus, in Arcadia, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 17; Aratus, ch. 39. Pheræ, in Achæa, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 14. ----, in Thessaly, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 26, 28, 35; iv. Galba, ch. 1. Phereboea, i. Theseus, ch. 29. Pherekles, at Dodona, ii. Lysander, ch. 25. Phereklus, son of Amarsyas, i. Theseus, ch. 17. Pherekydes, a historical writer, i. Theseus, chs. 19, 26. ----, the philosopher, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 21; Sulla, ch. 36; iv. Agis, ch. 10. Pherendates, Persian general, ii. Kimon, ch. 12. Pherenikus, a Theban, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 5, 7. Pheristus of Elea, i. Timoleon, ch. 35. Phernakia. _See_ Pharnakia. Phila, daughter of Antipater, wife of Demetrius, chs. 14, 22, 27, 31, 32, 37, 45, 46, 53; Comparison, ch. 1. Philadelphus, a surname, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. ----, king of Paphlagonia, iv. Antonius, ch. 61. Philaidæ, the township of Peisistratus, so named from Philæus, son of Ajax, i. Solon, ch. 10. Philagrus, tutor of Metellus Nepos, iv. Cicero, ch. 27. Philargyrus, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 38. Philarus, river in Boeotia, ii. Lysander, ch. 29. Philathenæus, surname of Antonius, iv. Antonius, ch. 23. Philetas, a poet, i. Perikles, ch. 2. Philides, or Diphilides, a horse-dealer, i. Themistokles, ch. 5. Philinna, mother of Philip Arrhidæus, iii. Alexander, ch. 77. Philippi, town and battlefield, in Macedonia, ii. Sulla, ch. 23; iii. Cæsar, ch. 69; Cato Minor, ch. 73; iv. Antonius, ch. 69; Brutus, chs. 24, 28, 36, 37, 38, 53. Philippides, comic poet, iv. Demetrius, chs. 12, 25. Philip II., king of Macedonia, father of Alexander the Great. _See_ the Lives of iii. Alexander, chs. 1-6, 9, 10, 12, 16, 27, 28, 50, 53; Phokion, chs. 9, 12, 14-17, 29; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 9, 12, 14, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22; Comparison, ch. 3. Some additional particulars are given in i. Perikles, ch. 1; Timoleon, ch. 15; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 26; iii. Eumenes, ch. 1; iv. Demetrius, chs. 22, 42. He is mentioned also in i. Camillus, ch. 19; Æmilius, ch. 12; iii. Sertorius, ch. 1; Eumenes, chs. 16, 18; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 31; Demetrius, chs. 10, 20, 25; Comparison, ch. 4; Aratus, chs. 13, 23. ----, III., Arrhidæus, son of Philip II., iii. Eumenes, ch. 13; compare Alexander, chs. 10, 77. ----, IV., son of Kassander, iv. Demetrius, ch. 36. ----, V., son of Demetrius II., i. Æmilius, chs. 7, 8; ii. Cato Major, chs. 12, 17; Philopoemen, chs. 8, 12, 14, 15; Flamininus, chs. 2-10, 14; Comparison, ch. 1; iv. Demetrius, ch. 3; Aratus, chs. 16, 46-52, 54. ----, the Acarnanian, iii. Alexander, ch. 19. ----, son of Antigonus, brother of Demetrius, iv. Demetrius, ch. 23. ----, of Chalkis, iii. Alexander, ch. 46. ----, first husband of Berenike, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 4. Philip, the herald of festivals, iii. Alexander, ch. 46. ----, a Theban, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 5, 7, 10, 11. ----, left in India, iii. Alexander, ch. 60; he is supposed by some to be the father of Antigonus; compare, iv. Demetrius, ch. 2. Philippus, freedman of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, chs. 78, 80. ----, Marcius, censor, i. Æmilius, ch. 38. ----, Lucius, attached to Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, chs. 2, 17. ----, father of Marcia, and step-father of Augustus, consul B.C. 56, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 25, 39; iv. Cicero, ch. 44. Philistus, in some places wrongly spelt Philistius, i. Timoleon, ch. 15; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 34; iii. Nikias, chs. 1, 19, 28; Alexander, ch. 8; iv. Dion, chs. 11, 14, 19, 25, 35, 36, 37. Phillidas, a Theban, iii. Pelopidas, chs. 7, 9, 10, 11. Philo, builder of the arsenal at Athens, ii. Sulla, ch. 14. ----, a philosopher, ii. Lucullus, ch. 42; iv. Cicero, chs. 3, 4. ----, the Theban, a writer, iii. Alexander, ch. 46. Philoboeotus, near Elatea, ii. Sulla, ch. 16. Philochorus, an Attic historian, i. Theseus, chs. 14, 16, 17, 19, 26, 35; iv. Nikias, ch. 23. Philocyprus, king in Cyprus, i. Solon, ch. 26. Philokles, a writer, i. Solon, ch, 1. ----, an Athenian general, ii. Lysander, chs. 9, 13; Comparison, ch. 4. Philokrates, an Athenian orator, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 16. ----, servant of C. Gracchus, iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 17. Philoktetes, the hero, i. Themistokles, ch. 8; compare the quotation in i. Solon, ch. 20, which is from the 'Philoktetes' of Sophokles. Philologus (properly Philogonus), freedman of Cicero's brother, iv. Cicero, chs. 48, 49. Philombrotus, archon at Athens, i. Solon, ch. 14. Philomelus of Lamptra, iii. Phokion, ch. 32. ----, of Phokis, i. Timoleon, ch. 30. Philometor, Attalus, i. Camillus, ch. 19; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 14; Demetrius, ch. 20. Philoneikus, a Thessalian, iii. Alexander, ch. 6. Philonicus, Licinius, i. Æmilius, ch. 38. Philopoemen, ii. Life and Comparison with Flamininus; Flamininus, chs. 1, 13, 17; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 24; Aratus, ch. 24. Philostephanus, a writer, i. Lykurgus, ch. 22. Philostratus, a philosopher, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 67; iv. Antonius, ch. 80. Philotas of Amphissa, a physician, friend of Plutarch's grandfather, iv. Antonius, ch. 28. ----, son of Parmenio, iii. Alexander, chs. 10, 11, 31, 40, 48, 49. Philotis or Tutula, i. Romulus, ch. 29; Camillus, ch. 33. Philoxenus, officer of Alexander, iii. Alexander, ch. 22. ----, a dithyrambic poet, iii. Alexander, ch. 8. ----, son of Ptolemy of Macedonia, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 27. Phlius, in Peloponnesus, i. Perikles, ch. 4; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 24; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 19, 26; Aratus, chs. 35, 39. Phlogidas, a Spartan, ii. Lysander, ch. 16. Phlogius, a hero, ii. Lucullus, ch. 23. Phlyæ, an Attic township, i. Solon, ch. 12; Themistokles, ch. 1, also ch. 15 (the temple of Apollo with the laurel crown at Phlyæ). Phoebidas, a Spartan, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 5, 6, 15; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 23, 24, 34; Comparison, ch. 1. Phoebis, a _mothax_, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 8. Phoenicia and the Phoenicians, i. Perikles, chs. 26, 28; Alkibiades, chs. 25, 26; Timoleon, chs. 9, 11, 34; Æmilius, ch. 12; ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 22; Lysander, ch. 9; Sulla, ch. 17 (a Phoenician word); Kimon, chs. 12, 13, 18; Lucullus, ch. 21; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 37; Pompeius, chs. 32, 33, 44; Alexander, chs. 17, 24, 29; iv. Antonius, chs. 30, 36, 54, 64. Phoenix, Achilles's tutor, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 1; iii. Alexander, chs. 5, 24. ----, of Tenedos, iii. Eumenes, ch. 7. ----, a Theban, iii. Alexander, ch. 11. Phokæa and the Phokæans, in Ionia, i. Perikles, ch. 24; ii. Lysander, ch. 5; iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 26. Phokion, iii. Life and Comparison with Cato Minor; i. Timoleon, ch. 6; iii. Alexander, ch. 39; iv. Agis, ch. 2; Demosthenes, chs. 10, 14; Aratus, ch. 19. Phokis and Phokians, i. Themistokles, ch. 9; Perikles, chs. 17, 21; Flamininus, ch. 10; Lysander, chs. 15, 27, 28, 29; Sulla, chs. 12, 15; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 17, 28; Alexander, ch. 11; Phokion, ch. 33; Demosthenes, chs. 12, 18; Aratus, ch. 50. Phokus, friend of Solon, i. Solon, ch. 14. ----, son of Phokion, iii. Phokion, chs. 20, 30, 36, 38. Phorbas, i. Romulus, ch. 2; Numa, ch. 4. Phormio, the admiral, i. Alkibiades, ch. 1. ----, an Athenian, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 15; Comparison, ch. 3. Phraata, city in Media, iv. Antonius, chs. 38, 39, 50. Phraates, king of Parthia, iii. Pompeius, chs. 33, 38; compare, ii. Lucullus, ch. 30. Phraates, son of Hyrodes, grandson of the preceding, king of Parthia, iii. Crassus, ch. 33; iv. Antonius, chs. 37, 38, 40, 41, 52. Phrasikles, nephew of Themistokles, i. Themistokles, chs. 32. Phrearri, Attic township, i. Themistokles, chs. 1, 5. Phrixus, a Spartan, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 32. Phrygia and the Phrygians, i. Numa, ch. 4 (the fable of Attis); Themistokles, ch. 30; Alkibiades, ch. 37; ii. Flamininus, ch. 20 (defeat of Antiochus); Kimon, ch. 9; Lucullus, ch. 8; iii. Eumenes, ch. 3; Agesilaus, chs. 9, 10, 11; Pompeius, ch. 30; Alexander, ch. 18 (Gordium); Cæsar, ch. 9 (Bona Dea); Phokion, ch. 29 (countryman searching for Antigonus); iv. Demetrius, chs. 5, 46. Phrynichus, an Athenian general, i. Alkibiades, ch. 25. ----, a comic poet, i. Alkibiades, ch. 20; Nikias, ch. 4. ----, tragic poet, i. Themistokles, ch. 5. Phrynis, a musician, iv. Agis, ch. 10. Phthia, the wife of Admetus, i. Themistokles, ch. 24. ----, the mother of Pyrrhus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. ----, or Phthiotis, in Thessaly, i. Perikles, ch. 17; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 31, 35; Flamininus, ch. 10. Phylakia, in Attica, iv. Aratus, ch. 34. Phylakion, mistress of Stratokles, iv. Demetrius, ch. 11. Phylarchus, the historian, i. Themistokles, ch. 32; Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 27; iv. Agis, ch. 9; Kleomenes, chs. 5, 28, 30; Demosthenes, ch. 27; Aratus, ch. 38. Phyle, in Attica, ii. Lysander, chs. 21, 27; iv. Demetrius, ch. 23. Phyllius, a Spartan, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 28. Physkon. _See_ Fusco. Phytalid race, or Phytalidæ, in Attica, i. Theseus, ch. 12. Picenum and Picentines, in Italy, ii, Marcellus, ch. 4; iii. Crassus, ch. 10; Pompeius, ch. 6. Picinæ, ii. Sulla, ch. 9. Pictor, Fabius, the historian, i. Romulus, chs. 3, 9, 14; Fabius, ch. 18. Picus, a demigod, i. Numa, ch. 4. Pierion, a poet, iii. Alexander, ch. 50. Pigres, iii. Eumenes, ch. 6. Pinarii, i. Numa, ch. 21. Pinarius, i. Comparison of Lykurgus and Numa, ch. 3. ----, Carpus, L., iv. Antonius, ch. 69, note. Pinarus, a river of Cilicia, iii. Alexander, ch. 20. Pindar, i. Theseus, ch. 28; Romulus, ch. 28; Lykurgus, ch. 20; Numa, ch. 4; Themistokles, ch. 8; ii. Marcellus, chs. 21, 29; Marius, ch. 29; iii. Nikias, ch. 1; Alexander, ch. 11; iv. Demetrius, ch. 42; Aratus, ch. 1. Pindarus, freedman of Cassius, iv. Antonius, ch. 22; Brutus, ch. 43. Pinus, son of Numa, ancestor of the Pinarii, i. Numa, ch. 21. Pisa, in Elis, i. Perikles, ch. 2. Pisaurum, in Umbria, iv. Antonius, ch. 60. Pisidians, i. Themistokles, ch. 30; iii. Alexander. ch. 18. Pisis of Thespia, iv. Demetrius, ch. 39. Piso, called Caius by Plutarch, really Lucius, a historian, i. Numa, ch. 21; ii. Marius, ch. 45. ----, consul B.C. 67, iii. Pompeius, ch. 27; Cæsar, ch. 7; iv. Cicero, ch. 19. ----, Marcus Pupius, consul B.C. 61, iii. Pompeius, ch. 43; Cato Minor, ch. 30. Piso, L. Calpurnius, consul B.C. 58, father-in-law of Cæsar, iii. Pompeius, chs. 47, 48; Cæsar, chs. 14, 37; Cato Minor, ch. 34; iv. Cicero, chs. 30, 31. ----, Frugi, C. Calpurnius, Cicero's son-in-law, iv. Cicero, chs. 31, 41. ----, adopted by Galba, iv. Galba, chs. 23, 25, 27, 28. Pissuthnes, a Persian, i. Perikles, ch. 25. Pitane, ii. Lucullus, ch. 3. Pittakus, despot of Mitylene, i. Solon, ch. 14. Pittheus, father, of Æthra, i. Theseus, chs. 3, 4, 7, 19. Pityussa, island near Spain, iii. Sertorius, ch. 7. Pixodarus of Karia, iii. Alexander, ch. 10. Placentia, in Italy, iv. Otho, ch. 6. Plancus, Titus Munatius, Bursa, iii. Pompeius, ch. 55; Cato Minor, ch. 48; iv. Cicero, ch. 25. ----, Lucius Munatius, Bursa, brother of the preceding, iv. Antonius, chs. 18, 58; Brutus, ch. 19. Platæa and Platæans, i. Themistokles, ch. 16; Camillus, ch. 19; Æmilius, ch. 25; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 15, 25; Aristeides, chs. 1, 5, 11, 13, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21; Comparison, chs. 2, 5; Flamininus, ch. 11; Lysander, ch. 28; Comparison, ch. 4; Kimon, ch. 13; iii. Alexander, chs. 11, 34; iv. Agis, ch. 3. Plato, comic poet, i. Themistokles, ch. 32; Perikles, chs. 4, 7; Alkibiades, ch. 13; iii. Nikias, ch. 11; iv. Antonius, ch. 70. ----, the philosopher, i. Comparison of Romulus and Theseus, ch. 1; Lykurgus, chs. 5, 7, 15, 16, 28, 29; Numa, chs. 8, 11, 20; Solon, chs. 2, 26, 31, 32; Themistokles, chs. 4, 32; Perikles, chs. 8, 15, 24; Alkibiades, chs. 1, 4; Coriolanus, ch. 15; Comparison, ch. 3; Timoleon, ch. 15; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 18; Marcellus, ch. 14; Aristeides, chs. 1, 25; Cato Major, chs. 2, 7; Philopoemen, ch. 14; Marius, chs. 2, 46; Lysander, chs. 2, 18; Lucullus, ch. 2; Comparison, chs. 1, 2; iii. Nikias, chs. 1, 23; Phokion, 34; Cato Minor, ch. 68; iv. Comparison of Agis and Kleomenes and the Gracchi, ch. 2; Demosthenes, ch. 5; Cicero, chs. 2, 24; Comparison, ch. 3; Demetrius, chs. 1, 32; Antonius, chs. 29, 36; Dion, chs. 4, 5, 8, 11, 12, 13, 18-22, 24, 52, 53; Galba, ch. 1. Pleistarchus, brother of Kassander, iv. Demetrius, chs. 31, 32. Pleistinus, brother of Faustulus, i. Romulus, ch. 10. Pleistoanax, king of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, ch. 19; Perikles, ch. 22; iv. Agis, ch. 3. Plemmyrium, in Sicily, iii. Nikias. ch. 20. Plotinus, iii. Crassus, ch. 1. Plutarchus of Eretria, iii. Phokion, chs. 12, 13. Po, or Padus, the river, in Greek Eridanus, i. Romulus, ch. 17; ii. Marcellus, ch. 6; Marius, ch. 24; iii. Crassus, ch. 9; Pompeius, ch. 16; Cæsar, chs. 20, 21, 25; iv. Brutus, ch. 19; Otho, chs. 5, 10. Polemarchus, iii. Alexander, ch. 69. Polemon, a Macedonian, iii. Eumenes, ch. 8. ----, king of Pontus, iv. Antonius, chs. 38, 61. ----, a geographer, iv. Aratus, ch. 13. Poliarchus, i. Themistokles, ch. 19. Pollichus, a Syracusan, iii. Nikias, ch. 24. Pollio, Asinius, friend of Cæsar, iii. Pompeius, ch. 72; Cæsar, chs. 32, 46, 52; Cato Minor, ch. 53; iv. Antonius, ch. 9. ----, prefect of the Prætorians, iv, Otho, ch. 18. Pollis, a Spartan, iv. Dion, ch. 5. Polus of Ægina, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 28. Polyænus, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 10. Polyalkes, i. Perikles, ch. 30. Polybius, the historian, i. Æmilius, chs. 15, 16, 18; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 17; Comparison, ch. 1; Cato Major, chs. 9, 10; Philopoemen, chs. 16, 21; Flamininus, ch. 8, (note on Macedonian phalanx); iv. Kleomenes, chs. 25, 27; Tib. Gracchus, ch. 4; Brutus, ch. 4; Aratus, ch. 38. Polydektes, king of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, chs. 1, 2. Polydorus, king of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, chs. 6, 8. Polyeuktus, son of Themistokles, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. ----, of Sphettus, iii. Phokion, chs. 5, 9; iv. Demosthenes, chs, 10, 13, 21. Polygnotus, the painter, ii. Kimon, ch. 4. Polygnotus's tower, iv. Aratus, chs. 6, 7. Polyidus, a Platæan hero, ii. Aristeides, ch. 11. Polykleitus, the sculptor, i. Perikles, ch. 2. ----, a historian, iii. Alexander, ch. 46. ----, a favourite of Nero, iv. Galba, ch. 17. Polykrates of Samos, i. Perikles, ch. 26; ii. Lysander, ch. 9; compare i. Camillus, ch. 37, note. ----, of Sikyon, friend of Plutarch, iv. Aratus, ch. 1. ----, son of the preceding, _ibidem_. Polykratidas, i. Lykurgus, ch. 24. Polykrite, grand-daughter of Aristeides, ii. Aristeides, ch. 37. Polykritus of Mende, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 21. Polymachus of Pella. _See_ Polemarchus. Polymedes, an Athenian, iii. Phokion, ch. 23. Polyphron, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 29. Polysperchon, one of those who killed Kallippus, iv. Dion, ch. 58, where the text has Polyperchon. ----, Alexander's general, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 8; iii. Eumenes, chs. 12, 13; Phokion. chs. 31, 32, 33; iv. Demetrius, ch 9. Polystratus, present at the death of Darius, iii. Alexander, ch. 43. Polytion, companion of Alkibiades, i. Alkibiades, chs. 19, 22. Polyxenus, married to a sister of Dionysius the elder, iv. Dion, ch. 21. Polyzelus, brother of the despot Gelon, iii. Nikias, ch. 27. ----, of Rhodes, i. Solon, ch. 15. Pomaxathres, iii. Crassus, ch. 33. Pomentium, iii. Cæsar, ch. 58. Pompædius Sillo, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 2. Pompeia, wife of Cæsar, iii. Cæsar, chs. 5, 9, 10; iv. Cicero, ch. 28. Pompeii, in Campania, iv. Cicero, ch. 8. ----, the, a Roman family, ii. Marius, ch. 1. Pompeius, Aulus, a tribune, ii. Marius, ch. 17. ----, Strabo, Cnæus, father of Pompeius the Great, iii. Pompeius chs. 1, 4. ----, Cnæus, the Great, iii. Life and Comparison with Agesilaus; _see_ also ii. Sulla, chs. 28, 33, 38; Comparison, ch. 2; Lucullus, chs. 1, 4, 35, 36, 38-40; Comparison, ch. 3; iii. Crassus, chs. 3, 6, 7, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 21; Comparison, ch. 3; Sertorius, chs. 1, 12, 15, 18-21, 27; Comparison, ch. 2; Cæsar, chs, 5, 14, 21, 23, 28, 29, 33-46, 48, 56, 57, 69; Cato Minor, chs. 10, 13, 14, 25, 29, 30, 41-43, 45-48, 52-56; iv. Cicero, chs. 8, 9, 12, 18, 27, 30, 33, 35, 37, 38, 39, 40; Comparison, ch. 3; Antonius, chs. 5, 6, 8, 10, 21, 33, 62; Brutus, chs. 4, 6, 9, 11, 14, 17, 25, 29, 33, 40; Comparison, ch. 4. The day of his death is given in i. Camillus, ch. 19; and his name occurs in i. Numa, ch. 19; iii. Alexander, ch. 1; iv. Otho, ch. 9. Pompeius, Cnæus, son of Pompeius the Great, iii. Pompeius, ch. 62; Cato Minor, chs. 55, 59; iv. Antonius, ch. 25. ----, Sextus, younger son of Pompeius the Great, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 56; iv. Antonius, chs. 32, 35, 55. ----, Sextus, nephew of Pompeius the Great, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 3. ----, Quintus, consul B.C. 88, ii. Sulla, chs. 6, 8. ----, an opponent of Tib. Gracchus, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 14. Pompilia, daughter of Numa, i. Numa, ch. 21. Pompilius. _See_ Numa. Pompo, son of Numa, ancestor of the Pomponii, i. Numa, ch. 21. Pomponia, wife of Quintus Cicero, iv. Cicero, ch. 49. Pomponius, father of Numa, i. Numa, ch. 3. Pomponii, the, i. Numa, ch. 21. Pomponius, prætor in the year of the battle of Thrasymene, i. Fabius, ch. 3. ----, a friend of C. Gracchus, iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 16. ----, taken by Mithridates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 15. Pontius, ii. Sulla, ch. 27. ----, Cominius, who climbed the Capitol, i. Camillus, chs. 25, 26. ----, Glaucus, iv. Cicero, ch. 2. Pontus, i. Lykurgus, ch. 11; ii. Aristeides, ch. 26; Marius, chs. 11 (Pontic Scythia), 31; Lysander, ch. 26; Sulla, chs. 11, 24; Lucullus, chs. 10, 13, 23, 24, 33-35; iii. Sertorius, ch. 23; Eumenes, ch. 3 (the Euxine sea); Pompeius, chs. 31, 34, 41, 44; Cæsar, chs. 50, 55, 58 (the Euxine); Cato Minor, ch. 31; iv. Demetrius, ch. 4; Antonius, ch. 29; Galba, chs. 13, 15. The Pontic trumpeter, ii. Lucullus, ch. 10. _See_ also the Euxine. Pontus signifies sometimes the sea, and sometimes the kingdom on its Asiatic shore. Popilius Lænas, C., concerned in killing Cicero, iv. Cicero, ch. 48. ----, an opponent of the Gracchi, iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 4. ----, Lænas, a senator, iv. Brutus, chs. 15, 16. ----, Caius, iii. Cæsar, ch. 5. Publius Valerius Publicola, or Poplicola, i. Life and Comparison with Solon; i. Romulus, ch. 16; Coriolanus, ch. 33. ----, Marcus Valerius, brother of Poplicola, i. Poplicola, ch. 14. Poppæa, wife of Crispinus, Otho, and Nero, iv. Galba, ch. 19; a name given to Sporus, iv. Galba, ch. 9. Porcia, sister of Cato Minor, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 2, 41. ----, daughter of Cato Minor, wife of Brutus, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 25, 73; iv. Brutus, chs. 13, 15, 23, 53. Porcii, the, i. Poplicola, ch. 11. The Basilica Porcia, ii. Cato Major, ch. 19; iii. Cato Minor, ch. 5. Porcius, i.e. Cato's son, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 73. _See_ Cato. Porsena, king of Clusium, i. Poplicola, chs. 16-19; Comparison, ch. 4. Porus, an Indian king, iii. Alexander, chs. 60, 61, 62. Poseidonia or Pæstum, ii. Kimon, ch. 18. Poseidonius, historian of Perseus, i. Æmilius, chs. 19, 21. ----, of Rhodes, philosopher and historian, i. Fabius, ch. 19; ii. Marcellus, chs. 1, 9, 20, 30; Marius, chs. 1, 45; iii. Pompeius, ch. 42; iv. Cicero, ch. 4; Brutus, ch. 1. Postuma, or Posthuma, Sulla's daughter, ii. Sulla, ch. 37. Postumius Balbus, i. Poplicola, ch. 22. ----, Tubertus, i. Poplicola, ch. 20. ----, Tubertus, i. Camillus, ch. 2. ----, Spurius, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 8. ----, a soothsayer, ii. Sulla, ch. 9. ----, _See_ Livius and Albinus. Postumus, a surname, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. ----, in Greek Opsigonus, i.e. Mucius Scævola, i. Poplicola, ch. 17. Potamon of Lesbos, historian, iii. Alexander, ch. 61. Potamus, ii. Aristeides, ch. 27. Potheinus, the eunuch, iii. Pompeius, chs. 77, 80; Cæsar, chs. 48, 49; iv. Antonius, ch. 60. Potidæa, i. Perikles, ch. 29; Alkibiades, ch. 7; iii. Alexander, ch. 3. Potitus, Valerius, envoy to Delphi, i. Camillus, ch. 8. Præcia, i. Lucullus, ch. 6. Præneste, in Latium, i. Camillus, ch. 37; ii. Marius, ch. 46; Sulla, chs. 28, 29, 32. Præsiæ, an Indian people, iii. Alexander, ch. 62. Pranichus, a poet, iii. Alexander, ch. 50. Praxagoras, a Neapolitan, iii. Pompeius, ch. 57. Praxiergidæ, Attic priestly family, i. Alkibiades, ch. 34. Priam, king of Troy, iv. Agis, ch. 9. Priene, in Ionia, i. Solon, ch. 4; Perikles, ch. 25; iv. Antonius, ch. 57. Prima, daughter of Romulus, i. Romulus, ch. 14. Priscus, name of Cato, ii. Cato Major, ch. 1. ----, Helvidius, iv. Galba, ch. 28. Proculeius, a friend of Augustus, iv. Antonius, chs. 77, 78, 79. Proculus, a surname, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. Proculus, Julius, i. Romulus, ch 28; Numa, chs. 2, 5. ----, Otho's general and prefect of the Prætorians, iv. Otho, chs. 7, 8, 11, 13. Prokles, king of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, ch. 1. Prokounessus, or Procounesus, an island in the Propontis, i. Romulus, ch. 28; Alkibiades, ch. 28. Prokroustes, name of Damastes, i. Theseus, ch. 10; Comparison, ch. 1. Prolyta, daughter of Agesilaus, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 19. Promachus, a Macedonian, iii. Alexander, ch. 70. Promathion, a historian, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Prometheus, in Æschylus, Pompeius, ch. 1. Prophantus, a Sikyonian, iv. Aratus, ch. 2. Propontis, ii. Lucullus, ch. 6. Protagoras, the sophist, i. Perikles, ch. 36; iii. Nikias, ch. 23. Proteus, iii. Alexander, ch. 39. Prothous, a Lacedæmonian, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 28. Prothytes, a Theban, iii. Alexander, ch. 11. Protis, founder of Marseilles, i. Solon, ch. 2. Protogenes of Kaunus, iv. Demetrius, ch. 2. Protus, a pilot, iv. Dion, ch. 25. Proxenus, a Macedonian, iii. Alexander, ch. 57. Prusias, king of Bithynia, ii. Flamininus, ch. 20. Prytanis, king of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, ch. 1. Psammon, an Egyptian philosopher, iii. Alexander, ch. 27. Psenophis of Heliopolis, i. Solon, ch. 26. Psiltukis, island in the Indian Sea, iii. Alexander, ch. 66. Psyche, wife of Marphadates, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 73. Psylli, in Libya, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 56. Psyttaleia, near Salamis, ii. Aristeides, ch. 9. Ptoeodorus of Megara, iv. Dion, ch. 17. Ptolemais, daughter of Ptolemæus Lagous, married to Demetrius, iv. Demetrius, chs. 32, 46, 53. Ptolemæus I., Soter, son of Lagous, Alexander's general, king of Egypt, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 4, 6, 11; iii. Eumenes, chs. 1, 5; Alexander, chs. 10, 38, 46; iv. Demetrius, chs. 5-9, 15-19, 21, 22, 25, 31, 35, 38, 44; Comparison, ch. 3; also, Coriolanus, ch. 11. ----, II., Philadelphus, king of Egypt, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 8; iv. Aratus, chs. 4, 12, 15, 41; also, Coriolanus, ch. 11. ----, III., Euergetes I., king of Egypt, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 8; iv. Agis, ch. 7; Kleomenes, chs. 19, 22, 31, 33; Aratus, chs. 24, 41; also, Coriolanus, ch. 11. ----, IV., Philopator, king of Egypt, iv. Kleomenes, chs. 33-38; Demetrius, ch. 43. ----, V., Epiphanes, king of Egypt, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 13. ----, VII., Physkon or Euergetes II., king of Egypt, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 1; also, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. ----, VIII., Lathyrus, king of Egypt, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. ----, XI., Auletes, king of Egypt, ii. Lucullus, chs. 2, 3; Pompeius, ch. 49; Cato Minor, chs. 34, 35; iv. Antonius, ch. 3. ----, XII., son of the preceding, brother of Cleopatra, king of Egypt, iii. Pompeius, chs. 77, 79; compare Cæsar, chs. 48, 49. ----, king of Cyprus, son of Lathyrus, brother of Auletes, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 34, 35, 36; iv. Brutus, ch. 3. ----, prefect of Alexandria, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 37. Ptolemæus, cousin of Antigonus, iii. Eumenes, ch. 10. ----, son of Antonius and Cleopatra, iv. Antonius, ch. 54. ----, son of Chrysermas, iv. Kleomenes, chs. 36, 37. ----, Keraunus, king of Macedonia, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 22. ----, king of Macedonia, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 26. ----, attendant on Mithridates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 17. ----, son of Pyrrhus, ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 9, 28, 30. ----, a soothsayer, iv. Galba, ch. 23. Plotiüm, in Boeotia, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 16. Publicus Bibulus, ii. Marcellus, ch. 27. Publicola. _See_ Poplicola. ----, lieutenant of Antonius at Actium, iv. Antonius, ch. 65. Publicia, iv. Cicero, ch. 41, note. Puteoli. _See_ Dikæarchia. Pydna, in Macedonia, i. Themistokles, ch. 25; Æmilius, chs. 16, 23, 24; iii. Alexander, ch. 48. Pylades, a musician, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 11. Pylius, an Athenian, i. Theseus, ch. 33. Pylos, harbour in Messenia, i. Alkibiades, ch. 14; Coriolanus, ch. 14; iii. Nikias, chs. 7, 9, 10; Comparison, chs. 2, 3. Pyramia, in Thyreatis, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 32. Pyramus, river, iii. Alexander, ch. 20. Pyrenees, i. Camillus, ch. 15; iii. Sertorius, chs. 7, 15, 18. Pyrilampes, an Athenian, i. Perikles, ch. 13. Pyrrha, wife of Deukalion, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. Pyrrhus, surname of Neoptolemus, son of Achilles, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. ----, son of Neoptolemus, king of Epirus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. ----, king of Epirus, ii. Life and Comparison with Marius; ii. Cato Major, ch. 2; Flamininus, chs. 5, 20, 21; iii. Sertorius, ch. 23; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 18; Demetrius, chs. 25, 31, 36, 40, 41, 43, 44, 46; Otho, ch. 15. Pythagoras, the philosopher, i. Numa, chs. 1, 8, 22; Æmilius, ch. 1; iii. Alexander, ch. 65; Pythagorean sect, i. Numa, chs. 11, 14, 22; ii. Cato Major, ch. 2; Dion, chs. 11, 18. ----, the soothsayer, iii. Alexander, ch. 73. Pytheas, an Athenian orator, iii. Phokion, ch. 21; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 8, 20, 27; Comparison, ch. 1. Pythium, i. Æmilius, ch. 15. Pythodorus, i. Themistokles, ch. 26. ----, the torchbearer, iv. Demetrius, ch. 26. Pythokles, condemned with Phokion, iii. Phokion, ch. 35. ----, descended from Aratus, iv. Aratus, ch. 1. Pythokleides, a musician, i. Perikles, ch. 3. Pytholaus, one of Thebe's three brothers, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 35. Pythian games, the, i. Solon, ch. 11; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 34; Lysander, ch. 18; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 19; iv. Demetrius, ch. 40. Pythia, the, i. Theseus, ch. 26; Lykurgus, ch. 5; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 19; Cicero, ch. 5; compare iii. Alexander, ch. 14. Python, the dragon, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 16. ----, a flute-player, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 8. ----, an officer of Alexander, iii. Alexander, ch. 75. ----, of Byzantium, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 9. Pythonike, mistress of Harpalus, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 22. Pythopolis, in Bithynia, i. Theseus, ch. 26. Quadrans, a coin, i. Poplicola, ch. 23. Quadrantaria. _See_ Clodia. Quinda, the treasure town in Cilicia, iii. Eumenes, ch. 13; iv. Demetrius, ch. 32. Quintio, Cato's freedman, ii. Cato Major, ch. 21. Quintius Capitolinus, in text Quintus, i. Camillus, ch. 36. ----, Lucius, tribune and prætor, ii. Lucullus, chs. 5, 33. ----, Titus, Flamininus. _See_ Flamininus. ----, Lucius, brother of Flamininus, ii. Cato Major, ch. 17; Flamininus, chs. 18, 19. Quirinal Flamen, i. Numa, ch. 7. ----, hill, i. Romulus, ch. 29; Numa, ch. 14. Quirinus, i. Romulus, chs. 28, 29; Numa, ch. 2; Camillus, ch. 20; ii. Marcellus, ch. 8. Quirites, i. Romulus, ch. 29; Numa, ch. 3. Ratumena, gate of Rome, i. Poplicola, ch. 13. Ravenna, in Gaul, ii. Marius, ch. 2. Regia, at Rome, i. Romulus, ch. 29; Numa, ch. 14. Remonium, or Remonia, on the Aventine, i. Romulus, ch. 9. Remus, brother of Romulus, i. Romulus, chs. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11; Comparison, chs. 3, 5. Revilius, Caius Caninius, consul for a day, iii. Cæsar, ch. 58. Rex, Marcius, husband of Tertia, iv. Cicero, ch. 29. ----, a surname of the Mamerci, or Mamercii (Marcii), i. Numa, ch. 21. Rhadamanthus, i. Theseus, ch. 16; ii. Lysander, ch. 28. Rhamnenses, Roman tribe, i. Romulus, ch. 20. Rhamnus, in Attica, iii. Phokion, ch. 25; iv. Demetrius, ch. 33. Rhamnus, freedman of Antonius, iv. Antonius, ch. 48. Rhea, daughter of Numitor, i. Romulus, ch. 3. ----, mother of Sertorius, iii. Sertorius, ch. 2. Rhegium, and Rhegines, i. Fabius, ch. 22; Alkibiades, ch. 20; Timoleon, chs. 9, 10, 11, 19; iii. Crassus, ch. 10; iv. Dion, chs. 26, 58. Rhenea, iii. Nikias, ch. 3. Rhine, or Rhenus, iii. Cæsar, chs. 18, 19, 22; iv. Otho, ch. 12. Rhodes and Rhodians, i. Themistokles, ch. 21; Perikles, ch. 17; ii. Marius, ch. 29; Lucullus, chs. 2, 3; iii. Pompeius, ch. 42; Alexander, ch. 32; Cæsar, ch. 3; Phokion, ch. 18; Cato Minor, chs. 35, 54; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 24; Cicero, chs. 4, 36, 38; Demetrius, chs. 21, 22, 24; Brutus, chs. 3, 30, 32. Rhodogoune, daughter of Artaxerxes, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 27. Rhodon, tutor of Cæsarion, iv. Antonius, ch. 81. Rhoesakes, a Persian at Athens, ii. Kimon, ch. 10. ----, a Persian at the Granikus, iii. Alexander, ch. 16. Rhoeteum, in Arcadia, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 23. Rhone, or Rhodanus, i. Solon, ch. 2; ii. Marius, ch. 15; iii. Sertorius, ch. 3; Cæsar, ch. 17. Rhossus, in Syria, iv. Demetrius, ch. 32. Rhus, at Megara, i. Theseus, ch. 27. Rhymnitalkes, the Thracian, i. Romulus, ch. 17. Rhyndakus, river in Bithynia, ii. Lucullus, ch. 11. Rhyntakes, a bird, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 19. Rignarium, or Remonium, i. Romulus, ch. 9. Riphæan mountains, i. Camillus, ch. 15. Roma, a Trojan woman, i. Romulus, ch. 2; Roma, wife of Latinus, and Roma, daughter of Italus, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Romanus, son of Ulysses, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Rome and Romans, frequent. _See_ also under Latins. Roma Quadrata, i. Romulus, ch. 9; Grecian and Roman learning, iii. Sertorius, ch. 14; Roman months, i. Romulus, chs. 12, 21, 27; Numa, chs. 2, 18, 19; iii. Cæsar, chs. 37, 59, 63. Romulus, i. Life and Comparison with Theseus; Theseus, chs. 1, 2; Numa, chs. 2, 5, 16, 18, 19; Poplicola, chs. 1, 6; Camillus, chs. 31, 32, 33; ii. Marcellus, ch. 8; iii. Pompeius, ch. 25; Phokion, ch. 3. Romus, king of the Latins; and Romus, son of Hemathion, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Roscius, two brothers of the name, iii. Crassus, ch. 31. ----, defended by Cicero, iv. Cicero, ch. 3. ----, the actor, ii. Sulla, ch. 36; iv. Cicero, ch. 5. ----, L. Roscius Otho, opponent of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 25. Roxana, wife of Alexander, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 4; Alexander, chs. 47, 77. ----, sister of Mithridates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 18. Roxanes, a Persian, i. Themistokles, ch. 29. Rubicon, iii. Pompeius, ch. 60; Cæsar, chs. 20, 32. Rubrius, Marcus, with Cato at Utica, iii. Cato Minor chs. 62, 63. ----, tribune of the people, iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 10. ----, prætor in Macedonia, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 9. Rufinus, Sulla's ancestor, ii. Sulla, ch. 1. Rufus, Claudius, iv. Otho, ch. 3. ----, Lucius, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 19. ----, Virginius, commanding in Germany, iv. Galba, chs. 6, 10, 18, 22; Otho, chs. 1, 18. Rullus Maximus, Fabius, i. Fabius, ch. 1; iii. Pompeius, ch. 13. Rumilia, and the fig-tree Ruminalis, i. Romulus, ch. 4. Rustius (Roscius?), iii. Crassus, ch. 32. Rutilius, the historian, consul B.C. 105, ii. Marius, chs. 10, 28; iii. Pompeius, ch. 37. Sabaco, Cassius, friend of Marius, ii. Marius, ch. 5. Sabbas, an Indian king, iii. Alexander, ch. 64. Sabines, a people of Italy, i. Romulus, chs. 14-21, 23, 29; Comparison, chs. 1, 4; Numa, chs. 1-3, 6, 17; Poplicola, chs. 1, 14, 20-22; Coriolanus, chs. 5, 33; ii. Cato Major, ch. 1; iii. Sertorius, ch. 2; Pompeius, ch. 4; Cæsar, ch. 1. Sabinus, friend of Cicero, iv. Cicero, ch. 25. ----, Calvisius, in Caligula's time, iv. Galba, ch. 12. ----, Flavius, Vespasian's brother, iv. Otho, ch. 5. ----, Nymphidius, prefect of the prætorian guard, iv. Galba, chs. 2, 8, 9, 11, 13, 15, 18, 23, 29. ----, Q. Titurius, officer in Cæsar's army, iii. Cæsar, ch. 24. Sacculio, a buffoon, iv. Brutus, ch. 45. Sadalas, king of Thrace, iv. Antonius, ch. 61. Sagra, in Italy, i. Æmilius, ch. 25. Saguntum, in Spain, iii. Sertorius, ch. 21. Sais, in Egypt, i. Solon, ch. 26. Salamis, island near Athens, i. Theseus, chs. 10, 17; Solon, chs. 8-10, 12, 31; Comparison, ch. 4; Themistokles, chs. 10, 12-14; Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 21; Aristeides, chs. 8, 9, 10, 16; Cato Major, ch. 5; Comparison, ch. 2; Flamininus, ch. 11; Lysander, chs. 9, 15; Kimon, chs. 4, 5, 13; iii. Alexander, ch. 29; Phokion, ch. 32; iv. Aratus, chs. 24, 34; Salaminian trireme, the, i. Perikles, ch. 7; compare i. Themistokles, ch. 7; Alkibiades, ch. 21. ----, in Cyprus, iii. Alexander, ch. 34; iv. Demetrius, chs. 16, 35. Salii, Roman priests, i. Numa, chs. 12, 13. Salinator, Julius, iii. Sertorins, ch. 7. Salinæ, in Campania, iii. Crassus, ch. 9. Salius, a dancing-master, i. Numa, ch. 13. Sallustius, the historian, ii. Comparison of Lysander and Sulla, ch. 3; Lucullus, chs. 11, 33. Sallutio, Scipio, iii. Cæsar, ch. 52. Salonius, a clerk, client and father-in-law of Cato Major, ii. Cato Major, ch. 24. ----, or Salonianus, Cato, son of Cato Major, ii. Cato Major, chs. 24, 27. Salovius, leader of the Pelignians, i. Æmilius, ch. 20. Saluvii, ii. Marius, ch. 18, note. Salvenius, soldier of Sulla, ii. Sulla, ch. 17. Salvius, a centurion, one of Pompeius's murderers, iii. Pompeius, chs. 78, 79. Samnites, a people of Italy, ii. Marcellus, ch. 24; Cato Major, ch. 2; Pyrrhus, chs. 13, 20, 21, 24; Sulla, ch. 29; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 7. Samon, an Epirot, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 5. Samos and Samians, in Ionia, i. Themistokles, ch. 2; Perikles, chs. 8, 24, 25, 26, 28; Comparison, ch. 2; Alkibiades, chs. 25, 26, 35; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 2; Aristeides, chs. 23, 25; Lysander, chs. 5, 6, 8, 14, 18; Kimon, ch. 9; Lucullus, ch. 3; iii. Alexander, ch. 28; iv. Antonius, ch. 56; Brutus, ch. 2. Samosata, in Commagene, iv. Antonius, ch. 34. Samothrace, in the Ægean, i. Numa, ch. 13; Camillus, ch. 20; Æmilius, chs. 23, 26; ii. Marcellus, ch. 50; Lucullus, ch. 13; iii. Pompeius, ch. 24; Alexander, ch. 2. Sandauke, sister of Xerxes, i. Themistokles, ch. 13; ii. Aristeides, ch. 9. Sandon, father of Athenodorus, i. Poplicola, ch. 17. Sapha, in Mesopotamia, ii. Lucullus, ch. 22. Sappho, the poetess, iv. Demetrius, ch. 38. Sardinia, ii. Cato Major, ch. 6; iii. Pompeius, chs. 16, 26, 50, 66; Cæsar, ch. 21; iv. Caius Gracchus, chs. 1, 2; Comparison, ch. 3; Antonius, ch. 32; Sardonic laugh, iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 12; Sardinians for sale, i. Romulus, ch. 25. Sardis, in Lydia, i. Solon, chs. 27, 28; Themistokles, chs. 29, 31; Alkibiades, ch. 27; ii. Aristeides, ch. 5; Lysander, chs. 4, 6, 9; iii. Eumenes, ch. 8; Agesilaus, chs. 10, 11; Pompeius, ch. 37; Alexander, ch. 17; Phokion, ch. 18; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 20; Demetrius, ch. 46; Brutus, chs. 34, 35. Sarmentus, Cæsar's page, iv. Antonius, ch. 59. Sarpedon, Cato's tutor, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 1, 3. Satibarzanes, eunuch of Artaxerxes, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 12. Satiphernes, a Persian, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 11. Satrapeni, a corrupt reading, probably Atropateni, ii. Lucullus, ch. 31. Satria, in Latium, i. Camillus, ch. 37. Satureius, Publius, tribune of the people, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 19. Saturninus, Lucius, ii. Marius, chs. 14, 28, 29, 30; Comparison of Lysander and Sulla, ch. 1. Satyrus, a Corinthian, i. Timoleon, ch. 4. ----, the actor, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 7. Scæva, Cassius, soldier of Cæsar, iii. Cæsar, ch. 16. Scævola, Mucius, i. Poplicola, ch. 17. ----, Mucius, the lawyer, ii. Sulla, ch. 36; Tib. Gracchus, ch. 9. Scauri, iv. Cicero, ch. 1. Scaurus, former husband of Metella, Sulla's wife, ii. Sulla, ch. 23; iii. Pompeius, ch. 9. Scipio, Cornelius, master of the knights to Camillus, i. Camillus, ch. 5. ----, Cnæus Cornelius, ii. Marcellus, chs. 6, 7. ----, Africanus, Cornelius, the elder, i. Fabius, chs. 25, 26, 27; Comparison, ch. 2; Æmilius, chs. 2, 5; ii. Comparison of Pelopidas and Marcellus, ch. 1; Cato Major, chs. 3, 11, 15, 24; Comparison, chs. 1, 2, 5; Flamininus, chs. 3, 18, 21; Pyrrhus, ch. 8; Marius, ch. 1; iii. Crassus, ch. 26; Pompeius, ch. 14; iv. Tib. Gracchus, chs. 1, 4, 8, 17; C. Gracchus, ch. 19; Galba, ch. 29. ----, Africanus, the younger, son of Æmilius Paulus (Æmilianus), i. Romulus, ch. 27; Æmilius, chs. 5, 22; ii. Cato Major, chs. 15, 26; Marius, chs. 3, 12, 13; Lucullus, ch. 28; iii. Cato Minor, ch. 7; iv. Tib. Gracchus, chs. 1, 4, 7, 8, 13, 21; C. Gracchus, ch. 10. ----, Lucius, Asiaticus, brother of the elder Africanus, ii. Cato Major, chs. 15, 18; Flamininus, ch. 21; Lucullus, ch. 11; iii. Crassus, ch. 26. Scipio, Lucius Cornelius, Asiaticus, consul B.C. 83, ii. Sulla, ch. 28; iii. Sertorius, ch. 6; Pompeius, ch. 7. ----, Nasica, Publius, son-in-law of the elder Africanus, i. Æmilius, chs. 15-18, 22, 26; ii. Marcellus, ch. 5; Cato Major, ch. 27. ----, Nasica, Publius, iv. Tib. Gracchus, chs. 13, 19, 20, 21. ----, Sallutio, iii. Cæsar, ch. 52. ----, Metellus (Quintus Cæcilius Metellus Pius Scipio, prætor, B.C. 94), father-in-law of Pompeius, (_see_ Metellus), iii. Pompeius, chs. 62, 66, 67, 69, 76; Comparison, chs. 1, 4; Cæsar, chs. 16, 30, 39, 42, 44, 52, 53, 55; Cato Minor, chs. 7, 47, 56-58, 60, 67, 68, 70-72; iv. Cicero, ch. 15; Brutus, ch. 6; Otho, ch. 13. Scipios, iii. Sertorius, ch. 1; Pompeius, ch. 8; Cæsar, chs. 15, 52. Scotussa, or Skotussa, in Thessaly, i. Theseus, ch. 27; Æmilius, ch. 8; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 29; Flamininus, ch. 7; iii. Pompeius, ch. 68; Cæsar, ch. 43. Scribonia, mother of Piso, iv. Galba, ch. 23. Scrofa, quæstor with Crassus, iii. Crassus, ch. 11. Scylla and Charybdis, iv. Dion, ch. 18. Scythes, slave of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 78. Scythia and Scythians, i. Theseus, ch. 1; ii. Marius, ch. 11; Sulla, ch. 16; iii. Crassus, chs. 21, 24; Pompeius, chs. 41, 45, 70; Alexander, chs. 45, 46; Cæsar, ch. 58; iv. Demetrius, ch. 19. Secundus, Otho's secretary, iv. Otho, ch. 9. Seleukia, or Seleukeia, on the Tigris, ii. Lucullus, ch. 22; iii. Crassus, chs. 17, 18, 21, 32. ----, or Seleukeia, in Syria, or Cilicia, iii. Pompeius, ch. 77. Selenkus I., Nikator, general of Alexander and king of Syria, i. Æmilius, 33; ii. Cato Major, ch. 12; Lucullus, ch. 14; iii. Alexander, chs. 42, 62, 76; iv. Demetrius, chs. 7, 18, 25, 29, 31-33, 38, 44, 46-53. Seleukus II., Kallinikus, iv. Agis, chs. 3, 7, 10. ----, Cleopatra's steward, iv. Antonius, chs. 74, 83. Selinus, i. Lykurgus, ch. 19. Sellasia, in Laconia, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 6; iv. Agis, ch. 8; Kleomenes, chs. 23, 27, 31; Aratus, ch. 46. Selymbria, in Thrace, i. Alkibiades, ch. 30. Sempronius, Tiberius, ii. Cato Major, ch. 12. ----, Densus, iv. Galba, ch. 26. Seneca, the philosopher, iv. Galba, ch. 20. Senecio, Sossius. _See_ Sossius. Senones, a tribe of Gauls, i. Camillus, ch. 15. Sentius, governor of Macedonia, ii. Sulla, ch. 11. Septimius, a tribune, one of Pompeius's murderers, iii. Pompeius, chs. 78, 79. ----, iv. Galba, ch. 14. Septimuleius, iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 17. Sequani, a tribe of Gauls, ii. Marius, ch. 24; iii. Cæsar, chs. 20, 26. Serapion, a boy, iii, Alexander, ch. 39. Serbonian Marsh, iv. Antonius, ch. 3. Sergius, an actor, iv. Antonius, ch. 9. Seriphus, in the Ægean, i. Themistokles, ch. 18. Serranus, in text Soranus, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 7. Sertorius, Quintus, iii. Life and Comparison with Eumenes; ii. Marius, chs. 1, 44; Lucullus, chs. 5, 6, 8, 12; iii. Crassus, ch. 11; Pompeius, chs. 17-20, 31. Servii, iv. Galba, ch. 3. Servilia, sister of Cato Minor, mother of Marcus Brutus, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 1, 2, 5, 53; iv. Brutus, chs. 1, 21, 24, 25, 29, 54. Servilia, another sister of Cato Minor, wife of Lucullus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 38; iii. Cato Minor, chs. 24, 29, 54. Servilii, iii. Cæsar, ch. 62. Servilius, Ahala, iv. Brutus, ch. 1. ----, the augur, ii. Lucullus, ch. 1. ----, Cæpio, iii. Pompeius, ch. 47; Cæsar, ch. 14. ----, Cæpio, Cato's half-brother, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 1, 2, 3, 8, 11, 15. ----, Vatia Isauricus, P., consul B.C. 79, iii. Cæsar, ch. 7; and probably ii. Sulla, ch. 28; iii. Pompeius, ch. 14. ----, Isauricus, consul B.C. 48, son of preceding, iii. Cæsar, ch. 37. ----, Marcus, a consular, i. Æmilius, ch. 31. ----, a prætor, ii. Sulla, ch. 9. ----, lieutenant of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 34. Servius Tullius, king of Rome, i. Numa, ch. 10. ----, ii. Sulla, ch. 10. Sessorium, at Rome, iv. Galba, ch. 28. Sestius, iv. Brutus, ch. 4. Sestos, in Thrace, i. Alkibiades, chs. 36, 37; ii. Lysander, chs. 9, 10, 14; Kimon, ch. 9. Setia, iii. Cæsar, ch. 58. Seuthas, servant of Aratus, iv. Aratus, ch. 5. Sextilius's waters, Aquæ Sextiæ, in Gaul, ii. Marius, ch. 18. Sextilius, governor of Africa, ii. Marius, ch. 40. ----, lieutenant of Lucullus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 25. ----, a prætor seized by pirates, iii. Pompeius, ch. 24. Sextius, Lucius, first plebeian consul, i. Camillus, ch. 42. Sextius, Publius, defended by Cicero, iv. Cicero, ch. 26. ----, Sulla, a Carthaginian, i. Romulus, ch. 15. ----, Tidius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 64. Sibyrtius, governor of Arachosia, iii. Eumenes, ch. 19. Sibyrtius's gymnasium, i. Alkibiades, ch. 3. Sicily, and Sicilians. _See_, in general, for history, the lives of Timoleon, Marcellus, Nikias, chs. 1, 12-30; Dion and the Comparisons; also, i. Alkibiades, chs. 17-20, 23, 32, 39; ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 14, 22-24; iii. Pompeius, chs. 10,11, 20, 26, 50, 61, 66; Cæsar, ch. 52; Cato Minor, chs. 53, 57; iv. Cicero, chs. 1, 6-8, 31; Comparison, ch. 3; iv. Antonius, chs. 32, 62. For other notices, i. Theseus, ch. 19 (Dædalus's visit); Lykurgus, ch. 30; Themistokles, ch. 24 (his visit); Camillus, ch. 19 (a date); Perikles, chs. 20, 21; Fabius, chs. 22, 26; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 31; Cato Major, ch. 3; Marius, ch. 40; Lysander, chs. 3, 16; Sulla, ch. 36 (Eunus the slave); Kimon, ch. 8 (Æschylus there); iii. Crassus, chs. 10, 26; Agesilaus, chs. 3, 33; iv. Demetrius, ch. 25. Sicilians, native, or Aborigines, iii. Nikias, ch. 15; Sicilian manufactures, ii. Lysander, ch. 2; iii. Alexander, ch. 32; Sicilian fat, iii. Nikias, ch. 1. Sicinius Vellutus, tribune of the people, i. Coriolanus, chs. 13, 18. ----, tribune of the people, iii. Crassus, ch. 7. Sidon, in Syria, iv. Demetrius, ch. 32; Antonius, ch. 51. Sigliuria, i. Poplicola, ch. 16. Signia, in Italy, ii. Sulla, ch. 28. Sikinnus, a Persian, i. Themistokles ch. 12. Sikyon and Sikyonians, i. Numa, ch. 4 (Hippolytus); Perikles, ch. 19; ii. Cato Major, ch. 22; Philopoemen, ch. 1; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 17, 19, 20; Demetrius, chs. 16, 25; Antonius, ch. 30 (Fulvia's death), and Aratus throughout. The Sikyonian school of painting, iv. Aratus, ch. 13. Silanion, a sculptor, i. Theseus, ch. 4. Silanus, D. Junius, husband of Servilia, Cato's sister, and Brutus's mother, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 21, 22; iv. Cicero, chs. 14, 19, 20. ----, Marcus, driven away by Cleopatra, iv. Antonius, ch. 59. Silenus, a youth in Pontus, iii. Lysander, ch. 26. Silicius, Publius, proscribed, iv. Brutus, ch. 27. Sillakes, a Parthian, iii. Crassus, chs. 21, 23. Silo, Pompædius, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 2. ----, Publius, ii. Marius, ch. 33. Silvia, daughter of Numitor, i. Romulus, ch. 3. Silvium, in Apulia, ii. Sulla, ch. 27. Simætha, at Megara, i. Perikles, ch. 30. Simmias, accuser of Perikles, i. Perikles, ch. 35. ----, companion of Philopoemen, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 10. Simnus, a Macedonian, iii. Alexander, ch. 49. Simonides, the poet, i. Theseus, chs. 10, 17; Lykurgus, ch. 1; Themistokles, chs. 1, 5, 15; Timoleon, ch. 37; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 1; iv. Dion, ch. 1; Aratus, ch, 45. Simylus, a poet, i. Romulus, ch. 17. Sinis, the robber, i. Theseus, chs. 8, 25, 29; Comparison, ch. 1. Sinnaca, in Babylonia, iii. Crassus, ch. 29. Sinope, daughter of Asopus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 23. ----, in Pontus, i. Perikles, ch. 20; ii. Lucullus, ch. 23; Comparison, ch. 3; iii. Pompeius, ch. 42. Sinora, or Inora, in Pontus, iii. Pompeius, ch. 32. Sinuessa, in Italy, ii. Marcellus, ch. 26; iv. Otho, ch. 2. Sippius, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 3. Siris, river in Lucania, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 16. Sisenna, a historian, ii. Lucullus, ch. 1. Sisymithres, a Persian, iii. Alexander, ch. 58. Skambonidæ, Attic township, i. Alkibiades, ch. 22. Skandeia, in the island of Kythera, iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 4. Skapte Hyle, in Thrace, ii. Kimon, ch. 4. Skarphia, in Lokris, iii. Alexander, ch. 29. Skedasus of Leuktra, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 20, 21. Skeiron, i. Theseus, chs. 10, 25, 32; Comparison, ch. 1. Skellius, companion of Antonius, iv. Antonius, ch. 66. Skenite Arabs, ii. Lucullus, ch. 21. Skepsis, in Mysia, ii. Sulla, ch. 23; Lucullus, ch. 22. Skiathus, island in the Ægean Sea, i. Themistokles, ch. 7. Skillustis, island in the Indian Sea, iii. Alexander, ch. 66. Skione, in Macedonia, ii. Lysander, ch. 14. Skiradion, in Salamis, i. Solon, ch. 9. Skiraphidas, a Spartan, ii. Lysander, ch. 16. Skirus, of Salamis, i. Theseus, ch. 17. Skopas, the Thessalian, ii. Cato Major, ch. 18. Skopads, the, ii. Kimon, ch. 10. Skotussa. _See_ Scotussa. Skyros, island in the Ægean Sea, i. Theseus, ch. 35; ii. Kimon, chs. 8. Skythes, a Spartan, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 16. Smyrna, in Ionia, iii. Sertorius, ch. 1; iv. Brutus, chs. 28, 30. Sokles of Pedia, i. Themistokles, ch. 14. Sokrates, i. Lykurgus, ch. 30; Perikles, chs. 13, 24; Alkibiades, chs. 1, 3, 4, 6, 17; ii. Aristeides, chs. 1, 25, 27; Cato Major, chs. 7, 20, 23; Marius, ch. 46; Lysander, ch. 2; iii. Nikias, chs. 13, 23; Alexander, ch. 65; Phokion, ch. 38. Soloeis, an Athenian, i, Theseus, ch. 26. Soli, in Cilicia, iii. Pompeius, ch. 28; iv. Demetrius, chs. 20, 27. ----, in Cyprus, i. Solon, ch. 26; iii. Alexander, ch. 29. Solon, the Athenian lawgiver, i. Life and Comparison with Poplicola; Poplicola, ch. 9; Themistokles, ch. 2; iii. Phokion, ch. 7; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 18; Antonius, ch. 36. ----, of Platæa, iii. Phokion, ch. 33. Solonium, ii. Marius, ch. 35. Sonchus of Sais, i. Solon, ch. 26. Sophanes of Dekeleia, ii. Comparison of Aristeides and Cato, ch. 2; Kimon, ch. 8. Sophax, son of Herakles, iii. Sertorius, ch. 9. Sophene, in Armenia, ii. Lucullus, chs. 24, 29; iii. Pompeius, ch. 33. Sophokles, the poet, i. Numa, ch. 4; Comparison, ch. 3; Solon, ch. 20; Perikles, ch. 8; Timoleon, ch. 38; ii. Kimon, ch. 8; iii. Nikias, ch. 15; Pompeius, ch. 78; Alexander, chs. 7, 8; Phokion, ch. 1; iv. Agis, ch. 1; Demosthenes, ch. 7; Demetrius, chs. 45, 46; Antonius, ch. 24; Artaxerxes, ch. 28. Sophrosyne, daughter of Dionysius the elder, iv. Dion, ch. 6. Soranus, probably Serranus, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 7. Sorix, a mime, ii. Sulla, ch. 36. Sornatius, lieutenant of Lucullus, ii. Lucullus, chs. 17, 24, 30, 35. Sosibius, favourite of Ptolemæus Philopator, iv. Kleomenes, chs. 33-35. ----, a writer, i. Lykurgus, ch. 24. Sosigenes, iv. Demetrius, ch. 49. Sosis, a Syracusan, iv. Dion, chs. 34, 35. Sosistratus, a Syracusan, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 23. Soso, iv. Aratus, chs. 2, 3. Sossius, a lieutenant of Antonius, iv. Antonius, ch. 34. ----, Senecio, i. Theseus, ch. 1; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 1, 30; Dion, ch. 1. Soter, a surname, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. Sotion, a writer, iii. Alexander, ch. 61. Sous, king of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, ch. 1. Spain and Spaniards (Iberia and Iberians), i. Lykurgus, ch. 4 (his supposed voyage thither); Fabius, chs. 7, 25 (Scipio); Timoleon, ch. 28 (Spanish troops); Æmilius, chs. 4, 6 (their mixture with the Ligurians); ii. Marcellus, ch. 12; Comparison, ch. 3; Cato Major, chs. 5, 10, 11; Comparison, ch. 2; Flamininus, ch. 3; Marius, chs. 1, 3, 6, 14; Lucullus, chs. 5, 8, 34; iii. Crassus, chs. 4, 7, 11, 15; Sertorius and the Comparison throughout; Pompeius, chs. 13, 17-20 (campaign against Sertorius), 29, 38, 52-63, 65, 66, 67; Cæsar, ch. 5 (quæstor there), ch. 11 (proprætor there), 21, 36 (defeat of Afranius), 56 (battle of Munda); Cato Minor, chs. 31, 43, 59; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 5; Caius Gracchus, ch. 6; Cicero, ch. 38; Antonius, chs. 7, 10, 11, 37, 61; Galba, chs. 3, 5, 6, 9, 13, 22; Otho, ch. 3. Spanos, iii. Sertorius, ch. 11. Sparamixes, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 15. Sparta, i. Theseus, ch. 31; Lykurgus, ch. 1, and frequent throughout all the lives. _See_ also Lacedæmon and Laconia. Spartacus, iii. Crassus, chs. 8-11; Comparison, ch. 3; Pompeius, ch. 31; Cato Minor, ch. 8. Sparton, at Koronea, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 19. ----, a Rhodian, iii. Phokion, ch. 18. Spendon, a poet, i. Lykurgus, ch. 27. Spercheius, river, i. Theseus, ch. 24. Speusippus, the philosopher, iv. Dion, chs. 17, 22, 35. Sphærus, or Sphairus, the philosopher, i. Lykurgus, ch. 5; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 2, 11. Sphakteria, off the coast of Messenia, i. Alkibiades, ch. 14; iii. Nikias, ch. 7. Sphettus, Attic township, i. Theseus, ch. 13; iii. Phokion, ch. 9; iv. Demetrius, ch. 13. Sphines, the proper name of Kalanus the Indian philosopher, iii. Alexander, ch. 65. Sphodrias, a Spartan, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 14; Agesilaus, chs. 24-26, 28; Comparison, ch. 1. Sphragitides, nymphs, ii. Aristeides, chs. 11, 19. Spicilius, a gladiator, iv. Galba, ch. 8 Spinther, Lentulus, consul B.C. 57, iii. Pompeius, chs. 49, 67, 73; Cæsar, ch. 42; iv. Cicero, chs. 33, 38. ----, Lentulus, his son, iii. Cæsar, ch. 67. Spithridates, a Persian, ii. Lysander, ch. 24; Agesilaus, chs. 8, 11. ----, a Persian, iii. Alexander, chs. 16, 50. Sporus, iv. Galba, ch. 9. Spurinna, commanding for Otho, iv. Otho, chs. 5, 6. Spurius Postumius, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 8. ----, Vettius, i. Numa, ch. 7. Stageira, in Macedonia, iii. Alexander, ch. 7. Staphylus, son of Theseus, i. Theseus, ch. 20. Stasikrates, an architect, iii. Alexander, ch. 72. Statianus, iv. Antonius, ch. 38. Statilius, an Epicurean philosopher, iv. Brutus, ch. 12. Statira, wife of Artaxerxes II., iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 5, 6, 17, 19. ----, wife of Darius, iii. Alexander, ch. 30. ----, daughter of Darius, married to Alexander, iii. Alexander, chs. 70, 77. ----, sister of Mithridates, ii. Lucullus, ch. 18. Statyllius, or Statilius, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 65, 73; iv. Brutus, ch. 51. Steiria, Attic township, i. Alkibiades, ch. 26. Steiris, a town in Phokis, ii. Kimon, ch. 1. Stephanus, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 15. ----, a page, iii. Alexander, ch. 35. Stertinius, a probable correction for Titilius, lieutenant of Flamininus, ii. Flamininus, ch. 12. Stesilaus of Keos, i. Themistokles, ch. 3; ii. Aristeides, ch. 2. Stesimbrotus of Thasos, a writer, i. Themistokles, chs. 2, 4, 24; Perikles, chs. 8, 13, 26, 36; ii. Kimon, chs. 4, 14, 16. Sthenis of Himera, iii. Pompeius, ch. 10. ----, the sculptor, ii. Lucullus, ch, 23. Stilpon of Megara, iv. Demetrius, ch. 9. Stoic philosophers, ii. Cato Major, ch. 22; Lucullus, ch. 39; iii. Cato Minor, chs. 4, 10, 65; Doctrines, iii. Cato Minor, chs. 31, 68; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 2; Cicero, chs. 4, 25; Comparison, ch. 1. Stolo, Licinius, tribune of the people, i. Camillus, ch. 39. Storax trees, Cretan, ii. Lysander, ch. 28. Strabo, philosopher and historian, ii. Sulla, ch. 26; Lucullus, ch. 28; Cæsar, ch. 63. ----, father of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, chs. 1, 4. Strato, a rhetorician, iv. Brutus, chs. 52, 53. Stratokles, an Athenian, iv. Demetrius, chs. 11, 12, 24. Stratonike, daughter of Korrhagus, wife of Antigonus, iv. Demetrius, ch. 2. ----, daughter of Demetrius, married to Seleukus and to Antiochus, iv. Demetrius, chs. 31, 32, 38, 51, 53. ----, one of the wives of Mithridates, iii. Pompeius, ch. 36. Stratonikus, i. Lykurgus, ch. 30. Stroebus, Kallisthenes's reader, iii. Alexander, ch. 54. Strymon, river, ii. Kimon, ch. 6. Stymphæa, in Macedonia, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 6. Sucro, river in Spain, iii. Sertorius, ch. 19; Pompeius, ch. 19. Suetonius Paulinus, iv. Otho, chs. 5, 7, 8, 11, 13. Suevi, a German people, iii. Pompeius, ch. 51; Cæsar, ch. 23. Sugambri, a German people, iii. Cæsar, ch. 22. Suillii, a Roman name, i. Poplicola, ch. 11. Sulla, Lucius Cornelius, ii. Life and Comparison with Lysander. _See_ also the contemporary and nearly contemporary lives, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11; ii. Marius, chs. 1, 10, 25, 26, 32, 34, 35, 41, 45; Lucullus, chs. 1, 3, 4, 19, 43; iii. Crassus, chs. 2, 6; Sertorius, chs. 1, 4, 6, 7, 9, 18, 23; Pompeius, chs. 8, 9, 13, 14, 15, 16, 21; Comparison, ch. 1; Cæsar, chs. 1, 3, 5, 6, 14, 15, 37; Cato Minor, chs. 3, 17, 18; iv. Cicero, chs. 3, 4, 10, 12, 14, 17, 27; also i. Poplicola, ch.15; ii. Flamininus, ch. 21; iv. Antonius, ch. 1; Brutus, ch. 9; Otho, ch. 9. Sulla, Sextius, a Carthaginian, i. Romulus, ch. 51. Sulpicius, consular tribune, i. Camillus, ch. 28. ----, Quintus, pontifex maximus, ii. Marcellus, ch. 5. ----, commanding in Macedonia, ii. Flamininus, ch. 3. ----, tribune of the people, ii. Marius, chs. 34, 35; Sulla, chs. 8, 9, 10. ----, interrex and consul B.C. 51, iii. Pompeius, ch. 54; Cato Minor, ch. 49. ----, Caius, a prætor, iv. Cicero, ch. 19. ----, Galba. _See_ Galba. Sunium iv. Aratus, ch. 34. Superbus. _See_ Tarquinius. Sura, Lentulus, accomplice of Catilina, iii. Cæsar, ch. 7; Cato Minor, chs. 22, 26; iv. Cicero, chs. 17, 18, 22, 24, 30; Antonius, ch. 2. ----, Bruttius, ii. Sulla, ch. 11. Surena, commander of the Parthians, iii. Crassus, chs. 21, 23, 29-33. Susa, in Persia, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 30; iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 4; Agesilaus, ch.15; Alexander, chs. 36, 37, 70; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 14; Artaxerxes, ch. 7. Susamithres, uncle of Pharnabazus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 39. Sutrium, in Etruria, i. Camillus, chs. 33, 35. Sybaris and Sybarites, i. Perikles, ch. 11; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 1; iii. Crassus, ch. 32. ----, daughter of Themistokles, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. Symbolum, near Philippi, iv. Brutus, ch. 38. Synalus, a Carthaginian commander, iv. Dion, chs. 25, 26, 29. Syncatathesis, philosophical term, iv. Cicero, ch. 40. Syracuse and Syracusans. _See_, in general, the Lives of i. Timoleon and iv. Dion; ii. Marcellus, chs. 13-23; Nikias, chs. 14-30, and the Comparisons; also, i. Alkibiades, chs. 17, 22, 23; ii. Pyrrhus, chs. 9, 14, 22; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 27; Cato Minor, ch. 53. Syria and Syrians, i. Æmilius, ch. 7; ii. Philopoemen, ch. 17; Flamininius, ch. 17; these passages refer to the war with Antiochus. Also, ii. Lucullus, ch. 14 (Tigranes), 21, 23 (Cappadocian Syrians); iii. Crassus, chs. 15, 16, 29; Pompeius, chs. 33, 38, 39, 45, 52, 62; Alexander, chs. 20, 25; Cæsar, chs. 49, 50; Cato Minor, chs. 13, 43; iv. Cicero, chs. 12, 26, 30, 36, 43; Demetrius, chs. 5, 6, 15, 31, 32, 48; Antonius, chs. 3, 5, 27, 28, 30, 34, 36, 53, 54, 56, 74, 84; Brutus, ch. 28; Aratus, chs. 12, 18 (four Syrian brothers), 24, 33; Galba, ch. 13; Otho, chs. 4, 15. Coele-Syria, iv. Antonius, chs. 36, 54; a Syrian woman, ii. Marius, ch. 17; Syriac, iv. Antonius, chs. 27, 46. The Syrian Chersonese, iv. Demetrius, chs. 50, 52. Syrmus, king of the Triballi, iii. Alexander, ch. 11. Syrtis, iv. Dion, ch. 25. Syrus, son of Apollo and Sinope, ii. Lucullus, ch. 23. Tachos, king of Egypt, iii. Agesilaus, chs. 36, 37, 38. Tacita, one of the Muses, i. Numa, ch. 8. Tænarus, promontory in Laconia, iii. Pompeius, ch. 24; Phokion, ch. 29; iv. Kleomenes, chs. 22, 38; Antonius, ch. 67. Tagonius, the Tagus, iii. Sertorius, ch. 17. Talasius and Talasio, i. Romulus, ch. 15; iii. Pompeius, ch. 4. Talauria, in Cappadocia, ii. Lucullus, ch. 19. Tamyæ, in Euboea, iii. Phokion, ch. 12. Tanagra, in Boeotia, i. Perikles, ch. 10; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 15; Kimon, ch. 17. Tanais, the river Don, iii. Alexander, ch. 45. Tanusius, a writer, ii. Cæsar, ch. 22. Tarchetius, king of Alba, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Tarcondemus, king of Cilicia, iv. Antonius, ch. 61. Tarentum, in Italy, i. Fabius, chs. 21-23; Comparison, ch. 2; ii. Marcellus, chs. 21, 25; Cato Major, chs. 2, 14; Philopoemen, ch. 9 (Tarentine mercenaries); Flamininus, ch. 1; Pyrrhus, chs. 13, 16, 21, 22, 24; Sulla, ch. 27; iii. Alexander, ch. 22 (a Tarentine slave-merchant); iv. Kleomenes, ch. 6 (Tarentine mercenaries); C. Gracchus, ch. 8; Cicero, ch. 39; Antonius, chs. 35, 62. Taroutius, a friend of Varro, i. Romulus, ch. 12. Tarpeia, daughter of Tarpeius, i. Romulus, chs. 17, 18. ----, a vestal, i. Numa, ch. 10. Tarpeius, a Roman captain, i. Romulus, ch. 17. Tarpeian hill, i. Romulus, ch. 28; Numa, ch. 7; ii. Marius, ch. 45. Tarquinia, a vestal, i. Poplicola, ch. 8. Tarquinius, son of Demaratus (Tarquinius Priscus), i. Romulus, ch. 16, 18; Poplicola, chs. 14, 15. ----, Superbus, i. Comparison of Lykurgus and Numa, ch. 3; Poplicola, chs. 1-3, 9, 13, 16, 18; Coriolanus, ch. 2; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 15. ----, Collatinus, i. Poplicola, chs. 1, 3, 4, 7. Tarquins, the, i. Poplicola, ch. 3; Comparison, ch. 4; Æmilius, ch. 25; iv. Brutus, ch. 1. Tarracina or Terracina, in Latium, iii. Cæsar, ch. 58. Tarrutius, i. Romulus, ch. 5. Tarsus, in Cilicia, ii. Marius, ch. 46; iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 8; Demetrius, ch. 47. Tatia, daughter of Tatius, i. Numa, chs. 3, 21. Tatius, king of the Sabines, i. Romulus, chs. 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24; Numa, chs. 2, 5, 17. Taurea, i. Alkibiades, ch. 16. Taurion, officer of Philip III. of Macedon, iv. Aratus, ch. 52. Tauromenium in Sicily, i. Timoleon, chs. 10, 11. Taurus, mountain in Asia, i. Æmilius, ch. 7; ii. Lucullus, chs. 24, 25, 27, 31; Comparison, ch. 3; iii. Pompeius, ch. 28; iv. Demetrius, ch. 47. ----, a Cretan, i. Theseus, ch. 19. ----, Titus Statilius, lieutenant of Augustus at Actium, iv. Antonius, ch. 65. Taxiles, king of a part of India, iii. Alexander, chs. 59, 65. ----, general of Mithridates, ii. Sulla, chs. 15, 19; Lucullus, chs. 26, 27. Taygetus, in Laconia, i. Lykurgus, chs. 14, 15; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 30; Kimon, ch. 16; iv. Agis, ch. 8. Technon, servant of Aratus, iv. Aratus, chs. 5, 7, 20. Tectosages, ii. Sulla, ch. 4. Tegea, in Arcadia, i. Theseus, ch. 31; ii. Aristeides, chs. 12, 16, 19; Lysander, ch. 30; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 34; iv. Agis, chs. 3, 12, 16; Kleomenes, chs. 4, 14, 17, 22, 23, 26. Tegyra, in Boeotia, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 16, 17, 19; Comparison, ch. 1; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 27. Teireus, a eunuch, iii. Alexander, ch. 30. Teius, Marcus, ii. Sulla, ch. 14. Telamon, son of Æakus, i. Theseus, ch. 10. Telamo, in Etruria, ii. Marius, ch. 41. Telekleides, the comic poet, i. Perikles, chs. 3, 16; iii. Nikias, ch. 4. ----, a Corinthian, i. Timoleon, ch. 7. Telemachus, a Corinthian, i. Timoleon, ch. 13. ----, son of Ulysses, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Telephus, son of Herakles, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Teles, i. Perikles, ch. 33. Telesides, a Syracusan, iv. Dion ch. 42. Telesinus the Samnite, ii. Sulla, ch 29; Comparison, ch. 4. Telesippa, iii. Alexander, ch. 41. Telestus, iii. Alexander, ch. 8. Teleutias, half-brother of Agesilaus, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 21. Tellus, i. Solon, ch. 27; Comparison, ch. 1. Telmessus, in Lycia, iii. Alexander, ch. 2. Temenitid, gate of Syracuse, iv. Dion, ch. 29. Tempe, in Thessaly, i. Themistokles, ch. 7; ii. Flamininus, ch. 3; iii. Pompeius, ch. 73. Tenedos, island of, ii. Lucullus, ch 3; iii. Eumenes, ch. 7. Tenos, island in the Ægean, i Themistokles, ch. 12. Tenteritæ, a German nation, iii. Cæsar, ch. 22. Teos and Teians, in Ionia, i. Romulus, ch. 12; ii. Sulla, ch. 26; iii. Alexander, ch. 40. Teratius, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Terentia, wife of Cicero, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 19; iv. Cicero, chs. 8, 20, 29, 30, 41. Terentius Culeo, tribune of the people, ii. Flamininus, ch. 18. ----, Culeo, friend of Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 49. ----, Lucius, in the tent with Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 3. Terentius, murderer of Galba, iv. Galba, ch. 27. Teribazus, iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 5, 7, 24, 27-29. Termerus, a robber, i. Theseus, ch. 11. Terminus, i. Numa, ch. 16. Terpander, poet and musician, i. Lykurgus, chs. 20, 29; iv. Agis, ch. 10. Tertia, daughter of Æmilius Paulus, i. Æmilius, ch. 10; ii. Cato Major, ch. 20. ----, sister of Clodius, iv. Cicero, ch. 29. Tethys, i. Romulus, ch. 2. Tetrapolis, in Attica, i. Theseus, ch. 14. Teukrus, an informer, i. Alkibiades, ch. 20. Teutamus, commander of the Argyraspids, iii. Eumenes, chs. 13, 16, 17. Teutones, a German people, ii. Marius, chs. 11, 15, 18, 20, 24; iii. Sertorius, ch. 3; Cæsar, ch. 18. Thais, mistress of Ptolemæus, iii. Alexander, ch. 38. Thalæa, wife of Pinarius, i. Comparison of Lykurgus and Numa, ch. 3. Thalamæ, in Laconia, Agis, ch. 9. Thales, a Cretan, i. Lykurgus, ch. 4. ----, of Miletus, i. Solon, chs. 2-6, 12. Thallus, son of Kineas, an Athenian, iii. Phokion, ch. 13. Thapsakus, in Mesopotamia, iii. Alexander, ch. 68. Thapsus, in Africa, iii. Cæsar, ch. 53; Cato Minor, ch. 58. ----, in Sicily, iii. Nikias, ch. 17. Thargelia, an Ionian lady, i. Perikles, ch. 24. Tharrhypas, king of Epirus, i. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. Thasos and Thasians, ii. Kimon, ch. 14; iii. Cato Minor, ch. 11 (Thasian stone); iv. Demetrius, ch. 19; Brutus, chs. 38, 44. Theagenes, a Theban, iii. Alexander, ch. 12. Theano, priestess at Athens, i. Alkibiades, ch. 22. Thearidas of Megalopolis, iv Kleomenes, ch. 24. Thearides, husband of Arete, iv. Dion, ch. 6. Thebe, daughter of Jason, wife of Alexander despot of Pheræ, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 28, 31, 35. Thebes and the Thebans, in Boeotia, i. Theseus, ch. 29 (his expedition thither); Lykurgus, chs. 13, 28, 30; Solon, ch. 4; Themistokles, ch. 20; Camillus, ch. 19 (date of its destruction by Alexander); Fabius, ch. 27 (funeral of Epameinondas); Alkibiades, ch. 2 (flute-playing); ii. Pelopidas and the Comparison throughout; Aristeides, chs. 16, 18, 19; Flamininus, ch. 6 (his entrance); Lysander, chs. 27, 28, 29 (his death); Sulla, ch. 19; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 4, 18, and after, and the Comparison; Alexander, chs. 11-13; Phokion, chs. 17, 27; Demosthenes, chs, 9, 17, 18, 20, 23; Demetrius, chs. 9, 39, 40, 45, 46; Dion, ch. 17; Artaxerxes, ch. 22. Theban, the Sacred Band, ii. Pelopidas, chs. 18-23; iii. Alexander, ch. 9. Themiskyra, in Pontus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 14. Themistokles, i. Life; Theseus, ch. 6; Perikles, ch. 7; Alkibiades, ch. 37; Comparison, ch. 1; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 4, 21; Aristeides, chs. 2-5, 7-9, 11, 22, 24, 25, 26; Cato Major, ch. 8; Comparison, chs. 1, 2, 5; Flamininus, ch. 20; Lysander, ch. 14; Kimon, chs. 5, 8, 10, 12, 16; Comparison, ch. 3; iii. Comparison of Nikias and Crassus, ch. 3; Pompeius, ch. 63; Comparison, ch. 4; Phokion, ch. 8; iv. Comparison of Demosthenes, and Cicero, ch. 4; Antonius, chs. 37, 46. Themistokles, a fellow-student with Plutarch, i. Themistokles, ch. 32. Theodektes, iii. Alexander, ch. 17. Theodorus, the Atheist, iii. Phokion, ch. 38. ----, the hierophant, i. Alkibiades, ch. 33. ----, tutor of Antyllus, iv. Antonius, ch. 81. ----, of Phlegæa, i. Alkibiades, chs. 19, 22. ----, of Tarentum, iii. Alexander, ch. 22. Theodotes, uncle of Herakleides, iv. Dion, chs. 12, 45, 47. Theodotus of Chios, a rhetorician in Egypt, iii. Pompeius, chs. 77, 80; Cæsar, ch. 48; iv. Brutus, ch. 33. ----, a prophet, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 6. Theogeiton of Megara, ii. Aristeides, ch. 20. Theokritus, a prophet, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 22. Theomnestus, iv. Brutus, ch. 24. Theophanes, the Lesbian, iii. Pompeius, chs. 37, 42, 49, 76, 78; iv. Cicero, ch. 38. Theophilus, Antonius's steward, iv. Antonius, ch. 67. ----, an armourer, iii. Alexander, ch. 32. Theophrastus, a Macedonian officer in Corinth, iv. Aratus, ch. 23. ----, the philosopher, i. Lykurgus, ch. 10; Solon, ch. 31; Perikles, chs. 23, 35, 38, 40 ?; Themistokles, ch. 25; Alkibiades, ch. 10; ii. Aristeides, ch. 24; Lysander, chs. 13, 19; Sulla, ch. 26; iii. Nikias, chs. 10, 11; Sertorius, ch. 13; Agesilaus, chs. 2, 36; Cato Minor, ch. 37; iv. Agis, ch. 2; Demosthenes, chs. 10, 17; Cicero, ch. 24. Theopompus, the historian, i. Themistokles, chs. 19, 25, 31; Alkibiades, ch. 32; Timoleon, ch. 3; ii. Lysander, chs. 16, 30; Agesilaus, chs. 10, 31, 32, 33; iv. Demosthenes, chs. 4, 14, 18, 21, 25; Dion, ch. 24. Theopompus of Knidos, the collector of Mythi, iii. Cæsar, ch. 48. ----, the comic poet, ii. Lysander, ch. 13. ----, king of Sparta, i. Lykurgus, chs. 6, 7, 20, 30; iv. Agis, ch. 21. ----, a Theban, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 8. ----, a Spartan, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 17. Theoris, a priestess, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 14. Theorus, i. Alkibiades, ch. 1. Theramenes, the son of Hagnon, i. Alkibiades, chs. 1, 31; ii. Lysander, ch. 14; iii. Nikias, ch. 2; iv. Cicero, ch. 39. Theriklean ware, i. Æmilius, ch. 33. Thermodon, a rivulet in Boeotia, afterwards called Hæmon, i. Theseus, ch. 27; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 19. ----, a river of Pontus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 14; iii. Pompeius, ch. 35. ----, a hero, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 19. Thermopylæ, the pass, i. Themistokles, ch. 9; ii. Cato Major, ch. 13; Flamininus, chs. 5, 11, 15; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 27; Alexander, ch. 11; iv. Demetrius, chs. 23, 40. Thermus, Minucius, ii. Cato Minor, chs. 27, 28. Thersippus, i. Solon, ch. 31. Therykion, a Spartan, iv. Kleomenes, chs. 8, 31. Theseus, i. Life and Comparison with Romulus; i. Solon, ch. 26; ii. Sulla, ch. 13; Kimon, ch. 8. Thespiæ, in Boeotia, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 14; Lysander, ch. 28; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 24; iv. Demetrius, ch. 39. Thespis, i. Solon, ch. 29. Thesprotians, in Epirus, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. Thessalonica, in Macedonia, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 11; iv. Brutus, ch. 46. Thessalonika, wife of Kassander, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 6; iv. Demetrius, ch. 36. Thessalus, the son of Kimon, i. Perikles, ch. 29; Alkibiades, chs. 19, 22; ii. Kimon, ch. 16. ----, son of Peisistratus, ii. Cato Major, ch. 24. ----, an actor, iii. Alexander, chs. 10, 29. Thessaly and Thessalians, i. Theseus, chs. 28, 34; Romulus, ch. 2; Themistokles, chs. 7, 20; Camillus, ch. 19 (date of their defeat by the Boeotians); Perikles, ch. 17; Alkibiades, ch. 23; Æmilius, chs. 7, 9; Pelopidas, chs. 26, 27, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35; Aristeides, chs. 8, 10; Flamininus, chs. 5, 7, 9 (the battle of Kynoskephalæ), 10; Pyrrhus, chs. 1 (Menon), 7, 12, 14 (Kineas), 17; Sulla, chs. 11 (kingdom of Mithridates), 15, 20, 23, 27; Kimon, ch. 1 (migration into Boeotia), 8,14; Lucullus, ch. 10 (Nikonides, the engineer), 23 (Autolykus, the hero); iii. Agesilaus, ch. 16; Pompeius, ch. 66 (Pharsalia); Comparison, ch. 4; Alexander, chs. 6 (Boukephalus), 11, 24 (Thessalians at Issus), 23 (Thessalians at Arbela), 42; Cæsar, chs. 39, 41, 48 (the campaign of Pharsalia); Phokion, ch. 25 (Menon); Cato Minor, ch. 55; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 18 (Daochus); Demetrius, ch. 40; Dion, ch. 22 (Miltas); Brutus, ch. 25; Galba, ch. 1. Theste, sister of Dionysius the younger, iv. Dion, ch. 21. Thetis, shrine of, in Thessaly, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 32. Theudippus, iii. Phokion, chs. 35, 36. Thimbron, a Spartan, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 20. Thoas, an Athenian, i. Theseus, ch, 26. Thoinon, a Syracusan, ii. Pyrrhus ch. 23. Thonis, an Egyptian woman, iv. Demetrius, ch. 27. Thor, Phoenician name for a cow, ii. Sulla, ch. 17. Thoranius, lieutenant of Metellus, iii. Sertorius, ch. 12. Thorax of Larissa, iv. Demetrius, ch. 29. ----, a Spartan, ii. Lysander, chs. 9, 19. Thrace and Thracians, i. Theseus, ch. 16 (Bottiæans); Romulus, ch. 17 (Rhymnitalkes); Themistokles, ch. 1 (his mother a Thracian); Perikles, chs. 11, 17, 19; Alkibiades, chs. 23, 30, 36, 37; Æmilius, chs. 15, 16, 18 (Thracian soldiers), 32 (Thracian shields); ii. Cato Major, ch. 12; Flamininus, ch. 12; Pyrrhus, ch. 11; Lysander, chs. 16, 20; Sulla chs. 11 (kingdom of Mithridates), 15; Kimon, chs. 4 (his Thracian blood), 7, 14; Lucullus, ch. 28 (Thracian horse); iii. Nikias, ch. 6; Crassus, chs. 8, 9, 11 (the servile war); Eumenes, ch. 7; Agesilaus, ch. 16; Alexander, ch. 2 (bacchantes), 12, 72 (Mount Athos); Phokion, ch. 28; Cato Minor, ch. 11 (his brother's death); iv. Demosthenes, chs. 29, 30; Demetrius, chs. 39 (Dromichætes), 44, 52 (Dromichætes); Antonius, chs. 61, 63. Thrakia, a village near Kyzikus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 9. Thrasea, L. Thrasea Pætus, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 25. Thrason, i. Alkibiades, ch. 36. Thrasybulus, the son of Thrason, i. Alkibiades, ch. 36. ----, of Steiria, who drove out the "Thirty," i. Alkibiades, chs. 1, 26; ii. Pelopidas, chs. 7, 13; Lysander, chs. 27, 28; iv. Aratus, ch. 16. Thrasydæus, envoy of Philip of Macedon, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 18. Thrasyllus, an Athenian, i. Alkibiades, ch. 29. Thrasymenus, Lake, i. Fabius, ch. 3. Thriasian gate, called the "Double Gate," i. Perikles, ch. 30. ----, plain, i. Themistokles, ch. 15; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 8; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 24; iv. Aratus, ch. 33. Thucydides, son of Melesias, i. Perikles, chs. 6, 8, 11, 14, 16; Comparison, ch. 3; iii. Nikias, chs. 2, 11; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 13. ----, son of Olorus, the historian, i. Lykurgus, ch. 27; Themistokles, chs. 25, 27; Perikles, chs. 9, 15, 16, 28, 34; Fabius, ch. 1; Alkibiades, chs. 6, 11, 13, 20; Comparison, ch. 2; ii. Aristeides, ch. 24; Cato Major, ch. 2; Kimon, ch. 4; iii. Nikias, chs. 1, 4, 19, 20, 28; Agesilaus, ch. 33; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 6. Thurii, in Italy, i. Perikles, ch. 11; Alkibiades, chs. 22, 23; Timoleon, chs. 16, 19; iii. Nikias, ch. 5; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 28. Thurium, in Boeotia, ii. Sulla, ch. 17. Thuro, mother of Chæron, the founder of Chæronea, ii. Sulla, ch. 17. Thyatira, in Lydia, ii. Sulla, ch. 25. Thyestes, iv. Cicero, ch. 5. Thymaitadæ, Attic township, i. Theseus, ch. 19. Thyrea, in Argolis, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 32; iii. Nikias, ch. 6. Thyrsus, freedman of Augustus, iv. Antonius, ch. 73. Tibareni, in Pontus, ii. Lucullus, chs. 14, 19. Tiber, the river, i. Romulus, ch. 1; compare ch. 3; Camillus, ch. 18; Fabius, ch. 1; Æmilius, ch. 30; iii. Cæsar, ch. 58; iv. Otho, ch. 4; compare i. Poplicola, ch. 19; iii. Cato Minor, ch. 39. The island in the Tiber, iv. Otho, ch. 4. Tiberius's house, iv. Galba, ch. 24. Tiberius and Titus, sons of Lucius Brutus, i. Poplicola, ch. 6. Tidius Sextus, iii. Pompeius, ch. 64. Tifata, in text Hephæus, mountain in Campania, ii. Sulla, ch. 27. Tigellinus, Nero's favourite, iv. Galba, chs. 2, 8, 13, 17, 19, 23, 29; Otho, ch. 2. Tigranes II., king of Armenia, i. Camillus, ch. 19; ii. Sulla, ch. 27; Lucullus, chs. 9, 14, 19, 21-23, 25, 26, 28-36; Comparison, ch. 3; iii. Crassus, chs. 16, 26; Pompeius, chs. 28, 30, 32, 33, 36, 45, 67; Comparison, ch. 3. ----, III., king of Armenia, iii. Pompeius, chs. 33, 45, 48. Tigranocerta, in Armenia, ii. Lucullus, chs. 25, 26, 27, 29, 36; Comparison, ch. 3. Tigris, river in Asia, ii. Lucullus, chs. 22, 24; Comparison, ch. 3. Tigurini, Helvetian tribe, iii. Cæsar, ch. 18. Tillius Cimber, iii. Cæsar, ch. 66; iv. Brutus, chs. 17, 19. Tilphussa, a mountain and spring in Boeotia, ii. Lysander, ch. 28; Sulla, ch. 20. Timæa, wife of Agis, i. Alkibiades, ch. 23; ii. Lysander, ch. 22; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 3. Timæus, a friend of Andokides, i. Alkibiades, ch. 21. ----, the Sicilian historian, i. Lykurgus, chs. 1, 31; ii. Timoleon, chs. 4, 10, 36; Comparison, ch. 2; iii. Nikias, chs. 1, 19, 28; iv. Dion, chs. 6, 14, 31, 36. Timagenes, a historian, iii. Pompeius, ch. 49; iv. Antonius, ch. 72. Timagoras, an Athenian, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 30; iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 22. Timandra, i. Alkibiades, ch. 39. Timanthes (not the painter), iv. Aratus, chs. 12, 22. Timesileus, despot of Sinope, i. Perikles, ch. 20. Timesitheus, i. Camillus, ch. 8. Timodemus, father of Timoleon, i. Timoleon, chs. 3, 39. Timoklea, a Theban lady, iii. Alexander, ch. 12. Timokleides, a Sikyonian, iv. Aratus, ch. 2. Timokrates, an Athenian, iv. Demosthenes, ch. 15. ----, married to Dion's wife, Arete, iv. Dion, chs. 21, 26, 28. ----, envoy of Artaxerxes, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 20. Timokreon of Rhodes, the poet, i. Themistokles, ch. 21. Timolaus, a Spartan, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 15. Timoleon, i. Life and Comparison with Æmilius Paulus; Camillus, ch. 19; iv. Dion, ch. 58. Timon, the misanthrope, i. Alkibiades, ch. 16; iv. Antonius, chs. 69, 70, 71. ----, of Phlius, a writer, i. Numa, ch. 8; Perikles, ch. 4; iv. Dion, ch. 17. Timonassa of Argos, ii. Cato Major, ch. 24. Timonides of Leukas, Dion's friend, iv. Dion, chs. 22, 30, 31, 35. Timophanes, Timoleon's brother, i. Timoleon, chs. 3, 4. Timotheus, son of Konon, i. Timoleon, ch. 36; ii. Pelopidas, ch. 2; Sulla, ch. 6; iv. Demosthenes, ch. 15. ----, a Macedonian soldier, iii. Alexander, ch. 22. ----, the poet, ii. Philopoemen, ch. 11; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 14; iv. Agis, ch. 10; Demetrius, ch. 42. Timoxenus, general of the Achæans, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 20; Aratus, chs. 38, 47. Tinge, wife of Antæus, iii. Sertorius, ch. 9. Tinnius, ii. Marius, ch. 38. Tiribazus, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 23. Tiro, Cicero's freedman, iv. Cicero, chs. 41, 49. Tisamenus of Elis, ii. Aristeides, ch. 11. Tisander, i. Perikles, ch. 36. Tisias, an Athenian, i. Alkibiaides, ch. 12. Tisiphonus, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 35. Tissaphernes, Persian Satrap, i. Alkibiades, chs. 23-28; Comparison, ch. 2; ii. Lysander, ch. 4; iii. Agesilaus, chs. 9, 10; iv. Artaxerxes, chs. 3, 4, 6, 18, 20, 23. Tithora, in Phokis, ii. Sulla, ch. 15. Tithraustes, a Persian, ii. Kimon, ch. 12. ----, a Persian, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 10. Titianus, iv. Otho, chs. 7, 8, 13. Titienses, Roman tribe, i. Romulus, ch. 20. Titillius. _See_ Stertinius. Titinius, a friend of Cassius, iv. Brutus, ch. 43. Titius, a quæstor, iv. Antoninus, ch. 42; a consular, iv. Antonius, ch. 58. ----, Quintus, ii. Sulla, ch. 17. Titus of Kroton, iv. Cicero, chs. 18, 19. Titurius Sabinus, Q., with Cæsar in Gaul, iii. Cæsar, ch. 24. Tityos, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 16. Toleria, in Latium, i. Coriolanus, ch. 28. Tolmæas, i. Perikles, ch. 18. Tolmides, an Athenian general, i. Perikles, chs. 16, 18; Comparison, chs. 1, 3; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 19. Tolumnius, king of the Etruscans, i. Romulus, ch. 16; ii. Marcellus, ch. 8. Torquatus, the name, ii. Marius, ch. 1. ----, serving under Sulla, ii. Sulla, ch. 29. ----, Manlius, i. Fabius, ch. 9. Torune, in Epirus, iv. Antonius, ch. 62. Trachis, in Thessaly, i. Theseus, ch. 30. Tragia, or Goat's island, near Samos, i. Perikles, ch. 25. Tragiskus, a Cretan, iv. Aratus, ch. 29. Tralles, a town in Lydia, iii. Crassus, ch. 33; Agesilaus, ch. 16; Cæsar, ch. 47. Trapezus, in Pontus, iii. Eumenes, ch. 3. Trebatius, friend of Cæsar, iii. Cicero, ch. 37. Trebellius, tribune with Dolabella, iv. Antonius, ch. 9. Trebia, river in Italy, i. Fabius, chs. 2, 3. Trebonianus, iv. Galba, ch. 15. Trebonius, Caius, conspirator with Brutus, iii. Pompeius, ch. 52; Cato Minor, ch. 43; iv. Antonius, ch. 13; Brutus, chs. 17, 19. ----, ii. Marius, ch. 14. Triarius, lieutenant of Lucullus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 35; iii. Pompeius, ch. 39. Triballi, a Thracian tribe, iii. Alexander, ch. 11. Triopian Cape, ii. Kimon, ch. 12. Tripylus, iv. Aratus, ch. 41. Tritæa, in Achæa, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 16; Aratus, ch. 11. Tritymallus, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 19. Troas, mother of Æakides, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 1. ----, daughter of Æakides, _ibidem_. Troad, the, ii. Sulla, ch. 24; Lucullus, chs. 3, 12. The game called Ludus Trojanus, iii. Cato Minor, ch. 3. _See_ Troy. Troezen, town of Argolis, i. Theseus, chs. 3, 6, 19, 29, 34, 36; Comparison, chs. 1, 6; Themistokles, ch. 10; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 19; Demosthenes, ch. 26; Aratus, chs. 1, 24. Troglodytes, in Æthiopia, iv. Antonius, ch. 27. Trophonius, ii. Aristeides, ch. 19; Sulla, ch. 17. Troy and Trojans, i. Theseus, ch. 34; Romulus, chs. 1, 2, 3; Comparison, ch. 6; Solon, ch. 4; Camillus, chs. 19 (date of the taking of Troy), 20 (the Palladium); ii. Kimon, ch. 7, (verses); Lucullus, chs. 10, 12 (Ilium); iii. Nikias, ch. 1; Sertorius, ch. 1; Alexander, ch. 15; iv. Antonius, ch. 6; Dion, ch. 1. Tubero, Ælius, a son-in-law of Æmilius, i. Æmilius, chs. 5, 27, 28. ----, the Stoic, son of preceding, ii. Lucullus, ch. 39. Tubertus, Postumius, i. Poplicola, ch. 20. ----, Postumius, i. Camillus, ch. 2. Tudertia, town in Umbria, iii. Crassus, ch. 6. Tuditanus, a writer, ii. Flamininus, ch. 14. Tullia, Cicero's daughter, iv. Cicero, ch. 41. Tullius, iv. Cicero, ch. 1. Tullus Attius, leader of the Volscians, iv. Cicero, ch. 1; called Tullus Aufidius, i. Coriolanus, ch. 22, and after. ----, L. Volcatius, consul B.C. 66, iii. Pompeius, ch. 60. ----, a friend of Cicero, iv. Cicero, ch. 29. ----, Hostilius, king of Rome, i. Romulus, ch. 18; Numa, chs. 21, 22; Coriolanus, ch. 1. Turpilianus, Petronius, iv. Galba, chs. 15, 17. Tunnondas, i. Solon, ch. 14. Turpillius, friend and officer of Metellus, ii. Marius, ch. 8. Tuscans and Tuscany. _See_ Etruria and Etruscans. Tusculum, a town of Latium, i. Camillus, ch. 38; ii. Cato Major, ch. 1; Lucullus, chs. 39, 43; iii. Pompeius, ch. 57; Cæsar, ch. 41; iv. Cicero, chs. 40, 47. Tutola, or Tutula, i. Romulus, ch. 29; Camillus, ch. 33. Tyche, in Syracuse, ii. Marcellus, ch. 18. Tydeus, an Athenian, i. Alkibiades, chs. 36, 37; ii. Lysander, ch. 10. Tyndareus, i. Theseus, chs. 31, 32. Typhon, ii. Pelopidas, ch. 21; iv. Antonius, ch. 3. Tyrannio, a grammarian, ii. Sulla, ch. 26; Lucullus, ch. 19. Tyre, in Phoenicia, iii. Alexander, chs. 24, 25; iv. Demetrius, ch. 32. Tyrrhenia. _See_ Etruria. Tyrtæus, i. Lykurgus, ch. 6; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 2. Uliades of Samos, ii. Aristeides, ch. 23. _See_ Ouliades. Ulysses, Ulixes, or, in Greek, Odysseus, i. Romulus, ch. 1; Solon, ch. 30; Alkibiades, ch. 21; Coriolanus, ch. 22; ii. Marcellus, ch. 20; Cato Major, ch. 9; Marius, ch. 11; Lysander, ch. 20; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 5. Umbri, iii. Crassus, ch. 6. Umbricius, iv. Galba, ch. 24. Usipes, or Usipetes, iii. Cæsar, ch. 22. Utica, ii. Marius, ch. 8; iii. Pompeius, chs. 11, 13; Cæsar, ch. 54; Cato Minor, chs. 58-72. Vaccæi, a people of Spain, iii. Sertorius, ch. 21. Vaga, in Numidia, ii. Marius, ch. 8. Vagises, iii. Crassus, ch. 18. Valens. _See_ Fabius. Valentia, in Spain, iii. Pompeius, ch. 18. Valeria, sister of Poplicola, i. Coriolanus, ch. 33. ----, daughter of Poplicola, i. Poplicola, chs. 18, 19. ----, daughter of Messala, married to Sulla, ii. Sulla, chs. 35, 36, 37. Valerius, family name, i. Comparison of Solon and Poplicola, ch. 1. ----, of Antium, i. Romulus, ch. 14; Numa, ch. 22; ii. Flamininus, ch. 18. Valerius Corvinus, six times consul, ii. Marius, ch. 28. ----, Flaccus, consul and censor, ii. Cato Major, chs. 3, 10, 16, 17. ----, Flaccus, consul B.C. 100, ii Marius, ch. 28; Sulla, chs. 12, 20, 23; Lucullus, chs. 7, 34. ----, Leo, iii. Cæsar, ch. 17. ----, Maximus, Marcus, brother of Poplicola, i. Poplicola, chs. 5, 20; Coriolanus, ch. 5; iii. Pompeius, ch. 13. ----, Maximus, a historian, ii Marcellus, ch. 34 ?; iv. Brutus, ch. 53. ----, Messala Corvinus. _See_ Messala ----, Potitus, i. Camillus, ch. 4. ----, Quintus, put to death by Pompeius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 10. ----, a legendary hero, i. Poplicola ch. 1. Vargunteius, iii. Crassus, ch. 28. Varinus, Publius. _See_ Barinus. Varius, called Cotylon, iv. Antonius ch. 18. Varro, Terentius, consul B.C. 216, i. Fabius, chs. 14, 15, 16, 18. ----, Terentius, the writer, i. Romulus, chs. 12, 16; iii. Cæsar, ch. 36. ----, Cingonius, iv. Galba, ch. 14. Varus, Alfenus, iv. Otho, ch. 12. ----, Attius, iii. Cato Minor, chs, 56, 57, 67. Vatinius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 52; Cato Minor, ch. 42; iv. Cicero, chs. 9, 26; Brutus, ch. 25. Veii, town in Etruria, and Veientes, Veientines, or Veientani, i. Romulus, chs. 25, 27; Poplicola, ch. 13; Camillus, chs. 2-5, 7, 11, 17, 18, 24, 31. Velabrum, at Rome, i. Romulus, ch. 5. Velesius, i. Numa, ch. 5. Velia, part of the Palatine hill at Rome, i. Poplicola, chs. 10, 23. ----, or Elea, in Lucania, i. Perikles, ch. 4; Timoleon, ch. 35; iv. Brutus, ch. 23. Velitræ, in Latium, i. Camillus, ch. 42; Coriolanus, chs. 12, 13. Vellutus, Sicinius, i. Coriolanus, chs. 7, 13, 18. Ventidius, two brothers of the name, iii. Pompeius, ch. 6. ----, Bassus, P., consul suffectus B.C. 43, iv. Antonius, chs. 33, 34. Vento, Perpenna, iii. Sertorius, chs. 15, 26, 27; Pompeius, chs. 10, 18, 20. Venusia, in Apulia, i. Fabius, ch. 16; ii. Marcellus, ch. 29. Verania, wife of Piso, iv. Galba, ch. 28. Vercellæ, in Gaul, ii. Marius, ch. 25. Verenia, one of the first vestals, i. Numa, ch. 10. Vergentorix, king of the Gauls, iii. Cæsar, chs. 25-27. Vergilio, Atilius, iv. Galba, ch. 26. Verginius, C., prætor in Sicily, iv. Cicero, ch. 32. Verres, prætor of Sicily, iv. Cicero, chs. 7, 8. Verrucosus, nickname of Fabius, i. Fabius, ch. 1. Vespasianus, the emperor, i. Poplicola, ch. 15; iv. Otho, chs. 4, 5. Vettius, Spurius, interrex, i. Numa, ch. 7. ----, C. Veturius, defended by C. Gracchus, iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 1. ----, ii. Lucullus, ch. 42. Veturius, Caius, sentenced to death, iv. C. Gracchus, ch. 3. ----, Publius, one of the first quæstors, i. Poplicola, ch. 12. ----, Mamurius, i. Numa, ch. 13. ----, an _optio_, iv. Galba, ch. 24. Vetus, Antistius, iii. Cæsar. ch. 5. Vibius Pacianus, iii. Crassus, chs. 4, 5. ----, a Sicilian, iv. Cicero, ch. 32. Vibo, in Lucania, iv. Cicero, ch. 32. Vica Pota, i. Poplicola, ch. 10. Villius, Caius, iv. Tib. Gracchus, ch. 20. ----, Tappulus, Publius, ii. Flamininus, ch. 12. Vindicius, a slave, i. Poplicola, chs. 4-7. Vindius, iii. Pompeius, ch. 6. Vindex, commanding in Gaul, iv. Galba, chs. 4-6, 10, 18, 22, 29. Vinius, Titus, Galba's favourite, iv. Galba, chs. 4, 7, and after to the end. Virgilia, wife of Coriolanus, i. Coriolanus, chs. 33-35. Virginius, a tribune of the people, ii. Sulla, ch. 10. Virginius Rufus, commanding in Germany, iv. Galba, chs. 6, 10, 18, 22; Otho, chs. 1, 18. Viridomarus. _See_ Britomartus. Vitellii, i. Poplicola, ch. 3. Vitellius, the emperor, i. Poplicola, ch. 15; iv. Galba, chs. 22, 23, 27; Otho, ch. 4, and after throughout. ----, Lucius, iv. Otho, ch. 4. Voconius, lieutenant of Lucullus, ii. Lucullus, ch. 13. ----, father of three daughters, iv. Cicero, ch. 27. Volsci, or Volscians, i. Camillus, chs. 2, 17, 33-35; Coriolanus, chs. 8, 9, 12, 13, 21, and after; Comparison, chs. 1, 3; iv. Cicero, ch. 1. Volumnia, mother of Coriolanus, i. Coriolanus, chs. 4, 33-36. Volumnius, Publius, a philosopher, friend of Brutus, iv. Brutus, chs. 51, 52. ----, a mime, iv. Brutus, ch. 45. Vopiscus, a surname, i. Coriolanus, ch. 11. Vulturnus, or Lothronus, river in Campania, i. Fabius, ch. 6. Xanthippides, ii. Aristeides, ch. 5. Xanthippus, father of Perikles, i. Themistokles, chs. 10, 21; Perikles, ch. 3; Alkibiades, ch. 1; ii. Aristeides, ch. 10; Cato Major, ch. 5. ----, son of Perikles, i. Perikles, chs. 24, 36. Xanthus and Xanthians, iii. Alexander, ch. 17; iv. Brutus, chs. 2, 30, 31. Xenagoras, son of Eumelus, i. Æmilius, ch. 15. Xenarchus, a writer, iii. Nikias, ch. 1. Xenares, iv. Kleomenes, ch. 3. Xenokles of Adramyttium, iv. Cicero, ch. 4. ----, of Cholargos, i. Perikles, ch. 13. ----, an exile of Sikyon, iv. Aratus, ch. 5. ----, a Spartan, iii. Agesilaus, ch. 16. Xenokrates, an Academic philosopher, ii. Flamininus, ch. 12; Marius, ch. 2; Comparison of Kimon and Lucullus, ch. 1; iii. Alexander, ch. 8; Phokion, chs. 4, 27, 29. Xenodochus of Kardia, iii. Alexander, ch. 51. Xenophantus, iv. Demetrius, ch. 53. Xenophilus, ii. Aristeides, ch. 1. ----, a captain of robbers, iv. Aratus, ch. 6. Xenophon, commanding in Chalkidike, iii. Nikias, ch. 6. ----, the writer, i. Lykurgus, ch. 1; Alkibiades, ch. 32; ii. Marcellus, ch. 21; Comparison, ch. 3; Lysander, ch. 15; Agesilaus, chs. 9, 19, 20, 34; Comparison, ch. 2; iv. Antonius, ch. 45; Artaxerxes, chs. 4, 8, 9, 13. Xerxes, i. Themistokles, chs. 4, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 20, 27; ii. Aristeides, chs. 8, 10; Comparison, ch. 5; Sulla, ch. 15; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 16; Alexander, chs. 37, 38; Artaxerxes, chs. 1, 2; Xerxes in a toga, ii. Lucullus, ch. 39. Xuthus, a flute-player, iv. Antonius, ch. 24. Xypete, Attic township, i. Perikles, ch. 13. Zaleukus, i. Numa, ch. 4. Zakynthus, ii. Flamininus, ch. 17; iii. Nikias, ch. 23; iv. Dion, chs. 22, 23, 57; Artaxerxes, ch. 13. Zarbienus, ii. Lucullus, chs. 21, 29. Zaretra, iii. Phokion, ch. 13. Zela, iii. Cæsar, ch. 50. Zelea, i. Themistokles, ch. 6. Zeno of Kitium, i. Lykurgus, ch. 31; iii. Phokion, ch. 5; iv. Kleomenes, ch. 2; Aratus, ch. 23. ----, a Cretan, iv. Artaxerxes, ch. 21. ----, Eleatic philosopher, i. Perikles, chs. 4, 5. Zenodotia, iii. Crassus, ch. 17. Zenodotus, i. Romulus, ch. 14. Zeugma, iii. Crassus, ch. 19, 27. Zeuxidamus, ii. Kimon, ch. 16; iii. Agesilaus, ch. 1. Zeuxis, i. Perikles, ch. 13. Zoilus, iv. Demetrius, ch. 21. Zopyrus, tutor of Alkibiades, i. Lykurgus, ch. 15; Alkibiades, ch. 1. ----, a Macedonian, ii. Pyrrhus, ch. 34. Zoroaster, i. Numa, ch. 4. Zosime, iii. Pompeius, ch. 45. THE END. LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.